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Reducing the education debt through supporting African American and Latinx teacher longevity

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Reducing the education debt through supporting African American and Latinx teacher longevity

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Reducing the Education Debt Through Supporting African American and Latinx Teacher

Longevity

by

Zachary Townsend Kahn

Rossier School of Education

University of Southern California

A dissertation submitted to the faculty

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Education

May 2022

© Copyright by Zachary Townsend Kahn 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Zachary Townsend Kahn certifies the approval of this Dissertation

John Thompson
David Cash
Cathy Krop, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
Having African American and Latinx teachers in schools can have a positive effect on
educational outcomes for students, especially African American and Latinx students. However,
African American and Latinx individuals face many barriers to entering and remaining in the
profession of teaching. This study examined survey and interview data that asked beginning
African American and Latinx teachers in an urban school district in the San Francisco Bay Area
about their experiences in their teacher preparation programs and in their first few years as a
teacher. The results confirm existing research and show that many of the strategies supporting
the longevity of all teachers also support the longevity of African American and Latinx teachers.
The results also point to additional strategies that may contribute specifically to the longevity of
African American and Latinx teachers. Teacher residency programs emerge as a strategy that can
both bring more African American and Latinx individuals into the profession and increase their
longevity within the profession and within districts. In all types of teacher preparation programs,
providing support to overcome barriers to entering the profession, teaching social and racial
justice themes throughout the program, and building lasting mentorship relationships are
practices that may correlate with increasing African American and Latinx teacher longevity.
Once on the job, teacher longevity may be increased by ensuring supportive administration, by
creating structures that build collegial relationships, by providing structured opportunities to
discuss race, and by ensuring adequate salaries.

v
Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to educators who fight every day to make a difference in the lives
of our children. It is dedicated to the African American, Latinx, and other educators of various
racial, ethnic, gender, ability, religious, and sexual orientation minority groups who have
persevered and overcome obstacles to enter and remain in the profession in order to build
connections with both students who are like them and students who are not like them. It is
dedicated to a future where every person commits to examining systemic and personal biases so
that our educational system can radically transform into one that allows all children to overcome
barriers and to reach their full potential.

vi
Acknowledgements
This dissertation would not have been possible without the support of certain key people.
I acknowledge my dissertation committee: My chair, Dr. Cathy Krop for her concise direction,
prompt feedback, and for helping me to make my work the best it could be; Dr. David Cash for
breaking this process down into manageable tasks and for his continually keeping me focused on
the end goal; and Dr. John Thompson for years of mentorship and supporting my growth as an
educator.
I acknowledge my family for encouraging me, supporting me, and allowing me to spend
almost every weekend for the past 3 years working on my degree. David, my husband, for
unending dedication to my growth as an educator and as a person. Sophia, for putting up with not
seeing me on evenings and weekends all so that she can call me Dr. Papa. My parents, Jeff and
Linda for their ongoing encouragement, for their financial support, and for being there for me
through the most challenging times. And to my mother-in-law Toni for being consistently and
enthusiastically supportive to me as I worked through these past 3 years.
Finally, I acknowledge Alexis Meron, my colleague and co-administrator for these past 3
years, whose competence and hard work has allowed me time to complete this dissertation and
the ability to even spend time with my family, all while running and improving a school during a
pandemic.

vii

Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 4
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 5
Residency Programs Defined .............................................................................................. 6
Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 7
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 8
Limitation and Delimitations .............................................................................................. 8
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 9
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 10
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 11
Historical Patterns for African American and Latinx Teachers ........................................ 11
Barriers to Entering Into the Teaching Profession ............................................................ 15
Hiring and Placement of African American and Latinx Teachers .................................... 21
Factors Affecting Retention of African American and Latinx Teachers .......................... 23
Promising Practices for Teacher Retention....................................................................... 27
Critical Race Theory Lens ................................................................................................ 29

viii
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 31
Purpose of Study ............................................................................................................... 31
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 32
Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 32
Selection of the Population ............................................................................................... 33
Instrumentation and Protocols .......................................................................................... 35
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 36
Validity and Reliability ..................................................................................................... 36
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 37
Chapter Four: Results ................................................................................................................... 38
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 38
Results ............................................................................................................................... 40
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 69
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 70
Summary of Findings ........................................................................................................ 71
Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 75
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 76
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 77
Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 78
References ..................................................................................................................................... 80
Appendix A: Quantitative Survey Instrument .............................................................................. 91
Appendix B: Qualitative Interview Protocol ................................................................................ 99

ix
List of Tables
Table 1 Differences Between Teacher Residency Programs and Traditional Teacher
Preparation Programs ...................................................................................................................... 7
Table 2 State of California Student and Teacher Populations ...................................................... 14
Table 3 Interview Participants ...................................................................................................... 34
Table 4 Survey Participants .......................................................................................................... 39
Table 5 Interview Participants ...................................................................................................... 40
Table 7 Which Statement Best Describes How Long You Plan to Remain in This District? ...... 45
Table 8 Factors Affecting the Retention of Teachers by Researcher............................................ 56
Table 9 Administrative Support: To What Extent Do You Agree or Disagree With Each
of the Following Statements?........................................................................................................ 57
Table 10 Collegial Relationships: To What Extent Do You Agree or Disagree With Each
of the Following Statements?........................................................................................................ 60
Table 11 Teacher Autonomy: How Much Actual Control Do You Have in Your Classroom
at Your Current School Over the Following Areas of Your Planning and Teaching? ................. 62

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: I Am Satisfied With Being a Teacher in General .......................................................... 44
Figure 2: I Am Satisfied With Being a Teacher in This District .................................................. 46
Figure 3: I Think About Transferring to Another District ............................................................ 47

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
“Racial disparities in most educational outcomes have remained essentially unchanged
since the 1970s and continue to be one of the most important social problems facing the United
States” (Merolla & Jackson, 2019, p. 2). One of the greatest influences on a student’s success is
quality teachers (Stronge, 2010) and having teachers of color within schools brings an array of
benefits to the school and to the students, especially in schools with students of color (Kohli,
2018). Despite knowledge of racial disparities in student outcomes and knowledge of the benefits
of teachers of color, there remains a significant mismatch between the racial composition of
students in American schools when compared with the racial composition of the teaching force
in American schools. As of 2017, 80% of the teaching force in the United States identified as
White (U.S. Department of Education, 2017) while as of 2015, 51% of the student population in
the United States was non-White, and by 2025, 55% of the student population in the United
States is predicted to be non-White (U.S. Department of Education, 2019). With student
populations becoming more diverse, one is left wondering why the teaching force has not kept
pace.
The solution to such a problem might seem simple: hire more BIPOC (Black, Indigenous,
and people of color) teachers. However, not only is there evidence that teachers of color are less
likely to be hired into the profession (D’amico et al., 2017), there are challenges that exist with
building a supply of BIPOC teachers from which to hire and challenges with keeping BIPOC
teachers in their positions and in the profession once hired. Given their own experiences in
school and a lack of race concordant professional educators to serve as role models, BIPOC may
be less likely to consider teaching as a profession (Farinde et al., 2015). Financial barriers to
entering unpaid student teaching (Rogers-Ard et al., 2013), fewer BIPOC students completing
2

prerequisite undergraduate degrees (Madkins, 2011) and the sometimes hostile racial climates
that exist in teacher preparation programs (Gist, 2017) can further deter BIPOC from entering the
profession. Then, once hired, BIPOC teachers are often placed in the most challenging districts
and schools (Achinstein et al., 2010; D’amico 2017; Simon & Johnson, 2015) may be placed in
roles that do not recognize them as instructors (Bristol, 2015), and can face racially hostile
environments where color blindness and racial microaggressions manifest (Kohli, 2018). Given
the many benefits to students of having BIPOC teachers in schools in the United States, the
current mismatch of BIPOC teachers to BIPOC students, and the significant barriers BIPOC face
in becoming and remaining teachers, there is urgent work to be done to build a teacher force that
is more racially concordant with the current student population.
This research study provides insight into current barriers and supports to the longevity of
African American and Latinx teachers in urban school districts, looking specifically at an urban
school district in Alameda County, California. Specifically, it will examine the supports and
barriers of various preparation programs and in the first 2 years of employment.
Background of the Problem
Ladson-Billings (2006) argued that the achievement gap should be viewed as an
educational debt, or a debt owed to certain groups of students due to resources we should have
been investing in them but haven’t been. Ladson-Billings further elaborates that this debt is
compounded by excluding certain groups from civic processes, the historical underfunding of
segregated education, and treating certain groups in a manner that is morally wrong. Whites in
many cases have made and continue to make decisions in education and elsewhere based on an
interest convergence, that is they seek racial justice only when there's something in it for them
(Ladson-Billings, 2013). Tuck and Gaztambide-Fernandez (2013) argued that schooling in the
3

United States has been a White supremacist project, functioning under a belief that European
civilization is desirable and that the futurity of the settlers must be ensured. As one example, in
the late 19th Century schools that were intended to help Native Americans by supporting
children to assimilate into American society, in effect resulted in Native Americans being
stripped of additional land and resources (Ahern, 1976). Schools in the United States have been
created for the purpose of deculturizing non-White groups by ensuring they become part of U.S.
culture and don’t contradict the dominant culture (Spring, 2016). As another example of ensuring
settler futurity, after setting up the first system of universal public schools in the United States,
the Freedman Schools, the efforts of the African Americans who set up these schools were
subverted to create a system of schooling that upheld the superiority of the White race
(Anderson, 1988). And as a final example of ensuring settler futurity, the 1954 Brown v. Board
of Education settlement, which is often touted as a watershed moment in educational history, has
left schools in the United States still segregated, with Black and brown students in inferior
schools (Bell, 1980).
As BIPOC have continually been subjected to educational systems not designed to
benefit them, but instead to benefit Whites, there is a plethora of research showing the benefits to
students and to the educational system from having BIPOC teachers. Flores et al. (2018) state
that because students of color may often better relate to teachers of color, teachers of color can
serve as a bridge to bring students of color into the realm of education. There have also been
studies showing that students can improve their test scores when assigned to a race-congruent
teacher, or a teacher of the same race as themselves, especially lower-performing students (Eddy
& Easton-Brooks, 2011; Egalite et al., 2015). Villegas and Irvine (2010) found that in addition to
improving test scores, when students are assigned to a race congruent teacher, there tend to be
4

lower referral rates to special education and higher college matriculation rates. This may be
related to systematic biases in teachers’ expectations related to the demographic match between
student and teacher as shown by Gershenson et al. (2016). Specifically, they found strong
evidence that non-Black teachers of Black students have significantly lower expectations than do
Black teachers. Given a history of educational policies in the United States that have further
disadvantaged BIPOC students, it may logically follow that perhaps those best suited to
beginning to repay the educational debt may in fact be BIPOC teachers and leaders.
Statement of the Problem
Students of color are often found in the lowest performing schools. These high-poverty,
high-minority, urban and rural public schools have among the highest rates of teacher turnover
(Ingersoll & May, 2012; Ingersoll & Merrill, 2014). Teachers are three times more likely to leave
schools with a majority of students of color than schools with a majority of White students
(Achinstein et al., 2010). However, in these schools with high turnover, teachers of color are far
more likely to persist (Achinstein et al., 2010; Farinde-Wu & Fitchett, 2018), and when they do
leave, they do not cite the demographics of the students as a reason for leaving (Ingersoll & May,
2011). In fact, demographic characteristics of schools appear to be highly important to minority
teachers’ initial decisions as to where to teach and many choose to teach in schools with large
populations of students of color (Ingersoll & May, 2011; Ingersoll & Merrill, 2014). Despite
strong evidence showing the benefits for African American and Latinx students from having
African American and Latinx teachers in their schools, districts still struggle to retain African
American and Latinx teachers. This study used a critical race theory lens and as a consequence
viewed these issues of retaining African American and Latinx teachers as the result of intentional
and deep-rooted structural inequalities. This study examined supports and barriers to African
5

American and Latinx teachers remaining in the profession. Specifically, it examined the
experiences and perceptions of African American and Latinx teachers currently in their 1st and
2nd years of teaching in an urban school district in Alameda County, California in regard to what
has been supportive and what has been detrimental in influencing their desire to stay in the
profession and to stay in the district.
Note that this dissertation uses the terms BIPOC, people of color, and African American
and Latinx. This study specifically focuses on African American and Latinx teachers, and
therefore when discussing the study, the term African American and Latinx is used. When
referencing literature, the terms BIPOC and of color are used to match the authors’ language.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to better understand factors influencing African American
and Latinx teachers’ self-reported desire to remain in the teaching profession and/or remain in
their current district. The study began by surveying all African American and Latinx teachers
who have been part of the district either through employment, the residency program, or some
combination of the two for 1–2 years regarding their teacher preparation programs, support
provided to them after being hired, and their desire to remain in the profession and/or the district.
The study then conducted in depth interviews with a subset of these African American and
Latinx teachers to develop a deeper understanding of the factors influencing their desire to
remain in the profession and in the district with a focus on preparation programs and conditions
in their first few years of employment. The study specifically examined the effect of
participating in the district’s residency program on teacher longevity.
6

Residency Programs Defined
Teacher residency programs are an alternative pathway to teaching for prospective
educators. They are typically embedded within a particular school district. Instead of taking
classes at a university and engaging in student teaching before becoming the teacher of record,
participants pair with a teacher of record and are engaged in co-teaching with that teacher
throughout the term of their residency while taking some university classes. In the district of
study’s residency program, participants engage in co-teaching four days per week and take
coursework on the fifth day. A final and significant difference between traditional and residency
teacher preparation programs is that while traditional teacher preparation programs may require
tuition and fees to be paid, teacher residency programs typically do not charge tuition or fees and
may provide residents with a stipend for living expenses while attending the program. In
exchange for the paid tuition and stipend, residents are generally expected to teach in the district
where the residency program exists for a certain period. In the district of study’s residency
program, the district pays tuition and provides residents with a $13,000 stipend for the year. In
exchange, residents agree to teach for 3 years in high needs areas such as special education,
bilingual education, and math. Table 1 contains a summary of general differences between
teacher residency programs and traditional teacher preparation programs.

7

Table 1 Differences Between Teacher Residency Programs and Traditional Teacher Preparation Programs
Differences Between Teacher Residency Programs and Traditional Teacher Preparation
Programs
Area Residency program Traditional teacher preparation
program
Focus of
program
Co-teaching with experienced teacher is
primary; university coursework is
secondary
University coursework is
primary; student teaching is
secondary
Cost A stipend may be provided; the cost of
tuition is usually assumed by the school
district in exchange for participants
agreeing to teach in the district for a
certain number of years
Each participant is expected to
pay their own tuition; financial
aid is usually available
Overseen by Run by a district, usually in coordination
with a university for coursework
Run by a university, usually in
coordination with districts for
student teaching

Research Questions
The following research questions guided this study:
1. How does the self-reported desire of African American and Latinx teachers to
continue in the profession and in the district differ between teachers who have
completed the district’s residency program and teachers who have completed other
preparation programs?
2. How do beginning African American and Latinx teachers in the district of study
perceive the effectiveness of their preparation programs at preparing them for being
an African American or Latinx teacher teaching in a district with a majority White
educators?
8

3. What is the relationship between the conditions teachers experience in the district of
study and the self-reported desire of African American and Latinx teachers to
continue in the profession and in the district?
4. How do beginning African American and Latinx teachers perceive the support they
receive in the various schools where they teach within the district of study?
Significance of the Study
The research study provides insight into practices in teacher preparation programs and in
school districts that influence the desire of teachers to remain in the profession and in the district.
The results will be shared with school district officials to determine the ongoing usefulness of the
residency program and to examine effective and detrimental practices within the district and at
school sites that affect the longevity of the district’s beginning BIPOC teachers. These results
may lead to better retention of BIPOC teachers and ultimately to improved outcomes for
students.
Limitation and Delimitations
This study is limited to one district in Alameda County, California, and teachers’ self-
reported experiences and desires to remain in the profession and the district. It cannot be
assumed that these teachers’ self-reports will be consistent with other teachers, nor can it be
assumed that their self-reported desire to remain in the profession and in the district will
correlate with actual teacher longevity.
The delimitations of this study were limited to the race (African American and Latinx) of
the teachers, district (an urban district in Alameda County, California), and the number of
teachers surveyed and interviewed.
9

Definition of Terms
• BIPOC stands for Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC). It is a term that
expands upon People of Color to be more inclusive of Black and Indigenous people.
It recognizes the differences in experiences of different groups in the United States,
most Black people having a history of enslavement and most Indigenous people
having a history of being colonized by White settlers (Garcia, 2020).
• Colorblindness refers to a view of racism as a personal rather than systemic issue. It
views the world as neutral and ignores the ways racism functions in society (Lopez,
2003).
• Education debt refers to the centuries of resources the United States should have been
investing in certain children and communities, specifically BIPOC and poor children,
and states that the United States owes a debt to these children due to this historic
underinvestment. It acknowledges three areas, a sociopolitical debt from being
excluded from civic processes, an economic debt from an historical underfunding of
segregated debt, and a moral debt from committing moral wrongs against a people
(Ladson-Billings, 2006).
• Race concordant refers to people who have the same racial identity (LaVeist et al.,
2003). In this paper, race concordance is used to describe African American students
with African American teachers and Latinx students with Latinx teachers.
• Teacher residency programs are
Typically run by a school district independently or in partnership with an
intermediary organization, residency programs select uncertified teaching
candidates through a competitive process to work alongside a mentor for a full
10

year before becoming a teacher of record. Residents also complete a
streamlined set of coursework leading to both state certification and a master’s
degree from a partner university. In exchange for tuition remittance and a
residency-year stipend, they commit to teaching in the district for a specified
period, generally 3 to 5 years. (Papay et al., 2012, p. 413)
• Traditional teacher preparation programs are the teacher preparation route currently
taken by about 80% of teachers in the United States that involves professional
coursework taken through a university combined with student teaching experience
(National Council on Teacher Quality, n.d.).
Organization of the Study
This dissertation is organized into five chapters. Chapter One provided an overview of
the study and introduced data to present the problem and outline of the study. Chapter Two
presents a literature review in the following five areas: historical patterns for African American
and Latinx teachers, barriers to African American and Latinx individuals entering the teaching
profession, hiring and placement of African American and Latinx teachers, factors affecting
retention of African American and Latinx teachers, and promising practices for teacher retention.
Chapter Three describes the methodology selected for this research study and includes a
discussion of population selection, instrumentation and protocols, data collection, and data
analysis. Chapter Four is a report of the research findings. Chapter Five is composed of a
summary of findings, implications for practice, conclusions, and recommendations. References
and appendices are included in the conclusion of this research study.

11

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This study examines the retention of African American and Latinx teachers. It focuses on
teacher preparation programs and the work environment for beginning teachers. This literature
review examines the historic patterns in the United States that have created a teacher workforce
in which White teachers are the majority and where the percentages of African American and
Latinx teachers are far below the percentage of their respective student populations. These trends
persist due to several barriers African American and Latinx teachers face to entering and
remaining in the teaching profession, including inadequate educational opportunities to make
them eligible for entry into the profession, experiences decreasing their desire to enter the
profession, and financial and other institutional barriers. Both during the process of becoming a
teacher and once employed as a teacher, African American and Latinx individuals often endure
racial hostility and discrimination. Hiring decisions often exclude African American and Latinx
teachers from the profession, while placement decisions often disproportionately place African
American and Latinx teachers in positions where they are far less likely to endure in the
profession. Furthermore, the school environment created by administrators and colleagues is
often hostile toward and devaluing of African American and Latinx teachers. While the obstacles
to African American and Latinx teacher longevity are significant, promising practices are
emerging, including teacher residencies, improvements in principal effectiveness, and reduction
of financial barriers.
Historical Patterns for African American and Latinx Teachers
While the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas decision was a
watershed moment in education and has been a significant factor in determining the race of
teachers in the United States, other patterns throughout history have led to an ongoing imbalance
12

between the percentage of African American and Latinx teachers when compared with the
percentage of African American and Latinx students. In fact, other than the historical
significance of the Brown decision solely for African American teachers, there is consistency
between the factors that continue to affect African American teacher longevity and the factors
that continue to affect Latinx teacher longevity.
Historical Patterns for African American Teachers
Prior to the Brown decision, education was one of the few professional vocations open to
middle class African Americans, especially women in the south (Tillman, 2004). During this first
half of the 20th Century, African American students were often educated with African American
teachers in African American schools. Throughout this time, there was a steady increase in the
numbers of African American teachers in the United States (Milner & Howard, 2004). After the
Brown decision, the proportion of African American teachers in schools faced a precipitous
decline. Despite some efforts, African American teachers, while growing in overall numbers
throughout the country since the decision, have not grown as a proportion of the overall teaching
force.
The Brown decision prohibited racially segregated schools and as a result many African
American schools closed due to decisions made by predominately White school boards. Upon
their closing, the African American teachers at those schools were fired and any new positions
were not open to African Americans (Tillman, 2004). Depending on how local jurisdictions
implemented the Brown decision, color pigmentation was considered in hiring and retention
decisions with lighter skinned Black teachers being retained (Milner & Howard, 2004). In the 11
years following the Brown decision, approximately one-third of all African American teachers
13

lost their jobs as they were replaced by White educators in desegregated schools (Milner &
Howard, 2004).
While desegregation was the most important influence on the reduction of the African
American teacher force, the pattern has only worsened. As shown in Table 2 in the 1998–1999
school year, 5.1% of the teacher force in the State of California was African American but in the
2018–2019 school year this number reduced to 3.9%. This decrease took place while the
percentage of the student population that is African American increased from 4.3% in 1998–
1999 to 5.4% in 2018–2019 (California Department of Education, 1999a, 1999b, 2009a, 2009b,
2019a, 2019b). Some of the possible reasons for this nationwide trend that are specific to African
American individuals’ desire to enter the teaching profession include low respect given to
teachers, low salary, low social status of teachers, the perception of teaching as women’s work,
and the current lack of African American teachers to serve as role models (Walley, 2018;
Wimbush, 2012).

14

Table 2 State of California Student and Teacher Populations
State of California Student and Teacher Populations
Population
and year
Latinx African American White
n % n % n %
Teachers
1998–99 34,367 12.1 14,430 5.1 216,452 76.2
2008–09 50,871 16.6 13,115 4.2 215,080 70.1
2018–19 64,904 21.1 11,998 3.9 188,229 61.2
Students
1998–99 1,177,816 20.2 250,145 4.3 1,071,521 18.3%
2008–09 3,064,612 49.0 454,781 7.3 1,741,664 28.9
2018–19 3,374,921 54.6 334,652 5.4 1,417,055 22.9

Historical Patterns for Latinx Teachers
While Latinx teachers have grown in overall number and in the percentage of the overall
teaching force they comprise, their growth in the teaching force has been far outpaced by the
growth in Latinx students resulting in a significant gap between Latinx students and teachers. As
shown in Table 2 in the 1998–1999 school year, 12.1% of the teacher force in the State of
California was Latinx and in the 2018–2019 school year this percentage increased to 21.1%.
However, this growth was far outpaced by the Latinx growth as a percentage of the student
population, where in the 1998–1999 school year it was 20.2% and in the 2018–2019 school year
it was 54.6%. This also represents a 33% difference between Latinx students comprising 54.6%
of the student population and Latinx teachers comprising only 21.1% of the teacher population
15

(California Department of Education, 1999a, 1999b, 2009a, 2009b, 2019a, 2019b). Some
potential reasons for this disparity specific to Latinx individuals’ desire to enter the teaching
profession include Latinx individuals facing more pressure to financially support their families
and forgo the long education path required to go into teaching, facing more pressure to go into
more lucrative careers, and facing more pressure to stay near home and not go away to obtain the
education necessary to enter teaching (Garza, 2019).
Barriers to Entering Into the Teaching Profession
Barriers to entering the teaching profession begin in childhood with the often-inadequate
educational experiences provided to African American and Latinx individuals. This poor-quality
education not only leads to many individuals not earning a prerequisite bachelor’s degree but
may also decrease the desire of individuals to enter into the teaching profession. Those who do
overcome educational barriers face additional barriers in the form of biased entrance exams and
prohibitive financial costs. Finally, within many teacher-preparation programs, racial hostility
and colorblindness pervade, decreasing the likelihood that the victims of the hostility and
colorblindness will become teachers and/or persist in the profession.
Influence of Inadequate Educational Opportunities on Eligibility for Admittance Into
Teacher Preparation Programs
The lack of educational opportunities available to African American and Latinx
individuals acts as a barrier to entering teacher preparation programs, which often require a 4-
year college degree for admittance. These opportunities are often less at all levels of the
education system, and include some of the highest dropout rates, the lowest college enrollment
rates, and the lowest rates of 4-year degree attainment (Krogstad, 2016). The result is that in the
16

United States, 65% of bachelor’s degrees being awarded to White students, while only 10% are
awarded to Black students, and 12% are awarded to Latinx students (Wiggan et al., 2021).
Some of the research specific to Latinx students shows that their high school graduation
rates are lower than White and Asian peers by 10% and 12% respectively and that they are more
likely to attend a 2-year college than a 4-year college (Shapiro & Partelow, 2018). Shapiro and
Partelow also showed that Latinx 4-year college graduation rates are lower than their White and
Asian peers by 25% and 48% respectively. Ocasio (2014) found that Latinos have lower test
scores than their peers as early as third grade, that they tend to receive less encouragement to
take college preparatory courses, and that there tends to be less outreach to them from colleges
and universities, and from high school counselors. Ocasio cited further barriers within families,
such as a lack of access to technology and financial resources to pay for college. Ocasio stated
that Latino students who do persist and attend college may feel pressure to utilize their education
to lift their families out of poverty, which makes teaching an unattractive choice. These
institutional barriers within the educational system coupled with certain family and cultural
dynamics leads to African American and Latinx individuals obtaining bachelor's degrees at a
much lower rate than their White peers rendering them ineligible to become teachers.
Influence of Inadequate Educational Experiences on Desire to Enter the Teaching
Profession
Not only do inadequate educational opportunities prevent African Americans and Latinx
individuals from being eligible to enter the profession, these inadequate educational experiences
also affect their desire to enter into the profession. Within schools in the United States,
curriculum is often disconnected from culture and African American and Latinx students
frequently have negative interactions with teachers (Farinde et al., 2015; Turner et al., 2017).
17

These interactions range from teachers not making cultural connections, not believing in
students’ abilities, and not addressing instances of racial hostility. Given negative experiences in
school and a lack of race concordant professional educators to serve as role models, Black,
Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) may be less likely to consider teaching as a profession
(Farinde et al., 2015). However, it has also been shown that a variety of experiences can motivate
students to enter the teaching profession from positive school experiences inspiring them to enter
the profession (Turner et al., 2017), to negative experiences forming a desire to combat injustices
within schools (Ocasio, 2014).
Teacher Preparation Program Entrance Exams
The entrance exams often required for admittance into a teacher preparation program are
seen as a significant barrier preventing African American and Latinx individuals from entering
the profession. Madkins (2011) and Petchaus (2012) specifically examined the detrimental effect
standardized entrance testing requirements have on the enrollment of African Americans in
teacher preparation programs due to lower passing rates. Bennett et al. (2006) and Wiggan et al.
(2012) discussed how the standardized assessments used for entrance into teacher preparation
programs are not predictors for the caliber of teacher a candidate will become. Bennet et al.
(2006) concluded the following:
PRAXIS I, as it is currently used in most settings, is an inequitable TEP [teacher
education program] admissions tool because it establishes a single standard to assess the
capabilities of talented students who have had unequal educational opportunities and
unequal access to the knowledge needed to attain passing scores on the test. (p. 567)
They conclude that the PRAXIS I itself is unfair and further claim that it is unfair because P–12
schools do not provide a high-quality education for students from all backgrounds. Gitomer et al.
18

(2011) argued that the gaps between student scores on PRAXIS exams can largely be explained
by academic preparation and they state that there are consequences of having teachers in the
classrooms who have not mastered basic skills and the content they are to teach. However,
deeper analysis of this study showed that the researchers used only grade point average to assess
academic preparation, which is a biased indicator of the ability of somebody to teach. Therefore,
while there may be some validity to using standardized tests as a qualification for entering
teacher preparation programs, the tests generally overvalue knowledge and experiences White
candidates are likely to have while undervaluing knowledge and experiences BIPOC candidates
are likely to have.
Milner and Howard (2013) went deeper by challenging in general how we classify who
the best teachers are. They challenge the notion of programs that state they select the best and
brightest by noting that many of these programs use a single standardized test to determine best
and brightest. They discussed the limited scope of standardized tests, which do not assess how
effective candidates are at working with students from linguistically and socio-economically
backgrounds or the cultural competence of candidates. Overall, such standardized tests that are
required for entrance into teacher preparation programs have been shown to favor candidates
who match the majority of teachers, not the majority of students, and they do not necessarily
measure what matters most (Rogers-Ard et al., 2013). Despite this extensive research showing
how such exams prevent African American and Latinx candidates from entering the teaching
profession, these exams continue to be a requirement of entrance into teacher preparation
programs, preventing many African American and Latinx individuals from ever becoming
teachers.
19

Costs of Teacher Preparation
Once admitted to a teacher preparation program, the costs associated with becoming a
teacher, from tuition to the opportunity cost of engaging in unpaid student teaching, can serve as
a significant barrier for African American and Latinx students who often come from families
with lower incomes and less access to savings. In addition to the basic expense of tuition, many
students must work while in school to afford test fees, test preparation fees, tutoring fees, college
application fees, fingerprinting fees, and other financial fees. It can be a significant challenge to
balance work with classes and unpaid student teaching (Rogers-Ard et al., 2013). Rogers-Ard et
al. further showed how additional structural barriers such as mass incarceration and additional
family responsibilities leave fewer financial resources and less ability of African American and
Latinx individuals to take the time required to enter the teaching profession. These high costs and
associated challenges drive many African American and Latinx individuals to other more
lucrative careers with less schooling required to pay back their already significant student loans
(Bireda & Chait, 2011). Turner et al. (2014) concluded that reducing the cost of becoming a
teacher would bring more African American and Latinx teachers into the field, while Ahmad and
Boser (2014) concluded that having smoother transitions from 2-year to 4-year colleges would
support more African American and Latinx students in becoming teachers since they are more
likely to attend 2-year colleges. Regardless of the method taken to reduce the financial burden of
attending teacher education programs, to increase the percentage of African American and
Latinx teachers in the profession, more must be done to make teacher preparation programs more
accessible to African American and Latinx individuals.
20

Racial Hostility and Colorblindness in Teacher Preparation Programs
African American and Latinx teachers who do enter teacher preparation programs often
face further barriers within those programs as they struggle to endure racial hostility and
colorblindness. Many teachers of color go into teaching because they want to help students
overcome the barriers they face due to their race, but when teacher preparation programs
overlook the experiences of their students of color, then those teacher candidates face the same
barriers they wish to help their students overcome (Gist, 2017). Scott and Rodriguez (2014)
emphasized the importance of academic support, a quality education, and opportunities to fulfill
goals within teacher preparation programs. However, they found that whiteness is the norm,
programs are not welcoming to African Americans, and that students and faculty are granted
freedom to make derogatory remarks when such remarks are not addressed. Kohli (2012) found
that the lack of diversity among faculty, peers not caring or understanding the problems people
of color face, and the undervaluing of the knowledge people of color bring to their preparation
programs further create an oppressive education environment for teacher candidates of color.
Kohli (2018) found that a majority White candidates, and curriculum that normalizes Whites
while rejecting the history, experiences, and perspectives of teachers of color also contribute to a
hostile educational environment for teacher candidates of color. If teacher preparation programs
do not intentionally take action to address the racial hostility and colorblindness that pervade in
their programs, racial hostility and colorblindness within such programs will remain as a barrier
to the entry of African American and Latinx individuals into the programs and to their success
once enrolled in the programs.
21

Hiring and Placement of African American and Latinx Teachers
If African American and Latinx individuals can beat the odds by overcoming the many
barriers that stand in their way and earn a preliminary teaching credential, they then face
additional barriers to entering and remaining in the profession. Many of the same barriers
experienced up until this point prevail in the hiring process and during employment.
Furthermore, many of the patterns found during the hiring and placement process can lead to
African American and Latinx teachers not remaining in the profession.
Discrimination in Hiring
Despite efforts to hire more BIPOC teachers, discrimination in hiring is still prevalent.
D’Amico et al. (2017) debunked the myth that the lack of teacher diversity is merely a supply
problem. They cited evidence that Black applicants are significantly less likely than White
candidates to be hired. They find that principals are gatekeepers and may focus on factors like
local connections and not on the ability of candidates to teach students from different races.
Bartanen and Grissom (2019) supported this finding with their research showing that having
Black principals increased the likelihood that Black teachers would be hired. They showed that
principals hire from within their networks and that Black principals are more likely to have
Black teachers in their networks. However, with few administrators of color, teaching
opportunities for African American and Latinx individuals continue to remain low and therefore
there continues to be a demand problem for African American and Latinx teachers.
Placement Within Districts and Resources/Support Available
Research shows that teachers of all races leave schools with poorer conditions at higher
rates than schools with good conditions (Achinstein et al., 2010; Simon & Johnson, 2015). The
research also shows that African American and Latinx teachers are placed at schools with poor
22

conditions at higher rates than White teachers, thereby placing them in positions in which they
are statistically less likely to remain (D’Amico et al., 2017; Ingersoll & May, 2016). Achinstein
et al. (2010) found that the factors affecting the retention of teachers of color are similar to the
factors affecting the retention of all teachers. These factors include salary, instructional
materials, facilities, professional development, mentoring, administrative support, autonomy, and
participation in decision making. Teachers of color are more likely than White teachers to work
at schools having problems in those areas. Additionally, there are some factors specific to the
retention of teachers of color, including their humanistic commitments (i.e., wanting to do the
right thing for kids), their innovative approaches to teaching not being aligned to aligned with
common or acceptable practices within the school, and the lack of multicultural capital within
schools (Achinstein et al., 2010). D’Amico et al. (2017) examined Black teachers in one district
and found that they were more likely than White teachers to be placed in schools with children of
color, children in poverty, and schools that are struggling, all of which are factors correlated with
poorer teacher retention. Simon and Johnson (2015) also examined some of the reasons teachers
flee high-poverty schools. They specifically stated that these teachers are not fleeing the
students, but instead are fleeing poor working conditions, which include school leadership,
collegial relationships, and elements of school culture. Ingersoll and May (2016) analyzed 25
years of teaching data and found that when controlling for background characteristics of
students, minority teachers, on average, did not depart at significantly different rates from
schools than White teachers. They stated that if the teachers in the lowest performing schools had
the autonomy teachers in the highest performing schools had, this would have led to a gain of
213,000 minority teachers over a 25-year period. Research like this demonstrates that teacher
23

placement matters when considering teacher longevity and that care must be given when placing
teachers and in improving the conditions in the schools from which all teachers flee.
Placement Within School Sites Based on Being Valued as an Instructor
Placement is not only an important factor in placing teachers at schools but also in terms
of the roles teachers are assigned both formally and informally within schools. Research shows
that African American and Latinx teachers often become valued not for their instructional
expertise, but instead for token characteristics that may be based on stereotypes or on only a
narrow subset of their overall expertise (Bristol, 2014, 2015). Bristol (2015), in conducting
interviews of male teachers of color, highlighted a trend of the teachers generally being assigned
to a more disciplinary role rather than an instructional role. Bristol (2014) claimed that this
tokenism places a strain on minorities in that they are expected to perform in a manner that is
consistent with their stereotype. Bristol (2014) stated that often supervisors look at the token
status as opposed to actual job performance with deciding the role to place teachers in. When
people are valued for a token status as opposed to for who they truly are, they tend to isolate
themselves. All these factors point to a need for a deep examination of the roles and supports for
teachers of color within schools.
Factors Affecting Retention of African American and Latinx Teachers
As previously stated, there is an interrelationship between placement and retention, as
teachers can be placed in schools with vastly different conditions. Some of the primary
conditions affecting teacher retention are highlighted in this section of the literature review.
These conditions include the degree to which teachers are valued, presence of colorblindness and
microaggressions, support of administrators, support of colleagues, level of camaraderie, and
level of teacher isolation.
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Valuing Teachers
One of the most important factors influencing teacher retention is how much teachers are
valued for the cultural and educational knowledge they bring to a school and the opportunities
they are provided to use that knowledge to have influence over their own instruction and over the
school. Achinstein et al. (2010) and Simon and Johnson (2015) found that teachers often choose
to teach in high poverty schools and that Black and Latino teachers are more likely to stay at
schools serving students with racial and socioeconomic backgrounds similar to their own. They
further support the research regarding the factors affecting teachers fleeing schools and show that
Black and Latino teachers fleeing schools with students similar to themselves is merely a
correlation and is not caused by the students. Ingersoll and May (2016), and Simon and Johnson
(2015) found that principals providing teachers with the ability to influence school decisions
shows teachers they are valued and leads to higher stability. Madkins (2011) supported this claim
and specifically discussed how when educators of color feel as if they can influence diversity
conversations in their schools, they feel a greater sense of positive school membership. Valuing
all teachers and specifically valuing African American and Latinx teachers for who they are as
educators and not for their stereotype is crucial to improving retention.
Dismantling Colorblindness and Microaggressions
To retain teachers, schools must move beyond a sole focus on teacher performance and
additionally must dismantle the institutionalized racism that permeates all aspects of our schools
and significantly impacts schools’ ability to retain educators of color (Madkins, 2011). Kohli
(2018) discussed several forms of racial hostility that impact the retention of teachers of color.
These include color-blindness where individuals and institutions refuse to racialize issues, and
microaggressions that when built up can have a significant impact. Kohli (2018) acknowledged
25

that these patterns persist because the education system was historically and is currently designed
to maintain racial inequality. Madkins (2011) found that educators of color are less likely to stay
in schools where the curriculum reinforces White supremacy and oppression of students from
minoritized backgrounds, and schools where White colleagues resist conversations about equity
and justice. Milner (2016) identified an additional barrier to retention in schools that are
attempting to dismantle racism in that they sometimes place an unfair and unsolicited pressure on
Black male teachers to solve the systemic and institutional challenges related to racism. Finally,
Matias et al. (2014) identified many of the patterns that exist in schools also exist in teacher
preparation programs. Specifically, they looked at how the normalization of whiteness and the
absence of examining whiteness leaves Whites unaware that they are subject to the dominant
racial ideology and results in them becoming disinvested in racism. They conclude that school
and teacher preparation programs must ensure an active and ongoing process for discussing and
dismantling racism.
Support of Administrators
Schools with effective, supportive, and fair principals and other administrators are more
successful at retaining teachers. Boyd et al. (2011), Grissom (2011), Ingersoll and May (2016),
and Ladd (2011) identified teachers’ perceptions of school administration and principal
effectiveness as having a significant influence on teacher retention. Grissom (2011) also found
that the ratings of the effectiveness of the principal are generally less positive in schools with
large numbers of disadvantaged students but that the positive impacts on teachers of an effective
principal is even greater in schools with large numbers of disadvantaged students. An effective
principal can be defined as someone who creates an orderly school environment, is responsive to
teachers’ concerns, and provides instructional leadership by ensuring that teachers receive
26

regular and meaningful feedback about their teaching practice (Johnson et al., 2012). Grissom
and Bartanen (2019) expanded on the concept of effective principals leading to better teacher
retention by also showing that while effective principals have lower turnover rates overall, they
also have higher turnover rates among low performing teachers. Bartanen and Grissom (2019)
and Grissom and Keiser (2011) showed that there is a correlation between teacher retention and
same-race managers. Specifically, when a teacher has a same race principal, they are less likely
to be fired, less likely to leave, more likely to report being satisfied in their position, and more
likely to earn a higher amount of supplemental pay, all of which are factors that have been
identified as supporting teacher retention. To improve African American and Latinx teacher
retention, schools need to work to hire African American and Latinx principals and to support
the effectiveness of all principals.
Support of Colleagues, Camaraderie, and Isolation
To support retention of African American and Latinx teachers, schools must work to
combat isolation and must support collaborative and inclusive environments, where colleagues
value the unique expertise brought by all members of the school. Specifically, when teachers of
color are committed to certain racially just practices, such as culturally responsive pedagogy, and
are not in schools with colleagues who value or understand such racially just practices, they are
especially vulnerable to isolation (Borrero et al., 2016). Collegial environments are more
supportive by allowing teachers to learn from peers, solve problems together, and to hold one
another accountable (Johnson et al., 2012). To improve collegiality, reduce isolation, and
increase teacher retention, schools can ensure collaborative structures and support for
collaboration, mentoring and induction programs, and common goals (Simon & Johnson, 2015).
27

Promising Practices for Teacher Retention
While problems of African American and Latinx teacher retention have persisted for
decades and the gap between the percentages of African American and Latinx teachers and the
percentages of African American and Latinx students has only widened, there are some
promising practices which have been shown to increase teacher retention. These promising
practices, if implemented more widely, could serve to reduce the gap that exists between the
percentages of African American and Latinx teachers and students.
Teacher Residency
Teacher residencies are a model of teacher preparation that have been gaining popularity
and have shown an ability to reduce financial barriers to entering the profession, to attract more
BIPOC people, and to achieve higher levels of retention than traditional teacher education
programs. Papay et al. (2012) describe teacher residency programs as follows:
Typically run by a school district independently or in partnership with an intermediary
organization, residency programs select uncertified teaching candidates through a
competitive process to work alongside a mentor for a full year before becoming a teacher
of record. Residents also complete a streamlined set of coursework leading to both state
certification and a master’s degree from a partner university. In exchange for tuition
remittance and a residency-year stipend, they commit to teaching in the district for a
specified period, generally 3 to 5 years. (pp. 413–414)
These programs enroll a larger percentage of teachers of color than traditional programs, lead to
teachers performing better on standardized tests required to enter the teaching profession, and
lead to better rates of retention once the teachers enter the profession (Bristol & Martin-
Fernandez 2019). Goodwin et al. (2018) analyzed the New York City Residency Program after 7
28

years and found 92% of the teachers remained in teaching and 86% remained in New York City
Schools, positive feedback from principals regarding residents who become teachers of record,
and higher than average enrollment of teachers of color. Papay et al. (2019) had similar findings
from the Boston Teacher Residency. They found that teachers who had completed the residency
program were more racially diverse and more likely to remain in the district beyond Year 5.
Additionally, they found that these teachers were more likely to teach math or science and that
overall, by their 4th or 5th year they outperformed veteran teachers at raising student test scores.
They indicate that this improvement in test score outcomes coupled with higher retention rates
leads to great benefits for students. Most teacher residencies offer some sort of financial aid and
come at an expense to the districts implementing them. However, analyses indicate that the
expenses are more than offset by increased teacher retention and reduced costs associated with
teacher attrition (Berry et al., 2008; Goodwin et al., 2018). Furthermore, the increases in teacher
diversity, and the improved test scores associated with teacher residency programs show that the
benefit to students may be well worth any expense a district may incur (Berry et al., 2008;
Bristol & Martin-Fernandez, 2019).
Other Promising Practices
In addition to teacher residencies, the literature suggests other promising practices as well
including teacher recruitment efforts, higher compensation, and loan forgiveness. Ingersoll and
May (2016) concluded that teacher various state and local recruitment efforts since the 1980s
have been largely successful and have led to minority teacher growth outpacing nonminority
teacher growth and minority student growth. However, they recognize that these efforts alone are
not enough since the percentages of minority students are still far greater than the percentages of
minority teachers. They recommend continuing these recruitment efforts but ensuring increased
29

efforts at retention. Also, as has been shown throughout the literature, money and working
conditions matter. In a study of Black female teachers, Carver-Thomas and Darling-Hammond
(2017) made recommendations for loan forgiveness, teacher residency programs, and improving
principal quality. Clearly much needs to be done and a combination of strategies must be used in
order to combat this decades old institutional problem, which has a detrimental effect on our
schools and on the children who attend them.
Critical Race Theory Lens
The issue of African American and Latinx teacher longevity can be viewed through the
lens of critical race theory. Critical race theory has five primary tenets as identified by Ladson-
Billings (2013):
• Racism is the normal order of things in U.S. society.
• Many Whites only seek racial justice when there is something in it for them, or when
there is an interest convergence.
• Race is socially constructed and is used to create a hierarchy.
• Race intersects with multiple other identities that influence individuals’ experiences
and leads to not all in a group being the same.
• Counter narratives, or stories that reflect less dominant perspectives are necessary to
combat institutional racism.
While there has been some recent backlash against critical race theory, Lopez (2003) emphasized
the importance of keeping race at the forefront of our discussions of making improvements in
our society. Lopez said that racism has never waned in our society and has only manifested in
different forms. He specifically shows that the politics of education actively supports a racist
agenda by reproducing racial hierarchy and inequality.
30

To combat the racial hierarchy and inequality that has harmed the students in our schools,
this paper maintains a critical race theory lens by maintaining in the forefront the tenets as
presented by Ladson-Billings above and by providing a channel through which counter
narratives can be shared. The literature reviewed points to multiple factors that systemically
prevent African American and Latinx individuals from entering the profession of teaching and
from remaining in the profession of teaching. This problem is not related to the failings of
individuals or the decisions of individuals but is instead the result of multiple systems that
maintain the status quo of there being a majority White educators in K–12 education in this
country. This persistent racial divide among teachers aligns with the tenets of race being the
normal order of things in U.S. society and of race being socially constructed to create a
hierarchy. The literature also shows how other identities, especially socio-economic status and
level of education, intersect with race and may be able to help explain why some African
American and Latinx individuals are able to enter and remain in the profession of teaching while
others cannot. Finally, this dissertation attempts to capture the voices, or counter narratives, of
several African American and Latinx teachers to combat institutional racism. It is my hope that
through sharing the research conducted through this dissertation that the district of study, other
districts, and teacher preparation programs use the counter narratives and other data to help
further break down the institutional barriers that prevent our African American and Latinx
children from being educated by race concordant teachers, and from receiving the many benefits
that having race concordant teachers brings.
31

Chapter Three: Methodology
In the United States, there is currently a mismatch between the percentage of the teaching
force that is Latinx and African American and the percentage of the student population that is
Latinx and African American. While an array of benefits have been demonstrated from having a
racially diverse teaching force (Achinstein et al., 2010; Eddy et al., 2011; Egalite et al., 2015;
Farinde-Wu & Fitchett, 2018; Flores et al., 2018; Gershenson et al., 2016; Kohli, 2018; Villegas
& Irvine, 2010), the lack of diversity within the teaching force is a problem that has persisted for
decades in the United States, and when compared with the percentage of the student population
has actually worsened (California Department of Education 1999a, 1999b, 2009a, 2009b, 2019a,
2019b; Madkins, 2011; Milner & Howard, 2004). The reasons for this trend range from
inadequate educational opportunities for African Americans and Latinx individuals, financial
barriers, hiring and placement decisions, and school climate and support for beginning African
American and Latinx teachers. To truly address this lack of concordance between the race of
students and the race of teachers, school districts must understand the causes of this issue within
their districts and work to address the issue from multiple angles (Ingersol & May, 2016; Milner
& Howard, 2013).
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study is to gain a deep understanding of the factors affecting the
longevity of beginning African American and Latinx teachers in an urban school district in
Alameda County, California. Through this understanding, areas of strength and areas of
improvement may be identified to best support the longevity of the African American and Latinx
teachers within the district of study.
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Research Questions
The following research questions guided the study:
1. How does the self-reported desire of African American and Latinx teachers to
continue in the profession and in the district differ between teachers who have
completed the district’s residency program and teachers who have completed other
preparation programs?
2. How do beginning African American and Latinx teachers in the district of study
perceive the effectiveness of their preparation programs at preparing them for being
an African American or Latinx teacher teaching in a district with a majority White
educators?
3. What is the relationship between the conditions teachers experience in the district of
study and the self-reported desire of African American and Latinx teachers to
continue in the profession and in the district?
4. How do beginning African American and Latinx teachers perceive the support they
receive in the various schools where they teach within the district of study?
Methodology
I chose a mixed-methods study that includes quantitative and qualitative data collection.
Mixed methodologies can maximize the strengths and minimize the weaknesses of any particular
methodology to fully understand and make sense of practices (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). The
mixed-methods approach allowed me to ensure internal validity in the research by checking for
consistency of finding between the survey data, the interview data, and the literature review.
Quantitative data from surveys allowed for patterns, trends, and relationships to be described
using numeric data (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Specifically, the quantitative allowed for the
33

examination of correlations between teachers’ reported desire to remain in the district and in the
profession and teachers’ reported experiences in their teacher preparation programs and in the
first years in the profession. Qualitative data allowed me to gain deeper insight into the nuance of
how participants interpret their experiences as new teachers (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Participants were asked to discuss their experiences in their teacher preparation programs and in
their first 1–2 years in the district either as a resident, as an employee, or both.
Selection of the Population
I had originally aimed to survey African American and Latinx teachers who had been in
the district between 1 and 3 years. However, given a combination of factors, including layoffs
and higher than normal turnover, this population was significantly reduced. Therefore, I
expanded the population to include teachers in their 1st year teaching all the way up to their 4th
year teaching. I also decided to include teachers who teach at the school where I am principal, to
have a more meaningful sample. This yielded a total of 15 teachers. I sent the survey to all 15 of
the teachers and nine teachers completed the survey. Such purposive sampling as described here
permitted me to identify participants with the characteristics that are of interest to the purpose of
the study as described by Johnson and Chirstensen (2017).
While I had originally intended to select eight to 10 participants for interviews, given the
lower overall population size from which to select and a pandemic, which may have contributed
to a lower overall response rate, only five of the survey participants expressed interest in
interviews. Fortunately, the participants who expressed interest provided me with the mix of
teachers that I had desired to achieve through purposeful sampling (Lockmiller & Lester, 2017).
The teachers who expressed interest included three teachers identifying as African American and
two teachers identifying as Latinx, providing me with an almost even split as I had originally
34

intended. I had also intended to achieve an even split in terms of teachers who had completed the
residency program and teachers who had completed other teacher preparation programs. The
teachers who expressed interest included three teachers who had completed the residency
program and two who had completed other teacher preparation programs. Table 3 shows the
teachers selected as interview participants. Given that I interviewed all teachers who expressed
interest, I was not able to achieve a balance of genders and ages as originally intended.

Table 3 Interview Participants
Interview Participants
Teacher pseudonym Preparation program Race
Amber Traditional teacher preparation program African American
Jasmine District’s residency program African American
Natasha District’s residency program African American
Tara Traditional teacher preparation program Latinx
Victoria District’s residency program Latinx

35

Instrumentation and Protocols
Quantitative Instrument
The instrument used to gather quantitative data for this study was a survey (see Appendix
A). The quantitative part of the study focused on RQ1 and RQ3. The survey consisted of three
parts. Part I was used to gather demographic data including information regarding the type of
teacher preparation program the teacher participated in. Part II targeted information related to the
school conditions at the various schools the teachers taught at. Part III gathered information on
the teachers’ self-reported desire to continue teaching in the district and to continue teaching in
general.
Qualitative Instrument
The instrument to gather qualitative data was interviews. The interview protocol (see
Appendix B) consisted of 10 questions in two sections. Section I focused on RQ1 and RQ2
regarding participants’ teacher preparation programs and Section II focused on RQ3 and RQ4
regarding participants’ current positions. The interview questions were open-ended, the format
was semistructured, and I took notes during the interview. Follow up questions were not part of
the protocol but were included as needed for further understanding and clarification. To help
ensure interview questions were comprehensible, I engaged in field testing of the interview
instrument.
Data Collection
After first contacting the selected participants via email, answering their questions, and
obtaining consent, I emailed links to the survey to the participants. Within the survey,
participants were asked whether they were interested in participating in an interview. The
interviews were conducted via Zoom and were recorded after asking for consent for the
36

recording from the participants. I also took notes during the interviews. Four of the five
interviews lasted between 25 and 30 minutes, while one of the interviews lasted 60 minutes.
Participants were made aware that all information they shared would be held as strictly
confidential and that only general findings would be shared with district and site administrators.
They were also informed that to further protect them, pseudonyms would be used in the final
report and that only general trends would be reported.
Data Analysis
This study utilized a mixed-methods approach and incorporated both quantitative data
from surveys and qualitative data from interviews. All items in both the survey and the interview
protocol were directly related to the research questions. The research questions also guided the
data analysis for this study.
The survey data was analyzed to look for correlations between teachers’ self-reported
desire to remain in the district and to remain in the profession and the responses regarding school
conditions and their teacher preparation programs. This evidence was compared with interview
responses and literature to draw conclusions. Furthermore, interview data was analyzed for other
trends that may emerge and that may not have been identified in the literature review or survey
data.
Validity and Reliability
I took care throughout the research process to ensure validity and reliability. Most items
from the survey were taken from the well-established and widely used National Teacher and
Principal Survey. I further triangulated the data, ensured I allocated adequate time to collect the
data, continually self-reflected on any assumptions, worldviews, and/or biases, and sought peer
37

review (Merrian & Tisdell, 2016). Finally, I worked to ensure adherence to procedures and to
ensure that I captured the voices of the participants.
Summary
To gain a better understanding of the factors affecting the longevity of beginning African
American and Latinx teachers in the district of study, I engaged in a mixed-methods research
approach. I first surveyed all African American and Latinx teachers in their first through 4th year
as a teacher of record regarding their preparation programs, the support received in their first few
years in the district, and their desire to stay in the district. I then used purposive sampling to
select participants for interviews to learn more about their preparation programs and the support
provided on the job. These findings are presented in Chapter Four, with a discussion of the
findings in Chapter Five.
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Chapter Four: Results
The purpose of this study is to gain a deep understanding of the factors affecting the
longevity of beginning African American and Latinx teachers in an urban school district in
Alameda County, California. Through this understanding, areas of strength and areas of
improvement may be identified to best support the longevity of the African American and Latinx
teachers within the district of study. The research questions focus on two crucial areas, teacher
preparation programs in the first few years of employment, with RQ1 and RQ2 focusing on
teacher preparation programs, and RQ3 and RQ4 focusing on conditions and support in the first
few years of teaching.
Participants
All participants in this study met the criteria of being an African American or Latinx
teacher who was in their 1st to 4th year as a teacher of record. In the district of study, 15 teachers
met these criteria. All 15 teachers meeting the requirements were invited to participate in the
research, and of those 15 teachers, nine teachers responded to the survey. The respondents
included four teachers identifying as African American and five teachers identifying as Latinx.
They included five teachers who had completed the district’s residency program, three teachers
who had completed traditional teacher preparation programs, and one teacher who had
completed an internship program. Table 4 displays a list of the survey respondents, their
preparation program, and their race. Of the nine teachers who participated in the survey, five also
participated in an interview. This group consisted of three teachers identifying as African
American and two teachers identifying as Latinx. It included three teachers who had completed
the district’s residency program and two teachers who had completed traditional teacher
39

preparation programs. Table 5 displays a list of the interview participants, their preparation
program, and their race.

Table 4 Survey Participants
Survey Participants
Survey respondent Preparation program Race
1 Traditional teacher preparation program African American
2 District’s residency program Latinx
3 Traditional teacher preparation program Latinx
4 District’s residency program African American
5 District’s residency program Latinx
6 District’s residency program Latinx
7 District’s residency program African American
8 Internship program Latinx
9 Traditional teacher preparation program Latinx

40

Table 5 Interview Participants
Interview Participants
Teacher pseudonym Preparation program Race
Amber Traditional teacher preparation program African American
Jasmine District’s residency program African American
Natasha District’s residency program African American
Tara Traditional teacher preparation program Latinx
Victoria District’s residency program Latinx

Results
The research results are presented below and organized by research question. For each
research question, there is a brief review of relevant literature and a preview of the results. Then
the results are presented in two to three themes that emerged related to each question. Finally, a
summary of the results related to each research question is presented, with a final summary
presented at the end of this chapter. The research questions guiding this study and serving to
organize this chapter are:
1. How does the self-reported desire of African American and Latinx teachers to
continue in the profession and in the district differ between teachers who have
completed the district’s residency program and teachers who have completed other
preparation programs?
2. How do beginning African American and Latinx teachers in the district of study
perceive the effectiveness of their preparation programs at preparing them for being
41

an African American or Latinx teacher teaching in a district with a majority White
educators?
3. What is the relationship between the conditions teachers experience in the district of
study and the self-reported desire of African American and Latinx teachers to
continue in the profession and in the district?
4. How do beginning African American and Latinx teachers perceive the support they
receive in the various schools where they teach within the district of study?
Results for Research Question 1
Research Question 1 asked the following: How does the self-reported desire of African
American and Latinx teachers to continue in the profession and in the district differ between
teachers who have completed the district’s residency program and teachers who have completed
other preparation programs? The existing research indicates that teachers who complete
residency programs have higher rates of retention in the profession than teachers completing
other types of teacher preparation programs (Bristol & Martin-Fernandez, 2019). It also indicates
that teachers who complete residency programs tend to stay in the districts in which they
complete those residency programs (Goodwin, 2018; & Papay et al., 2019). While longitudinal
research would be necessary to determine whether research participants in this study remain in
their positions, the survey asked beginning teacher participants their plans or intentions for
remaining in the district and in the profession and their current levels of satisfaction with the
district and the profession. The interview responses also provided greater insight to levels of
satisfaction with the district. Given the participants’ responses, there was insufficient evidence to
conclude that there was a difference in satisfaction levels with the profession and desire to
remain in the profession based on type of teacher preparation program, but there was evidence to
42

support that teachers who had completed the district’s residency program were more satisfied
with the district and had a stronger desire to remain in the district.
Satisfaction With and Desire to Remain in the Profession Is Similar Among Teachers
Completing Residency and Traditional Preparation Programs
While the literature indicates that higher retention rates are achieved through teacher
residency, the data obtained through the survey did not point to significantly higher rates of
retention based on the two survey items asking teachers both about their desire to remain in the
profession of teaching and their level of satisfaction with being a teacher in general. When asked,
which statement best describes how long you plan to remain in the profession of teaching (see
Table 6), one teacher who had completed the district’s residency program and one teacher who
had completed a different teacher preparation program indicated they would stay “until a more
desirable job opportunity comes along.” The rest indicated they would remain as long as they are
able or until eligible for retirement benefits, signifying that they have no current plans to leave
the profession.

43

Table 6 Interview Which Statement Best Describes How Long You Plan to Remain in the Profession of Teaching
Which Statement Best Describes How Long You Plan to Remain in the Profession of Teaching?
Response District’s residency
program
Other teacher preparation
program
n % n %
As long as I am able 4 80 2 50
Until I am eligible for retirement
benefits
0 0 1 25
Until a specific life event occurs
(e.g., parenthood, marriage,
retirement of a spouse or partner)
0 0 0 0
Until a more desirable job
opportunity comes along
1 20 1 25
Definitely plan to leave as soon as I
can
0 0 0 0

A similar pattern emerged from responses to the statement “I am satisfied with being a
teacher in general” (see Figure 1). While no one who had completed the district’s residency
program indicated that they strongly disagree with the statement, a slightly higher percentage of
teachers who had completed traditional and internship programs indicated that they strongly
agree with the statement, once again revealing no clear evidence of greater retention in the
profession from either group. Finally, data from the interviews confirmed a similar level of
satisfaction with the profession, with none of the interview participants expressing a level of
dissatisfaction with the profession and only expressing dissatisfaction with certain aspects of the
district, specifically insufficient pay and insufficient support.
44

Figure 1 I Am Satisfied With Being a Teacher in General
I Am Satisfied With Being a Teacher in General

Satisfaction With and Desire to Remain in the District Is Higher Among Teachers Completing
Residency Versus Traditional Preparation Programs
While the data did not indicate a stronger desire to remain in the profession or more
satisfaction with the profession for either graduates of the district’s residency program or
traditional or internship teacher preparation programs, the data did indicate a stronger desire to
remain in the district and greater satisfaction with the district for graduates of the district’s
residency program when compared with graduates from traditional and internship teacher
preparation programs. The results showed that 80% of participants who had completed the
district’s residency program would remain in the district as long as they were able while 25% of
45

teachers from other teacher preparation programs indicated that they would stay in the district as
long as they were able. Furthermore, 50% of teachers from other teacher preparation programs
indicated that they planned to remain in the district until a more desirable job opportunity came
along, while only 20% of teachers from the district’s residency program indicated this (see Table
7).

Table 6 Which Statement Best Describes How Long You Plan to Remain in This District?
Which Statement Best Describes How Long You Plan to Remain in This District?
Response District’s residency
program
Other teacher preparation
program
n % n %
As long as I am able 4 80 1 25
Until I am eligible for retirement
benefits
0 0 0 0
Until a specific life event occurs
(e.g., parenthood, marriage,
retirement of a spouse or partner)
0 0 1 25
Until a more desirable job
opportunity comes along
1 20 2 50
Definitely plan to leave as soon as I
can
0 0 0 0

46

Reinforcing the responses regarding desire to stay in the district are responses indicating
greater satisfaction with the district among teachers who completed the district’s residency
program when compared with teachers who completed traditional or internship programs.
Responses to the statement, “I am satisfied with being a teacher in this district,” only elicited
strongly disagree responses from teachers who had completed traditional or internship programs
and only elicited a strongly agree response from a teacher who had completed the district’s
residency program (see Figure 2). Finally, when responding to the statement “I think about
transferring to another district,” all participants from traditional and internship programs
indicated that they either somewhat agreed or strongly agreed with the statement, while only
60% of participants from the district’s residency program indicated that they either somewhat
agreed or strongly agreed with the statement (Figure 3).

Figure 2 I Am Satisfied With Being a Teacher in This District
I Am Satisfied With Being a Teacher in This District

47

Figure 3 I Think About Transferring to Another District
I Think About Transferring to Another District

Survey data indicate that the Alder program serves an important function that may
contribute to greater levels of satisfaction with the district and stronger desire to remain in the
district. All the district’s residency program graduates mentioned mentorship and collegial
relationships as sources of support and/or reasons they would recommend an African American
or Latinx friend should accept a job in the district. Victoria stated, “I have a mentor who is very
supportive.” Jasmine stated, “I have a good relationship with my [grade] 4/5 team.” Perhaps a
statement from Natasha, a district’s residency program graduate, best illuminated some of these
differences between traditional teacher preparation program graduates and district’s residency
program. Regarding whether she would recommend an African American or Latinx friend accept
a job in the district, she said, “It would depend on whether they would have a similar situation to
me with ongoing access to good mentorship and a team of faculty they felt good about because
the district is not there for you.” It seems that through the residency, graduates may develop
48

collegial and mentorship relationships that support them beyond their time in the residency.
While the graduates of traditional teacher preparation programs did mention other sources of
support, such as principals or professional development opportunities, they did not mention
either collegial relationships or mentorship in response to any of the interview questions. Thus,
the district’s residency program may be setting up collaborative structures, and support for
collaboration and mentoring, which Simon and Johnson (2015) claimed increase teacher
retention.
Discussion for Research Question 1
Overall, the survey data in regard to satisfaction with the profession and desire to remain
in the profession do not indicate more satisfaction or more desire to remain in the profession
from either teachers completing the district’s residency program or from teachers competing
traditional credential programs, with a majority from both types of programs indicating they
would remain in the profession. However, the survey data do indicate that teachers who
completed the district’s residency program have greater satisfaction with the district and have a
greater desire to remain in the district than teachers who completed traditional or internship
credential programs. While there is evidence in the literature showing that residency programs
lead to better rates of retention for teachers overall (Bristol & Martin-Fernandez, 2019), evidence
from the New York City Residency Program (Goodwin et al., 2018) and the Boston Teacher
Residency (Papay et al., 2019) shows that the teachers who completed those residency programs
were also more likely to remain in the districts where they completed the residency programs.
One possible reason for this potentially greater retention among district’s residency program
49

graduates could be that they leave the Program better situated to have ongoing collegial
relationships and mentorship.
Results for Research Question 2
Research Question 2 asked the following: How do beginning African American and
Latinx teachers in the district of study perceive the effectiveness of their preparation programs at
preparing them for being an African American or Latinx teacher teaching in a district with a
majority White educators? If a teacher preparation program is committed to supporting the
entrance of African American and Latinx individuals into the teaching profession, then they must
first work to eliminate the multitude of barriers that prevent African American and Latinx
candidates from even entering their programs. The existing research shows barriers to even
entering in programs, such as the detrimental effect standardized entrance testing requirements
have on the enrollment of African Americans in teacher preparation programs due to lower
passing rates (Madkins, 2011; Petchaus, 2012). While not specifically asked in the interview
questions, participants chose to discuss how their teacher preparation program supported teachers
in passing the required tests, leading to the inclusion of this area as a theme for this research
question.
Regarding preparation programs preparing African American and Latinx individuals for
their jobs after completing the program, the themes of including race in discussions and
curriculum and of providing mentorship emerged. Kohli (2018) found that a majority White
candidates, and curriculum that normalizes Whites while rejecting the history, experiences, and
perspectives of teachers of color contributes to a hostile educational environment for teacher
candidates of color. Participants discussed how various levels of including and legitimizing their
experiences as African American and Latinx individuals within their programs helped or did not
50

help prepare them for racial and social justice work as educators. In regard to mentorship,
Achinstein et al. (2010), Borrero et al. (2016), Johnson et al. (2012), and Simon and Johnson
(2015) all pointed to the importance to mentorship and collegiality as important factors in
limiting isolation, especially as teachers work to implement racially just practices. Mentorship
that starts while enrolled in the district’s residency program and that continues once employed as
a classroom teacher in the district was mentioned by participants as a key advantage to the
district’s residency program. As the survey did not ask about perceptions of effectiveness of
preparation programs, the data for answering RQ2 are drawn entirely from the interview.
African American and Latinx Teachers Must First Be Supported in Overcoming Barriers to
Becoming a Teacher
While not specifically asked in the questions, given respondents’ mentioning the support
provided to candidates in passing subject matter competency tests, it became clear that this
support not only served to help those candidates to become teachers, but created an overall
feeling of support and care when this was observed by other candidates in the program. In fact, it
was significant to Natasha when the Alder Program was “putting pressure on another teacher to
pass the CSET, but they didn’t understand” that she was struggling to get the appointment due to
accommodations she needed when taking the tests. Natasha stated that “eventually the program
51

coordinator got involved and that was helpful.” Victoria discussed how the people in the Alder
program are
the ones who provide the most help, especially as a Latinx individual. They were so
supportive and helpful with passing tests to get into teaching. They will find a way for
you to continue in the program and to overcome any obstacles you have.
Tara, who completed a traditional teacher preparation program, discussed how her program
supported candidates who “were teaching all day long. They were very understanding and
accommodating.” Natasha mentioned how the faculty in the Alder program “are amazing and
committed to student success as opposed to ‘let’s see if you can make it through the gauntlet.’”
The literature is clear regarding the many obstacles that African American and Latinx teachers
face in being able to become teachers. The focus on and praise for the support provided in the
various programs as discussed by the interview participants seems to contribute to the overall
perception of credential programs’ effectiveness at preparing African American and Latinx
candidates for the teaching profession. In fact, without the support, it seems that some candidates
would not have even been given a chance to teach in any district, whether a district with majority
White educators or otherwise. This level of support may also reinforce skills needed by African
American and Latinx teachers to help their students overcome barriers to success, which is, as
Gist (2017) claimed, why many teachers of color enter the teaching profession in the first place.
Explicitly Providing Opportunities to Discuss Race Supports the Success of African American
and Latinx Teachers
The two teachers from traditional or internship credential programs either mentioned that
there was no curriculum or discussion of race or that there was a staff member who needed to
better understand their own biases, whereas no such challenges were mentioned from
52

participants who participated in the district’s residency program. Natasha, who completed a
traditional teacher preparation program, stated that “courses should highlight what to expect
when working with students of color or minorities. I would have loved a class where they
examine the history of institutional racism.” Tara’s traditional teacher preparation program
seemed to be attempting to transition to more inclusiveness by recruiting diverse cohorts and in
that her “teacher credential program wanted to hear from everybody.” However, the experiences
of the teachers who participated in the Alder program spoke with consistency in regard to
socially and racially just programming. Victoria mentioned that Alder was “good at having
different kinds of literature or research from people of color and at having different points of
view.” Natasha claimed that Alder has “a social justice undergirding to the program and that
social justice concerns were articulated throughout the courses and throughout the year.” Jasmine
stated that she would recommend the Alder Program because it is “heavily based on social
justice, making it the first thing you do in the classroom. You learn how to deal with differences
and behaviors, and the importance of kids knowing who you are.” Victoria related a story where
at one point when her racially diverse cohort in the district’s residency program was combined
with another cohort that was mostly White. Her cohort informed the professors that they felt their
voices were not being heard. The two cohorts then “had circles and check-ins to ensure all voices
were heard. I felt the professors listened to us and that the students could voice concerns and feel
included.”
53

Mentorship Is Key to Preparation
Amber, a traditional teacher preparation program participant, stated that “nothing you do
in your credential program can prepare you.” However, this is in stark contrast with two of the
teachers who completed the district’s residency program. Victoria stated,
What made me feel really prepared was working with a mentor in the same field I would
go into. This was great because I got to work at the same school I would eventually work
in. I already knew the staff and students and how the [special education] program ran at
the school.
Natasha, another Alder graduate, explained that
mentorship was important. Having a full-time mentor was a crucial component. I got to
be with my mentor the whole school year and I got hired into the same school. And so
my mentor through Alder was also my induction mentor. We were able to build on that
relationship and become peer colleagues.
Finally, while Jasmine, the final Alder graduate interviewed, did not specifically mention
mentorship, she did state feeling prepared in terms of classroom management. However, she did
express frustration over curriculum: The Alder Program “advocates using the same curriculum
for special education as general education, but not everybody believes in that. I was not prepared
for the district not being equitable in giving out supplies to support my using general education
curriculum.” As African American and Latinx teachers face additional challenges in remaining
in the profession due to the institutionalized racism that permeates all aspects of our schools
(Madkins, 2011), the ongoing mentorship that district’s residency program graduates report
54

persisting after leaving the program may serve as an especially important support in helping to
ensure our African American and Latinx students have race concordant teachers.
Discussion for Research Question 2
While this research question initially aimed to only address perceptions of preparedness
once in the role of teaching, upon conducting the interviews, the support provided by the various
credential programs for the candidates just to enter the profession became such a prominent
theme that it was included in the findings under this research question. The candidates
recognized that not all candidates would have made it into the teaching profession were it not for
their credential programs, especially those candidates enrolled in the Alder Program.
Standardized tests do not assess how effective candidates are at working with students from
linguistically and socio-economically diverse backgrounds, or the cultural competence of
candidates (Milner & Howard, 2013). Therefore, supporting African American and Latinx
individuals in passing standardized tests is a crucial component of bringing African American
and Latinx teachers into the profession along with the array of benefits they bring to schools and
to students, especially in schools with students of color (Kohli, 2018). This finding is consistent
with Bristol and Martin-Fernandez (2019), who indicated that teacher residency programs lead to
teachers performing better on standardized tests required to enter the teaching profession.
It also became clear that two major components of a credential program that prepares
individuals for being African American or Latinx teachers teaching in a district with a majority
White educators are the teaching of social and racial justice themes throughout the program and
in providing mentorship. The teaching of social and racial justice seems to provide the
background and grounding needed to go forth into the profession and do what is needed for
students while the ongoing mentorship seems to provide the support needed to continue engaging
55

in the work. While one of the traditional credential programs seemed to have no focus on social
and racial justice and did not provide ongoing mentorship, one of them seemed to be
transitioning to a more social and racial justice approach. However, the candidates from the
Alder Program mentioned these components the most. By building and reinforcing a
commitment to socially just practices and combining that with ongoing mentorship, the Alder
Program may be helping its graduates to avoid the isolation to which teachers who are
committed to racially just practices are vulnerable to (Borren et al., 2016). The Alder Program
seems to be building the type of collegial environments that are more supportive by allowing
teachers to learn from peers, solve problems together, and to hold one another accountable
(Johnson et al., 2012).
Results for Research Question 3
Research Question 3 asked the following: What is the relationship between the conditions
teachers experience in the district of study and the self-reported desire of African American and
Latinx teachers to continue in the district? The existing research on the topic indicates several
factors that play a significant role in influencing teachers’ desire to remain in the profession or at
their current school (Achinstein et al., 2010; Ingersoll & May, 2016; Simon & Johnson, 2015).
The various factors identified by the researchers and any overlap are displayed in Table 8. Of the
themes discussed in the literature, the survey results most strongly supported the relationship
between administrative support and the self-reported desire of African American and Latinx
teachers to continue in the district. The survey results also provided some indication of a
relationship between both teacher autonomy and collegial relationships and the self-reported
desire of African American and Latinx teachers to continue in the district.

56

Table 7 Factors Affecting the Retention of Teachers by Researcher
Factors Affecting the Retention of Teachers by Researcher
Factor Achinstein, et al.
(2010)
Ingersoll and May
(2016)
Simon and Johnson
(2015)
Administration/leadership X X
Teacher autonomy X X
Collegial relationships X
Instructional materials X

Participation in decision
making
X

Salary X

Administrative Support Has a Positive Correlation With a Teacher’s Desiring to Remain in
the District
The survey questions that specifically asked about administration and the principal
showed a strong positive relationship between an African American teacher’s positive feelings
toward their school leadership and their desire to remain in the district. This theme was most
prominent with the statement, “the school administration’s behavior toward the staff is
supportive and encouraging,” where all participants who plan to remain in the district stated that
they somewhat or strongly agreed with the statement, while only one of three participants who
plan to leave the district somewhat or strongly agreed with that statement (see Table 9). This
relationship was also prominent with the statement “the principal knows what kind of school he
or she wants and has communicated it to the staff,” where five out of six participants who plan to
remain in the district stated that they somewhat or strongly agreed with the statement, while only
57

one of three participants who plan to leave the district somewhat or strongly agreed with the
statement (see Table 9).

Table 8 Administrative Support: To What Extent Do You Agree or Disagree With Each of the Following Statements?
Administrative Support: To What Extent Do You Agree or Disagree With Each of the Following
Statements?
Response Participants who somewhat
or strongly agree and who
plan to remain in the
district as long as able or
until eligible for retirement
benefits
Participants who somewhat
or strongly agree and who
plan to leave the district as
soon as possible or until a
more desirable job
opportunity comes along
n % n %
The school administration’s
behavior toward the staff is
supportive and encouraging.
6 100 1 33
The principal knows what kind of
school he or she wants and has
communicated it to the staff.
5 83 1 33
I am given the support I need to
teach students with special needs.
5 83 0 0
The level of student misbehavior in
my school (such as noise,
horseplay or fighting in the halls,
cafeteria, or student lounge)
interferes with my teaching.
3 50 3 100
The amount of student tardiness
and class cutting in my school
interferes with my teaching
2 33 2 67

58

Further evidence of the importance of support from administration emerged from
responses to statements dealing with support received in the areas of students with special needs,
misbehavior, and tardiness and cutting. While these statements do not specifically mention the
principal or administration, often support in these areas does come from principals and
administration. In the area of support to teach students with special needs, five out of six
participants who plan to remain in the district somewhat or strongly agreed while none of the
candidates who plan to leave the district somewhat or strongly agreed with the statement, “I am
given the support I need to teach students with special needs.” In the areas of misbehavior, and
tardiness and cutting, higher percentages of the participants who plan to leave the district than
participants who plan to stay in the district somewhat or strongly agreed that those factors
interfere with their teaching.
Finally, two of the interview respondents discussed administration as support that allows
them to achieve their objectives. In fact, Tara only mentioned her principal when responding to
the question about support given to achieve objectives. She stated that she is
so grateful to work at her current site. There is a lot of push to understanding your own
personal biases and what’s possible as an educator in addressing inequities. The principal
has a connection with families a lot of staff doesn’t have. She has a worldview and
passion and knowledge coming into experience. She encourages challenging
conversations at school, radical things to get them thinking and talking. Many staff have
been there 20 years or more and have never had conversations before even though student
demographics are Black and brown.
Tara’s comments seem to indicate that her principal is a major source of support and possibly
one of the major sources of her desiring to continue in the district. This statement combined with
59

the survey data indicate that strong, supportive, and encouraging administration correlates with
teachers who desire to remain in the district. These results also indicate that for teachers who are
provided with support for students with special needs and regarding student behavior there is
also a stronger correlation with desire to remain in the district.
Collegial Relationships Correlate With a Desire to Remain in the District
While evidence for correlation between administration and teacher desire to remain in the
district was prevalent through responses to multiple survey items, one of the responses to
statements about collegiality provided evidence that there may be a correlation between collegial
relationships and African American and Latinx teachers’ desire to remain in the district. In
response to “there is a great deal of cooperative effort among the staff members,” all six
participants who plan to remain in the district responded that they somewhat or strongly agreed
while only one of three participants who plan to leave the district responded that they somewhat
or strongly agreed (see Table 10). For the remaining statements relating to collegiality all the
differences indicated either the same amount or more collegiality at schools with teachers who
plan to remain in the district (see Table 10). While the differences were not as significant, further
evidence for this correlation is found from one of the interview participants, Natasha, who stated
that her ability to recommend whether an African American or Latinx friend should accept a job
in the district “would depend on whether they would have a similar situation to her with ongoing
access to good mentorship and a team of faculty they felt good about.” These results indicate that
collegiality is a factor that correlates with an African American and Latinx teacher’s desire to
remain in the district.

60

Table 9 Collegial Relationships: To What Extent Do You Agree or Disagree With Each of the Following Statements?
Collegial Relationships: To What Extent Do You Agree or Disagree With Each of the Following
Statements?
Response Participants who somewhat
or strongly agree and who
plan to remain in the
district as long as able or
until eligible for retirement
benefits
Participants who somewhat
or strongly agree and who
plan to leave the district as
soon as possible or until a
more desirable job
opportunity comes along
n % n %
Rules for student behavior are
consistently enforced by teachers
in this school, even for students
who are not in their classes
5 83 2 67
Most of my colleagues share my
beliefs and values about what the
central mission of the school
should be.
6 100 2 67
There is a great deal of cooperative
effort among the staff members.
6 100 1 33
In my school, staff members are
recognized for a job well done.
5 83 2 67
I make a conscious effort to
coordinate the content of my
courses with that of other
teachers.
6 100 3 100

Teacher Autonomy Correlates With a Desire to Remain in the District
There is also evidence from the survey of a correlation between autonomy and a teacher’s
desire to remain in the district. However, teacher autonomy was not mentioned in the interviews.
It is possible that it was not mentioned given the wording of the question that elicited responses
61

about principal support asked participants to “describe support you have received” and this may
not elicit autonomy being given as well as support actively being provided. Regardless, the
absence of interview responses and the responses to the survey questions do still indicate a
correlation between teacher autonomy and a desire to remain in the district, but the correlation is
not as strong as between administrative support and desire to remain in the district, and collegial
relationships and desire to remain in the district. In response to the amount of control teachers
have over “selecting textbooks and other materials,” four out of five participants who plan to
remain in the district responded that they somewhat or strongly agreed while only one of three
participants who plan to leave the district responded that they somewhat or strongly agreed (see
Table 11. While for the remaining statements relating to teacher autonomy all the differences
showed either the same amount or more autonomy at schools with teachers who plan to remain
in the district, the percentage difference only indicated a one participant difference (see Table
11). Overall, while a strong relationship is only evident in one question and no interview data
supports this relationship, the results indicate that autonomy is a factor that correlates with a
teacher’s desire to remain in the district.

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Table 10 Teacher Autonomy: How Much Actual Control Do You Have in Your Classroom at Your Current School Over the Following Areas of Your Planning and Teaching?
Teacher Autonomy: How Much Actual Control Do You Have in Your Classroom at Your Current
School Over the Following Areas of Your Planning and Teaching?
Response Participants who somewhat
or strongly agree and who
plan to remain in the
district as long as able or
until eligible for retirement
benefits
Participants who somewhat
or strongly agree and who
plan to leave the district as
soon as possible or until a
more desirable job
opportunity comes along
n % n %
Selecting textbooks and other
instructional materials
4 80 1 33
Selecting content, topics, and skills
to be taught
4 80 2 67
Selecting teaching techniques 5 100 3 100
Evaluating and grading students 5 100 3 100
Disciplining students 5 100 2 67
Determining the amount of
homework to be assigned
5 100 3 100

Discussion for Research Question 3
Administrative support and collegial relationships have strong evidence for a positive
correlation with an African American or Latinx teacher’s desire to stay in the district, while
teacher autonomy has some evidence of a correlation. These findings are consistent with the
literature. Boyd et al. (2011), Grissom (2011), Ingersoll and May (2016), and Ladd (2011)
identified teachers’ perceptions of school administration and principal effectiveness as having a
significant influence on teacher retention. Johnson et al. (2012) defined an effective principal as
63

someone who creates an orderly school environment, is responsive to teachers’ concerns, and
provides instructional leadership. The participant responses closely mirror these findings from
the literature but given the focus of this research on African American and Latinx teachers,
indicate that these patterns hold true specifically for African American and Latinx teachers.
Regarding collegiality, the correlation between teachers who desired to stay in the district
and those indicating a great deal of cooperative effort among the staff members mirrors the
findings of Johnson et al. (2012) who found that collegial environments are more supportive by
allowing teacher to learn from peers, solve problems together, and to hold one another
accountable. Simon and Johnson (2015) showed that when schools ensure collaborative
structures and support for collaboration and mentoring that isolation is reduced and retention is
increased. Finally, Achinstein et al. (2010), Ingersoll and May (2016), and Simon and Johnson
(2015) all identified autonomy as a crucial element of teacher retention. The participant
responses in relation to collegiality and autonomy reinforce the findings of these researchers and
further indicate that these patterns hold true specifically for African American and Latinx
teachers.
Results for Research Question 4
Research Question 4 asked the following: How do beginning African American and
Latinx teachers perceive the support they receive in the various schools where they teach within
the district of study? Interview participants were asked questions regarding the support they
receive in their current positions, whether they would recommend for other African American
and Latinx individuals to accept a job in their school or district, and any changes they would
suggest their school or district make. Three general themes emerged, which multiple participants
discussed, and which are aligned with themes that emerged in RQ3. The first of these themes is
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the ability to discuss race within their jobs. As Madkins (2011) explained, when educators of
color feel like they can influence diversity conversations within their schools, they feel a greater
sense of positive school membership.
The second theme that emerged was that teachers who felt they had strong support from
colleagues and strong support from administration expressed more positive feelings toward their
school or district and were more likely to recommend that other African American or Latinx
individuals accept a position in the district. Researchers consistently list collegial and
administrative support as factors affecting the retention of teachers (Achinstein et al., 2010;
Boyd et al., 2011; Grissom, 2011; Ingersoll & May, 2016; Johnson et al., 2016; & Simon &
Johnson, 2015). Specifically, when teachers of color are committed to certain racially just
practices, such as culturally responsive pedagogy, and are not in schools with colleagues who
value or understand such racially just practices, they are especially vulnerable to isolation
(Borrero et al., 2016).
The final theme that emerged was the theme of pay, with teachers discussing how low
salaries contribute to their seriously considering other work or contributes to their lack of
willingness to recommend that other African American and Latinx individuals accept jobs in the
district. Walley (2018) and Winbush (2012) listed a low salary as one of the reasons behind a
nation-wide decrease in African American teachers while Garza (2019) discussed pressure to
financially support their families and pressure to go into more lucrative careers as affecting
Latinx individuals’ desire to enter the teaching profession.
Having Structured Opportunities to Discuss Race Is Important
Two of the participants shared that having structured opportunities was an important
element of support that they received from their school or district community. In fact, one
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teacher, Amber, who generally spoke negatively about her experiences in the district, mentioned
a professional development offered by the district over the summer where the presenters “went
into critical race theory, the importance of storytelling, and provided ideas of how things should
sound and look in a classroom.” She stated that outside of that, she “doesn’t think she’s received
a lot of support.” In fact, Amber’s only other reason for staying in the district is that there is not a
whole lot of diversity among the staff, and she believed it was important that she needed to be in
her role to increase diversity.
The other participant who discussed having structured opportunities to discuss race, Tara,
spoke much more highly of the district in general. Her experience with being able to discuss race
was not just a one-time professional development opportunity but was integrated into her regular
work activities. She described that there is
a lot of push to understanding your own personal biases and what’s possible as an
educator in addressing inequities, talking about who’s getting what and why. My
principal … encourages challenging conversations at school and radical things to get us
thinking and talking. Being seen and heard is big. It matters for there to be difficult
questions and opportunities to speak out about background so [White staff] are aware of
where [staff of color] are coming from. Interactions and microaggressions are important
to share about. We usually ignore it in the workplace, but when you bring it in, it
humanizes it and brings awareness.
Tara also discussed the importance of recommending that other African American and Latinx
take jobs in the district. Her advice would be to “take [the job] because we need more
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representation.” Both participants saw opportunities to discuss race as an important factor in
retention and as an important factor in building better representation of BIPOC on the staff.
Supportive Administration and Colleagues Is a Significant Factor
For participants who did not explicitly share about opportunities to talk about race, they
mentioned that having supportive administration and colleagues was a significant factor in their
feeling supported in their teaching roles. Victoria discussed how she has
received a lot of support from my school. I have a mentor, who is very supportive.
Whenever I have concerns, I reach out to admin who are helpful. I also reach out to gen
ed teachers for subjects I teach, and they are very helpful with questions or sharing about
what they are covering. I have also received support from my new teacher support
person.
The other two teachers who discussed the importance of support from administration and
colleagues also discussed the unevenness of this support across the district. They seemed to
recognize that the support they received was not equally received by all teachers across the
district. Natasha discussed how “human support and contact is really important. Onboarding at
the district sucks and is basically nonexistent. Individual faculty and administrators have been
helpful at various points in ways I am grateful for.” Natasha stated that her ability to recommend
that other African American or Latinx individuals take jobs in the district depends “on whether
they would have a similar situation to her with ongoing access to good mentorship and a team of
faculty they felt good about because the district is not there for you.”
Jasmine’s sentiment mirrors Natasha’s in that she had the opportunity to work at two
different schools and found the support inconsistent. She stated that her current team shares
“everything with her, which was not the case” at her last school. She finished by stating that our
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district needs “more leadership and more mentoring of people of color. You want somebody who
looks like you and thinks like you, then you need more people of color in leadership who are
mentoring teachers of color.” While there is not consistent support across the district and while
there are many opportunities for growth, participants were consistent in recognizing supportive
administration and colleagues are crucial to their success.
Teacher Salary Is a Factor in Teacher Satisfaction With the District
Finally, two of the interview participants discussed issues relating to teacher pay. Amber
stated that she would not recommend other African American or Latinx individuals to take a job
in this district because of pay:
Teachers should be respected enough to be paid a living wage. Teachers have to leave
and go away because they can’t afford to live here. It is insulting that I am working this
hard for kids who need me and not being recognized.
Jasmine discussed how neighboring districts provide better pay and when asked if she would
recommend that another African American or Latinx teacher take a job in the district. She
recommended that they “look around at surrounding communities and salaries. They should look
at the number of days worked to find what is best for them.” Amber discussed how it is
important to have more racial diversity among the staff but mentioned how there is currently a
lot of talk in the “African American community about building intergenerational wealth, but
teaching won’t allow this.” Not only is teacher pay an issue overall, but it is especially important
in attracting and retaining African American and Latinx teachers.
Discussion for Research Question 4
Having structured opportunities to discuss race, having supportive administration and
colleagues, and receiving a competitive salary all emerged as important themes in terms of
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teachers feeling supported in their positions. When comparing participants, there was overlap
between the participants who discussed having supportive colleagues and the participants who
discussed having supportive administration. The participants who expressed this were all
teachers who had participated in the district’s residency program and in most cases the collegial
support had been built while they were already in the Program. The existing research has
identified administrative and collegial support as crucial components in supporting teacher
retention (Boyd et al., 2011; Grissom, 2011; Ingersoll & May, 2016; Ladd, 2011; Simon &
Johnson, 2015).
Discussing race emerged as a theme from the interview responses of the two participants
who participated in traditional teacher preparation programs. Their comments of these
discussions of race being positive experiences is aligned with the findings of Madkins (2011),
indicating that educators of color feel a greater sense of positive school membership when they
can influence diversity conversations within their schools.
The final finding in regard to RQ4 indicates that teacher pay is a factor in the satisfaction
of two of the candidates and that it negatively influences their ability to recommend that other
African American and Latinx individuals take jobs in the district. This finding is supported by
literature indicating that salary supports individuals’ desire to enter the profession, especially for
African American and Latinx individuals who are more likely to face financial pressures than
White individuals (Garza, 2019; Walley, 2018; Wimbush, 2012). The responses of the two
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participants further imply that low pay may have an influence on whether they stay in the
district.
Summary
Research Questions 1 and 2 focused on teacher preparation programs. RQ1 focused on
the relationship between teacher preparation programs and a desire to remain in the district and
the profession. The findings indicate that research participants who completed the district’s
residency program are more satisfied with the district and have a greater desire to remain in the
district. This is consistent with existing literature relating to teacher residency programs and with
findings in RQ2, which examined participants’ perceptions of the effectiveness of their teacher
preparation programs. The elements of effective teacher preparation programs identified by
interview participants happen to be more prevalent in the responses from participants who
completed the district’s residency program. These elements include support in overcoming
barriers to becoming a teacher, explicitly teaching social and racial justice, and mentorship.
RQ3 and RQ4 focused on conditions and support within the district. In both questions,
effective administration and collegial relationships emerged as crucial elements positively
affecting participants’ desire to remain in the district and positively influencing their perceptions
of being supported in their positions. Also emerging as important themes in teachers feeling
supported in their roles are structured opportunities to discuss race, and salary.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
Students of color are often found in the lowest performing schools. These high-poverty,
high-minority, urban and rural public schools have among the highest rates of teacher turnover
(Ingersoll & May, 2012; Ingersoll & Merrill, 2014). Teachers are three times more likely to leave
schools with a majority of students of color than schools with a majority of White students
(Achinstein et al., 2010). However, in these schools with high turnover, teachers of color are far
more likely to persist (Achinstein et al., 2010; Farinde-Wu & Fitchett, 2018), and when they do
leave, they do not cite the demographics of the students as a reason for leaving (Ingersoll & May,
2011). In fact, demographic characteristics of schools appear to be highly important to minority
teachers’ initial decisions as to where to teach and many choose to teach in schools with large
populations of students of color (Ingersoll & May, 2011; Ingersoll & Merrill, 2014). Despite
strong evidence showing the benefits of African American and Latinx students having African
American and Latinx teachers in their schools, districts still struggle to retain African American
and Latinx teachers. The purpose of this study is to better understand factors influencing African
American and Latinx teachers’ self-reported desire to remain in the teaching profession and/or
remain in their current district.
The following research questions guided the study:
1. How does the self-reported desire of African American and Latinx teachers to
continue in the profession and in the district differ between teachers who have
completed the district’s residency program and teachers who have completed other
preparation programs?
2. How do beginning African American and Latinx teachers in the district of study
perceive the effectiveness of their preparation programs at preparing them for being
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an African American or Latinx teacher teaching in a district with a majority White
educators?
3. What is the relationship between the conditions teachers experience in the district of
study and the self-reported desire of African American and Latinx teachers to
continue in the profession and in the district?
4. How do beginning African American and Latinx teachers perceive the support they
receive in the various schools where they teach within the district of study?
Summary of Findings
Research Question 1
This question examined African American and Latinx teachers’ desire to remain in the
profession and in the district of study based on type of preparation program, specifically the
district’s residency program compared with traditional and internship credential programs. While
both survey and interview results did not reveal a significant difference in desire to remain in the
profession when comparing the different teacher preparation programs, the results did reveal a
difference in desire to remain in the district. This differs from extant research showing a
correlation between residency programs and both retention in the profession and in districts
(Bristol & Martin-Fernandez, 2019; Goodwin et al., 2018). However, given the small sample
size, the data from this study do not provide strong enough evidence to argue that residency
programs do not correlate with higher retention in the profession.
Both survey and interview data from this study reinforced the correlation between
residency programs and teacher retention in districts that is found in extant research (Goodwin et
al., 2018; Papay et al., 2019). Specifically in this study, the district’s residency program
correlates with a stronger desire to remain in the district and greater satisfaction with the district
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for African American and Latinx teachers. One possible reason as to why the district’s residency
program may correlate with potentially higher retention levels lies in interview data showing that
mentorship and collegial relationships were significant to the district’s residency program
graduates. Interview data showed that participants who completed traditional teacher preparation
programs did not report mentorship and collegial relationships as supports. It seems that one
factor contributing to higher levels of satisfaction and a greater desire to remain in the district
may come from the collaborative structures and support for collaboration and mentoring that the
district’s residency program fosters. Regardless of the reason, it can confidently be concluded
that there is a correlation between residency programs and an African American or Latinx
teacher’s desire to remain in the district.
Research Question 2
RQ2 examined perceptions of effectiveness of preparation programs. While this question
was intended for examining effectiveness after becoming a teacher, interview data revealed that
providing support for African American and Latinx teachers to enter the profession, such as
support in passing subject matter competency tests, may serve not only an important role in
helping those teachers to enter the profession, but may serve a role in showing the type of
support that should be provided to African American and Latinx students who are attempting to
learn in a system that was not created to support their success. It is also important to recognize
that had this support not been provided, it is possible that some of these African American and
Latinx teachers ultimately would not have entered the profession and would not have been
afforded the opportunity to become an effective teacher.
The African American and Latinx teachers in this study also recognized the importance
of their preparation programs ensuring that their voices were heard and providing explicit
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opportunities to discuss race and social justice. The participants whose programs did not focus
on racial and social justice or whose programs were transitioning to a greater focus on racial and
social justice expressed desire for their programs to improve in these areas. The participants
stated that this not only helped them to feel included in their program, but also prepared them
with the support they need to engage in the social justice work they set out to do. While this
question did not specifically look at differences between the district’s residency program and
traditional teacher preparation programs, the responses made it clear that the district’s residency
program was very strong at including all voices and had a strong basis in social and racial justice.
Mentorship, which arose as a key factor in supporting African American and Latinx
teacher longevity in RQ1, was also identified as a key factor in African American and Latinx
teacher perceptions of the effectiveness of their preparation programs. Specifically, participants,
who all happened to be district’s residency program graduates, mentioned that being able to
work with a mentor in the same field they were going to go into and being able to work with that
mentor for the whole year contributed to their feeling prepared to be a teacher. They also
mentioned how these mentorship relationships continued after they left the residency program
and became teachers of record in the district.
Research Question 3
RQ3 explored the relationship between conditions in the district and African American
and Latinx teachers’ desire to remain in the district. The first theme that emerged was that
administrative support positively correlated with teachers desiring to remain in the district. The
survey data showed correlations between principals who are supportive, encouraging, and
communicative of what kind of school they want, and African American and Latinx teachers
desiring to remain in the district. Providing support for students with special needs, support with
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student misbehavior, and support with tardiness and cutting also positively correlate with African
American and Latinx teachers who desire to remain in the district.
Collegial relationships emerged again as a factor correlating with stronger desire to
remain in the district. Specifically, all six participants who responded that they somewhat or
strongly agreed with the statement “there is a great deal of cooperative effort among the staff
members,” also responded that they planned to remain in the district. Furthermore, other
indicators of collegiality correlated positively with African American and Latinx teachers who
planned to remain in the district. Finally, some of the interview data in relationship to whether
participants would recommend that other African American or Latinx individuals accept jobs in
the district revealed a caveat that they would only recommend they accept a job if they could
have similar collegial relationships to them.
While not as strong of a correlation as administrative support and collegial relationships,
autonomy did emerge as correlating with a teacher’s desire to remain in the district. This was
only evident in one of the survey questions relating to the ability to select textbooks and other
instructional material and did not come up in the interview responses. However, given that
autonomy is a theme in extant literature (Achinstein et al., 2010; Ingersoll & May, 2016), the
correlation may be a significant factor in general in relation to the desire of African American
and Latinx teachers to remain in the district.
Research Question 4
RQ4 explored more deeply the perceptions of support received by African American and
Latinx beginning teachers. Many of the themes that emerged with the other research questions
also reemerged with this question. First, as it was important to the African American and Latinx
teacher participants to be able to discuss race as part of their teacher preparation programs, it was
75

also important to be able to discuss race as part of their employment. For two of the participants,
these opportunities to discuss race emerged as their primary support, one of the participants
having this opportunity through a professional development she engaged in over the summer and
the other having ongoing opportunities to discuss race facilitated by her principal.
Supportive administration and colleagues also emerged as a theme in perceptions of
support among African American and Latinx beginning teachers. In regard to perceptions of
support on the job, the participants discussed the individuals who provided them the support,
while some recognized that not all individuals actually have this support and that it is uneven
across the district. Participants identify supportive administration and colleagues as crucial to
their success and see the need for more evenness for this support across the district to be able to
recommend that other African American and Latinx individuals accept jobs in the district.
One final significant theme emerged through interview data, which was the theme of
salary. Participants commented that people should shop around to get the best salary and that
teachers leave the district because they cannot earn a living wage. One African American
participant brought up the importance for African American individuals to develop
intergenerational wealth and how it is not possible on a teaching salary.
Limitations
The primary limitation with this study is its small number of participants and that the
population from which they were drawn may be atypical given the circumstances of the school
year during which this research was conducted. A combination of district layoffs, a national
teacher shortage, and a pandemic combined to reduce the population, and likely the number of
individuals from that population who chose to participate in the research. In the district of study,
as in many districts, when layoffs occur, it is usually the least senior teachers who are the first to
76

be laid off. Furthermore, in the district of study, as in many districts, those teachers are often
disproportionately teachers of color. The fact that so many teachers of color were given layoff
notices in the district of study combined with the teacher shortage and the corresponding
availability of jobs in other districts led to an unusually high number of teacher transfers to other
districts. This indicates that the population this research studied may have been unusual in that
the teachers may have either had a higher desire to stay than the teachers who left and may only
be teachers of subjects that did not face layoffs. Not only did this potentially skew the
population, but it also led to a much smaller population from which to draw participants than
originally expected, leading to an overall lower number of participants. While this small and
possibly skewed sample means that these results may not be generalizable to other teachers, the
results confirm the assertions of extant research.
Implications for Practice
The major themes that emerged throughout this study as related to supporting the
longevity of African American and Latinx teachers are (a) providing opportunities to discuss
race, (b) having supportive administration, and (c) implementing structures that promote
collegiality and mentorship. The district’s residency program was consistently identified as
providing opportunities to discuss race, as providing mentorship throughout the program, and as
laying the groundwork for ongoing mentorship and collegial relationships. The fact that this
program provides these elements that seem crucial in promoting teacher longevity indicates that
this program may have value in a district that is currently facing a teacher shortage. It is also
possible that given the costs associated with teacher turnover, not just financial costs (Berry et
al., 2008; Goodwin et al., 2018), but those associated with loss of student learning (Berry et al.,
2008; Bristol & Martin-Fernandez, 2019), the district’s residency program may provide cost
77

savings and may contribute to gains in student learning. Therefore, when considering whether to
continue the district’s residency program, the district should carefully examine the likely
increases to teacher longevity provided by the district’s residency program, the financial costs
associated with teacher attrition, and the potential benefits to student achievement from
maintaining the district’s residency program. The positive results associated with the district’s
residency program also indicate that other districts and educational agencies should consider
whether starting a residency program may help them to achieve their goals of improving African
American and Latinx teacher longevity. Finally, other districts that have residency programs
should examine whether their residency programs allow opportunities for students to discuss
race, provide mentorship, and build the foundation for collegial relationships into the first years
of teaching.
The themes of discussing race and supportive colleagues and mentorship not only
emerged as important elements of teacher preparation programs but emerged as important parts
of participants’ employment alongside supportive administration. Participants also discussed
how this support was not even across the district and how they had experienced different levels
of support at different schools or knew that not all colleagues experienced this same level of
support. Therefore, the district should take steps to ensure that all teachers, especially African
American and Latinx teachers, have opportunities to discuss race, have access to supportive
administration, and have access to structures that promote collegial relationships and mentoring.
Future Research
This study’s data indicate that the district’s residency program correlates with increased
collegiality and mentorship for African American and Latinx teachers. Extant research shows
that improved collegiality correlates with improved retention. There is an opportunity to better
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understand what specific elements of the district’s residency program build this ongoing
mentorship and collegiality and to explore how those elements could be extended to other
teacher preparation programs and to beginning teachers in their first few years of teaching. There
is also an opportunity to better understand if the effect mentorship has on teacher longevity
varies by the race of the beginning teacher.
In addition, as districts are under continual financial constraints and continual pressure to
improve student achievement, there is an opportunity to better quantify the cost savings and
benefits to student achievement that are associated with residency programs. This would allow
districts to make better comparisons when conducting cost benefit analysis to residency
programs compared with other programs and initiatives designed to improve student
achievement. It would further be useful to examine the effect being paid to earn a credential has
on the longevity of participants in residency programs. Specifically, it would be helpful to
understand what effect receiving a stipend has on teacher longevity or what effect the amount of
the stipend has on teacher longevity.
Finally, given the small sample size of this study and given how the extant research is
focused on individual residency programs, there is an opportunity for large scale studies on the
effects of teacher residency programs across multiple districts and other types of school systems.
It would be useful to know the full extent of residency programs in existence and whether they
all have the positive effects observed in the programs that have been the subjects of this study
and past studies.
Conclusions
With an ongoing shortage of African American and Latinx teachers being exacerbated by
the pandemic, it is exciting to learn of practices and programs that can not only help alleviate this
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challenge, but that can also help build a teaching force that more closely matches the racial
diversity of the students now enrolled in schools in the United States. Expanding teacher
residency programs, increasing the capacity of principals to support teachers, improving
structures for increased collaboration and mentorship, and providing opportunities to discuss race
are practices that lead to increased African American and Latinx teacher longevity. This is
crucial as our country attempts to rectify its past wrongdoings and works toward repaying the
educational debt owed to our African American and Latinx students and their families.
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Appendix A: Quantitative Survey Instrument
Where applicable, identifiable information has been removed.
(Name Removed) Unified School District African American and Latinx Teacher Longevity
Survey
Thank you for agreeing to complete this survey. This survey will provide the researcher
with data in order to gain a better understanding into the factors affecting the longevity of
African American and Latinx teachers within the district and within the profession of teaching.
Your honest responses below will allow the district to better determine what practices to engage
in to better grow and sustain its African American and Latinx teaching force.
Please remember that your participation in this research study and specifically in this
survey is optional. The responses will be held confidential, the final report will use pseudonyms
for respondents, and only general district-wide trends will be shared; information specific to
individual schools will not be included.
The questions from this survey are adapted from the National Center for Education
Statistics Teacher Questionnaire (2020).

92

PART I: DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONS (Please note that your demographic information,
including your name, will be held confidential and will not be used in the final report. The
final report will use pseudonyms for respondents, and only general district-wide trends will
be shared.):

What is your name? ____________________________

How did you earn your teaching credential?
Mark (X) only one box.
❏ The District’s Residency Program
❏ Traditional teacher preparation program with university coursework and student
teaching
❏ An internship program
❏ Other _______________________________

What race or ethnicity do you identify as?
Mark (X) one or more boxes.
❏ American Indian or Alaska Native
❏ Asian
❏ Black or African American
❏ Latinx/Latino/Latina
❏ Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander
❏ White

In what school year did you begin teaching in the ________ Unified School District as a
paid district employee (i.e. salary, not a stipend)?
Mark (X) one box.
❏ 2019–20
❏ 2020–21
❏ 2021–22
❏ Other: ___________________

93

PART II: LEVEL AND TYPES OF SUPPORT
How much actual influence do you think teachers have over school policy at your current
school in each of the following areas?
Mark (X) one box on each line.
1
No
influence
2
Minor
influence
3
Moderate
Influence
4
A great
deal of
Influence
Setting performance standards for
students at this school
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Establishing curriculum ▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Determining the content of in-service
professional development programs
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Evaluating teachers ▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Hiring new full-time teachers ▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Setting discipline policy ▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Deciding how the school budget will
be spent
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢

94

How much actual control do you have IN YOUR CLASSROOM at your current school
over the following areas of your planning and teaching?
Mark (X) one box on each line.
1
No control
2
Minor
control
3
Moderate
control
4
A great
deal of
control
Selecting textbooks and other
instructional materials
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Selecting content, topics, and skills to
be taught
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Selecting teaching techniques ▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Evaluating and grading students ▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Disciplining students ▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Determining the amount of homework
to be assigned
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢

95

To what extent do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements?
Mark (X) one box on each line.
1
Strongly
disagree
2
Somewhat
disagree
3
Somewhat
agree
4
Strongly
agree
The school administration’s behavior
toward the staff is supportive and
encouraging.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
I am satisfied with my teaching
salary.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
The level of student misbehavior in
my school (such as noise, horseplay
or fighting in the halls, cafeteria, or
student lounge) interferes with my
teaching.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Necessary materials such as
textbooks, supplies, and copy
machines are available as needed by
the staff.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Routine duties and paperwork
interfere with my job of teaching.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
My principal enforces school rules for
student conduct and backs me up
when I need it.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Rules for student behavior are
consistently enforced by teachers in
this school, even for students who are
not in their classes.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
Most of my colleagues share my
beliefs and values about what the
central mission of the school should
be.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
96

The principal knows what kind of
school he or she wants and has
communicated it to the staff.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
There is a great deal of cooperative
effort among the staff members.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
In my school, staff members are
recognized for a job well done.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
State or district content standards
have had a positive influence on my
satisfaction with teaching.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
I am given the support I need to teach
students with special needs.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
The amount of student tardiness and
class cutting in my school interferes
with my teaching.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
I make a conscious effort to
coordinate the content of my courses
with that of other teachers
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢

97

PART III: DESIRE TO CONTINUE IN THE PROFESSION AND IN THE DISTRICT
To what extent do you agree or disagree with each of the following statements?
Mark (X) one box on each line.
1
Strongly
disagree
2
Somewhat
disagree
3
Somewhat
agree
4
Strongly
agree
I am satisfied with being a teacher in
general.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
I am satisfied with being a teacher in
this district.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
I feel confidence in doing what’s
being asked of me in the classroom
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
I like the way things are run in this
district.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢
I think about transferring to another
district.
▢ ▢ ▢ ▢

Which statement best describes how long you plan to remain in this district?
Mark (X) only one box.
❏ As long as I am able
❏ Until I am eligible for retirement benefits
❏ Until a specific life event occurs (e.g. parenthood, marriage, retirement of a
spouse or partner)
❏ Until a more desirable job opportunity comes along
❏ Definitely plan to leave as soon as I can

Which statement best describes how long you plan to remain in the profession of teaching?
Mark (X) only one box.
❏ As long as I am able
❏ Until I am eligible for retirement benefits
❏ Until a specific life event occurs (e.g. parenthood, marriage, retirement of a
spouse or partner)
❏ Until a more desirable job opportunity comes along
98

❏ Definitely plan to leave as soon as I can

PART IV: PARTICIPATION IN INTERVIEW
Are you interested in participating in a one-on-one interview with the researcher so that
the researcher may learn more about your experiences? Interviews would take 30 –60
minutes and would be scheduled at a time convenient to you.
Mark (X) only one box.
❏ Yes
❏ No

If yes, please include your preferred contact information:
E-mail address and/or phone number:______________________________

99

Appendix B: Qualitative Interview Protocol
Where applicable, identifiable information has been removed.
Date of Interview:
Name of Interviewee:
Interview start time:
Interview end time:
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I appreciate the time that you have set
aside to answer my questions. As mentioned in the survey and emails, the interview should take
about 30 minutes. Does that still work for you?
Before we get started, I want to remind you about this study, the overview for which was
provided to you in the Study Information Sheet, and answer any questions you might have about
participating in this interview. I am a doctoral student at USC and am conducting a study on the
retention of African American and Latinx teachers. Specifically, I am examining preparation
programs and school conditions in the first few years of employment. I am talking to multiple
teachers to learn more about this.
In order to preserve your anonymity, pseudonyms will be used in the final report and I
will try my best to de-identify any of the data gathered from you. I am happy to provide you with
a copy of the final paper if you are interested.
I want to assure you that I am strictly wearing the hat of researcher today. What this
means is that the nature of my questions is not evaluative. I will not be making any judgments
on how you are performing as a teacher. My goal is to understand your perspective.
As stated in the Study Information Sheet, the data will be stored in a password protected
computer and all data will be destroyed after 3 years.
100

Might you have any questions about the study before we get started? I would like to
record this interview so that I can accurately capture what you share with me. The recording is
solely for the purpose of best capturing your perspectives and will not be shared. May I have
your permission to record our conversation?
Questions (With Transitions)
1. Tell me about some of the reasons you wanted to go into teaching?
Now there are going to be two sets of questions. The first is in relation to your experience
in your teacher preparation program.
2. Please describe your teacher preparation program. (Make sure to obtain the name of
the program, and whether it is a residency, intern, or traditional program.)
3. Suppose a friend of yours, who is also Latinx or African American, asks for your
advice on attending the same teacher preparation program as you. They are interested
in socially just teaching and are concerned whether or not they will be supported.
What advice would you give them?
4. Please describe experiences in your preparation program, if any, where you feel
others demonstrated an insensitivity or lack of understanding toward issues of race.
How was this handled by your program?
5. How prepared did you feel from your teacher preparation program to teach in your
current position? What made you feel more or less prepared?
6. What changes, if any, would you recommend to the directors of your preparation
program in order to help it become an ideal teacher preparation program for people of
color?
101

This next set of questions is in relation to your current position as a teacher and the support
you have received in your job.
7. I began this interview by asking you about some of the reasons you became a teacher.
You stated [summarize some of the main points from the first question]. In your
current position, please describe support you have received from your school or
district community, if any, in order to be able to achieve your objectives.
8. Please describe a time, if any, when you faced a situation that was challenging due to
your race or that was made more challenging due to your race. How were you
supported in this situation?
9. Let’s go back to your African American or Latinx friend in the first part of this
interview who was asking you about going into the same preparation program as you.
Assume that your friend has now completed their preparation program and is
considering accepting a job in this district. Would you recommend that they take a
job within this district or school? Why or why not?
10. What changes would you suggest that this district or your school make in order to
ensure that African American and Latinx teachers are supported and continue in their
positions.
Closing
What other insight would you like to share regarding the retention of African American
and Latinx teachers that I may not have asked you about?
Closing Comments
Thank you so much for sharing your thoughts with me today! I really appreciate your
time and willingness to share. Everything that you have shared is really helpful for my study. If
102

I find myself with a follow-up question, can I contact you, and if so, is email okay? Again, thank
you for participating in my study.

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Kahn, Zachary Townsend (author)

Core Title Reducing the education debt through supporting African American and Latinx teacher longevity

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership (On Line)

Publication Date 03/31/2022

Defense Date 02/25/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag mentorship,OAI-PMH Harvest,race concordant teachers,teacher longevity,teacher residency,teacher retention

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Krop, Cathy (committee chair), Cash, David (committee member), Thompson, John (committee member)

Creator Email zkahn@usc.edu,ztkahn@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC110843463

Unique identifier UC110843463

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Kahn, Zachary Townsend

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Source 20220331-usctheses-batch-918 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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