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In search of the Black superintendent

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In search of the Black superintendent

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Content In Search of the Black Superintendent
by
Jerome Ronnell Rucker
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2022
© Copyright by Jerome Ronnell Rucker 2022
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Jerome Ronnell Rucker certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Danielle Wilson-Lendor
Cathy Krop
David Cash, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022
Abstract
This dissertation researches the barriers encountered and resiliency learned for Black
administrators on their path to becoming superintendents in California. Using critical race theory
as the lens of the conceptual framework, this research used a qualitative method. The research
questions inquired about how the barriers of mentorship, career pathways, and anti-Blackness
affected their career trajectories. The study used interviews with Black California
superintendents. This research shed light on how the barriers impacted the journey to the seat of
superintendent. The paper concludes with evidence-based recommendations to reduce barriers.
Keywords: Black, Critical Race Theory, Culturally Responsive, Intersectionality,
Leadership, Mentor, Superintendent
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Dedication
To my loving wife Lori, I could not have achieved this without your love, sacrifice, and support.
You are the air I breathe. Let’s continue to dream and live this beautiful life that God has blessed
us with.
To Grace, Glori, and Hope, thank you for letting Daddy go after his dream. This is for you three.
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Acknowledgments
To my committee chair, Dr. David Cash, and committee members, Dr. Cathy Krop and
Dr. Danielle Wilson-Lendor, thank you for your guidance, inspiration, and motivation. Dr. Cash,
your words, energy, and belief in me has been everything. Dr. Wilson-Lendor, I would not be
where I am now without your encouragement to apply for this USC program, I am forever
thankful.
A special thank you to, Dr. Camille Johnson, you have blessed me in every way. Thank
you for believing in me and never letting go. Stacey Wilkins, you are my Kobe Bryant. You are
the model and standard of what educational leadership is. Thank you for your mentorship and
brotherhood. Dr. Noeveyar Lee and Dr. Temika Morris Washington, we did this together.
Knowing that my sisters were with me on this journey has made the difference, I thank you for
all of the love and prayers. To David Guerra, Shawn Sams, Muhammad Abdul-Qawi, Ron
Daniels, and Leonard Hudson, your friendship is beyond anything a person could ever ask.
Thank you all for your support and inspiration. Brittainy Sankey, thank you for always being
there for me. Your support is never forgotten or overlooked, may our friendship and family last
forever.
To Dr. Richard Moore, Dr. Henry Romero, Dr. Mat Holton, Dr. Patricia Chavez, Dr.
James Hammond, Dr. John Roach, Dr. Clara Finneran, Dr. Ramiro Rubalcava, Dr. Charles
Hinman, Dr. Laura Chism, and Dr. Darren McDuffie thank you for your support and mentorship.
Thank you to Opal Johnson and Robert Hicks for mentoring me as a young educator. Callondra
Jolly, Miesha Robinson, and John McGaha thank you for allowing me to watch your excellence
as a professional and always being open to answer questions that I have. Eric and Lori Fischer
thank you for mentoring me, encouraging me, and loving my family. I could write a book about
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how much you have poured into my life. To my Los Osos Team, thank you for allowing me to
join you as a Grizzly. Principal Eric Cypher, thank you for all of your support. You will no doubt
be a Trojan soon! To my Garey High School, Wiltsey Middle School, Carter High School, and
Victor Valley High School families thank you for all of the support over the years.
To the Avengers, the greatest cohort USC has ever seen and named by Dr. Patricia Brent
Sanco. We completed this task together. David, Shane, Ruby, Maritza, Katie, Victoria, Marie,
and Michelle thank you for every call and every inspirational text in this journey. David, thank
you for the brotherhood, your support has been priceless. Dr. Brandi Fletcher Daniels, we said
that we would do this together for our ancestors and we did. Brandi you have stood by my side
through it all, you are a blessing from God in my life. Special thanks to Diva and Michelle.
Thank you, Dr. Briana Hinga and Dr. Marsha Riggio. The USC experience became alive
because I was able to learn from you both. Dr. Hinga, you ignited a belief in me that we must
continue to explore the possibilities in life and education. Your love for people and hope for
better is one of a kind, thank you. Dr. Riggio, you opened doors for me that I could only hope to
walk through in my wildest dreams. Your care for me as a student and human meant so much in
this program.
A sincere thank you to my expert panel who reviewed my research instrument and
provided valuable feedback that made my study richer, deeper, and more meaningful. Thank you
to the University of Southern California’s professors and graduate services staff that helped me
reach my goal. I am indebted to your support and guidance to completion.
With sincere gratitude, I would like to thank the six Black superintendents who agreed to
participate in this study. I appreciate your openness and willingness to share your personal and
professional experiences.
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To my UAPB brothers who sparked my thinking years ago in college. Vincent Topps you
will never know how much your leadership, poise, and intelligence has impacted me. Theodis
Taylor, thank you for keeping on track, being my brother, and daring me to dream. Kamanti
Bean, thank you for your friendship, free spirit, and courageous conversations with me. Anthony
Darough and Anthony Brown you are both good men that I love and appreciate.
Final acknowledgement, to my family. I hope Mom and Dad are proud in heaven.
Mabellean Rucker and Hubert Rucker Sr. planted the seeds of any success we have had. Hubert
Jr., Joyce, and Jackie thank you for raising me, teaching me, and loving me. You guys are my
heroes, I have tried to emulate you three the best that I could. Cora, thank you for being my sister
and friend, I am so happy you are here in California. Debra, I know you are smiling down in
heaven. You always made me feel like I could do anything. Casey, Robbyn, Mom Mattie
Johnson, and Quincy thank you for your prayers, support, and love. Breshaun and Breanna,
Uncle Jerome is so proud of you and knows that we would have never made it through this
program without your nonstop support with the kids. To La Shunda, Brittney, and Brandon thank
you for the support and love throughout this program.
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Table of Contents
Abstract iv
Dedication v
Acknowledgments vi
List of Tables xi
List of Figures xii
Chapter One: Dissertation Overview 1
Background of the Problem 1
Statement of the Problem 2
Purpose of the Study 3
Significance of the Study 4
Limitation and Delimitations 5
Definition of Terms 5
Organization of the Study 6
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature 8
Critical Race Theory 8
Mentorship for Superintendents 10
Career Pathways of Black Superintendents 13
Barriers that Black Superintendents Face with Anti-Blackness 16
The Impact of Black Leadership in Schools 18
The Critical Race Theory Framework 19
Conclusion 21
Chapter Three: Methodology 22
Selection of the Population 23
Design Summary 24
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Conceptual Framework 27
Data Collection 28
Data Analysis 28
Validity and Reliability 29
Summary 29
Chapter Four: Findings 30
Participants 30
Data Collection 31
Results 31
Summary 53
Chapter Five: Discussion 55
Background of the Problem 55
Purpose of the Study 56
Findings 57
Implications for Practice 67
References 71
Appendix A: Interview Questions 76
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List of Tables
Table 1: Participants’ Information 31
Table 2: Barriers Participants Experienced 34
Table 3: Participants’ Prior Leadership Roles 41
Table 4: Participants’ Motivating Factors on Their Career Path 42
Table 5: Suggested District Supports for Black Superintendents by Importance 52
Table 6: Possible Solutions 67
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List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 20
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1
Chapter One: Dissertation Overview
The path to the superintendent seat for any aspiring educator is challenging and, at times,
political. Whom one knows might be as important as what one knows when it comes to
becoming an educational leader. For many educators who aspire to become superintendents, the
assets of experience, skills, professional connections, and vision are the predominant criteria. For
Black educators who aspire to become superintendents, the primary concern is constructed
around race. The color of the superintendent's seat in most school districts across the United
States is overwhelmingly White. According to AASA (2022), nationally, only 2% of all
superintendents identify as Black. In California, where there is considerably more diversity than
most states, still, only 4% of superintendents are Black. These numbers show a significant need
for diversity among superintendents.
This study focused on the barriers Black superintendents face on their path to becoming
superintendents. The research asked current Black superintendents how mentoring, career
pathways, and anti-Blackness impacted their professional appointment. The purpose will be to
learn how the barriers impacted the superintendents on their journey to the position. This work is
critical as it is believed more research is needed to address positionality as it impacts school
leadership employment.
Background of the Problem
Historically, the relationship between the public school system and Black people has been
tenuous at best. From a historical standpoint, the concept of American schooling is rooted in
segregation, economics, and slavery. The largest step toward change for enslaved Blacks
happened in 1865. Miah (2016) stated, “Formally abolishing slavery in the United States, the
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13th Amendment was passed by the Congress on January 31, 1865, and ratified by the states on
December 6, 1865” (p. 1).
Although Black people acquired a legal right to education in 1896 (Plessy v. Ferguson,
1896), access to a good education has taken time to develop. The mental aftershock of slavery
did not disappear from public schools when Black students entered them. Finding a new way for
Black people to view themselves as free and have society see Black children as viable candidates
for education is still a fight today. Even with its best intentions, the public school system often
references Black students with deficit-minded frameworks impacting how they are viewed.
Reframing society’s perception of Black people as educators, thinkers, and leaders has
been a challenge in many professional fields. The concept of anti-Blackness, the fear of Black
people in leadership positions, and an ongoing stereotypical narrative of aggression regarding
Black people are among the factors that contribute to how Black educators are viewed. Even
though legally Black educators have had opportunities, barriers have persisted. The historical and
present relationship that school systems have with Blacks impacts hiring and the opportunities
for aspiring Black superintendents.
Statement of the Problem
In California, only 4% of all superintendents are Black, and 7% are Latinx (California
Department of Education [CDE], 2021). These two numbers indicate a disconnect between
education and diversity. A multi-ethnic lens of leadership is important for student and
community voice. The racial disparity permeates all levels of education. The National Center for
Education Statistics (NCES, 2018) reported that during the 2015–2016 school year, there were an
estimated 3,827,100 public school teachers in the United States. Slightly more than 80% of
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teachers were White, while less than half of the students were White. One might conclude there
is a need for Black superintendents in school districts.
Some may wonder if having a Black teacher matters to Black students. Duncan stated
that researchers found Black teachers to be essential to the academic achievement and well-being
of Black students, as Black students perform better academically (Dee, 2005; Gershenson et al.,
2018) and are more likely to graduate high school and attend college (Gershenson et al., 2017)
when they have Black teachers (Duncan, 2020). These findings show the need for schools to
have diversity, particularly with students of color.
The higher up in the educational ladder of leadership, the fewer Black educators there
are. Per Brown (2014), “In these United States, persons of color represent 10.9% of the nation’s
teachers, 12.3% of the nation’s principals, but only 2.2% of the nation’s superintendents. Women
and persons of color, nevertheless, go largely underrepresented as superintendents” (p. 575). This
dilemma of the low number of Black superintendents sends a message to Black educators that
they are either not welcome or not qualified for educational leadership.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to look at the barriers encountered and resiliency learned
for Black administrators on their path to becoming superintendents in California. I interviewed
current Black superintendents to better understand their experiences using critical race theory
(CRT) as a theoretical framework. Bell (2013) stated that CRT acknowledges “that racism is an
invisible norm and White culture and (privilege) is the standard by which other races are
measured.” The barriers participants faced were examined to better understand the narratives
they faced. The findings from this research will help to increase the number of Black
superintendents. This dissertation used a qualitative approach to interview six Black
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superintendents. The criteria for participation were that individuals had to serve as
superintendents in the state and identify as Black.
The interview subjects were asked open-ended questions. The research questions were
designed to provide insight into the interviewee’s experiences and challenges on their path to the
superintendent’s seat. Through the lens of CRT, the research questions explored the impact of
mentorship, career pathways, and anti-Blackness. Four research questions guided the study:
1. What are the barriers to becoming a school district superintendent that Black
superintendents identify?
2. What career pathways did Black superintendents use to become superintendents?
3. What forms of mentorship did Black superintendents have that were specific to
becoming a superintendent?
4. What recommendations do current Black superintendents have for Black educators
aspiring to become superintendents?
The outcomes of this research were proposed evidence-based recommendations to decrease
barriers to the superintendency.
Significance of the Study
The significance of this study lies in providing a better understanding of the intersection
of education, race, and leadership on the path to the superintendency. The study sought to
understand participants’ experiences and barriers. The data were used to add to ongoing research
regarding the need for diversity in superintendent positions. School districts must consider
mentorship, career pathways, and cultural fluency in developing leaders and executive leadership
hires. More research in this area and the evolution of an employment matrix would benefit
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aspiring educational leaders of color who must navigate CRT and organizational cultures that
predominantly embrace whiteness.
Limitation and Delimitations
The limitations of this study are time, the sample size, and COVID-19 restrictions. Time
was a limitation in this study in that the research needed to be conducted in one school semester
to satisfy dissertation requirements. The sample size was a limitation because six Black
superintendents were interviewed, understanding that there are many more who may have a
different perspective. COVID-19 is currently a global pandemic that impacts the ability to
conduct interviews in person. This study was delimited by the following factors:
● Participants were Black.
● Participants were current superintendents.
● Participants led public school districts in California.
● The research questions and qualitative research design.
Definition of Terms
The following terms are operational definitions to help the reader understand the
terminology used throughout this study.
● Black: An ethnic group of U.S.-born citizens who have origins in the Black racial
groups of Africa (Beale, 2010).
● Critical Race Theory: A framework used to examine and challenge the ways race and
racism implicitly and explicitly shape social structures, practices, and discourses
(Clintron, 2010, p. 14).
● Culturally Responsive: Using the cultural knowledge, prior experiences, frames of
reference, and performance styles of ethnically diverse students to make learning
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encounters more relevant to and effective for them (Aronson & Laughter, 2016, p.
165).
● Intersectionality: To seek to explain, critique, and transform relationships of
difference within and across one or more levels or social spheres, taking into account
the workings of power through fluid, context-specific, co-constructed identity
changes (Grant & Zwier, 2014, p. 11).
● Leadership: A person’s influence on a group of people with common goals
(Northouse, 2016).
● Mentor: An individual with more experience providing support and feedback
(Robinson & Reio, 2011).
● Superintendent: As evidenced by the evolution of role conceptualizations, the
demands of the superintendency have become increasingly complex. In many
communities, a superintendent is responsible for the largest local transportation
program, food service program, and public facility program. At the same time, he or
she must possess substantial knowledge pertaining to pedagogy, psychology,
assessment, planning, and school improvement. (Kowalski, 2013, p. 15)
Organization of the Study
This qualitative study focused on the barriers that Black superintendents in California
faced in their career trajectories. The first chapter included the statement of the problem, an
introduction to the study and its theoretical framework, purpose, significance, research questions,
delimitations, and definitions of terms. Chapter Two includes a review of the literature regarding
CRT, the experience of Black superintendents, and barriers that impact Black educational
leaders. Chapter Three provides an explanation of the methodology used to complete the study.
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This includes a description of the research used, population and sample, instrumentation,
procedures for data collection and analysis, and limitations of the study. Chapter Four presents a
summary and analysis of data based on responses to the research questions. Chapter Five
summarizes the key findings, conclusions, implications, and recommendations for further study.
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Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The problem of the low number of Black superintendents in California school districts
speaks to the need for diversity in educational leadership. It is important to study this issue
because the state’s students are now predominantly Latinx and Black. School boards must make
an effort to look at potential superintendent hires as multicultural leaders who have a real
leadership lens that understands the diverse cultures of the communities that they serve. More
Black superintendents would potentially mean more voice for BIPOC communities that have
historically have had an achievement gap in schools.
In this chapter, I will first review the present and historical impact of CRT on Black
people in education. I will then turn to mentorship for aspiring Black superintendents and how
supports affect them. Following mentorship, I will introduce literature on mentorship with Black
educators. Then, I review the literature on the barriers to career pathways and opportunities
Black educators face. Next, I will look at the literature on the anti-Black barriers that Black
educators face to research the intersection of being Black and in the superintendent seat. In
concluding the literature review, I will discuss the impact of Black leadership in schools and
complete the chapter by presenting the conceptual framework.
Critical Race Theory
When it comes to the Black experience in America, race impacts almost every interaction
in our society. In this research, CRT is the lens that will be used to give insight into the
challenges that Black superintendents face on their journey to the superintendency. In education,
CRT has been at the forefront of many of the issues schools face today in areas of equity and
student achievement. Bell states that CRT is “Acknowledging that racism is an invisible norm
and White culture and (privilege) is the standard by which other races are measured” (2013).
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This norm that Bell describes is often omnipresent and powerful in the experience of Black
educators and Black students in our schools historically. CRT and its tentacles of influence can
be seen in school district hiring practices and through the status quo culture of institutions. The
widespread effects of White supremacy in society are powerful.
Much like business or any other industry, education is based on a leadership structure.
The top-down approach seems to have a relationship with CRT. “As a theoretical lens, CRT
reveals how race and racism work to maintain hierarchies, allocate resources and distribute
power” (Douglass, 2009, p. 62). In schools, the CRT impact can be seen in several areas. For
example, schools hire predominantly White staff members, regardless of the community they
serve. Kohli (2018) stated, “CRT was applied to the field of education to describe how schools,
as institutions, functioned to affirm the racial status quo” (p. 309). This affirmation of keeping
things the same speaks to the hiring practices in education and even in critical areas like
executive-level positions in school districts. The hiring practices of any organization dictate
culture, status quo, and can send a message. It is important to understand the challenge that
Black administrators face in hiring practices that have been historically against them. Thus, the
lens of CRT is key to the research.
When it comes to school leadership, understanding who is appointed to positions of
leadership gives a real glimpse into the challenges of the low number of Black school leaders.
“This racial structure being seen as a power structure shows the potential factor for the continued
low number of African Americans in power roles in the different sectors of American education
institutions” (Osler & Webb, 2014, p. 25). When it comes to power, the most influential position
in a district is that of the superintendent. The change that a superintendent can make in a
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district’s view of all of their students and community could be life-changing. The status quo can
impact superintendent opportunities for potential Black leaders in education.
It is important for students to see their own stories and people from their backgrounds in
their learning. “In the field of social studies education curriculum, society has constructed its
version of history to maintain the social status quo by silencing the stories of Black and Brown
people” (McDonald, 2021, p. 98). For example, social studies textbooks often misrepresent,
minimize or simplify the impact of Black and Brown people in history (McDonald, 2021). To
ignore race and not address the cultural environment that helps students thrive is not sufficient.
“Lastly, in order to improve the educational experience and outcomes of Black and Brown
students, race must be considered” (McDonald, 2021, p. 98). This premise further supports the
need for Black representation in education at the highest level.
Mentorship for Superintendents
The path to the superintendent seat is varied and often integral in developing skills and
relationships needed in the role. In this section, I will discuss mentorship and how it impacts the
journey of Black California superintendents. This is important to gain insight into how support
through mentorship and professional peers can impact potential leaders’ career prospects. I will
discuss what mentorship is and how it works.
According to the California Association of African American Superintendents and
Administrators (CAAASA), there are currently 40 Black superintendents in the state, which
houses 1,025 school districts. To put the data in a mathematical perspective, roughly 4% of
superintendents identify as Black, while 5.3% of the student population is Black, and only 3.5%
of the teacher force is Black (CDE, 2022). Representation matters for all to be exposed to other
cultures. These numbers demonstrate a need for more Black superintendents to lead with
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understanding toward students of color. Kamler (2006) shared, “the old boys’ network, a
well-documented informal constellation of prominent White males has been credited or
perpetuating like members into positions of power and influence” (p. 4). The need for more
Black superintendents in California derives from Black representation's impact on all students.
“The need for racially and ethnically-conscious principal leadership remains fundamental to
improving student achievement in the nation's schools” (AASA, 2020, p. 9).
Black superintendents require mentorship because of their low number, the status quo,
and racial issues they face as educational leaders. Parylo (2012) stated, “Furthermore, mentoring
was described as the most effective, most powerful professional development for leaders” (p.
129). One-on-one mentorship opportunities give administrators opportunities for candid
conversation and specific question and answer opportunities. For Black administrators facing
unique challenges, the benefits of mentors are vast. Parylo et al. (2012) stated,
Mentoring also surfaced as a powerful socialization strategy of support for newly
appointed leaders. The eight novice principals in the study acknowledged the importance
of the formal and informal mentoring they received on assuming the principalship in
helping them to be successful leaders. (p. 128)
Mentorship is about supporting and understanding how to navigate the social and political world
of educational leadership, which prospective superintendents need. Another aspect of mentorship
is the factor of mentorship coming from someone in one’s own culture:
We need a support base amongst ourselves. We need to support each other and help each
other. That’s all there is to it. I don’t care how many programs you go through or
whatever you still got to have that network and support base and there again that’s why I
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made a point to block out this time this morning because I feel like I have got to support
you. (Brown, 2014, p. 583).
The scarcity of Black school superintendents in California could derive from a multitude
of factors. In most cases, to become a school superintendent, one first must have experience as a
school site leader. There is a need for more money for higher salaries for administrators. When
industries show a commitment to higher pay, more candidates will be motivated to enter the
field. Not having the money for recruitment is a deficit in hiring Black leaders in education. The
financial incentives and financial allure to enter educational administration could play a role in
the recruitment of Black administrators. It appears there is a need to address economics when it
comes to recruiting Black school leaders into administration and, ultimately, the executive-level
role of the superintendent. The hope is that more Black educators will be recruited into
administration because their presence can mean so much as leaders. “The research is clear and
consistent that school principals are second only to teachers in impacting student achievement”
(AASA, 2020, p. 9).
The importance of schools recruiting more leaders of color with cultural understanding is
critical. Many Black superintendent candidates have to be their own recruiter and mentor to
move forward in leadership. “Self-recruitment and self-retention in the superintendency are
about African American women making a way for themselves in a male-dominated position”
(Brown, 2014, p. 583). Being hired is based on whom one knows or how large, influential, and
diverse one’s network is. Superintendent positions can also be filled by search firms that place
candidates before the school board. The board interviews the candidates and selects the next
superintendent. Brown (2014) shared the keys to finding mentorship,
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You have to search websites, talk to folks, and don’t be afraid to make those connections.
If you are afraid to reach out to folks or if you are afraid to take no for an answer, if you
are afraid to be denied, and if you are afraid of being declined then this job is not for you.
(p. 584)
Finding mentorship for Black prospective superintendents can be a challenge due to the
low number of current Black superintendents in California. This factor heavily influences hiring
rates and further solidifies the status quo of superintendents being primarily White males.
According to the CDE, in 2019, approximately 60% of all administrators in California were
White, while 8% of administrators were Black. This data supports research that there is a large
equity gap in hiring.
Career Pathways of Black Superintendents
Black educators’ career pathways or professional opportunities will be discussed in this
section. As this research is rooted in CRT, the role of anti-Blackness Is also examined. The career
pathways vary based on factors such as the district's size and age, but the primary areas that
impact career pathways are gender and race. Most men’s formal pathway to the superintendent
seat is linear. The traditional pathway is to serve as a teacher, site administrator, district
administrator, and then superintendent. Davis and Bowers (2019) shared,
Positional experience and level of experience both matter as well. That is to say, in what
role (e.g., principal, director, assistant superintendents, etc.) and at what level (e.g.,
elementary, secondary, district) an aspiring superintendent has been employed, shapes
gatekeepers’ impressions of aspirant fitness. (p. 9)
More often, male superintendents served as high school principals. High schools usually
have the largest staff and student populations. School board members view the experience as a
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high school principal as an advantage. Per Tallerico (2000, as cited in Davis & Bowers, 2019),
explains, high school principalship is considered better preparation for the superintendency than
principalship in the lower grades (p. 79). These opportunities for alternate routes to the
superintendent seat, such as middle school principal or district coordinator, are more often
available to women and Black educators.
The gender differences in the career pathways of superintendents play a large part in the
skill sets ascertained in route to the position. Per Davis and Bowers (2019)
As for positions held along the way Björk et al. (2003) report that females are more likely
to bypass the principalship than males. Tallerico (2000b) reports similar findings and
suggests this is because of (a) bias in the selection of principals that ultimately disfavor
females and (b) the resultant prevalence of females who aspire to the superintendency
that end up transitioning from the classroom to district central office director and
coordinator roles. Relatedly, Björk et al. (2003) found that female superintendents
typically came from district-level curricular positions rather than as assistant/associate
superintendents of finance, facilities, and so on. (p. 10).
Data suggest that gender plays a significant role in superintendents’ career pathways.
Race can also influence superintendent selection, which is a problem for Black superintendent
candidates. Davis and Bowers explored the “hidden hoops” that Black superintendents must
encounter on their path to becoming leaders.
Career pathways can also be non-traditional. Not all superintendents start at the
classroom or school site level. Some district leaders are prepared through programs. The Broad
Academy has made a large impact in the arena of non-traditional pathways for prospective
superintendents. Per Samuels (2011),
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Billionaire businessman Eli Broad, one of the country's most active philanthropists,
founded the Broad Superintendents Academy in 2002 with an extraordinarily optimistic
goal: Find leaders from both inside and outside education, train them, and have them
occupying the superintendencies in a third of the 75 largest school districts all in just two
years. (p. 12).
Dr. Thelma Melendez, a former Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Department of Education,
is one of a large number of superintendents who emerged from the Broad Academy. Many
districts in large urban areas have selected Broad graduates as superintendents because of the
program’s emphasis on diverse training in education and business. “However, since its inception,
the basic format for the program is a 10-month fellowship that brings participants together for six
extended weekends in different cities” (Samuels, 2011, p. 12). These opportunities provide real
and proactive options for aspiring administrators who choose to take the non-traditional path.
With the current number of California Black superintendents standing at 40, opportunities
afforded to prospective Black superintendents, at least on the surface, appear limited (CAAASA,
2022). While there are currently only 40 Black superintendents in California, as recently as 1979,
there were only four, all in Northern California. Also, the 1979 number was double the number
in 1959 of just two. While there are more Black superintendents in California today, obstacles in
their career pathways remain. Kay (2019) found that Blackness was negatively associated with
receiving a job offer in a school district. In what may be a reaction to districts’ hesitation, many
Black superintendents now have terminal degrees. The CAAASA (2022) reported that 85% of
California Black superintendents have a doctorate. In terms of gender, Black superintendents in
California are currently almost evenly divided. According to the CAAASA (2022), there are
currently 22 Black female superintendents and 19 Black male superintendents.
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Career pathway obstacles can be impacted while serving as a superintendent as well.
Preparing for unique factors due to race or gender could factor in the career pathway experience
in that position. “Black superintendents’ efforts to develop their communities are affected by
multifaceted impositions and barriers that are uniquely linked to society’s treatment of Blacks
and Black leadership” (Scott, 1980, p. 2). Scott (1980) indicated that, for Black people, the
pathway to the superintendent’s seat is perilous, and so is being in the seat. The obstacles while
serving in that role can impact how long they stay.
Barriers that Black Superintendents Face with Anti-Blackness
Of the barriers Black superintendents face, perhaps the largest is anti-Blackness. Davis
(2021) described anti-Blackness as a mode of White supremacy and noted that anti-Blackness
was central to the formation of the United States. Thus, it is quite probable that it also is an
ongoing issue in the field of education. The barrier of anti-Blackness can affect leaders moving
towards the superintendent seat and in the superintendent chair. From the district’s view of a
Black superintendent’s decision making or the pressure to not make mistakes, anti-Blackness
impacts the journey. Black males may be more constrained in their leadership style than White
males.
A consequence of this constraint is that it increases Black male leaders’ self-monitoring
behavior, which could impair executive functioning (Livingston, 2009). The self-monitoring can
be problematic for females as well. In fact, Black female superintendents may face a combined
barrier of sexism and anti-Blackness. “Research indicates that right from the beginning, African
American women are faced with what is termed ‘double jeopardy,’ meaning both race and
gender discrimination” (Shorter-Gooden, 2004, p. 410). The mental construct of always being
aware of how they are viewed is compounded by race. Hunter (2005), stated, “For African
17
American superintendents, the superhero imagery also includes the expectation that they resolve
racial issues affecting their school districts. Among them, the rising diversity of K–12 students
compared to the increasing homogeneity of the nation’s teaching population” (p. 426). Knowing
that one will be viewed differently as a non-White leader is problematic. The pressure can come
from all sides as “minority constituents and employees often expect African American
superintendents to put more effort into improving racial equity than they do from other district
leaders” (Hunter, 2005, p. 427). This hidden expectation and unrealistic expectation of Black
superintendents can be overwhelming.
In addition to the responsibilities and public figure pressure of the superintendency, Black
superintendents face anti-Black pressure. “As evidenced by the evolution of role
conceptualizations, the demands of the superintendency have become increasingly complex. In
many communities, a superintendent is responsible for the largest local transportation program,
food service program, and public facility program” (Kowalski, 2013, p. 15). These individuals
experience pressure from anti-Blackness as well as from the identity of being a Black
superintendent. The dilemma of maintaining the status quo or working towards progressive
change to fight anti-Blackness can be a critical career decision. “They are also aware that the
Black superintendent who isolates himself or herself from the problems confronting Blacks in
the pursuit of quality education is demonstrating occupational sterility and social inadequacy of
the highest order” (Scott, 1980, p. 171).
The challenge to be respected as adequate and competent for Black educational leaders
looms as a large issue due to anti-Blackness. “Thus, two equally qualified and performing
leaders—one White and one Black—may be perceived differently based exclusively on their
race because the stereotypes associated with being White are often more consistent with leader
18
prototypes (Carton and Rosette 2011)” (Marquardt, Brown, Casper, 2018, p. 601). National
superintendent numbers highlight a preference in what school boards and superintendent search
firms look for. This impacts prospective superintendents who are female or people of color in a
negative way because they are less likely to be chosen for leadership positions. Unfortunately,
what leaders look like as far as gender and race can affect job opportunities in school districts.
The Black superintendent's relationship with anti-Blackness is constant and detrimental.
The Impact of Black Leadership in Schools
The relationship between a student and teacher consists of modeling skills or instructing
concepts. Black leadership in schools provides a lens through which to view what enables
students to push forward. Duncan (2020) stated, “As Lynn and Jennings note, Black teachers’
classrooms often become safe spaces for Black students, where they can ‘voice their concerns,
express their desires’ and ask questions” (p. 191). Students feeling safe reduces the affective
filter that could hinder learning, and all students should feel safe in school.
The impact that Black administrators have on Black children is substantial. Alston (2005)
stated, “Research has stressed the importance of having both teachers and administrators of color
in professional positions in schools as ‘significant others’ for children of color in those schools
and communities” (p. ?). Black educational leaders can change the culture and give voice to
significant subgroups. The superintendent's role is key in staffing schools that can speak to all
students culturally. There is an opportunity for Black superintendents to share their own lens and
experiences to better reach students who also face racial barriers. Leadership must question
norms and be willing to create new priorities and solutions in school districts when needed.
“Administrators must consider whether the school ecosystem values and respects cultural norms,
community interests, and sets high expectations” (Walker, Goins, Wikerson, 2019, p. 129).
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A superintendent’s influence can determine whether a child is successful later in life
through strategic hiring plans. When teachers can connect with students and engage them, even
subgroups that struggle can show improvement. Noguera (2009) stated, “Moreover, there is
research that suggests that the performance of African Americans, more so than other students, is
influenced to a large degree by the social support and encouragement they receive from teachers”
(p. 449). This understanding of culture takes a lens that school leaders can use to change their
schools. “Still, with a culturally responsive orientation, principals can make a difference”
(Lomotey, 2019, p. 336). Cultural responsive actions can start with hiring more Black
superintendents. The data indicate that it is a challenge for school districts to select leaders of
color. Nonetheless, Black administrators can effect positive change among Black students.
Lomotey (2019) shared, “Quite a bit of research suggests that Black principals make a difference
for Black children” (p. 336). Seeing leaders that reflect the community they serve can enhance
students’ beliefs in themselves.
The Critical Race Theory Framework
The conceptual framework is based on Black educators and prospective superintendents
being saturated in an environment where racism is everywhere. From their start as professionals,
these administrators must perform in an atmosphere where they are viewed through a different
lens and scope. As prospective leaders ascend in education, there are three main areas where they
are most challenged and experience the greatest barriers:
● Career Pathways: The path and leadership opportunities that Black prospective
superintendents have.
● Mentorship: The professional relationships that provide guidance and support for
Black prospective superintendents.
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● Anti-Black Barriers: Challenges encountered based on being Black and practices that
prevent success for Black prospective superintendents.
The final phase is the framework is the barrier of the hiring process to sit in the superintendent
seat. Figure 1 presents the conceptual framework.
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework
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Conclusion
In this chapter, key literature was discussed to give a background and explanation of what
Black superintendents face. The chapter discussed what CRT is and how it impacts students and
administrators (Bell et al., 2003). Understanding the lens of CRT and its relationship to school
leadership was foundational to this literature review. Scott’s (1980) work provides an
understanding of Black superintendents’ experience. Scott’s research is a strong reference point
to reflect what is different in 2022. The CAAASA provided the names of current Black
superintendents in California. This information in CAAASA also provided a pool of
superintendents to reach out to for the data collection.
In Chapter Three, I will discuss the research methodology used for this study. The
discussion includes the selection of six Black California superintendents: three females and
threes male. The qualitative interviews took place via Zoom and were recorded for transcription.
All participants reviewed the interview protocol and agreed to be interviewed. The data were
analyzed to address the four research questions. Ten interview prompt questions helped explore
the participants’ experiences and barriers.
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Chapter Three: Methodology
The problem of the low number of Black school superintendents in California is a critical
area to address, as it speaks to equity in hiring practices. Throughout the state, only 4% of
superintendents are Black, and 7% are Latinx (CDE, 2021). These two numbers indicate a
disconnect between education and diversity. The need for a multi-ethnic lens of leadership is
important for student and community voices. The racial disparity in education permeates through
all levels of education. The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES, 2018) reported that
during the 2015–2016 school year, there were an estimated 3,827,100 public school teachers in
the United States. Approximately 80% of teachers were White, while less than half of the
students were White. More diversity within the ranks of school superintendents is needed, and
this study examined the barriers that Black superintendents in California encounter. In Chapter
Three, I will discuss the research methodology used for this study: a sample population of six,
interviews consisting of 16 questions, and data analysis.
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study was to examine barriers encountered and resiliency learned for
Black administrators on their path to becoming superintendents in California. I interviewed six of
these leaders to understand how barriers impacted them. As a conclusion to the research, I sought
possible remedies to these barriers. The following research questions guided the study:
1. What are the barriers to becoming a school district superintendent in California that
Black superintendents identify?
2. What career pathways did Black superintendents use to become superintendents in
California?
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3. What forms of mentorship did Black Superintendents have that was specific to
becoming a Superintendent?
4. What recommendations do current Black California superintendents have for Black
educators interested in becoming superintendents?
Selection of the Population
In this study, the sample population was key to accessing reliable data. I selected six
current Black superintendents, three females and three males. Loseke (2016) stated, “Because
researchers are interested in generalities, yet can study only particulars, an issue for social
research of any variety is about relationships between the whole, called a population (or a
universe), and the part studied, called a sample” (p. 110).
Knowing that samples do not definitively represent a particular population, it is important
to be specific in sample requirements. The population for this qualitative study consisted of all
Black superintendents in California, but I chose six as the sample. The goal was to learn about
the barriers they faced. Due to the population of Black California superintendents being so small
(CAAASA, 2021), I selected six as a sample. Participants had to be currently serving as a
superintended in Southern California and identify as Black. They were selected randomly and
not based on their districts.
The sample population was key in understanding barriers and experiences. There are few
Black superintendents in California (CAAASA 2021), so it was important to make an effort to
get the data. While I did not study all Black California superintendents, I sought to interview a
cross-section of three men and three women.
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Design Summary
This study’s methodology was qualitative. I used a qualitative research method where the
interviewees discussed barriers during their professional ascension. According to Mills and Birk
(2014),
“if researchers choose to gather experiential data more than measurements, they call their
research ‘qualitative’ – but they still may emphasize either the particular or the general. If
findings are drawn primarily from the aggregate of many individual observations, we call
the study ‘quantitative,’ but the researcher still may emphasize either the particular or the
general (Stake, 2010: 19). (p. 9)”
Methodology
Participants as they shared their professional journeys. They provided data for which
quantitative measurement would be inadequate. The narrative of a specific group can be told in
quantitative form, but the narrative can best be examined through qualitative methods.
Qualitative methodology best serves research on a defined and specific group. Mills and Birk
(2014) connected the overall purpose of qualitative research by sharing,
While overall, the purpose of a qualitative research study is to examine phenomena that
impact on the lived reality of individuals or groups in a particular cultural and social
context, studies firmly anchored in a methodological school of thought are finely textured
and nuanced – producing a much higher quality outcome. (p. 9)
This lived reality was at the forefront of data to learn the unique voice of Black
superintendents. Fernandez (2018) stated,
Analysis of personal narratives is a qualitative methodology that has become
popular in the last 20 years. It focuses on the life story of the individual. The
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background of a person can be disclosed in many situations, from personal
conversations (e.g., interviews, internet accounts, and investigative accounts) to
collective accounts of social and political movements (RIESSMAN, 2012).(p. 8)
The narratives give insight into the barriers the interview subjects experienced. Learning how
these barriers impacted their journey was key to this research. Thus, interviews were the best
source of data because they allowed the subjects to verbally identify personal and unique
barriers. Interviews also allowed them to share the career pathways they used. The interviews
allowed them to explain how mentorship impacted their careers and what recommendations they
have for Black educators with the goal of becoming superintendents.
The analysis of stories is best used in qualitative methodology. Prior studies on Black
superintendents have been limited, and most of the research used quantitative methodology. Data
from studies such as Cabrera’s (2000) provide meaningful content but primarily share hiring
rates or numbers by gender. This study is needed because little qualitative research has evaluated
how educational leaders become superintendents. Scott (1980) largely used quantitative
methodology and shared numbers of Black superintendents across the nation. Both Cabrera’s and
Scott’s work were key in recognizing hiring rates and the proportionality of Black
superintendents, but those studies were limited. This study goes beyond that data to discover the
participants’ experiences. The intent was also to learn what forms of mentorship in which the
interview participants engaged. The research concluded by asking participants to share advice
they have for Black aspiring superintendents.
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Instrumentation and Protocols
For this research, I conducted one-on-one semi-structured interviews. Per
DiCicco ‐Bloom and Crabtree (2006),
Whereas the unstructured interview is conducted in conjunction with the collection of
observational data, semi-structured interviews are often the sole data source for a
qualitative research project and are usually scheduled in advance at a designated time and
location outside of everyday events. They are generally organized around a set of
predetermined open-ended questions, with other questions emerging from the dialogue
between interviewer and interviewee⁄s” (p. 315).
The interviews were conducted virtually due to pandemic-related restrictions.
Additionally, I took notes during the interviews. I used 16 open-ended interview questions
(Appendix A). A field test of the interview protocol was completed prior to this study. The
interviews too between 45 and 60 minutes. The interview instrument was used to answer the
study’s four research questions. The field test provided data on how long the interviews would
take and on procedures to prepare for them. Subjects were asked the same questions with
follow-up questions based on their responses. To ensure reliability and validity, I sent a copy of
the interview questions to participants prior to the interview and their transcripts afterward. I
asked participants to verify the transcript was true to what they communicated.
I analyzed the interview responses to learn of the barriers participants overcame, the
pathways they took, and the mentorship opportunities they engaged in. Another research
question addressed was what recommendations they could share with other Black educational
leaders who have a desire to be a superintendent. The research required a random selection of
27
interview subjects, prior communication and consent, and a structured protocol based on the
research questions.
Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework for this research was CRT (Douglass, 2009) as the lens to
study the research questions that possibly impact Black superintendent hiring rates in California.
The use of CRT is important because it looks at racism as the status quo and a dynamic that
impacts society on levels. Per Cabrera (2018), “When defining CRT, Delgado and Stefancic
(2001) offered, ‘The critical race theory (CRT) movement is a collection of activists and scholars
interested in studying and transforming the relationships among race, racism, and power and
what society learned to accept’” (p. ?). The power dynamic that comes into play in the study is
anti-Blackness as the cause of the status quo, as it impacts the number of Black superintendents
hired. Superintendent hiring is impacted by a White society that has not learned to accept Black
superintendents, as evidenced by their small number.
Cabrera (2018) shared,
There are some mutually reinforcing tenets consistently applied in CRT scholarship, and
they tend to be rooted in either law or education. Beginning with law, the first tenet
(racism as normal) states racism is a structured part of everyday life in the U.S. as
opposed to an aberration or a function of a few racist individuals (e.g., Neo-Nazis). (p.
211)
Critical race theory will be used as a defined phenomenon or given to better understand the
societal norms that the interview subjects faced and how challenging those CRT norms were in
their journey. Critical race theory encompasses Black educators’ experiences and the
anti-Blackness that is in every aspect of American society. This anti-Blackness can take form in
28
hiring practices and how White society believes a superintendent’s ethnic background or race
should be (Figure 1).
Data Collection
For this qualitative study, data were collected through individual face-to-face virtual
interviews with six Black superintendents from Southern California. The interview subjects were
contacted for the interview to select a suitable date and time. Interviews consisted of 16
questions related to professional experiences. Prior to the interview, a paragraph accompanied
the interview questions and stated the purpose of the study (Appendix A). Interviews were
approximately 45 minutes long and conducted virtually due to COVID-19. With their
permission, participants’ answers were recorded, transcribed, and exported into a portable
document format file. Random sampling was used to select the three females and three males.
All were informed that their responses would be confidential. All gave verbal consent prior to the
start of the interview. After I reviewed the initial data, I followed up with participants to clarify
some of their responses.
Data Analysis
For the data analysis, the interview questions and protocol were based on the research
questions. The research questions guided the data analysis. After the interviews were completed,
I coded participants’ responses and determined patterns and themes from the data. I used CRT
(Cabrera, 2018) to link the findings with the societal impact and lens of the interview questions
and findings. The research focused on barriers to the path to becoming superintendents in
Southern California. I followed up with the participants for clarifying questions. The transcribed
notes were used to label responses by the categories of experiences, barriers, and mentorship. I
used labels for the interview participants. The three males were labeled M1, M2, and M3, and the
29
three females were labeled F1, F2, and F3. This labeling ensured participants’ anonymity. These
efforts protected the participants’ confidentiality throughout the process.
Validity and Reliability
In this study, I took multiple steps to have strong validity and reliability. I asked interview
subjects the same questions with follow-up questions based on their responses. I used interviews
to understand the participants’ experiences to answer the research questions. To reduce threats to
credibility and validity, I sent a copy of the interview transcript to the participants and asked
them to verify its accuracy. I used the same interview protocol and reflected on my assumptions
or biases, such as those stemming from my being a Black educator seeking to become a
superintendent in California. I also allocated an appropriate amount of time to the data collection.
Summary
In this chapter, I discussed the qualitative methodology, sample population,
instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis of what will be my research. Prior to starting
Chapter Four, it is important to understand how the data were collected and the reasons for the
research method. Chapter Three also detailed the study’s population and analyzed their answers
based on the four research questions. The data were triangulated through the CRT lens and
pertained to experience, barriers, and hiring practices. Chapter Four presents the data analysis
results, and Chapter Five presents a discussion of the findings.
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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand the barriers Black superintendents
face on their path to superintendency. Six Black California school superintendents were
interviewed via Zoom: three females and three males. Their experiences gave meaningful insight
into the barriers they faced to becoming a superintendent.
Participants
Participant selection began by identifying current Black superintendents in California.
The list was compiled by using the CAAASA (2022). This website provided a list of potential
participants. The participant pool was limited in that while there are over 1,000 superintendents
in the state, fewer than 40 of them are Black. Through email correspondence, six individuals
indicated they were willing to be interviewed, had time available within the research timeframe,
and fit the study’s criteria. The participation criteria were that interviewees were to be current
superintendents in California who identify as Black.
The participants were emailed protocols a week prior to the interview. At the beginning
of the Zoom interview, the protocols were read, consent was given to be interviewed, and the
interviews were recorded for transcription purposes. Participants were sent the interview
questions prior to the interview to allow them to reflect on their possible answers. Each
superintendent was also informed that their identity would be kept anonymous, and they would
be identified as F1 through F3 and M1 through M3. Table 1 presents information on the six
participants.
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Table 1
Participants’ Information
Superintendent Number of years as a
superintendent
Students in district
F1 3 Fewer than 1,000
F2 7 Fewer than 1,000
F3 1 Fewer than 3,000
M1 7 10,000
M2 4 15,000
M3 2 7,000
Data Collection
Zoom interviews were scheduled based on the participants’ availability. The interview
sessions lasted no more than an hour each. All participants consented to the interview
procedures. The 10 interview questions were based on the study’s four research questions. The
interviews were conversational in style, allowing for probing of questions when applicable.
Results
The research results shared in this chapter are organized by research questions. For each
research question, key related literature is shared alongside interview responses. Next, this
chapter presents the themes that emerged pertaining to each research question. The final section
presents a summary of the results for each research question, with a final overall summary to
conclude the chapter. Four research questions guided this study and served to organize this
chapter:
32
1. What are the barriers to becoming a school district superintendent in California that
Black superintendents identify?
2. What career pathways did Black superintendents use to become superintendents in
California?
3. What forms of mentorship did Black Superintendents have that were specific to
becoming a Superintendent?
4. What recommendations do current Black California superintendents have for Black
educators interested in becoming superintendents?
Results Research Question 1
The first research question asked, “What are the barriers to becoming a superintendent
that Black superintendents identify?” Prior research indicates that 4% of superintendents in
California are Black (CAAASA, 2022). This percentage raises questions regarding whether there
are barriers preventing the hiring of more Black superintendents in California. Examining
whether such barriers exist is key to understanding the why of the issue of few Black
superintendents in the state. Researching the barriers will also help find the solution regarding
how to address any barriers present.
Barriers
Relevant to Research Question 1, participants discussed barriers they encountered on
their path to the superintendency. One of the barriers they mentioned was racism in the form of
the anti-Blackness they face in society. The bias and presumptions that Black educators face are
different from what their White peers encounter. Casper and Casper (2018) shared, “Thus, two
equally qualified and performing leaders—one White and one Black—may be perceived
differently based exclusively on their race because the stereotypes associated with being White
33
are often more consistent with leader prototypes (Carton and Rosette 2011)” (p.601). Participants
shared the reasons for the barriers of racism and anti-Blackness are social norms, the historical
legacy of slavery, and the shadow of racism in society, best explained by CRT (2013). Bell stated
that CRT is “acknowledging that racism is an invisible norm and White culture and (privilege) is
the standard by which other races are measured” (p. 491). How this barrier of racism has taken
form is with hiring practices of superintendents who are predominantly White males. Participant
F1 shared,
Well, I would say that race is always front and center. So learning how to navigate that as
a principal maybe has led me to having tougher skin and not allowing White fragility and
implicit biases and just jealousy impede my path.
Another barrier participants shared was opportunities. The superintendents listed a lack of
opportunities to rise in leadership as a barrier they experienced. They shared that opportunities
are limited due to the low number of Black administrators in California. For Black
administrators, certain factors may constrict or cause them to question themselves, limiting
opportunities. According to the participants, the lack of opportunities is also due, in some
instances, to a lack of mentorship aspiring superintendents require.
Participant M3 discussed that the barriers that he faced were plentiful:
Absolutely. Racism, sexism, classism, the whole ... just primarily racism. Well, it was
discouraging. I actually believe I could have been superintendent probably 5 years before
I actually became a superintendent. I actually thought that it made my journey longer. I
actually thought that it put barriers in my pathway that could have stifled me and stopped
me.
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Table 2 summarizes the participants’ responses regarding the barriers they experienced on
their journey to the superintendency.
Table 2
Barriers Participants Experienced
Response Female participants Male participants
F1 F2 F3 M1 M2 M3
Racism/Anti-Blackness Yes Yes Yes No No Yes
Opportunities Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes
Mentorship Yes No Yes No No Yes
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Impact
To ascertain the barriers’ impact, the participants also discussed how the barriers affected
them. Barriers can cause Black superintendents to second guess themselves or have high anxiety.
According to Livingston (2009),
Black males may be more constrained in their leadership style compared with White
males. One negative potential consequence of this constraint on leadership style is an
increase in self-monitoring behavior among Black male leaders, which in turn could
increase cognitive load and result in impaired executive functioning. (p. 1234)
Overall, the negative impact is that barriers cause Black superintendents to think not only of how
they will execute decisions but also about how others will view their decisions because they are
Black. Similarly, Scott’s (1980) work discussed the heavy impact that Black superintendents
face. Regarding that heavy impact, Participant F1 shared, “Learning how to navigate that as a
principal maybe has led me to having tougher skin and not allowing White fragility and implicit
biases and just jealousy impede my path.” Barriers affected some participants strongly and, for
some, hurtfully.
Participant F3 reflected on how the barrier of the lack of Black representation made her
almost feel like a novelty. She recounted an instance in which she entered a class, and two White
students reacted to her like a being they had never seen before. Participant F3 shared,
The first thing they wanted to do was touch my hair. And I was like, okay. So I let them
touch my hair. And they’re all like, We’ve just never seen anyone like you. And so I was
like, okay. So, then that motivated me. I went to a classroom every day because it was
important for kids to see me.
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Cultural Expression
As a Black superintendent, cultural identity and expression could be difficult to navigate
in the role as a superintendent. One of the interview questions asked if the participants had to
tone down their cultural expression in their position. This is important because, through CRT, it
is understood that race and culture must be placed in the equation of schools and schooling.
“Lastly, in order to improve the educational experience and outcomes of Black and Brown
students, race must be considered” (McDonald, 2021) (p. 98). When it comes to attire, the
research participants shared that there are times when it is risky for them to dress in attire that
represents their culture. Participant F1 reflected,
I’m a pretty conservative person. I grew up on the East Coast. So, I don’t know that I’m
so authentic in how I dress. However, I do encourage my staff to be their authentic selves
and to show up as their authentic selves. I think that it’s really important that you should
be comfortable with who you are and be able to express it.
Not all interviewees expressed a need to dress in cultural attire, but the option to show cultural
influence should not be a detriment. It is important for all students to see representation at all
levels of school leadership. The silencing of culture that is non-White is a barrier for Black
superintendents. “In the field of social studies education curriculum, society has constructed its
version of history to maintain the social status quo by silencing the stories of Black and Brown
people (Ladson-Billings 1998). For example, social studies textbooks often misrepresent,
minimize or simplify the impact of Black and Brown people in history” (McDonald, 2021) (p.
98).
Participant F3 shared that people in the district talk about her attire as “church lady” due
to its colorful style:
37
They started calling me the church lady and I was like, no, you’re not going to do that. I
toned it down a little bit. Didn’t wear the hats that I like to wear, but that was okay.
Another thing is my hair. Our power had gone out, so I wasn’t able to flat iron my hair.
So, I went curly, and it was like the talk of the district office. Everyone kind of made
comments such as, “Oh, did something happen? Were you not able to do your hair?”
The low number of Black superintendents at times makes them a rare sight. The data
showed that Black superintendents are few and far between. In the United States, persons of
color represent 10.9% of the nation’s teachers and 12.3% of principals, but only 2.2% of
superintendents. Women and persons of color, nevertheless, go largely underrepresented as
superintendents (Brown, 2014, p. 575). For the participant who was called the “church lady,”
students were in to see not only a Black superintendent but a female one as well. This culture
shift also forces Black superintendents to be in a constant state of a presumed racial and equity
leader. As Hunter (2005) noted, “For African American superintendents, the superhero imagery
also includes the expectation that they resolve racial issues affecting their school districts.
Among them, the rising diversity of K–12 students compared to the increasing homogeneity of
the nation’s teaching population” (p. 426). Being a Black superintendent thrusts an individual
into district leadership and often into leadership on issues of race.
What Was Your Motivation?
Participants discussed what motivated them along the way to becoming a superintendent.
All participants except one said their motivation stemmed from the desire to help children.
Research indicates Black students are positively impacted when they are at school with teachers
and administrators who look like them. Alston (2005) stated, “Research has stressed the
importance of having both teachers and administrators of color in professional positions in
38
schools as ‘significant others’ for children of color in those schools and communities” (p. 677).
Also, Lomotey (2019) shared, “Quite a bit of research suggests that Black principals make a
difference for Black children” (p. 336).
Some participants experienced leadership roles that sparked the thought of becoming a
superintendent to help children. Only one participant saw being a superintendent as a goal from
their first day as a teacher. Participant F1 shared that after 15 years working in an affluent area,
she saw the impact that gentrification had on students of color in her district and became inspired
to become a superintendent: “As a principal, I saw African American and Latinx families begin
to diminish, and more and more tech families moved into the area or families affiliated with the
university. What I saw was middle-class, African American families really disappearing.”
Participant F2 shared that she wanted to become a superintendent to do better for the children of
her city. Another participant did not clearly realize they wanted to be a superintendent until they
had become an assistant superintendent and saw first-hand what was happening. Participants
shared that district leadership experience in various positions exposed them to the impact
superintendents can have. Carroll et al. (2019) stated,
Racial minority managers can strategically balance the goals of the organization with
those of their community. Our finding simply that as managers of color behave according
to the values and perspectives associated with their diverse identities, they must bring
diplomatic approaches to public managerial strategy. (p. 820)
Participant F3 shared, “When I saw the politics, I thought our kids deserve better. So, that’s kind
of what motivated me. I wanted to be the type of administrator who would make decisions as if
those were my own kids.” Table 3 presents the participants’ motivating factors.
39
Summary Discussion of Findings Research Question 1
The two themes pertaining to the first research question were that the majority of
superintendents did feel there were barriers due to their Blackness, and the impact of these
barriers was that interviewees became motivated. The participants responded that the barriers
hindered them en route to becoming a superintendent. All three female interviewees sensed racial
barriers, while two male respondents shared that experience as well. In terms of impact, four
participants stated that the opposition they experienced motivated them to work harder. Two of
the male participants responded that the barriers had no impact on them. In both themes, all
female participants shared intensive experiences with barriers and their impacts. The female
superintendents seemed to experience double jeopardy (Shoter-Gooden, 2004).
The research shows that racism through the lens of CRT is a common thread in the
barriers the interviewees faced. The barriers were all used as a motivating reason to keep striving
to attain the superintendent seat. Possible solutions for barriers for Black superintendents are
district cohorts designed to encourage aspiring administrators and district hiring matrices that
include equity and culturally based questions. This would consider candidates who can add to
district leaders’ embracing their diversity lens and background. These solutions will be discussed
in detail in Chapter Five.
Results Research Question 2
The second research question asked, “What career pathways did Black superintendents
use to become superintendents?” The participants shared their career path to becoming a
superintendent. With question and answering probing, the participants also were asked about
motivating factors to become a superintendent. To include a firm picture of their career journey,
participants described programs in which they participated that prepared them for the position.
40
Leadership Roles
The participants were asked what leadership roles that they had on their way to becoming
a school superintendent. The positions held prior to assuming district leadership are critical in
rising through the ranks. Serving in certain roles is key to becoming a more attractive candidate
for the superintendency. Candidates are viewed by factors such as what experience they have had
and at what levels. Davis and Bowers (2019) shared,
Positional experience and level of experience both matter as well. That is to say, in what
role (e.g., principal, director, assistant superintendents, etc.) and at what level (e.g.,
elementary, secondary, district) an aspiring superintendent has been employed shapes
gatekeepers’ impressions of aspirant fitness. (p. 9)
Participants all held positions as site principals and assistant principals on their career
paths. One participant shared that it was important to sit in all seats so that he would not be a
superintendent who did not know how to do a certain job in leadership. The more well-rounded a
candidate is, the better for their career trajectory. As Tallerico (2000, as cited in Davis & Bowers,
2019) explained, high school principalship is considered better preparation than elementary or
middle school principalship (p. 79). As a result, work experience at the high school level is often
looked upon favorably (Davis & Bowers, 2019, p. 9). Interviewees understood their previous
roles directly impacted how potential employers saw them. Table 3 displays the participants’
prior leadership positions.
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Table 3
Participants’ Prior Leadership Roles
Response Female participants Male participants
F1 F2 F3 M1 M2 M3
Assistant principal Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Principal Yes *Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
District coordinator/TOSA Yes Yes Yes No Yes No
District director Yes Yes Yes No Yes No
Assistant superintendent Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
* Served as principal for a month
Based on the data, all participants had been site principals. The female interviewees all
held positions of district coordinators or teacher on special assignment (TOSA), while only one
male had held a position of coordinator or TOSA. The career path also varied at the district-level
director position, as that was one not all held. It is important to understand differences in career
paths by gender. Research shows that the reason for this difference is bias. Davis and Bowers
(2019) stated,
As for positions held along the way Björk et al. (2003) report that females are more likely
to bypass the principalship than males. Tallerico (2000b) reports similar findings and
suggests this is because of (a) bias in the selection of principals that ultimately disfavor
females and (b) the resultant prevalence of females who aspire to the superintendency
that end up transitioning from the classroom to district central office director and
coordinator roles. Relatedly, Björk et al. (2003) found that female superintendents
42
typically came from district-level curricular positions rather than as assistant/associate
superintendents of finance, facilities, and so on. (p. 10)
A Black superintendent’s career is unique and often based on factors of race and gender. The
data show that all interviewees were motivated by helping students. Recognizing that they could
be a superintendent was also a motivator. Half of the participants shared that they specifically
had a desire to help the Black community. While all of the interviewees are leaders, only one
responded that they always wanted to be a CEO.
Table 4
Participants’ Motivating Factors on Their Career Path
Response Female participants Male participants
F1 F2 F3 M1 M2 M3
For the students Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Wanted to be a CEO No No No No No Yes
Realized they are capable Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Had a leader that inspired
them
No Yes No Yes Yes No
Helping the Black community Yes No Yes No No Yes
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Helpful Programs and Professional Development
Participants reflected on the programs they participated in that helped prepare them to
become superintendents. All shared extensively on their journey through programs and
professional experiences that aided in gaining skills. There were no participants who did not
participate in a preparatory program. Participant F2 shared her experience with programs:
I think the ACSA superintendent’s program was a big one. I think applying to a doctoral
program helped. We have to be able to wear our credibility on our shoulders. So, getting
names like the Harvard training program was really important. Going to Duke University
for their leadership program so that I could put Duke University on my stuff.
The participants shared that the Association of California School Administrators (ACSA)
program helped them grow professionally. The ACSA provides classes for administrators
throughout the year. One interviewee mentioned the Council of Black Administrators (COBA),
which supports Black administrators and puts on conferences throughout the school year. The
COBA is part of the Los Angeles Unified School District and is a long-standing organization. In
terms of professional development, AASA’s National Superintendent Certification Program
prepares superintendent candidates for leadership. The University of Southern California’s
(USC) doctoral program in education was also listed as helping participants learn and network as
aspiring superintendents. All participants felt they had to be better prepared because of being
Black. Participant M2 expressed that he participated in a number of programs, but the most
significant impact came from his doctoral program at USC:
I participated in [COBA], and I volunteered a lot of times when I just got into the
organization to manage technology at some conferences and do presentations whenever I
could. I think my time at USC earning my doctorate was hugely instrumental in
44
propelling me for the final step to actually become a superintendent of schools for a
district.
Taking part in programs contributed to the interviewees’ successful career pathways.
During these programs, participants met people who helped with professional networking and
opportunities. Participants shared that they gained knowledge that helped them be promoted to
higher leadership roles on their career pathway. The interviewees also shared that they continue
to support and give back to the programs that helped them along the way. Each participant’s
program involvement was a strong learning experience and gave them a sense of credibility as
they moved towards their professional aspirations.
Summary Discussion of Findings Research Question 2
The results pertaining to the second research question yielded several themes. One was
that five participants experienced professional exposure that led them to take note of areas that
needed improvement wherein superintendents could have direct influence. The second theme
was that participants were motivated by the need for more representation for people of color at
the superintendent level. The third theme was that participants felt they needed to show that they
were better prepared for a superintendent position than their White counterparts. The similarity
in the themes was that they all were centered on the experience of being a Black administrator.
Where the themes differed was in that some interviewees participated in programs that were
traditional and primarily White in demographics, while others sought organizations geared
towards Black administrators.
Results Research Question 3
The third research question asked, “What forms of mentorship did Black superintendents
have that was specific to becoming a superintendent?” The probing question related to this
45
research question was how participants accessed mentorship or came about it. There is a link
between who gets hired and the people with the power to suggest who should be hired. Research
indicates that mentorship can be an exclusive club. Kamler (2006) shared, “the old boys’
network, a well-documented informal constellation of prominent White males has been credited
or perpetuated like members into positions of power and influence” (p. 4). When Black
superintendents looked for mentors, it was vital that their mentors had the power and experience
to help them along the way. Leadership in the growth and support of Black superintendents is
central in their work towards the role. As Parylo (2012) stated, “mentoring was described as the
most effective, most powerful professional development for leaders” (p. 129).
Forms of Mentorship
The forms of mentorship participants shared were through their districts, with
management leaders on a higher level than them. Some of the mentoring was informal: a quick
phone conversation. Other district-level mentorship was formal, involving cohorts or scheduled
feedback sessions. Both types are good forms of mentorship. Parylo et al. (2012),
Mentoring also surfaced as a powerful socialization strategy of support for newly
appointed leaders. The eight novice principals in the study acknowledged the importance
of the formal and informal mentoring they received on assuming the principalship in
helping them to be successful leaders. (p. 128)
Mentorship can also take place via paid opportunities, where a school board pays for
superintendent mentorship. Participant F3 shared,
What I would say for any board member or any aspiring superintendent, get it written
into your contract for a mentor, a paid mentor. You need to be able to have someone that
you can call on a daily basis. I have my mentor, I’m able to call him, or he’ll see
46
something, and he’ll call me. And that is invaluable. And not just your first year, your
whole entire contract. I don’t care how long you’ve been in the job, you need that mentor
and get it in your contract.
A third form of mentorship participants shared was that of mentorship through
educational programs. All shared they had strong mentorship in their cohorts at universities and
ACSA. Having mentorship without these educational opportunities would have been difficult.
The participants shared that their professors guided them during and after their programs on
making career decisions and contacting potential employers on their behalf. Participant M1
shared the following thought:
I think that really, to become superintendent, if you think that you can do it on your own,
I think that that’s a misnomer. I think that mentorship is very, very extreme. I would say,
that’s the one area that is the most critical to becoming a superintendent, that you get very
little training expertise in regards to it.
Access
The opportunity to be in communication or have a relationship with someone who can
serve as a mentor is an example of access. Access is important, as aspiring Black administrators
need to learn more about the career they are entering. The interviewees stated that gaining access
to mentorship can be complicated. They repeatedly shared the critical need for mentorship before
becoming and while serving as superintendent. The job takes critical and increasingly complex
decision making that affects students daily. The study’s participants were asked how they came
in contact with their mentorship opportunity. They spoke mostly to mentorship opportunities
through job roles and proximity to supervisors. Only Participant M2 experienced mentorship
happened accidentally:
47
I’ve had several mentors along the way. My first principal encouraged me to become an
administrator, and then I initially went to the district office. I worked with the
highest-ranking African American in LAUSD at the time. He took the time to talk to me
about leadership and what were my goals and what I want to do with my life. One mentor
strongly encouraged me to pursue my doctorate at USC. I had another direct supervisor
mentor me and later became my board member that I would meet with and talk about my
aspirations. All of these mentors helped me along the path to become a superintendent.
The participants all shared that access to mentorship was critical to their success. Participant F3
reflected on the notion that mentorship can be anywhere and can come from anyone.
The impact that mentorship had on participants in some cases led to immediate
employment and expanded leadership opportunities. Most of the mentors were in positions to
influence hiring in their district. This influence directly helped some participants get promotions
or new leadership roles. Mentors, in most cases, were well aware of their mentees’ experience,
skills, and preparation. In other cases, participants reflected on times their relationships with
mentors helped to coach or guide them. Preparing for interviews with mentors was yet another
invaluable tool of mentorship.
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Summary Discussion of Findings Research Question 3
The themes in the participants’ answers were that without mentorship becoming a
superintendent is nearly impossible and that mentorship, either organic or manufactured, is
essential even when serving as superintendent. The similarities in the themes are that mentorship
manifested through supervisors who shared helpful input. The differences in the themes were
that mentorship was free at work or paid through organizations like the ACSA.
Mentorship is an important aspect of the journey for the interviewees. A barrier for many
of them was the low number of Black superintendents in California who could serve as mentors.
According to the CDE, in 2019, approximately 60% of administrators in California were White,
while 8% were Black. This data supports research on the large equity gap in hiring education
leadership, which maintains the status quo.
Research Question 4
The fourth research question pertained to participants’ recommendations for those
seeking to follow in their footsteps. Participants were asked what advice they would give to
Black aspiring administrators. This question was designed to learn what participants would want
other Black educators to know on their path to becoming superintendents. A second prompt
inquired, “What is the best way that school districts can support Black superintendents?” This
feedback from the interviewees helped identify the support participants felt is needed from a
district’s school board. It is important to learn what recommendations participants have for
aspiring administrators because representation matters in schools. Per Alston (2005), “Research
has stressed the importance of having both teachers and administrators of color in professional
positions in schools as “significant others” for children of color in those schools and
communities” (p. 677).
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Recommendations for Aspiring Black Superintendents
Participants shared advice from personal experiences and recommendations for Black
aspiring superintendents. The interviewees’ experiences were largely influenced by barriers of
racism. The advice they gave was to help others navigate their own path. All participants were
clear in the fact that they wanted aspiring superintendents to know that the position is
challenging regardless of ethnicity. Participant F3 shared,
The best advice I can give you is remember, at your core, you are a teacher. And as much
as you want to get angry at it, about it, not want to take it. I’m not saying take it, but
educate.
One male participant shared that he had to wait 29 years in a district before deciding to leave for
an opportunity to become a superintendent.
Research participants recommended pushing forward and being the change in terms of
diversity. The interviewees shared that they were often the only Black person in leadership “you
may be the only Black person on your management team.” Participants shared that the advice
they received helped prepare them for working in environments where they were the only Black
administrator. Participant F1 said,
I call it observation and learning. For the first year, pretty much just document your
experience and your conversations with people and really look for those emerging themes
to think about what should be your priorities as you try to move the school or the district
or the organization forward.
Some advice participants received came from mentors, supervisors, or people they
respected. The interviewees discussed advice that proved useful and was considered meaningful.
50
They reflected on how the advice helped them achieve their goals and avoid mistakes. Their
advice to others was the following:
● Don’t take things personally
● Listen well and read the room
● Manage emotions and don’t get upset if people don’t follow you due to your race or
gender
● Be aware of your hands and facial expressions
● Document your experiences
● Know your contract
● Get a supermajority written in your contract
● Get a paid mentor written in your contract.
Knowing how to negotiate was another important recommendation. Negotiating a
supermajority negotiated in a contract requires an extra board member to vote against renewing
your contract. The interviewees shared that being a superintendent does not mean you have to
know everything. The path does not stop at the superintendent seat; learning continues. There is
always always something new or situation that must be addressed that has not happened before.
Participant F3 said,
What I would say for any board member or any aspiring superintendent, get it written
into your contract for a mentor, a paid mentor. You need to be able to have someone that
you can call on a daily basis. I have my mentor, I’m able to call him, or he’ll see
something, and he’ll call me. And that is invaluable. And not just your first year, your
whole entire contract. I don’t care how long you’ve been in the job, you need that mentor
and get it in your contract.
51
What Is the Best Way Schools Districts Can Support Black Superintendents
The prompt of how school districts can best support Black superintendents allowed
participants to share what they experienced as critical needs for anyone in that role. Research
indicates that there is more pressure on Black superintendents once they sit in the superintendent
seat due to racism and the historical bias explained by CRT. “Thus, two equally qualified and
performing leaders—one White and one Black—may be perceived differently based exclusively
on their race because the stereotypes associated with being white are often more consistent with
leader prototypes” (Casper & Casper, 2018, p. 601).
Understanding why and what support Black superintendents need was important to
addressing the fourth research question. Hunter (2005) shared, “Although the new politics of
public education influence all superintendents, African American superintendents, because they
serve in the most troubled school systems, are more likely than other superintendents to become
scapegoats for boards of education and other politicians” (p. 425). Many Black superintendents
get an opportunity to serve in school districts that are already in crisis, and this compounds the
pressure to rescue a distressed district. Without support, Black superintendents can be in for a
shorter term than their White superintendent peers. All participants shared the sentiment that the
opportunity for success must be created through support.
The support superintendents need is key to giving district leaders the best chance for
success in moving districts forward. Interviewees suggested patience as a form of support.
Understanding who is hired and taking into account the superintendent is Black will take
patience when navigating the historical challenges of racism. Giving Black superintendents
extended contracts shows confidence in them. School boards exercising patience was also a key
reflection in terms of support. Hiring a mentor as ongoing support shows that a school board
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understands the political, legal, and psychological loads superintendents carry. Interviewees also
shared that board members must acknowledge the state of their districts and not expect the
superintendent to be a savior for an educational system that will take time to get back on track.
Expecting a messiah can be dangerous for a Black superintendent, who could quickly become a
scapegoat (Scott, 1980). Table 5 summarizes the support systems that participants discussed.
Table 5
Suggested District Supports for Black Superintendents by Importance
1. Patience
2. Paid mentor
3. Minimum 3-year contract
4. Not expect a superintendent superhero
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Summary Discussion of Findings Research Question 4
Regarding the fourth research question, two themes emerged. The first was that aspiring
superintendents need to know in advance that they will experience hurdles. The second was that
the school board needs to understand whom they are hiring. The board members will need to be
cognizant that this individual will face unique challenges. The similarity in the themes is the
presence of anti-Blackness, as presented through CRT (Bell, 2018). The themes differ in that the
first pertains to an internal awareness of potential challenges while the second requires working
with other individuals, the school board members, for support.
Moving forward, Black superintendent candidates will need to be mentally prepared for
the myriad challenges they may face. One of the most important points of emphasis is that they
must have mentorship and push to include that in their contracts. Black aspiring superintendents
will need to learn the details of negotiating a strong contract and their deal breakers. As far as
school district supports, school boards should be aware that Black superintendents may face
challenges due to racist perceptions of Black leaders as inadequate. School boards will need to
allow time for these leaders to grow and not expect them to be saviors of their districts,
particularly in issues of race. These solutions will be discussed in detail in Chapter Five.
Summary
The key findings in this chapter are that participants had an extensive amount of support
through programs and mentorships, there is a need for an internal belief or fortitude to achieve
the dream of becoming a district leader, and a district’s school board support and patience with a
superintendent will be an integral factor in the individual’s longevity and impact in the role.
Participants discussed the barriers they encountered in their paths. They shared themes of racism,
opportunities, and a lack of mentorship. This is consistent with research involving CRT.
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The participants also shared their career path progression. The themes were accessing
educational programs and serving in various leadership positions within their districts. They also
stated that, without mentorship, becoming a superintendent is improbable and obtaining access to
mentorship requires being proactive. In terms of recommendations, interviewees noted that
Black aspiring superintendents need to know in advance that they will experience hurdles as
Black leaders in education. They also mentioned school board members need to understand
whom they are hiring and have paid mentorship in place as support. Chapter Five will discuss the
findings and recommendations of this study.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
The job of a superintendent is that of a leader, manager, thinker, and innovator. Never
before has there been a need for school superintendents to understand education and school
culture than now. Black superintendents face the responsibility of leading school districts and the
task of navigating barriers that their White superintendent peers do not encounter. The rate of
current Black superintendents in California, 4%, is a backdrop to this research. Although not all
have the same experiences, learning about the interviewees’ journeys and paths to the
superintendency is important, as they impact Black superintendents.
Background of the Problem
Starting from the abolition of slavery in 1865, Black people in America have formally
been recognized as citizens with the 13th Amendment. Legal access to education for Black U.S.
citizens did not happen until 1896 with the Plessy vs. Ferguson case. The mental aftershock of
slavery did not disappear from public schools when Black students entered them. The impact of
slavery and racism is still present in public education in 2022. Even with its best intentions, the
public school system often references Black students through deficit frameworks.
Reframing society’s perception of Black people as educators, thinkers, and leaders has
been a challenge. The concept of anti-Blackness, the fear of Blacks in leadership positions, and
ongoing stereotypical narratives of aggression regarding Black people contribute to how Black
educators are viewed. This perception and bias that Black people face are present in education.
The barriers that Black educators face impact their career opportunities. Black school
administrators in California face barriers that impact hiring rates even up to the superintendent
seat.
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Purpose of the Study
There is limited information on the lived experience of Black educators on their path to
the superintendent seat. The purpose of this study was to understand the barriers and resiliency
learned that participants faced on their paths to becoming superintendents. This study
interviewed current Black superintendents to understand their experiences. The interviewees’
stories were analyzed through the lens of CRT, which posits that Whiteness is the dominant
culture. “CRT acknowledges that racism is an invisible norm and White culture and (privilege) is
the standard by which other races are measured” (Khalifa, Dunbar, Douglas, 2013, p. 491).
Understanding racism and the barriers it produces is important to create change for the future.
The findings from this research can help provide opportunities to increase the number of Black
superintendents in California.
This dissertation used a qualitative approach via interviews with three females and three
males. The criteria for participation were that individuals had to be superintendents in California
who identify as Black. The interviewees answered open-ended questions to yield insight into
their experiences and challenges on their path to the superintendent’s seat. The research
questions explored how the barriers of the absence of mentorship, career pathways, and
anti-Blackness, impacted them on their path to their current position. Four research questions
guided this study:
1. What are the barriers to becoming a school district superintendent that Black
superintendents identify?
2. What career pathways did Black superintendents use to become superintendents?
3. What forms of mentorship did Black superintendents have that were specific to
becoming a superintendent?
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4. What recommendations do current Black superintendents have for Black educators
aspiring to become superintendents?
The outcomes of this research are proposed evidence-based recommendations to decrease the
barriers Black superintendents face on their journey to the position.
Findings
The findings suggest that racism influenced the barriers the participants faced. The
findings indicated two significant barriers related to racism: anti-Blackness and difficulty finding
mentors. Participants stated that there was a great need for them to serve as principals to be
considered competent as potential superintendents. Other findings relate to the journey of finding
mentorship through professional development and programs. More prominent findings were that
interviewees stated that potential candidates must learn about the superintendent contract and
have their school board’s support. Seven themes emerged related to the study’s four research
questions. This section presents a summary and discussion of the study’s findings in relation to
literature and current practice.
Research Question 1
Research Question 1 inquired, “What are the barriers to becoming a school district
superintendent that Black superintendents identify?” Qualitative data related to Research
Question 1 produced two findings. The first finding was that all participants confirmed the
barrier of anti-Blackness. The image of what leaders look like is the strongest theme of the
participants’ anti-Black experiences. Per Scott (1980), “the efforts of Black school
superintendents are affected by the multifaceted impositions and barriers that are uniquely linked
to society’s treatment of Black Americans and Black leadership” (p. 2). Black leaders’ treatment
in education involves being challenged simply due to being Black. The reality of racism for
58
interviewees was prevalent when examined through CRT. Per Douglass (2009), “As a theoretical
lens, critical race theory (CRT) reveals how race and racism work to maintain hierarchies,
allocate resources and distribute power” (p. 62). The low number of Black superintendents in
California suggests that anti-Blackness permeates throughout education (CAAASA, 2022). The
low number is a barrier within itself in representation in the face of the status quo. Participants
shared that this low number reflects negative perceptions of Black leaders. It is important that
Black administrators know that how they are perceived in White spaces is often based on the
roots of racism. As Casper (2018) noted, “Two equally qualified and performing leaders—one
White and one Black—may be perceived differently based exclusively on their race because the
stereotypes associated with being white are often more consistent with leader prototypes” (p.
601).
The lens through which Black superintendents are viewed puts them at an unfair
disadvantage and requires them to monitor how they react and speak based on implicit bias. Per
Bell (2103), “Acknowledging that racism is an invisible norm and White culture and (privilege)
is the standard by which other races are measured” (p. 491). The interviewees shared that they
managed their emotions and facial expressions because they knew people were always watching
them and assuming the worst. This self-monitoring is meant to avoid any semblance of being out
of control or unqualified. The participants said they have to remember not to take things
personally and not become upset if people do not follow them because of their race.
The limitations of these findings are that there were only six participants. The
interviewees’ experiences shed light on how the need for self-monitoring. While there is not
much research on the emotional load that these superintendents experience, the implications of
further research would be beneficial for Black leaders aspiring to become superintendents. The
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data tells us that there are few Black superintendents in the state. Thus, there is reason to look at
how many Black candidates are prepared for the position. While this research is limited to only
six participants, the number of Black administrators in school districts is also limited. The data
collected through interviews show that all interviewees were either the only Black administrator
in their school district or one of very few in their district. This “norm” or “status quo” of school
leadership not having Black leaders or very few is anti-Blackness in hiring practices and
promotion.
The lack of recruiting Black administrators speaks to what society believes a leader looks
like and the lack of equal opportunities. Osler and Webb (2014) stated, “This racial structure
being seen as a power structure shows the potential factor for the continued low number of
African Americans in power roles in the different sectors of American education institutions” (p.
25). One interviewee shared that they know their decisions will be questioned or challenged
because they are Black. Participants shared that being Black and a leader in education can mean
that their decisions and success could impact opportunities for future Black school leaders.
Anti-Blackness impacted the interviewees’ psyches. They felt they were viewed much
differently from their White peers. At times, they face double jeopardy due to both race and
gender. According to Livingston (2009),
Black males may be more constrained in their leadership style compared with White
males. One negative potential consequence of this constraint on leadership style is an
increase in self-monitoring behavior among Black male leaders, which in turn could
increase cognitive load and result in impaired executive functioning” (p. 1234).
The female participants encountered double jeopardy due to negative stereotypes associated with
being both Black and a woman. Osler and Webb (2014) stated, “Women who are leaders
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typically have negative stigmas attached to them. They are assumed to be aggressive, which in
women is often viewed as a negative trait” (p. 25). How women leaders are viewed can be
negative from the start. The challenges can be even greater when facing anti-Blackness and
negative female leader stereotypes. The female interviewees shared that they sense that they are
being watched to see if they will lose their emotional control when they face pushback. The
negative expectation that Black female superintendents will spiral out of control in anger
supports an anti-Black narrative. They must navigate preconceived perceptions by proving that
they are capable, knowledgeable, measured, and under control.
As a remedy, more Black administrators must be hired to establish a larger pool of
qualified candidates ready to move up the school leadership ranks. Addressing the barriers of
anti-Blackness requires hiring more Black leaders and shifting the predominately White
California superintendent ranks. Change must start with the intentional effort to bring more
aspiring administrators into leadership. To shift the status quo, school districts must access their
leadership pool and determine if there is a need for diversity to benefit their students. The
limitation of this finding was that there was a limited sample size of six interviewees.
The second finding in relation to Research Question 1 confirmed the fundamental
importance of the difficulty of finding Black mentors. Aspiring administrators seeking Black
mentors have a limited pool from which to choose. One interviewee shared that she sought
mentorship and was given the cold shoulder while her White peers seemed to have ample access
to mentors. The interviewees who came from larger districts, over 50,000 students, said they had
at least one potential Black mentor. Black mentorship is important to understand the specific
racial barriers they might encounter and to provide insight into how to respond to challenges in
the position. Another challenge is that some potential leaders are reluctant to mentor other Black
61
individuals to avoid appearing “too Black.” Scott (1990) shared, “they are also aware that the
Black superintendent who isolates himself or herself from the problems confronting Blacks in
the pursuit of quality education is demonstrating occupational sterility and social inadequacy of
the highest order” (p. 171).
Receiving mentorship relied primarily on a supervisor or teacher taking an interest in the
research participants. The interviewees all expressed gratitude for having someone help them
navigate the journey to becoming a superintendent. Parylo (2012) stated, “Furthermore,
mentoring was described as the most effective, most powerful professional development for
leaders” (p. ?). All participants shared that they would not have reached their current positions
without mentorship. Thus, the finding is that mentorship is necessary.
Superintendent responsibilities are complex regardless of race or gender. The status quo
and racism impacted the interviewees’ journeys, highlighting the importance of mentorship. The
participants most commonly received mentorship from their school supervisor or through an
education program or school. This access to Black mentors proved critical to their ascension, as
access to them can be limited. Kamler (2006) shared, “the old boys’ network, a well-documented
informal constellation of prominent white males has been credited or perpetuated like members
into positions of power and influence” (p. 4). The barrier to mentorship can be short-term,
long-term, or informal. The trust established and knowledge shared through mentorship was a
strong resource for the interviewees. According to Parylo et al. (2012), “Mentoring also surfaced
as a powerful socialization strategy of support for newly appointed leaders” (p. 128).
Moving forward, Black educators who wish to lead districts will need to access
organizations that specifically feature Black leaders. Organizations such as the California
African American Association of School Administrators (CAAASA) and Council of Black
62
Administrators (COBA) provide access to mentorship. While some school districts may have
few or no Black superintendents, all should support veteran Black administrators’ mentoring new
ones. It will be equally important to make sure the newest ones mentor those who come after
them. One interviewee shared, “I stand on the shoulders of those that came before me, and it is
my duty to help as many Black leaders that come after me to ensure their success to help all
students.”
Research Question 2
Research Question 2 inquired, “What career pathways did Black superintendents use to
become superintendents?” Qualitative data related to Research Question Two produced one
finding. The career pathway opportunity to lead and move forward in educational leadership was
another barrier for the interviewees. The findings of the career pathway barrier varied primarily
along the lines of gender. For instance, while male superintendents had a linear rise to the
superintendent seat (assistant principal, principal, assistant superintendent, then superintendent),
the female superintendents all worked in the district as directors and coordinators as well. Davis
and Bowers (2019) stated,
As for positions held along the way Björk et al. (2003) report that females are more likely
to bypass the principalship than males. Tallerico (2000b) reports similar findings and
suggests this is because of (a) bias in the selection of principals that ultimately disfavor
females and (b) the resultant prevalence of females who aspire to the superintendency
that end up transitioning from the classroom to district central office director and
coordinator roles. (p. 10)
63
The path to the superintendency required having been a site principal. The female
interviewees stated they had to first work at the district in some cases to prove leadership ability.
All participants said that it was vital that they serve as school principals to be considered
qualified to lead districts. In most cases, a high school principalship is considered the best place
to showcase leadership potential. Per Tallerico (2000), “headhunters and school board members
view the high school principalship as ‘more complex’ and ‘characterized by more visible
pressures and more difficult problems” than the elementary or middle school principalship (p.
79). As a result, work experience at the high school level is often looked upon favorably’” (as
cited in Davis & Bowers, 2019, p. 9).
Another main finding was that some level of professional development or schooling with
career pathways allowed the interviewees to form relationships through networking or
mentorship. This mentorship provided networking opportunities and an advocate who
understood the challenges that mentees faced due to racism. From doctoral programs to ACSA
courses, interviewees established relationships to which they might not usually have had access.
Enrolling in these professional developments and doctoral programs was a key in their career
pathway. The experience of leaders of color is unique and an asset that the mentors that the Black
superintendents understood. According to Carroll (2019),
Instead, racial minority managers can strategically balance the goals of the organization
with those of their community. Our finding simply that as managers of color behave
according to the values and perspectives associated with their diverse identities, they
must bring diplomatic approaches to public managerial strategy. (p. 820)
While females’ and males’ career pathways appear to differ, all had served as principals.
Thus, females may be encouraged to take on opportunities as coordinators at the district level as
64
compared to their male peers. Navigating opportunities on their journeys took patience and
resilience. They had to look for opportunities wherever they can be found. One participant
shared, “you must put yourself out there and be willing to be told no when applying.” Ultimately
while opportunities may be limited, it is important to continue professional growth. Participating
in educational programs similar to ACSA or the USC Urban Superintendent’s Academy can
enhance career pathway opportunities. Regardless of how long it takes, interviewees shared that
being prepared is always important when opportunities become available.
The results lead to two recommendations. A possible method to create more career paths
for Black aspiring superintendents is to analyze school district administrators’ demographics.
Taking account of who is hired as a whole in administration may provide evidence of a need for
diversity. Another way to help in the career pathways of Black superintendents is to provide
opportunities to shadow district leadership for semesters so that aspiring administrators can learn
from those in executive district management positions.
Research Question 3
Research Question 3 inquired, “What forms of mentorship did Black superintendents
have that were specific to becoming a superintendent?” Qualitative data related to this question
produced one finding. Mentorship is the gateway to valuable opportunities and networking.
Mentorship would help give more Black administrators support on their journey. Research
suggests a low number of people of color in education. “In the United States, persons of color
represent 10.9% of the nation’s teachers and 12.3% of principals, but only 2.2% of
superintendents” (Brown, 2014, p. 575). The interviewees shared it was rare to have the
opportunity to work with other Black administrators, and the prospect of having a Black mentor
was scarce.
65
The limitation of the findings was the small sample group of six participants. There is
also limited research on Black superintendent mentorship and how it affects leaders’ trajectories.
The participants shared that while they all had mentors, their access to these mentors was
limited. The implications are important to consider as the number of Black superintendents in
California remains low. School districts could benefit from cultivating more mentorship
opportunities for Black educational leaders to benefit all students. Per Alston (2005), “Research
has stressed the importance of having both teachers and administrators of color in professional
positions in schools as “significant others” for children of color in those schools and
communities” (p. 677). A possible solution could be for districts to connect Black administrators
with other former or current Black superintendents. Doing so would provide guidance and
feedback on their experiences.
Research Question 4
Research Question 4 inquired, “What recommendations do current Black superintendents
have for Black educators aspiring to become superintendents?” Qualitative data related to
Research Question Four produced two findings. The most important recommendation was to
know the contract. Understanding what items to ask for and require in a contract can strengthen
the superintendent’s legal position with the school board. The interviewees considered one book
a must-read: Dancing With the Bear: Negotiating the Superintendent Employment Contract
(Baker, 2018). This book provides insight into navigating and negotiating the contract cycle.
According to McColl (2007), “A contract must address the superintendent’s term of
employment (one to four years). In addition, it can provide processes for extending the contract
and for resignation or nonrenewal” (p. 12). Another key pillar the interviewees shared was to
make sure to ask for a supermajority in the contract. When it comes time to renew a contract or
66
have it voted on, a standard number of school board members must agree on a change. Requiring
a supermajority means the number of members who must vote against the superintendent must
be higher than a simple majority. Ensuring that extra level of contractual protection helps buffer
challenges. Hunter (2005) shared, “Although the new politics of public education influence all
superintendents, African American superintendents because they serve in the most troubled
school systems, are more likely than other superintendents to become scapegoats for boards of
education and other politicians” (p. 425).
The second finding was that the interviewees indicated a need for support, as their
numbers in the state remain low. Per Scott (1990), “The efforts of Black school superintendents
are affected by the multifaceted impositions and barriers that are uniquely linked to society’s
treatment of Black Americans and Black leadership” (p. 2). These barriers can be faced jointly
with a school district and board that embrace their superintendent. The participants shared that
they need paid mentorship, understanding, and patience due to the constant pressures brought on
by racism.
The participants shared that they understood they face unrealistic expectations that their
White peers do not. They are expected to “save the day” because they are persons of color. The
interviewees shared a constant understanding that their success or failure impacts how other
Black superintendents will be viewed in the future. According to Hunter (2005), “For African
American superintendents, the superhero imagery also includes the expectation that they resolve
racial issues affecting their school districts. Among them, the rising diversity of K-12 students
compared to the increasing homogeneity of the nation’s teaching population” (p. 426). The
interviews showed evidence of practices that participants have to remind themselves to do to
monitor their behavior and actions. These self-monitoring practices are managing emotions, not
67
becoming upset if subordinates do not follow them due to race or gender, and being aware of
hand and facial expressions. School board members can help mitigate this self-regulation by
allowing their superintendents to be themselves and provide assurance of support when pushback
stems from racism.
Implications for Practice
This study’s results speak to the barriers, resiliency, experiences, and support needed for
Black leaders who seek the superintendency. Three main implications of practice can be
introduced based on the findings. The first is implementing mentorship during the path to
leadership. The second is the self-monitoring that Black superintendents must practice due to the
“messiah or scapegoat” double jeopardy they face. The third is the support needed from school
districts f in the form of paid mentorship and understanding of the challenges these
superintendents face.
The third research finding was that once participants were offered the top job, support
was critical to their success. There is a need to know the contracts. The book that the participants
stated was important was also key in helping several of them gain leverage and insight into their
contracts. Interviewees shared that they believe that Black superintendents often get fewer years
in their contracts than their White peers. Table 6 shows the possible solutions that school districts
can implement to better support aspiring black superintendents.
Table 6
Possible Solutions For Aspiring Black Superintendents
1. Connecting Black aspiring administrators with former or current Black superintendents
2. Allow aspiring Black administrators to shadow executive district leadership for a semester
3. Encourage school districts to analyze demographics in administration, assessing diversity
68
The finding regarding practice was that Black superintendents must ask to have a paid
mentor throughout their tenure. Many of the participants shared that they had an “all or nothing”
experience where they came into their role as either a success or failure. According to Hunter
(2005), “Although the new politics of public education influence all superintendents, African
American superintendents, because they serve in the most troubled school systems, are more
likely than other superintendents to become scapegoats for boards of education and other
politicians” (p. 425). A paid mentor is key for sitting superintendents. The first future implication
for school districts is to provide mentorship for Black leaders by default. A second implication is
to allow those offered the superintendent position to view the contracts of those who served
before them. The limitations of this finding are that not all school districts are the same, and each
superintendent’s contract is different.
Future Research
Addressing the needs of Black school leaders who wish to become superintendents in
California requires more research on development, mentorship, and school board support.
Research on Black administrators’ development is needed to provide opportunities for future
talented leaders. More studies should examine access for those who need mentorship to navigate
the political and status quo challenges they will face as district superintendents. The third area
that will require future research is contractual support.
As previously mentioned, there is a need for more diversity in the superintendent ranks in
California. Researching how to develop administrators is important because all students need to
experience diversity in leadership. Per Alston (2005), “Research has stressed the importance of
having both teachers and administrators of color in professional positions in schools as
“significant others” for children of color in those schools and communities” (p. 677).
69
Literature also affirms that there is a need for research on establishing a pipeline of
mentorship. Effective mentorship is needed to guide the few Black superintendents in office. In
2020, there were 26 Black superintendents in California out of 1,025 in total (CAAASA, 2020).
An understanding of how to provide effective mentorship supports the needs of Black
administrators who seek district leadership roles. These mentorship opportunities need to be
established by school districts for Black administrators who wish to become superintendents.
The literature also affirms the need for contractual support. This contractual support
involves research to ensure the contract includes adequate time. This time needed comes in the
form of patience and understanding of the challenges caused by racism. As Casper (2018) noted,
Black and White individuals are “perceived differently based exclusively on their race because
the stereotypes associated with being White are often more consistent with leader prototypes (p.
601). Black superintendents need to know that they are safe contractually and that their school
boards support them. Per Livingston (2009),
Black males may be more constrained in their leadership style compared with White
males. One potential negative consequence of this constraint on leadership style is an
increase in self-monitoring behavior among Black male leaders, which in turn could
increase cognitive load and result in impaired executive functioning. (p. 1234)
Conclusion
This study took place during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic of 2022. The
interviewees gave honest reflections and, at times, even cried. The interviewees were highly
trained, experienced, transparent, and humble. Their stories are linked to the journey and
hardships that previous generations of Blacks in the United States faced surviving slavery and
segregation. The interviewees’ pride in being one of only 4% in California was evident. None
70
wanted special treatment or to be catered to, but all wanted to be seen as equal and competent
compared to their White peers. Their stories are integral in facilitating more research on Black
superintendents’ paths. This research might be used to educate school district leaders on how to
promote, mentor, and understand Black administrators. This study and future research may
connect Black educators to school district leadership, so we will no longer have to search for the
Black superintendent.
71
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Appendix A: Interview Questions
For this research a qualitative methodology will be used in the study, I will conduct
one-on-one semi-structured interviews for the Black superintendents participating in the
research. I will use open-ended interview questions to learn about the path and experiences of
Black superintendents in California school districts. Interview subjects will be asked to impart
stories of barriers they have moved through, mentorship opportunities, and any skill sets they
have attained as the superintendent. Before the interview, several questions will be asked to
establish demographic information of the study group:
1. How long have you been a superintendent?
2. What is the highest degree that you have earned?
3. What grade levels does your school district serve?
4. What county is your school district located in?
The prior questions will be helpful in researching trends or commonalities in the study. I
will ask open-ended questions that will allow the interviewed superintendents to answer freely. I
will ask the following interview questions:
1. When did you decide you wanted to be a superintendent? What was your motivation
to become a superintendent?
2. Can you discuss any mentorship that specifically helped you become a
superintendent? How did you gain access to the mentorship?
3. Did you experience any barriers on your path to becoming a superintendent? How did
that impact you?
4. Discuss any programs you participated in that helped you become a superintendent?
5. As a Black superintendent do you feel that you have to tone down your cultural
77
a. expression in clothing or hairstyle? If so can you share an example?
6. 6.What advice would you give to aspiring Black superintendents in overcoming
barriers?
7. What advice were you given on your pathway to becoming a superintendent.?
8. Are there any times when you feel that your decision making is questioned because
9. of your positionality as a Black superintendent?
10. 8. What is the best form of support that a school district can provide a
Superintendent?
11. 9.How important is mentoring for BIPOC superintendents in your opinion?
12. 10. Has Anti-Blackness impacted you in your journey to becoming a superintendent?
If so can
13. you explain how?

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Asset Metadata

Creator Rucker, Jerome Ronnell (author)

Core Title In search of the Black superintendent

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2022-05

Publication Date 05/02/2022

Defense Date 04/14/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black,critical race theory,culturally responsive,intersectionality,leadership,mentor,OAI-PMH Harvest,superintendent

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Cash, David (committee chair), Krop, Cathy (committee member), Wilson-Lendor, Danielle (committee member)

Creator Email jerome.rucker@cjuhsd.net,jrrucker@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111159640

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