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Black@: using student voices to dismantle colorblindness and inspire culturally relevant pedagogy in southern independent schools
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Content
Black@: Using Student Voices to Dismantle Colorblindness and
Inspire Culturally Relevant Pedagogy in Southern Independent Schools
by
Jessica Morris Garlinghouse
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2022
© Copyright by Jessica Morris Garlinghouse 2022
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Jessica Morris Garlinghouse certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Monique Datta
Alison Keller Muraszewski
Morgan Polikoff, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022
iv
Abstract
Independent schools across the United States have adopted inspiring goals related to diversity,
equity, and inclusion; however, only a fraction report that their schools are successfully
addressing issues related to racial equity. Beginning in the summer of 2020, students of color
have turned to social media to share their stories in what this study refers to as the Black@
movement on Instagram. The purpose of this mixed methods study was to explore how Black
students’ stories can influence teachers’ understanding of race and racism and inspire change
with regards to curriculum and instruction. Specifically, this study addressed following two
research questions: (a) What is the effect of Black students’ storytelling on teachers’
understanding of race and racism within an independent school?; and (b) How do Black@ stories
inspire their teachers’ reported interest in culturally responsive pedagogy? To answer these
questions, the study recruited 19 teachers from a large K-12 independent school who represented
a variety of grades and subjects to participate in the study. Participants took an abridged version
of the Colorblind Racial Attitudes Scale (CoBRAS) before and after viewing a video that shares
stories about students’ experiences of race and racism at school. Eight of the 19 participants
volunteered to be interviewed to further discuss how the stories might impact their curriculum,
instruction, and interest in culturally relevant pedagogy. A series of paired sample t tests
indicated there was a statistically significant difference in the mean pre and posttreatment survey
scores, concluding that the video lowered participants’ levels of colorblindness. Interview data
was analyzed with a priori codes and a second round of open and axial coding. The interview
data analysis supported the notion that the video deepened teachers’ understanding of race and
racism and inspired an interest in more professional learning on the topic of racial equity in the
classroom.
v
Dedication
To my husband, Graham. I could not have done this without your love and encouragement.
vi
Acknowledgements
They say it takes a village, and this was especially true for me throughout this process. I
am eternally grateful to my family who encouraged and supported me in this process. My
husband, Graham, has been my biggest cheerleader, and my parents, Mike and Bev, taught me
the importance of hard work and perseverance. To my daughter, Caroline, who was born in the
middle of this doctoral program, you were my greatest inspiration. I hope someday you will
know that you can accomplish anything you put your mind to. To my family-like friends, thank
you for your patience and support over the last three years. Homework will never keep us apart
again!
Also in my village is a host of dedicated educators who I am fortunate to call my
colleagues. They were gracious enough to share their time and energy as participants in this
study. I am humbled by their kindness and the endless number of things they do to better
themselves for their students.
The late-night classes would have been impossible to endure had it not been for the
support and engagement of my cohort. I am especially thankful for Isaac, Brandi, Zach,
Shemena, Gail, and Lita. Thank you for keeping me awake with your silly texts, reminding me of
deadlines, and your encouragement to the bitter end. We did it!
Last, but most certainly not least, I must acknowledge the four fearless students whose
stories were shared in the Black@ video. Brooklyn, Mela, Myles, and Robert, you are some of
the most impressive kids I have ever known. Thank you for your courage and candor. Our school
is better because of you, and I am proud to know you.
vii
Table of Contents
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................... x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. xi
Chapter One: Overview of Study .................................................................................................... 1
Background of the Problem ........................................................................................................ 3
Purpose of the Study ................................................................................................................... 4
Research Questions ................................................................................................................ 5
Conceptual Framework .......................................................................................................... 5
Context of the Study ................................................................................................................... 7
Glossary of Terms ....................................................................................................................... 8
Organization of the Study ........................................................................................................... 9
Chapter Two: Literature Review ................................................................................................... 10
Theoretical Frameworks for the Study of Race and Racism in Education ............................... 10
The History of Colorblindness and Its Dangers ................................................................... 10
Race and Colorblind Racism in the Classroom ............................................................... 13
The History of Critical Race Theory ................................................................................... 14
Critical Race Theory in Education ....................................................................................... 15
The Curricular Use of the Counterstory .......................................................................... 16
Counterstories Through Instagram .................................................................................. 17
Culturally Relevant Pedagogy .................................................................................................. 18
Curricular Examples of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy ....................................................... 19
Quantitative Evidence of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy .................................................... 19
Qualitative Evidence of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy ...................................................... 20
Culturally Relevant Pedagogy According to Students ......................................................... 21
Historical, Geographical, and Practical Implications on the School’s Culture ........................ 23
A Brief History of U.S. Independent Schools ...................................................................... 23
Current Practices of Independent Schools ........................................................................... 24
South Carolina’s Racist Roots ............................................................................................. 25
White Flight in South Carolina ....................................................................................... 25
viii
Schools’ Responses to the Black@ Movement ................................................................... 26
Using Social Media for Civic Activism ............................................................................... 29
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 30
Research Design ....................................................................................................................... 30
Sample and Population ............................................................................................................. 31
Context ................................................................................................................................. 31
Participants ........................................................................................................................... 31
Treatment .................................................................................................................................. 33
Instrumentation ......................................................................................................................... 34
Pre and Posttreatment Survey .............................................................................................. 35
Interviews ............................................................................................................................. 37
Data Collection ......................................................................................................................... 38
Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................ 39
CoBRAS Survey .................................................................................................................. 39
Interviews ............................................................................................................................. 40
Ethics ........................................................................................................................................ 41
Credibility and Trustworthiness ............................................................................................... 41
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 43
Chapter Four: Findings .................................................................................................................. 44
Colorblind Racial Attitude Scale Survey Data ......................................................................... 44
Survey Analysis ........................................................................................................................ 45
Overall Scores: Before and After ......................................................................................... 46
Paired t tests by Factor ......................................................................................................... 47
Comparing Survey Items by Significance ........................................................................... 50
Further Analysis of the CoBRAS Survey ............................................................................ 52
Summary of the Survey Data ............................................................................................... 53
Interview Data .......................................................................................................................... 54
Interview Participants ............................................................................................................... 54
A Priori Coding ......................................................................................................................... 55
Open Coding ............................................................................................................................. 57
Faculty .................................................................................................................................. 58
ix
Hiring ................................................................................................................................... 59
Microaggressions ................................................................................................................. 59
Affirming/Keep Doing What I’m Doing ............................................................................. 60
Professional Development ................................................................................................... 61
Training for Responding to Student Issues in the Moment ................................................. 61
White Senior Administration Team ..................................................................................... 62
Educating White Students .................................................................................................... 63
Integration Amongst Students .............................................................................................. 63
Recommending the Video for Everyone .............................................................................. 63
Axial Coding ............................................................................................................................. 64
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 66
Interpretation of Findings ......................................................................................................... 70
Limitations of Study ................................................................................................................. 73
Implications of Findings ........................................................................................................... 75
Future Directions of Research .................................................................................................. 77
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 78
References ................................................................................................................................. 80
Appendix A: Color-Blind Racial Attitudes Scale Scoring Information ........................................ 87
Appendix B: Truncated CoBRAS Survey ..................................................................................... 89
Appendix C: Interview Protocol .................................................................................................... 90
x
List of Tables
Table 1: Three Components of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy………………………………….37
Table 2: Data From the CoBRAS Surveys for All 19 Participants………………………………45
Table 3: Overall Scores: Before and After………………………………………………………46
Table 4: Factor 1: Unawareness of Racial Privilege…………………………………………….47
Table 5: Factor 2: Unawareness of Institutional Discrimination………………………………...48
Table 6: Factor 3: Unawareness to Blatant Racial Issues……………………………………….49
Table 7: Comparison of Pre and Posttest Scores by Survey Item……………………………….51
Table 8: t test: Item 4…………………………………………………………………………….53
Table 9: Participant Information…………………………………………………………………54
Table 10: A Priori Code Data from Interviews by Participant, Code, and Number of Occurrences
……………………………………………………………………………………………………56
Table 11: Teachers’ Reported Plans for Curriculum Following the Black@ Video…………….72
xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Black@EpiscopalHS Post………………………………………………………………2
Figure 2: Black@woodberryforestschool Post……………………………………………………3
Figure 3: Conceptual Framework…………………………………………………………………6
Figure 4: Black@Taft....................................................................................................................27
Figure 5: Black@Andover Post……………………………………………………………….…28
Figure 6: Axial Codes from the Interview Data………………………………………………….66
1
Chapter One: Overview of Study
A vast body of literature emphasizes the importance of diversity in schools and the
effectiveness of culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP), though many independent school
communities are falling short in these areas (Dee & Penner, 2017; Esteban-Guitart & Moll, 2014;
Gay, 2010; Rodríguez-Arocho, 2020). Many of these predominantly White institutions (PWIs),
were originally founded as elitist college-preparatory schools for White males. As such, many
have overcome or are attempting to overcome generations of systemic racism and sexism. Even
modern-day independent schools, with noble and inclusive origins, are challenged by instances
and undercurrents of racism and classism (e.g., see Tate, 2020).
A focus on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) in independent schools is still relatively
new considering their nearly 400-year history. In a study conducted by the National Association
of Independent Schools (NAIS), 60% of schools indicated the role of Director of Diversity (or
similar position) has been created within the last 10 years, and another 26% indicated it has been
within the last 20 years. The same study also found that 77% of these people who oversee DEI
efforts also hold a different, primary position within the school (e.g., teacher or counselor), and
less than half of participants in the study believe their position can enact organizational change
within their schools (NAIS, 2019).
Despite initiatives to increase the use of CRP in independent schools, many independent
schools are still falling short in these areas (NAIS, 2019). In a study of 346 diversity practitioners
in independent schools, only 38% believed their schools were effectively allowing all opinions
and perspectives to be heard and considered, and only 22% believed their schools were
successfully educating and engaging in issues related to White identity and privilege (NAIS,
2019). While the study has found some improvements since a similar survey was conducted in
2
2017, Black students at independent schools across the country have taken to Instagram to
expedite changes in their own school settings.
A social media movement that emerged in the summer of 2020 provides an anonymous
forum where current and former students can share their experiences with racism and
discrimination (Tate, 2020). Students from various independent schools across the nation are
creating Instagram accounts with the handle “Black@” followed by the school’s name (e.g.,
Black@Exeter for Phillips Exeter Academy). The accounts, which were created in the wake of
the George Floyd murder and civil unrest across the United States, share stories from Black
students, alumni, and faculty at each institution. Stories range from macroaggressions exposing
fellow students’ ignorance to blatant acts of malicious racism. See Figures 1 and 2 for examples.
Figure 1
Black@EpiscopalHS Post
3
Figure 2
Black@woodberryforestschool Post
The accounts are giving Black students, alumni, and faculty members the platforms they
need to apply pressure to their school’s administration, and in many cases, it is working. In
Chapter Two, I cover several schools’ statements and actions in response to these accounts. The
movement, however, may be leading to symbolic changes such as public apologies and special
task forces, but they continue to be a public relations problem for the schools with accounts. All
the while, there remains a lack of evidence of how these accounts and the stories they share help
shape peoples’ understanding of race and racism in schools and inspire positive change.
Background of the Problem
Colorblindness—or colorblind racism—refers to the ideology that suggests ignoring or
failing to acknowledge race means one will not act upon race, which in turn would eliminate
racism (Thomas, 2018). The negative impact of colorblindness has been observed since its
origination in response to the American Civil Rights movement in the early 1970s (Bonilla-Silva,
2003). Despite the vast body of research pointing to its negative effect, colorblind ideologies
4
persist in schools and contribute to the achievement and opportunity gaps that exists between
Black students and their White counterparts. An example of this could be a history teacher not
reflecting on the disparity in engagement and grades between their White and Black students
during a unit on early colonialism because they do not “see” race and attribute the gap to
motivation or lack thereof.
Conversely, the impact of CRP and anti-bias curricula have been well-documented in
educational research over the last several decades (Banks & Banks, 1995; Ladson-Billings,
1995). These studies have identified key understandings from students’ racial identity
development milestones to methods for fostering culturally inclusive school climates and how
such efforts help close the opportunity gap in schools (Derman-Sparks et al., 2020; Koth et al.,
2008).
According to critical race theory (CRT), the counter-story—a form of storytelling by a
person whose stories are often untold, even marginalized—“can shatter complacency, challenge
the dominant discourse on race, and further the struggle for racial reform” (Solórzano & Yosso,
2002, p. 32). The Black@ movement aims to achieve this by providing a platform for
marginalized voices to give insight into the experiences of Black students, alumni, and
employees in predominantly White independent schools.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to explore how Black student voices can influence
teachers’ understanding of race and racism and positively impact their curriculum and
instruction. While the study included some quantitative components, the study was qualitative in
5
nature and specific to my own school context, Saint John’s Episcopal School
1
in South Carolina.
The study included K–12 teachers who volunteered to take part in the research.
To explore teachers’ understanding of race and racism, I used the Color-Blind Racial
Attitudes Scale (CoBRAs) as my primary instrument. Teachers took this brief survey before and
after viewing a short video inspired by the Black@ movement, which included stories and
insights from current students. Qualitative data were collected through interviews with each
teacher after the posttreatment survey. The interview was designed to explore how the students’
stories might influence teachers’ curriculum and instruction. Interview data were coded based on
Ladson-Billings’ (1995) framework of CRP, which is explained in more depth in Chapter Two.
Research Questions
Two essential questions that drove this study were: (a) What is the effect of students’
storytelling on teachers’ understanding of race and racism within an independent school?; and
(b) What is the effect of Black@ student stories on their teachers’ reported curricular and
instructional practices?
Conceptual Framework
Based on the tenets of CRT and CRP, this study sought to explore how Black student
voices can influence teachers’ understanding of race and racism and positively impact their
curriculum and instruction. The conceptual framework highlights four external factors that
impact the social context of this study: (a) the history of independent schools, (b) colorblind
ideologies, (c) southern culture, and (d) dated teacher training practices. These four factors are
further covered in Chapter Two. Figure 3 illustrates the conceptual framework of this study.
1
Saint John’s Episcopal School (SJES) is a pseudonym that will be used throughout the dissertation.
6
Figure 3
Conceptual Framework
Significance of the Study
The growing impact of social media on today’s culture, particularly surrounding race and
independent schools, is significant. Independent schools are grappling with students who are
sharing stories of racism publicly and teachers who lack the skills and understanding to navigate
issues of race and racism, much less incorporate CRP in their classrooms. This study will help
independent schools, particularly in the southern region of the United States, give students a
platform to voice their experiences and use these counterstories to help teachers be more
effective in teaching racially diverse populations.
7
Context of the Study
SJES was founded in the early 1950s by the Upper Diocese of South Carolina. While it
was not established as a segregation academy like many other independent schools in the region,
it took 14 years for the school to admit its first African American student—roughly 11 years
prior to Runyon v. McCrary—which prohibited private schools from discriminating based on
race. As such, the school is considered one of the more progressive institutions in the region,
though it is not impervious to the social-political culture of the South.
In June 2020, SJES formed a diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) committee comprised
of 12 teachers and administrators at the school including myself. Led by a newly appointed
Director of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion, the shared vision of this group is to make SJES a
more inclusive place, where faculty, staff, students, and families feel seen, known, and cherished
for their own unique identities.
Over the summer of 2020, the DEI committee planned SJES’s first professional
development activity for faculty focused on race and implicit bias. The committee selected five
different nonfiction texts—all of which focused on race and implicit bias—from which faculty
could choose for their summer reading. Then, upon returning for in-service in August, faculty
were split into groups of eight to 10 to discuss their books. The feedback from the book
discussions was generally positive: people enjoyed connecting with other faculty members in
different divisions, the books were helpful in understanding race and racial bias, and many
teachers suggested they would like more conversations on the topic.
The professional development was explained in a letter that the Head of School sent to
families, along with other summer updates. This was also shared in the school’s blog and social
8
media. Many families at the school lauded the school’s efforts, especially in the wake of the
death of George Floyd and civil unrest across the country that summer. One parent wrote:
Thank you. That [email] meant a lot to me as a Heathwood Hall parent of a young
African American male. I am in complete agreement with you. Listening, talking, having
honest respectful open dialogue, and showing compassion and love to everyone no matter
the color of their skin is the only way we can start to address the systemic racism that
pervades America. (personal communication, June 2, 2020)
Other families were concerned about topics of the books and questioned the school’s intentions
in using them for professional development. Most of the concerns and questions revolved around
making White students feel guilty for being White, or concern that the year would be political
and the curriculum would be coming left-leaning. Many parents who expressed concerns claimed
that they are colorblind and are teaching their children not to see color too.
Glossary of Terms
Term Definition
Black Lives Matter (BLM) an American social movement protesting police
brutality and all racially motivated violence against
Black people
Color-Blind Racial Attitudes Scale
(CoBRAs)
an instrument designed and published by Nelville et al.
(2000) used to measure colorblind ideologies
Critical race theory (CRT)
a theory that examines the intersection of race and
racism across dominant cultural modes of expression
Culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP)
a pedagogical framework coined by Ladson-Billings in
the early 1990s, based on three fundamental pillars:
academic achievement, cultural competence, and
sociopolitical consciousness (Ladson-Billings, 1995)
Diversity, equity, and inclusion
(DEI)
a term used to describe programs and policies that
encourage representation and participation of diverse
groups of people
Handle the name of the account on Instagram
Instagram (IG) a free, photo-sharing app and social network platform
founded in 2010. Instagram allows users to edit and
upload photos and short videos through a mobile app.
9
National Association of Independent
Schools (NAIS)
a nonprofit membership association that provides
services to more than 1,600 independent/private K-12
schools in the United States
Predominantly White institutions
(PWIs)
any institution in which the racial make-up of its
constituents is predominantly White
Professional development (PD) professional learning opportunities for teachers,
typically held internally on in-service days or
externally, such as conferences and workshops
Southern Association of
Independent Schools (SAIS)
a voluntary organization of more than 380 independent
elementary and secondary schools through the
Southern United States. Also, a regional accrediting
organization for independent schools
Organization of the Study
This study is organized into five chapters. Chapter One serves as an overview of the
study. Chapter Two reviews pertinent research as it relates to the study. Chapter Three discusses
the study’s methodology, including participants and sampling, instruments, and data analysis.
Chapter Four provides the results of the study, and Chapter Five concludes the study with a
discussion of the findings and recommendations for independent school practitioners.
10
Chapter Two: Literature Review
This study sought to explore effective professional development methods to dismantle
colorblindness and inspire CRP for K-12 teachers in independent school settings. Specifically, I
asked the following two questions:
1. What is the effect of students’ storytelling on teachers’ understanding of race and
racism within an independent school?
2. What is the effect of Black@ student stories on their teachers’ reported curricular and
instructional practices?
To answer these questions, I focused on four bodies of literature: (a) theoretical
frameworks for the study of race and racism in education; (b) CRP; (c) historical, geographical,
and practical implications on the school’s culture, and (d) the Black@ movement and history of
social media activism.
Theoretical Frameworks for the Study of Race and Racism in Education
Two opposing frameworks serve as the inspiration of this study. The first is
colorblindness—the ideology that suggests ignoring or failing to acknowledge race means one
will not act upon race, which in turn would eliminate racism (Thomas, 2018). The second is CRT
which posits that race is the central (rather than marginal) aspect of one’s lived experience and
that race is ever-present and permeates every context and every interaction (Solórzano & Yosso,
2002).
The History of Colorblindness and Its Dangers
Since the mid-20th century, society has espoused the virtues of racial colorblindness. A
product of the Civil Rights Movement, colorblindness is an ideology that seeks to avoid racial
discrimination by ignoring or not acknowledging race. The idea is that one cannot be racist if
11
they cannot “see” race (Thomas, 2018). Colorblindness has been criticized in recent decades as
people contend that it is impossible not to see race and that pretending as though racial
differences do not exist does not eliminate racism (Thomas, 2018).
As more modern diversity models and frameworks have emerged since the start of the
21st century, some claim colorblindness is a form of self-preservation for White people. Ryan et
al. (2007) found that colorblind ideologies are preferred more frequently by people in the
majority group (i.e., among White people), whereas people of color often prefer multicultural
models of diversity. The study, which was comprised of 20 Black and 67 White participants,
used a questionnaire concerning their views about ethnic group relations in the U.S. The study
also found a correlation in the preference for colorblindness in White people and stronger uses of
stereotypes with regards to race and ethnicity (Ryan et al., 2007).
Sociologist Bonilla-Silva (2003) constructed an argument for the racist undertones and
outcomes of colorblindness. “Color-blind racism,” as Bonilla-Silva (2003) defined it, is the most
popular and problematic racial ideology held by White people who believe they cannot be racist
since racism is an overt action of prejudice against people of color. In a later text, Bonilla-Silva
(2014) explained the four central frameworks of colorblind racism: abstract liberalism,
naturalization, cultural racism, and minimization of racism. The underpinnings of each frame is
the erroneous belief that racism is an overt action as opposed to its systemic and endemic
realities rooted in centuries of abuse and oppression.
Abstract liberalism, according to Bonilla-Silva (2014), is described as explaining racial
matters in an abstract, decontextualized manner. In this frame, White people tout liberal politics
such as “equal opportunity,” but tacitly reject the use of force in politics, such as affirmative
action, to address de facto racial inequities. Abstract liberalism emphasizes personal choice and
12
individualism, which tend to provide justification and alternative explanations to economic
disparities between racial groups. This frame of colorblind racism is perhaps the most insidious
as White people appear reasonable or even moral as they frame race-related issues in the
language of liberalism (Bonilla-Silva, 2014).
Naturalization is the frame of colorblind racism that allows White people to write off
racial phenomena as natural occurrences (Bonilla-Silva, 2014). Based on the concept of “birds of
a feather flock together,” in the frame of naturalization, a White person might explain a
predominantly Black neighborhood as the desire for Black people to live near one another
without acknowledging years of redlining and other policies leading to housing disparities.
Tatum (2021) explained that this form of self-segregation is the manifestation of internalized
racial oppression and the fundamental need for affirmation.
In the third frame of colorblind racism, cultural racism, Bonilla-Silva (2014) described
how culturally-based arguments are used to explain racial disparities. For instance, during the
COVID-19 pandemic, one might say that people of color were disproportionately impacted by
the virus due to a cultural practice of living in more densely populated homes or continuing to
gather with family members against the advice of medical professionals. This culturally-based
argument discounts any lack of access to quality healthcare and the well-documented inequities
in the U.S. healthcare system (Evans et al., 2020).
In the fourth and final frame of colorblind racism, Bonilla-Silva (2014) explained that
minimization is the act of minimizing racial disparities by comparing present day to slavery or a
Jim Crow America. The term “post-racial America” is an example of minimization, as is the
notion that we could not have a problem with racism if our school is integrated or we have
several people of color serving our on Board of Trustees. According to Bonilla-Silva (2014), this
13
is the frame that allows White people to accept the terror Ahmaud Arbery endured in his final
hours and condone the slow response of the U.S. government to the predominantly Black
communities impacted by Katrina. It is this frame that explains minimization expressions such as
“minorities are being ‘hypersensitive,’ of using race as an ‘excuse,’ or of ‘playing the infamous
race card’” (Bonilla-Silva, 2014, p. 71).
Ideologies of the majority reinforce the status quo, and in the case of colorblindness
racism is perpetuated. The four frames of colorblind racism help dissect the complexity of the
ideology and explain how it has persisted despite its known dangers. Through the four frames of
colorblind racism, one can understand that attempts to be colorblind do not end racism; in fact,
ignoring race and racial disparities increases the likelihood that racism will occur in schools
(Modica, 2014).
Race and Colorblind Racism in the Classroom
Schools are microcosms of the society in which they exist. What problems, phenomena,
and ideologies people experience in society, students also experience in that society’s
classrooms. Further, as schools prepare the next generation of society’s leaders, what is learned
and internalized in the classroom will eventually be practiced in society. This is especially true of
racial inequities and ideologies that perpetuate them. Therefore, it is essential that the cycle of
racism—particularly colorblind racism—is disrupted in the classroom.
“Teachers who believe it is best to be colorblind lose the opportunity to address racial
inequity in their classrooms and in their overall school programs” (Modica, 2014, p. 398).
However, as purported by the four frames of colorblind racism, one must acknowledge that
racism does exist in modern day United States and the way people think and talk about race and
racism will affect its place in schools, and eventually our society.
14
Of the many reasons why educators avoid the topic of race and racism in the classroom is
the fear that students are too young to understand racial prejudice, much less discuss it. For
decades though, research has pointed to the ways in which students notice race and how it
impacts their behaviors and relationships (Aboud, 2007; Banaji et al., 2008; Katz & Kofkin,
1997).
In the late 1990s, a groundbreaking study found that children as young as two years old
use race to choose playmates (Katz & Kofkin, 1997). By 3-4 years old, children start
internalizing racial oppression and superiority according to Derman-Sparks et al. (2020).
Regardless of whether a teacher notices these behaviors or not, by failing to implement any
systems to interrupt racism, they are creating a culture of colorblindness and in turn forwarding a
colorblind racism.
Further, over the spring of 2021, the once esoteric topic of CRT became a common and
divisive term across the country as a number of bills were introduced by Republican state
legislatures to ban its use in K-12 classrooms (Sawchuck, 2021). Subsequently, talking about
race and racism in the classroom has become an even more delicate topic. Sawchuck (2021)
explained, however, that the academic understanding of CRT differs from the way it has been
used by conservative pundits and politicians who claim CRT is used primarily to label people as
oppressors or the oppressed and cause guilt and shame.
The History of Critical Race Theory
Countering the underlying assumptions of colorblindness is CRT. A framework that was
born out of a 1980s’ movement in U.S. law schools, CRT seeks to examine race, law, and power
in the United States (Yosso, 2005). According to Solórzano and Yosso (2002), “A critical race
theory in education starts from the premise that race and racism are endemic and permanent” (p.
15
763). CRT suggests race is ever-present; it is a central rather than marginal factor in defining
lived experiences of people of color (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
Since its formal introduction to the literature, CRT has expanded both its focus and reach,
as it works towards “the elimination of racism as part of a larger goal of opposing or eliminating
other forms of subordination based on gender, class, sexual orientation, language, and national
origin” (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002, p. 25). Further, CRT has expanded its reach and has become
a relevant theory in sociology, history, ethnic studies, education, and women’s studies.
Critical Race Theory in Education
In the educational context, CRT is a framework or set of basic insights, perspectives,
methods, and pedagogy that seeks to “identify, analyze, and transform those structural and
cultural aspects of education that maintain subordinate and dominant racial positions in and out
of the classroom” (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002, p. 25). To achieve these goals, Solórzano and
Yosso (2002) developed a critical race methodology (CRM). Together, in the educational
context, CRT and CRM include the following five elements: (a) intersectionality of race and
racism with other forms of subordination, (b) the challenge to the dominant ideology, (c) the
commitment to social justice, (d) the centrality of experiential knowledge, and (e)
transdisciplinary perspectives.
For the purpose of this study, I focused on the challenge to the dominant ideology and a
methodological approach from CRM called the counterstory. The counterstory is a form of
storytelling by a person whose stories are often untold, even marginalized (Solórzano & Yosso,
2002). According to Solórzano and Yosso, counterstories “can shatter complacency, challenge
the dominant discourse on race, and further the struggle for racial reform” (p. 32).
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Counterstories can be in the form of fictional characters—biographical or
autobiographical stories—or any unheard or marginalized voice sharing their experience or
perspective. In essence, a counterstory is a story that counters the dominant narrative. Below, I
explain how counterstories may be used in classrooms through curriculum and online through
social media platforms.
The Curricular Use of the Counterstory
To incorporate counterstories in the classroom, teachers must choose authors and story
characters whose stories and experiences are often untold. The Collaborative Children’s Book
Center (CCBC) out of the University of Wisconsin-Madison reviewed 3,184 children’s books
published in 2018 to study the racial and ethnic identities of the main characters in children’s
books. Their research revealed that 50% of main characters in children’s books were White,
while only 23% of characters represented people of color (Black/African American – 10%;
Asian Pacific Islander/Asian Pacifica American – 7%; Latinx – 5%; and American Indians/First
Nations – 1%). The other 27% was comprised of animal characters or “other” characters such as
inanimate objects (CCBC, 2021). A similar study by Harrison et al. (2021) used artificial
intelligence to turn illustrations into data to study how race and gender are portrayed in
children’s books. Similar to the CCBC, they found that characters of color are increasing in
children’s books, though Black and Latinx characters are grossly underrepresented in the
“mainstream” (award-winning) titles (Harrison et al., 2021).
Choosing non-White characters whose stories counter the Eurocentric stories that
dominate children’s books is one example of a counterstory. In the windows and mirrors
framework, a window provides insight for students whose identities differ from the character(s)
in the story or resource. This provides a chance to see and learn about an experience or culture
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that is different from their own (Tschida et al., 2014). In this framework, a mirror is a book that
features a character or story in which the cultural identity or culture reflects that of a student
(Tschida et al., 2014).
Bishop (1990) explained the importance of regularly incorporating mirrors in curriculum,
particularly for students of color:
When children cannot find themselves reflected in the books they read, or when
the images they see are distorted, negative, or laughable, they learn a powerful
lesson about how they are devalued in the society of which they are a part. (p.
557)
Given the disparity in representation of characters in children’s books, teachers must
approach book and material selection with a critical lens. One way to achieve this is to
incorporate books that provide students with windows and mirrors. This would ensure that
counterstories are used to provide more cultural insights and disrupt the hegemony that exists in
children’s literature (Tschida et al., 2014).
Counterstories Through Instagram
The Black@ Instagram accounts have become a platform for counterstories. Independent
school websites, brochures, and other forms of communications describe these schools as diverse
and inclusive institutions, as if they are impervious to racial discrimination. Later in this
literature review is more about the Black@ movement and how administrators of these pages
describe this platform as their only place that their message seems to be heard. Further, I share
examples of how these messages have, indeed, shattered the complacency of several independent
schools.
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Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
Ladson-Billings (1995) posited that effective pedagogical practice is “a theoretical model
that not only addresses student achievement but also helps students to accept and affirm their
cultural identity while developing critical perspectives that challenge inequities that schools
perpetuate” (p. 469). Simply put, CRP is teaching that draws on the cultural backgrounds and
knowledge of students as assets in the classroom (Gay, 2010). Gay identified five characteristics
of CRP based on teacher mindset, behavior, and implementation, which include the following:
1. recognizing the acceptability of cultural heritages from different ethnic groups and
the legacies that affect students’ behavior, outlooks, and attitudes toward learning as
worthwhile content of the formal curricula
2. focusing on the importance of private and educational experiences and academic
concepts, as well as the reality of their sociocultural situations
3. acknowledging that there are different learning styles linked to a variety of
instructional strategies
4. encouraging all students to value and applaud their cultural heritage as well as the
cultural heritages of their peers
5. Utilizing multicultural resources and all subject area materials taught in schools in
their routine
CRP represents a growing field of research in education as pedagogical trends begin to
reflect students’ social and cultural identities (Dee & Penner, 2017; Esteban-Guitart & Moll,
2014; Rodríguez-Arocho, 2020). Examples of CRP in today’s educational research include the
use of funds of knowledge and ethnic studies courses, among other frameworks and practices.
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Curricular Examples of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
One of the key tenets of CRP is to develop cultural competence, which teaches students
to affirm and appreciate their culture of origin while developing fluency in at least one other
culture (Ladson-Billings, 1995). One way to incorporate this in the classroom is by using the
Funds of Knowledge framework. Funds of Knowledge refers to the special skills and
understandings one has based on their culture and life experiences (Gonzalez & Moll, 2002).
This could be done by turning a math unit of fractions into a cooking unit in which students
choose a dish that reflects their cultural heritage to cook and share with the class. Students will
feel affirmed for sharing an aspect of their own heritage while learning about that of others.
CRP also includes developing a critical consciousness, which teaches students to identify,
analyze, and solve real-world problems, especially those that result in societal inequalities
(Ladson-Billings, 1995). This could be achieved through everyday lessons in several ways. For
example, a high school geography class could incorporate a lesson on redlining while learning
about zoning. An example for an elementary group is to use a unit on fairytales to teach the
concept of gender bias by having students identify various stereotypes and rewrite the fairytale in
a more equitable manner.
Quantitative Evidence of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
While most of the research focused on CRP tends to be qualitative and exploratory in
nature, many quantitative studies have been published that point to the measurable effectiveness
of CRP. In a quantitative empirical study, Rios-Aguilar (2010) measured the relationship
between Latino/a students’ achievement and their funds of knowledge. The study, which
included 212 K-12 Latino/a students, used survey data to examine academic outcomes (e.g.,
reading and academic achievement) and nonacademic achievement (e.g., literacy practices) that
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were associated with students’ funds of knowledge. The data showed a positive relationship
between achievement and funds of knowledge, suggesting the value of activities, traditions,
behaviors, and experiences in the students’ homes that can and should be built into the classroom
(Rios-Aguilar, 2010). The study is significant as it counters the narrative of local politics,
suggesting a deficit of resources in Latino communities and in various programs and
interventions to close performance gaps between Latino and White students.
In 2016, Dee and Penner examined the causal effect of CRP in the form of an ethnic
studies course on student achievement. For this study, San Francisco Unified School District
(SFUSD) identified 1,405 9th grade students at risk for dropping out, flagged by an Early
Warning Index which included 8th grade GPAs. The students were required to take a year-long
ethnic studies course piloted at one of five SFUSD sites and taught with fidelity by five different
teachers. The study, which used a regression-discontinuity design, found a significant effect on
student achievement for the at-risk students enrolled in the ethnic studies course compared to the
control group. Specifically, students who took an ethnic studies course attended school at a 21%
higher rate, averaged a 1.4-point increase to their GPA, and completed 23 more credits than
similar students not enrolled in ethnic studies.
Qualitative Evidence of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
A qualitative study typifies the positive impact CRP has on students. This study sought to
explore the impact of culturally responsive educational practices on students’ engagement and
psychological wellbeing in a Title I school in the southeastern region of the United States
(Cholewa et al., 2014). The study analyzed the practices of a veteran 5th grade teacher of 29
years, known for her effectiveness in developing trust and relationships with students by
employing culturally-responsive educational practices. Cholewa et al. (2014) coded video
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footage collected over the first four days of school based on three domains: the teacher’s verbal
actions, her nonverbal actions, and the students’ responses to both verbal and nonverbal actions.
The study highlighted the various ways in which the teacher leveraged her students’
cultural identities in her instructional practices and building of relationships. These practices
included: building on experience and existing knowledge, integrating dance and music, utilizing
familiar communication styles, responding to feeling states, holding high expectations,
recognizing students publicly, and sharing herself in a transparent way (Cholewa et al., 2014).
The study found that the teacher employed the many well-documented approaches to CRP, and
the observable impact on students reflected students’ individual psychological wellbeing, as well
as their cultural identity and values. Students showed a high level of engagement and esteem
(Cholewa et al., 2014).
Cholewa et al.’s (2014) work reflects a growing body of qualitative studies—particularly
case studies—that examine the effect of CRP by observing an exemplary classroom. Aronson
and Laughter (2016) analyzed 45 peer-reviewed studies and dissertations. Of those studies,
almost all were qualitative case studies exploring the teaching practices in classrooms
specifically selected for their focus on culturally relevant education (CRE). The synthesis, which
examined the effect CRE has on student outcomes, was organized by content area (e.g., CRE in
mathematics, CRE in science, etc.). The analysis found that CRE repeatedly had positive impacts
on student outcomes in all content areas (Aronson & Laughter, 2016).
Culturally Relevant Pedagogy According to Students
A wealth of research exists on the positive impacts CRP and CRE have on student
engagement and achievement, though most studies (including those already described) are based
on the criteria determined by the researchers. A unique study led by Byrd (2016) sought to
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understand how culturally relevant teaching works by considering student perceptions of
classrooms that vary in the amount of culturally relevant practices. The study surveyed 315 6th-
through 12th-grade students of varied racial backgrounds across the United States.
Byrd (2016) examined both the teachers’ use of culturally relevant teaching and school
racial socialization on students’ academic outcomes and racial attitudes. The general findings
“lend support to the idea that culturally relevant teaching is ‘good teaching’” (Bryd, 2016, p. 2).
The study also concluded that school racial socialization (opportunities for students to learn
about one’s own culture in school) was most predictive for feelings of belonging and positive
racial attitudes (Byrd, 2016).
Perhaps one of the most interesting findings in the study was that the promotion of
cultural competence was associated with less awareness of racism, and critical consciousness
socialization was related to lower feelings of belonging. That is, when controlling for perceptions
of critical consciousness socialization in the study, the data models suggested a humanitarian
message that may dismantle undercurrents of White superiority (Byrd, 2016).
As such, Byrd (2016) asserted that in middle school and high school classrooms, it is
important to balance the celebration of diversity with discussions of historical and modern-day
racism in order to acknowledge and validate students’ lived experiences (Byrd, 2016). These
conversations should also be part of various approaches to develop positive racial identity, which
helps to buffer students of color from negative academic and mental health outcomes when they
experience discrimination in school and the community (Byrd, 2016). These findings from
students affirm the negative impact of colorblind ideologies, as explained in the previous section.
Even generic celebrations of diversity in the classroom are not enough to interrupt racism in
schools, much less prepare students for future encounters of discrimination.
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Historical, Geographical, and Practical Implications on the School’s Culture
To understand the culture of SJES, including the pervasive norms, values, and beliefs
held by its faculty, it is necessary to understand both the history and current practices of
independent schools, as well as key aspects of racial segregation in the state of South Carolina.
The purpose of this section is to provide more information for the context of this study by
describing the historical, geographical and political landscape of this SJES and its region. It also
describes the hiring practices, professional development methods, and accountability systems for
independent schools.
A Brief History of U.S. Independent Schools
The elite independent school movement started in New England in the early 19th century
and was founded upon the virtues of individualism and meritocracy with the purpose of
preparing White males for college (Cookson & Persell, 1991). Attending such a private school
has long been associated with maintaining one’s place in the upper crust of society or for the rare
child from a middle-class family, a chance at upward mobility. Through the 18the and 19th
centuries, there were few Catholic and Jewish students who attended these institutions and even
fewer Black students prior to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s (JBHE Foundation, 1996).
In addition to admissions policies that prohibited the enrollment of Black students, the
cost of tuition was a major gatekeeper to elite private schools for many African American
families (JBHE Foundation, 1996). In 1963, Dartmouth College and the Rockefeller Foundation
created A Better Chance, a program to identify “talented minority children from inner-city
families” and place in some of the country’s most elite private schools with full financial support
(Cookson & Persell, 1991, p. 219). Presently, most private schools seek to diversify their student
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bodies and provide financial aid should it be needed for a student of any racial background who
is accepted to the school (JBHE Foundation, 1996; NAIS, 2019).
Current Practices of Independent Schools
Staffing and professional development varies greatly amongst independent schools based
on each school’s leadership, budget, and mission or values. The process for becoming and
continuing to be a teacher in public schools is often different from the experience in independent
schools. There is no industry-standard prerequisite in independent schools. Some teachers are
hired with vast experience and formal training for the classroom, while others are hired for
content-area specialty, or because they are a graduate of the school and their experience outside
of the classroom might be of value to the school’s program (Evalti et al., 2019).
Public schoolteachers are required by the state school board to earn a teaching certificate
or licensure, which often requires a bachelor’s degree in education and a content-specific exam
prior to employment. Further, public schoolteachers must earn professional learning units
(PLUs) to maintain their teaching credential. PLUs are often offered by a school district or the
school site itself, but it is incumbent upon the teacher to register for the credits and to submit
them to their credentialing agency. For example, South Carolina’s largest school district,
Greenville County Schools, requires each teacher to complete a minimum of 24 hours of
professional development per school year (GCS Employee Website, 2022).
In lieu of PLUs, independent schoolteachers take part in the professional development
experiences and opportunities provided by their school based on the school’s initiatives,
resources, and recommendations from their own accreditation process. There are various systems
for professional growth and evaluation often employed by independent school leadership.
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Oftentimes, the system is recommended by the school’s accreditation system, a peer-review
process in which visiting educators study a school and make formal recommendations.
According to a report published by the National Association of Independent Schools in
2014, 19% of independent schoolteachers had zero to five years of teaching experience. The
report also revealed that the most cited response for why teachers choose to work in an
independent school is the autonomy they experience in the private sector (NAIS, n.d.).
Between (a) the large proportion of novice teachers, (b) the fact that many teachers
choose independent schools for the autonomy they offer, and (c) the lack of industry standards or
oversight of professional development, independent schools are ripe for problems, including
colorblind ideologies and dated curriculum and instructional choices. This may be especially true
at SJES where the budget, calendar, and politics preclude the administration to offer robust
professional development on the topic of CRP and racial attitudes.
South Carolina’s Racist Roots
South Carolina’s sordid history with racial tensions traces back to slavery and
Reconstruction. South Carolina underwent 12 years of Reconstruction following the Civil War,
and relics of the Confederacy are still widespread across the state. Additionally, monuments and
buildings across the capital, Columbia, memorialize the former U.S. Senator, Strom Thurmond,
who authored the Southern Manifesto, a document that denounced the Brown v. Board decision
as “unwarranted.”
White Flight in South Carolina
White flight is a term that originated post-World War II to describe the migration
phenomenon of White people leaving urban and newly integrated neighborhoods. In the
educational context, White flight refers to the action of White families leaving public schools
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following the landmark Supreme Court ruling, Brown v. Board, in which the justices
unanimously voted that racial segregation of public schools was unconstitutional.
In response to the ruling, a myriad of private schools began opening across the country,
particularly in the southeast region. Known colloquially as segregation academies, these schools
were founded by White parents to avoid having their children attend the newly desegregated
public schools. Segregation academies were founded following the Brown v. Board ruling in
1954 until 1976. In 1976, the Supreme Court ruling of Runyon v. McCrary prohibited
independent schools for discriminating on the basis of race, which forced segregation academies
to integrate.
Schools’ Responses to the Black@ Movement
The Black@ movement has shared hundreds of stories of racial discrimination that
students and faculty of color have experienced in independent schools (see Figures 4 and 5).
Several independent schools have taken proactive and reactive measures in an attempt to
mitigate the negative exposure and effect of the Black@ movement. Statements have varied
based on the schools’ missions, preparedness to engage in topics of racial equity, and whether a
Black@ Instagram account had already been created for their school. Two examples that typify
most independent schools’ responses to the Black@ movement are The Browning School in New
York City and Georgetown Day School in Washington, DC.
The Browning School is an independent, all-boys school located on the Upper East Side
of New York City. The school’s website boasts it is consistently amongst the top ranked private
schools in the city. In June of 2020, Browning’s Head of School John Botti, put out a statement
regarding the Black@ movement. Browning had not yet had a Black@ page dedicated to the
school, though Botti said that should bring the school no solace. In his statement, he charged the
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community to listen to their Black students, faculty, and alumni and confront the reality that
“[these] institutions are in the midst of a long-overdue reckoning, as they are forced to examine
the degree to which their rhetorical commitments to equity are actually lived by members of their
community” (Botti, 2020). The statement outlined actions the school was taking to engage Black
community members in focus groups to examine systemic and structural racism in its institution
over the summer.
Figure 4
Black@Taft Post
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Figure 5
Black@Andover
Georgetown Day School (GDS) was founded in Washington, DC in 1945 as the first
racially and religiously integrated school, nine years prior to Brown v. Board. Similar to the
Browning School, GDS is consistently ranked amongst the top private schools in the DC area,
and it boasts a diverse faculty and student body with roughly 40% of students identifying as
students of color according to its website. On June 30, 2020, Head of School Russell Shaw and
Director of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Marlo Thomas sent an internal memo to the school
community addressing the Black@GDS Instagram page. The letter addressed the pain of the
Black and African American community at GDS and ensured that the “courageous sharing of
these painful stories further informs the concrete steps [they] are and will be taking at GDS to
cultivate necessary institutional and ideological change” (Shaw & Thomas, 2020).
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Using Social Media for Civic Activism
Using social media, and Instagram specifically, for civic activism is not new. Following
the rise of the #metoo and #BlackLivesMatter movements in 2018, Hong and Kim (2021)
studied the trends of civic activism on social media platforms. After surveying over 4,000
participants, they found that the majority of their participants were young and passionate about
the views they were expressing, though their online activity had little impact on policymaking
and activism engagement (Hong & Kim, 2011).
Research indicates that social media is not an effective platform for social activism
(Hong & Kim, 2011). However, according to CRT and CRP, the counterstories being shared
through the Black@ movement are valuable and worthy of being shared. This study operated on
various theories and frameworks to redirect the counterstories from social media to make more
impact on K-12 teachers’ understanding of race and racism and inspire CRP in K-12 classrooms.
The conceptual framework for this study was based on the tenets of CRT and CRP. This
study sought to explore how Black student voices can influence teachers’ understanding of race
and racism and positively impact their curriculum and instruction. The conceptual framework
highlights four external factors that impacted the social context of this study: (a) the history of
independent schools, (b) colorblind ideologies, (c) southern culture, and (d) dated teacher
training practices. This study aspired to provide a new and effective way for independent schools
in the South to engage faculty in professional development on the topics of race and racial equity
in a way that inspires CRP and cultivates a more inclusive school community.
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Chapter Three: Methodology
This chapter describes the methodology used to conduct this study. Within this chapter, I
describe the sample and population, the instruments and interview protocol, and my method for
data analysis.
The purpose of this study was to explore how Black student voices can influence
teachers’ understanding of race and racism and positively impact their curriculum and
instruction. Specifically, this study sought to answer the following two questions:
1. What is the effect of students’ storytelling on teachers’ understanding of race and
racism within an independent school?
2. What is the effect of Black@ student stories on their teachers’ reported curricular and
instructional practices?
Research Design
To answer the research questions, I used a mixed methods approach. In many ways, a
qualitative study was the most appropriate design as this study was exploratory in nature and had
the potential to evolve throughout as I made meaning of the interview data. The study was
specific to SJES and therefore context specific. Further, a qualitative approach was most
appropriate as this study was based in a constructivist worldview, in which there were multiple
perspectives and realities being observed. As the researcher, I used a “disciplined subjectivity” to
navigate these realities with my bias (USC, 2020). The qualitative approach consisted of
interviews with my participants.
A quantitative approach was also used to capture numerical data from a larger sample of
teachers through surveys. Using this numerical data allowed me to triangulate the data I collected
through interviews to better substantiate my findings (Denzin, 2010).
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While a qualitative approach fit the nature of this study, adding a quantitative method to
make this research a true mixed methods study helped to capture the breadth and depth of the
data to sufficiently answer my research questions (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). The CoBRAS
survey was the primary instrument for answering RQ1, though the interview was designed to
capture the thoughts and feelings that the survey could not. Conversely, the interview was
designed to answer RQ2, though the data from the CoBRAS survey helped triangulate the
interview data, providing more clarity and certainty in the results. As such, both components
worked in tandem to answer both questions.
Sample and Population
Context
SJES is a large, independent school that serves students ages two through grade 12 in a
mid-sized city in South Carolina. Unlike the “segregation academies” that surround SJES, the
school was founded in the early 1950s and was one of the first to integrate. Its Episcopalian
heritage informs many of its core values, including: to treat others with dignity and seeing the
grace of God in all humans. This statement has been used to justify some entry-level diversity,
equity, and inclusion (DEI) training with teachers; however, the social-political influence of the
southeastern United States has made this movement a challenge.
Participants
The participants in this study were K-12 teachers at SJES. In order to be eligible for this
study, one must have been either a lead or associate homeroom or related arts teacher in the
lower school or have taught at least one full section of middle or upper school students. This was
an important distinction as independent schools hire a significant number of support staff who
interact with students though not in a teaching capacity (e.g., the Director of Special Events also
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coaches varsity basketball and sponsors the Black Student Union). The year this study took
place, SJES’s faculty included roughly 24 lower schoolteachers, who taught kindergarten
through fourth grade; 19 middle schoolteachers, who taught grades five through eight; and 25
upper schoolteachers, who taught grades nine through 12. All 68 teachers in the lower, middle,
and upper school divisions were eligible for the study as they had direct, instructional contact
with K-12 students.
The study sought volunteers as participants within the faculty at SJES. Because the study
was conducted at SJES, my place of employment, sampling could be considered a convenience
sample. However, additional considerations were made within the context of SJES to attempt
purposeful sampling—specifically typical sampling—in an attempt to study teachers who reflect
the faculty as a whole (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As such, I sought
at least 15 participants, including no fewer than three teachers from each division (i.e., lower,
middle, and upper). Further, to create a diverse sample to reflect the population, I encouraged
teachers who teach a variety of subjects to participate in the study (e.g., social studies, science,
mathematics).
After receiving approval from the University of Southern California’s Institutional
Review Board, I emailed an invitation to participate in the study, which included an information
sheet about the nature and methodology of the study, to all 68 eligible teachers. Initially, 14
teachers responded with interest in participating in the survey portion of the study. This initial
group included six upper schoolteachers, five middle schoolteachers, and three lower
schoolteachers. A follow up invitation was sent to all eligible lower schoolteachers indicating it
was not too late to volunteer for the study as I was seeking more balance to the group of
participants.
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In the end, 19 teachers volunteered to participate in the survey portion of the study: eight
upper schoolteachers, five middle schoolteachers, and six lower schoolteachers. This group
represented a variety of subjects, including four homeroom teachers, three English teachers,
three science teachers, two history teachers, two math teachers, two world language teachers, a
religion teacher, a library teacher, and a social emotional learning teacher.
Upon completing the first portion of the study, participants were invited to continue the
study by being interviewed. Eight teachers volunteered to continue the study and were
interviewed individually by me. These eight teachers included: three upper schoolteachers
(English, math, and science), two middle schoolteachers (English and world language), and three
lower schoolteachers (library, homeroom, and science).
Treatment
To study the effect of students’ stories (counterstories) on teachers’ racial ideologies, the
stories must be heard. At SJES, student leaders of the Black Student Union (BSU) created a 30-
minute video titled Black@SJES for the purpose of this study. The video consists of four
Black/African American students individually sharing stories and experiences by speaking to the
camera. They each talk about their first memory of encountering race at SJES and the
microaggressions they have experienced along their journey. Each of the four students answer
the question, What do you wish your teachers knew about race and racism at SJES?
The four students who created the video, Black@SJES, were seen by their teachers and
peers as highly engaged and intelligent students. Active and successful in a variety of sports
teams, advanced placement and honors classes, and in various clubs, they each had strong
relationships with their teachers, coaches, and club sponsors.
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The four students’ participation in this study originated from their request to the school’s
administration for teachers to receive more professional development surrounding diversity,
equity, and inclusion. The Head of School of SJES connected them with me and encouraged
them to create a video that, with their parents’ permission, could be used to help train teachers
who volunteer for this dissertation study. All four students obtained written parental permission
and worked together to create the video used as the treatment for this study.
Instrumentation
This mixed methods study used both quantitative and qualitative approaches to explore
how Black student voices can influence teachers’ understanding of race and racism and
positively impact their curriculum and instruction. Research Question 1 (RQ1) asked: What is
the effect of students’ storytelling on teachers’ understanding of race and racism within an
independent school? To answer this question, a truncated version of the Color-Blind Racial
Attitudes Scale (CoBRAS) was administered before and after the treatment (Black@SJES video).
Described more in depth below in the pre and posttreatment survey section, this 20-question
survey was constructed and validated to identify and measure attitudes of colorblind racism
(Bonilla-Silva, 2003; Neville et al., 2000). The original CoBRAS Survey and its scoring key can
be found in Appendix A.
Interviews were used to triangulate data for RQ1 and were the primary source of data for
RQ2: What is the effect of Black@ student stories on their teachers’ curricular and instructional
practices? Explained below in the Interview Guide, this 12-question interview took place roughly
one week following the treatment (viewing the Black@SJES video).
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Pre and Posttreatment Survey
To measure the effect of Black students’ stories on teachers’ understanding of race and
racism, a truncated version of the Color-Blind Racial Attitudes Scale (CoBRAS) was given to
teachers through Qualtrics before and after they viewed the Black@SJES video (treatment).
Created in 2000 by Neville et al., CoBRAS was designed to meet the needs for a conceptually
grounded scale to assess cognitive aspects of colorblind racial attitudes in modern-day United
States. The 20-question survey uses a Likert-type scale to assess attitudes from Strongly
Disagree (1) to Strongly Agree (6), varying question types to measure three distinct factors of
racial colorblindness: unawareness of racial privilege, institutional discrimination, and blatant
racial issues (Neville et al., 2000). The study used 10 of the 20 original questions for both the pre
and posttreatment survey. The 10 questions included four questions focused on unawareness of
racial privilege, four to address unawareness of blatant racial issues, and two to address
institutionalized racism. The survey was truncated from 20 to 10 questions in an effort to not
overwhelm participants by the length and intensity of the survey. A copy of the questions is
provided in Appendix C.
There is a conceptual link between racial colorblindness and unawareness of racial
privilege—one of the factors of the CoBRAS survey (Neville et al., 2000). Unawareness of racial
privilege is most closely linked to Bonilla-Silva’s (2014) frame of naturalization, in which White
people write off racial phenomena as natural occurrences and fail to acknowledge or understand
the centuries of systemic racism that have led to such phenomena. As such, a “blame the victim”
perspective is often adopted with this factor, leading to perpetuation of the problem (Neville et
al., 2000).
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Survey statements related to unawareness of racial privilege include: “Everyone who
works hard, no matter what race they are, has an equal chance to become rich” and “White
people in the U.S. have certain advantages because of the color of their skin.” These statements
also display how some questions in the survey use reversed-polarity items to control for and/or
identify acquiescence response bias (Herche & Engelland., 1996).
Unawareness of institutional discrimination focuses on attitudes towards policies and
institutions as they relate to race, ethnicity, and nationality. Similar to abstract liberalism in
which racial matters are described in an abstract, decontextualized manner, one who is unaware
of institutional discrimination might tout “equal opportunity” but tacitly reject the use of force in
politics—such as affirmative action—to address de facto racial inequities (Bonilla-Silva, 2014;
Neville et al., 2000). An example of a statement gauging this factor includes “Social policies,
such as affirmative action, discriminate unfairly against White people.”
The final factor of the CoBRAS survey focuses on blatant racial issues. This factor, much
like Bonilla-Silva’s (2014) minimization frame, trivializes the racial inequities and disparities by
comparing them to centuries ago and/or believing racism and racist events are isolated as
opposed to systemic or endemic. Examples of statements from this frame include: “Racial
problems in the U.S. are rare, isolated situations,” and “Talking about racial issues causes
unnecessary tension.”
As the final method of data collection for the survey portion of the study, a brief optional
demographic questionnaire was given through Qualtrics for each participant. Participants
provided their name, and then identified their race and/or ethnicity(ies), grade level(s) and
subjects(s) taught, and the number of years they have been teaching throughout their career.
37
Interviews
To conduct the interviews, I followed the interview protocol (Appendix B. The interview
protocol consists of 12 questions designed to answer both RQ1 and RQ2. The categories for the
questions derive from Ladson-Billings’ (1995) three main components for culturally relevant
pedagogy. These three components are outlined in Table 1.
Table 1
Three Components of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
Student Learning The students’ intellectual growth and moral development but also
their ability to problem-solve and reason.
Cultural Competence Skills that support students to affirm and appreciate their culture of
origin while developing fluency in at least one other culture.
Critical Consciousness The ability to identify, analyze, and solve real-world problems,
especially those that result in societal inequalities.
38
Data Collection
Once I had an ideal sample size of 19 teachers representing a variety of grade levels and
subjects taught, I emailed directions and a link to access the first part of the study (the presurvey,
treatment/video, and postsurvey). The email was sent through our school’s Gmail platform in
confidentiality mode with all the participants blind copied. This mode disallows anyone from
forwarding or printing the email, and the email disappears from everyone’s inbox after two
weeks (a date I determined based on my timeline for the study). Blind copying the participants
maintained their anonymity. The email directions included a password for the study.
Once the participants opened the link, they were taken to the Qualtrics site for the study.
Upon entering the study’s password, they were given a brief set of directions and a reminder that
their participation was voluntary and that they were welcome to withdraw from the study at any
point in time. The next page provided the 10-question adapted CoBRAS survey, in which all 10
questions were required to be answered to progress to the next page. The next page included a
link to the treatment video that opened the video in a new webpage and told them to return to the
previous webpage to complete the study after the video. After the 20-minute video, participants
returned to the Qualtrics webpage and completed the same 10-question survey followed by an
optional demographic survey. Upon completing the survey, a thank you note was presented to
each participant with a link to sign up for the interview portion of the study. The link auto
populated an email addressed to me from the participant expressing interest in continuing the
study.
For the interview, I contacted each participant by email to arrange a time for them to
meet. I offered my office as a quiet, private place for the interview to take place, but also offered
to come to their classroom or space if that was more comfortable for them. At the time of the
39
interview, I asked the participant for permission to audio record the interview. I then followed
the structured interview protocol (Appendix C) and asked any follow-up questions as needed.
Following the interview, the recording was sent to a professional transcription service
called Temi. I then coded and analyzed the interview data, following the procedure outlined in
the section below. Once a participant’s interview data had been coded and analyzed, I shared the
individual results with that participant for member-checking so that they could validate the
results.
Data Analysis
The goal of data analysis is answering the research questions by making sense of the data
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). This study yielded two valuable, though very different forms of data:
the quantitative data from the CoBRAS surveys and the qualitative data from the interviews.
CoBRAS Survey
The CoBRAS surveys were scored upon completion using the scoring key provided with
the survey (Appendix A). There were 60 points possible on the adapted CoBRAS survey, and
according to Neville et al. (2000), higher scores on each of the CoBRAS factors and the total
score are related to greater belief in a currently just world, greater racial and gender intolerance,
and greater racial prejudice.
To address RQ1, pretest scores were compared to posttest scores using a paired t test to
determine any statistical significance. I compared overall scores (60 possible points), as well as
subscores within each of the three factors of colorblindness: factor 1—unawareness of racial
privilege (24 possible points), factor 2—unawareness of institutional discrimination (12 possible
points), and factor 3—unawareness of blatant racial issues (24 possible points).
40
Interviews
For this mixed methods study that was exploratory in nature and also questioned the
effect of a treatment, I used both open coding and a priori coding to analyze my data (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Heeding the advice of Merriam (2009), I started the data analysis during the data
collection process, making it an active, contemporaneous part of the study. As such, I took notes
during the recorded interviews to derive themes during data collection.
Maxwell (2013) described organizational categories as bins to sort data for later analysis,
and they are primarily decided upon before interviews begin. Once the interviews were
transcribed, I applied a priori codes for my first cycle of coding. The a priori codes were
comprised of words and phrases based on my conceptual framework and Ladson-Billings’
(1995) framework for CRP. These words and phrases included the following:
• cultural differences
• funds of knowledge
• varying instructional approaches
• learning types
• differentiation
• encouraging cultural pride and appreciation
• and representation in curriculum
• counterstories and counternarratives
For the second round of coding, I developed axial codes, which are the combination of a
priori and empirical codes (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). In this process, I reviewed my notes from
the interviews and reviewed the transcribed data to determine what ideas, patterns, and themes
emerged. Unlike the first cycle of coding, in which I found the data that matched predetermined
41
codes, this inductive round of coding required an open mind as I let the data tell the story, even
as it was unexpected. By the critical analysis and interrogation that comes from axial coding, I
found bigger themes and concepts emerge that eventually became part of my findings.
Ethics
The study sought to be as ethical as possible. Anyone invited to participate in the study
was provided with a detailed account of the study and was asked that they participate only on a
volunteer basis (Glesne, 2011). Additionally, per Glesne, all participants were given the right to
privacy and were assured that neither their name nor any identifying information would be
published.
Additionally, as the researcher, I practiced beneficence by constantly considering the
needs and protections of my subjects (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Prioritizing the wellbeing of
my participants superseded all other initiatives, especially as they related to my role as an
employee and administrator in the context of my study. Even if it were my own supervisor
questioning the racial ideologies of teachers or their responses in the interviews, it was essential
that I prioritized their wellbeing and maintained the utmost respect for their confidentiality.
Finally, I continuously reflected on my motives and positionality. Peshkin (1988) once
said, “Untamed subjectivity mutes the emic voice” (p. 21). This quote resonated deep within me
as I considered how to operate with the utmost objectivity and beneficence. While the study of
ethics can be delineated from research methods and the quality of research, I truly believed that
they were intertwined as an unethical study would yield bad data.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
In qualitative and mixed methods studies, credibility and trustworthiness are essential to
the integrity of the researcher and their study. Drawing from Maxwell’s (2013) framework and
42
strategies, I incorporated several tactics in the design of this study that tended its credibility and
trustworthiness. To begin, the interviews were designed to yield rich data and were transcribed
professionally in order to counter the dangers of researcher bias (Maxwell, 2013). Further,
member-checking was performed once the interviews were transcribed and coded. Member-
checking, also known as participant validation, happens when the researcher seeks feedback on
the data and conclusions from the research subjects. According to Maxwell (2013), this practice
reduces the possibility of misquoting, misunderstanding, or misinterpreting participants in a
study.
Triangulation was also used by collecting information from each participant through
multiple methods. According to Maxwell (2013), “this strategy reduces the risk of chance
associations and of systematic biases due to a specific method and allows a better assessment of
the generality of the explanations that one develops” (p. 245).
Finally, I practiced reflexivity by being cognizant of how I affected or was affected by
the research process and its implications for my findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). I did this
by journaling after each interaction with a participant and with the data. I also frequently
debriefed with a small group of friends within my graduate cohort who could help me identify
my biases and interrogate my research to ensure it was as objective as possible.
At the time of the study, I did not have any supervisory duties in my role, nor did I work
directly with teachers at my school. However, I did serve on the Senior Administration Team
and worked closely with the Head of School, to whom the principals report. As such, I
practiced the highest standards of research ethics by providing informed consent, reminded
participants of their voluntary participation and ability to withdraw from the study at any point
without penalty, and maintained the utmost confidentiality throughout the study (Glesne, 2011).
43
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore how Black student voices can influence
teachers’ understanding of race and racism and positively impact their curriculum and
instruction. Data were collected through pre and posttreatment surveys and a final, structured
interview with each participant. This data were analyzed using a combination of open and axial
codes throughout data collection. As a novice researcher, I used reflexivity by journaling and
consulting with my graduate cohort regularly to maintain awareness of my positionality and to
interrogate my own biases in an attempt to maintain credibility and trustworthiness, thus leading
to a valid and ethical study.
44
Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to explore how Black student voices can influence
teachers’ understanding of race and racism and positively impact their curriculum and
instruction. Specifically, this study sought to answer the following two questions: (a) What is the
effect of students’ storytelling on teachers’ understanding of race and racism within an
independent school?; and (b) What is the effect of Black@ student stories on their teachers’
reported curricular and instructional practices? This chapter presents the findings from the study
on the effect students’ stories and experiences had on teacher’s understanding of race and its
potential impact on their curriculum and instruction.
The truncated CoBRAS survey was used to answer the first question. The first part of this
chapter outlines the data and analysis of the CoBRAS results. The interviews were designed to
triangulate the data of the CoBRAS data and to further explore the effect of Black@ student
stories on their teachers’ reported curricular and instructional practices? The analysis of the
interviews is outlined in the second half of this chapter.
Colorblind Racial Attitude Scale Survey Data
Following the survey completion and submission of my last participant, I scored each
survey through Qualtrics. For each participant, I recorded eight scores: overall before score,
overall after score, factor one before score, factor two before score, factor three before score,
factor one after score, factor two after score, and factor three after score. These raw scores are
outlined in Table 2.
45
Table 2All 19 Participants
Data From the CoBRAS Surveys for All 19 Participants
Survey Analysis
The abridged CoBRAS survey was used as a pre and posttreatment instrument in order to
answer the first research question of this study: What is the effect of students’ storytelling on
teachers’ understanding of race and racism within an independent school? To begin answering
this question, I have conducted a series of paired sample t tests on the survey data, first by
overall pre and postsurvey scores and then by each of the three factors of colorblind racism.
Participant
Overall
Before
Overall
After
Factor 1
Before
Factor
1
After
Factor
2
Before
Factor
2
After
Factor
3
Before
Factor
3 After
P1 17 14 4 4 6 4 7 7
P2 26 20 14 12 6 4 6 4
P3 11 10 5 4 2 2 4 4
P4 16 15 8 8 4 3 5 4
P5 30 25 13 9 6 6 11 10
P6 27 17 12 7 5 4 9 6
P7 23 20 10 9 4 4 9 7
P8 18 19 10 8 3 4 5 7
P9 22 21 7 7 11 10 4 4
P10 21 18 10 8 5 4 6 6
P11 23 21 9 8 4 4 10 7
P12 23 19 9 8 5 5 9 6
P13 27 24 13 12 4 4 10 8
P14 29 25 10 8 8 8 11 9
P15 13 12 5 4 4 4 4 4
P16 33 30 15 13 7 6 11 10
P17 27 27 10 11 8 8 9 9
P18 22 17 9 7 7 4 6 6
P19 16 13 6 4 3 2 6 7
46
Additionally, I analyzed the data by each item of the survey to determine which items showed
the most movement.
Overall Scores: Before and After
To test for overall pre/post differences, I conducted a paired samples t test. The mean on
the overall score at pre-test was 22.3 (standard deviation = 5.97), and the mean at posttest was
19.3 (standard deviation 5.30). The paired samples t test confirmed these two means were
significantly different (t(18) = 5.29, p = 0.00005), indicating that respondents scored
significantly lower on the overall survey after having viewed the video. For all findings of the
overall scores paired t test, see Table 3.
Table 3
Overall Scores: Before and After
t test: Paired Two Sample for Means
Variable 1 Variable 2
Mean 22.316 19.316
Variance 35.672 28.117
Observations 19 19
Pearson Correlation 0.911
Hypothesized Mean Difference 0
df 18
t Stat 5.2898
P(T<=t) one-tail 2.49E-05
t Critical one-tail 1.734
P(T<=t) two-tail 4.979E-05
t Critical two-tail 2.101
47
Paired t tests by Factor
To test for pre/post differences on Factor 1 (unawareness of racial privilege), I conducted
a paired samples t test. The mean on Factor 1 at pretest was 9.42 (standard deviation = 3.11), and
the mean at posttest was 7.94 (standard deviation 2.73). The paired samples t test confirmed
these two means were significantly different (t(18) = 4.62, p = 0.00021), indicating that
respondents scored significantly lower on this factor after having viewed the video. For all
findings of the Factor 1 paired t test, see Table 4.
Table 4
Factor 1: Unawareness of Racial Privilege
t test: Paired Two Sample for Means
Variable 1 Variable 2
Mean 9.421 7.947
Variance 9.702 7.497
Observations 19 19
Pearson Correlation 0.895
Hypothesized Mean Difference 0
df 18
t Stat 4.624
P(T<=t) one-tail 0.0001
t Critical one-tail 1.734
P(T<=t) two-tail 0.0002
t Critical two-tail 2.101
48
To test for pre/post differences on Factor 2 (unawareness of institutional discrimination),
I conducted a paired-samples t test. The mean on Factor 2 at pretest was 5.36 (standard deviation
= 2.16), and the mean at posttest was 4.73 (standard deviation 2.05). The paired samples t test
confirmed these two means were significantly different (t(18) = 2.88, p = 0.0099), indicating that
respondents scored significantly lower on this factor after having viewed the video. For all
findings of the Factor 2 paired t test, see Table 5.
Table 5
Factor 2: Unawareness of Institutional Discrimination
t test: Paired Two Sample for Means
Variable 1 Variable 2
Mean 5.368 4.737
Variance 4.690 4.205
Observations 19 19
Pearson Correlation 0.899
Hypothesized Mean Difference 0
df 18
t Stat 2.882
P(T<=t) one-tail 0.004
t Critical one-tail 1.734
P(T<=t) two-tail 0.009
t Critical two-tail 2.101
49
To test for pre/post differences on Factor 3 (unawareness to blatant racial issues), I
conducted a paired-samples t test. The mean on Factor 3 at pretest was 7.47 (standard deviation =
2.54), and the mean at posttest was 6.57 (standard deviation 2.00). The paired samples t test
confirmed these two means were significantly different (t(18) = 2.76, p = 0.012733), indicating
that respondents scored significantly lower on this factor after having viewed the video. For all
findings of the Factor 3 paired t test, see Table 6.
Table 6
Factor 3: Unawareness to Blatant Racial Issues
t test: Paired Two Sample for Means
Variable 1 Variable 2
Mean 7.474 6.579
Variance 6.485 4.035
Observations 19 19
Pearson Correlation 0.834
Hypothesized Mean Difference 0
df 18
t Stat 2.766
P(T<=t) one-tail 0.006
t Critical one-tail 1.734
P(T<=t) two-tail 0.013
t Critical two-tail 2.101
50
Comparing Survey Items by Significance
To understand how the participants scored on each survey item, I ran another series of
paired sample t tests to determine the statistical significance between mean pre and posttreatment
scores for each item of the survey. This data, along with pre and posttest means are outlined in
Table 7.
51
Table 7
Comparison of Pre and Posttest Scores by Survey Item
Note. The following items, which are bolded in Table 7, are reversed score: 1, 3, 5, 7, and 9.
Reverse scores were accounted for prior to analysis.
Item
# Statement
Pretest Posttest
Difference P-Value t Stat Mean
Std
Dev Mean
Std
Dev
1
Race plays a major role in the
type of social services (such as
health care) people receive in
the US. 2.21 0.79 1.57 0.6 -0.64 0.00079 4.02
2
It is important that people begin
to think of themselves as
American and not African
American or Mexican American. 2.84 1.38 2.47 1.12 -0.37 0.14897 1.51
3
Race is very important in
determining who is successful
and who is not. 3.15 1.26 2.78 1.4 -0.37 0.015004 2.69
4
Racism may have been a problem
in the past, but it is not an
important problem today. 1.63 0.76 1.47 0.61 -0.16 0.18677 1.37
5
Racial and ethnic minorities do
not have the same
opportunities as White people
in the U.S. 2.21 0.82 2 1.29 -0.21 0.16282 1.46
6
Talking about racial issues causes
unnecessary tension. 2.63 1.38 2.31 1.29 -0.32 0.11052 1.68
7
White people in the U.S. have
certain advantages because of
the color of their skin. 1.84 0.76 0.6 0.61 -1.24 0.09615 1.76
8
Social policies, such as
affirmative action, discriminate
unfairly against White people. 2.52 1.12 2.26 1.1 -0.26 0.1716 1.42
9
It is important for public
schools to teach about the
history and contributions of
racial and ethnic 1.57 0.69 1.21 0.41 -0.36 0.015004 2.69
10
Racial problems in the U.S. are
rare, isolated situations.
1.63 0.68 1.57 0.77 -0.06 0.666885 0.43
52
Further Analysis of the CoBRAS Survey
This study centered around colorblindness and questioned how students’ stories could
dismantle colorblind ideologies. Statement four on the CoBRAS survey stated, “Racism may
have been a problem in the past, but it is not an important problem today,” to which participants
had to say whether they strongly disagreed (1 point), disagreed (2 points), somewhat disagreed
(3 points), somewhat agreed (4 points), agreed (5 points), or strongly agreed (6 points). A score
of 1 would indicate the person strongly disagrees with statement, and as such, would not be
considered colorblind for the purpose of this study.
Eight of the 19 participants marked strongly disagree (for 1 point) on both their pre and
postsurveys for statement number four. Of the remaining, 11 participants, a paired t test was used
to determine whether the treatment video successfully changed participants’ mindset, thus
dismantling colorblind racism as the study sought to explore. The mean on the pretest for this
subgroup was 2 (standard deviation = 2.63), and the mean at posttest was 1.63 (standard
deviation 2.08). The paired-samples t test confirmed these two means were significantly different
(T = .037, p < .05), indicating that respondents scored significantly lower on this factor after
having viewed the video. For all t-test findings of this subgroup’s response to item four, see
Table 8.
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Table 8
t test: Item 4
Variable 1 Variable 2
Mean 2 1.636
Variance 0 0.254
Observations 11 11
Pearson Correlation n/a
Hypothesized Mean Difference 0
df 10
t Stat 2.390
P(T<=t) one-tail 0.019
t Critical one-tail 1.812
P(T<=t) two-tail 0.038
t Critical two-tail 2.228
Summary of the Survey Data
The abridged CoBRAS survey used for this study included ten items, each a statement
about social issues in the U.S. for which participants had to indicate the degree to which they
agreed or disagreed. The statistical analysis of the overall scores, as well as each of the three
factors, confirmed that there is a significant difference between the two means in each of the
analyses. The analysis indicates the participants scored significantly lower (suggesting a lower
level of colorblindness) after having viewed the video.
Further investigation of each survey item determines that for three of the 10 survey items,
the posttreatment scores were significantly lower than pretreatment scores, suggesting a lower
level of colorblindness. These statements are as follows: 1. Race plays a major role in the type of
social services (such as health care) people receive in the U.S.; 3. Race is very important in
determining who is successful and who is not; and 9. It is important for public schools to teach
about the history and contributions of racial and ethnic minorities. Statements 1 and 3 belong to
54
the Factor 1 category (unawareness of racial privilege), and statement 9 belongs to the Factor 3
category (unawareness of blatant racial issues).
Interview Data
Of the 19 teachers who volunteered for the study, eight teachers agreed to be interviewed
about the video’s impact on their curriculum and instruction. The second half of this chapter
describes these eight participants and the findings from the interview data based on the two
rounds of coding used to analyze it.
Interview Participants
The eight interview participants represent a variety of divisions, subjects taught, and
years of teaching experience. All eight interview participants identified as White. These
characteristics are outlined in Table 9.
Table 9
Participant Information
Participant
2
Division Subject Tenure Race/Ethnicity
Julie Upper Math 15 years White
Eve Middle English 21 years White
Casey Lower Homeroom 10 years White
Nancy Middle World Language 15 years White
Jim Lower Science 18 years White
Kathy Lower Library 40 years White
Bill Upper Science 15 years White
Susan Upper Social Studies 20 years White
2
All names are pseudonyms to protect the identity of each participant.
55
A Priori Coding
For my first round of coding, I used a priori codes. The a priori codes were comprised of
words and phrases based on my conceptual framework and Ladson-Billings’ (1995) framework
for CRP. According to Ladson-Billings, culturally relevant teaching is a way to “empower
students intellectually, socially, emotionally, and politically by using cultural referents to impart
knowledge, skills, and attitudes” (p. 469). Phrases and words associated with CRP include:
• cultural differences
• funds of knowledge
• varying instructional approaches
• learning types
• differentiation
• encouraging cultural pride and appreciation
• representation
• counterstories and counternarratives
After using Temi transcription services to transcribe the recordings from all eight
interviews, I listened to the original recordings and followed along with the transcriptions. Each
time one of the predetermined phrases or words (or a close synonym or description) was used, I
made a tally mark in a chart to keep track of the codes. An example of a close synonym includes
“more Black people” for “representation” since this was the intended use by the interviewee. An
additional example of a description for Funds of Knowledge is “what the student knows from his
home life,” as this is how it is described in the Funds of Knowledge framework (González &
Moll, 2002). Table 10 shows the findings form a priori codes.
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Table 10Code, and Number of Occurrences
A Priori Code Data from Interviews by Participant, Code, and Number of Occurrences
Julie Eve Casey Nancy Jim Kathy Bill Susan Total
Cultural differences 1 2 1 3 2 2 1 1 13
Funds of knowledge 1 0 0 1 2 1 0 0 5
Varying instructional
approaches
0 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 3
Learning types 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Differentiation 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Encouraging cultural
pride and appreciation
1 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 8
Representation 1 2 2 0 2 0 2 1 10
Counter-stories or
counternarratives
0 1 1 1 2 0 1 2 8
Based on the prevalence of words and phrases associated with the CRP framework, the
analysis indicates that following the Black@ video, teachers were more likely to make a
concerted effort to include cultural differences in their curriculum as there were 13 mentions of
this term, and it was included in all eight interviews. Representation was mentioned 10 times by
six different participants. Six of these mentions of representation were in reference to hiring (to
have more people of color represented in our faculty and in leadership positions), and four were
in reference to the need to have people of color represented in curricular materials. Using
counterstories or counternarratives was discussed eight times by eight different participants, as
57
they discussed the importance of various perspectives and lived experiences being taught through
their curriculum.
Differentiation and consideration of different learning types were not mentioned or
addressed at all in any of the interviews. This was not a surprise given that the treatment video
did not focus on neurodiversity or the need to address different learning styles or abilities. All
conversations focused on race, with a couple mentions of gender and socioeconomic class.
Open Coding
For each interview, I took a copy of my interview protocol, my cell phone for voice
recording, and a legal pad for taking notes. I took very brief notes throughout each interview,
often writing single words or short phrases such as “hiring” or “faculty professional
development” as I heard them in the interviews. After the recordings were transcribed and
printed, I began reading each of the transcriptions and highlighting words that were mentioned
frequently, thus creating my codes. Following all eight interviews, the codes I noted are as
follows:
• faculty
• hiring
• [video was] affirming/affirmed my work
• keep doing what I’m doing
• professional development
• recommending the video for the faculty
• training for responding to student issues in the moment
• White leadership team
• microaggressions
58
• educating White students
• integration amongst students
Faculty
Near the start of the interview, participants were asked what an area of growth for the
school would be, and all eight participants used the word “faculty” in this response. In five of the
eight responses to this question, faculty was mentioned in the context of the faculty receiving
more training on these topics and being held accountable for their actions as they relate to
diversity, equity, and inclusion. Jim is new to SJES but has been teaching for 18 years in the
public school systems. He holds a Ph.D. in education and has published papers on the topic of
racial equity in the classroom. After explaining the amount of professional development focused
on race in the public school system and lack of it at SJES, he said,
“So for me that is a gap here and there needs to be more. I think that race is something
that we can't skirt by; it is the lens in which I think all curricula should run through and it
could lead to a deeper, more meaningful conversations.”
The other three responses to the question regarding next steps for the school named
faculty in the context of finding more teachers of color to reflect the student body. At SJES, there
are very few Black teachers—none in the Lower School, two in the Middle School, and two in
the Upper School. In her interview Susan shared
Um, I think we need to do more with our faculty. It'd be great if we had more faculty that,
um, were people of color, but I understand that that's a slow process and sometimes, you
know, it just doesn't work out.
59
Hiring
Hiring was mentioned by five of the eight participants, indicating that the SJES faculty is
“very White.” In the Black@ video, one of the male students shared that he only had one Black
teacher in his entire SJES career (14 years), and he reflected that he immediately felt more
comfortable in class, making jokes and speaking up. He also said that he spent more time in that
classroom that his others. One teacher, Casey, acknowledged the challenges associated with
recruiting a more diverse teaching population in South Carolina and offered another solution to
address representation:
I can say that our faculty isn't so diverse. So, then I feel like if that is going to be the case,
which sometimes it may just be because of the field we're in and where we are or
whatever. But I think that we need to be reaching out and maybe bringing in more people
for special events so that our kids do see more people of color.
Microaggressions
Two participants discussed the need for professional development specifically on the
topic of microaggressions. Both noted that many of their colleagues are unaware that some of the
things they say or do could be considered racist. Julie shared:
So based off the film I saw, I would want [my colleagues] to understand that, um, racism
can come in a zillion different way. It’s not just the overt racist things that are racist. In
fact, sometimes the subtle things are worse.
Another teacher mentioned microaggressions as a learning opportunity for students, particularly
White students. In the video, two students shared stories of microaggressions they experienced in
the community. For one, it was a student asking her to hand her the skin-color crayon in a
second-grade art class. The student asking her for the crayon was White and was referring to the
60
peach-colored crayon. In the other story featured in the video, the student shared the comments
he received after quitting the basketball team. The comments by parents and classmates implied
his value to the school was associated with his athletic contributions and made him wonder if
people assumed he was talented at basketball because he was Black. In reality, he is a state
champion long distance runner, and he quit basketball to avoid injuries prior to his cross-country
season.
Affirming/Keep Doing What I’m Doing
Four teachers discussed how the video affirmed the things they currently do. For Nancy,
a world language teacher, she said the video did not give her any new ideas but affirmed the
things she already does with regards to teaching culture and different perspectives. For Eve, a
middle school English teacher, this video affirmed a project that she was planning to cancel for
next year. Three parents complained to the principal after she assigned Ghost Boys for students’
summer reading. The book is inspired by the Tamir Rice killing, she explained, and was called
“liberal” and “anti-police” by these parents; they complained it was too political for 13-year-olds
to read. Eve shared her reflected on this project after viewing the video:
But then after I watched those videos, I was like, yes, I am gonna teach it. Like, that is
ridiculous for me to think this just because these three parents, you know, can spoil it for
all. After hearing [the interview subjects] talk I was like no way, I’m not pulling the
book.
For two of the four teachers who felt affirmed by the video, they also spoke about new
ideas and plans for their classroom in addition to the things they believe they do well. Casey
said, “I realize I can do more… there is clearly more I can be doing.”
61
Professional Development
As reported, when the term “faculty” was mentioned, four interviewees said it in the
context of professional development. Three other interviewees spoke about the need for
professional development in other contexts. Additionally, Bill, Kathy, and Susan all referred to
the professional development experience described in Chapter One, in which teachers at SJES
chose one of five books to read over the summer and came back for in-service and discussed the
book with others who read the same one. All five books were focused on race and implicit bias,
and the book talks were led by a member of the Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion committee. Bill
and Susan shared a concern from this experience noting that the book talk made them realize
how prevalent colorblind ideologies are at SJES and that they did not realize how little people
had thought about race prior to reading their book. Bill added that he believes people have the
capacity to change and that they want to be good people. “I think that most people think they are
doing what's right. I think most people want to do what's right.” Susan shared more specific ideas
regarding professional development, “So I would encourage more work with the faculty, in
listening to how current students of color feel and really, um, have them think more often about
what they go through on a day to day basis.”
Training for Responding to Student Issues in the Moment
Susan, who teaches upper school history and holds a Ph.D., described herself as a woke
White woman, meaning she is aware of racial issues in modern day United States. She does not
shy away from conversations about race and has made great strides with the curriculum at SJES
to include more cultures and untold histories of people of color in our region’s history. While
talking about the need for professional development, she spoke specifically about the need for
responding to issues in the moment. She told a story of a student who walked into her classroom
62
and saw a maple syrup bottle with Aunt Jemima (a caricature of an enslaved Black woman) and
jokingly said, “Oh, Dr. [Susan] you can’t have that. That’s racist!” Susan said only one other
student heard the comment, so she was not sure if it would be best to address it quietly or make it
a teachable moment for all. Then she quickly did the calculation of who might feel
uncomfortable in the conversation as the only Black student in the room and whether the child
who made the joke would be uncomfortable. Susan said it is hard to know what to do because
you are balancing what is morally right, what will keep your lessons moving forward for the day,
and how the school’s administration would like her to address these topics.
White Senior Administration Team
SJES has a senior administration team comprised of 13 campus leaders: Head of School;
Early Childhood/Lower School Head; Middle School Head; Upper School Head; Assistant Head
for Enrollment and Advancement; Director of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion; Director of
Admission; Director of Communications; Director of Institutional Philanthropy; Director of
Safety; Director of Extended Learning; School Nurse; and Chaplain. Twelve of the 13 members
of this team are White, and one is Black. This came up in one interview in the context of
representation when Jim was talking about the lack of diversity in the faculty and in leadership
positions. Susan alluded to a predominately White faculty when questioning how the school’s
administration would want her to address issues of race in the classroom, insinuating she
believes they would prefer a more subdued and less confrontational approach.
In the Black@ video, one of the students discussed the lack of representation of both the
faculty and administration. She noted how problematic it was that the majority of the plant office
(maintenance and groundskeepers) are Black, and she can count on one hand the number of
Black teachers and administrators at the school.
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Educating White Students
Most interviews discussed professional development for the adults in the community, but
one teacher, Julie, mentioned the benefits for students to discuss these topics, particularly White
students. As an upper school math teacher, Julie has few opportunities to weave topics of racial
equity into her curriculum, but when a question comes up, she does not shy away from it. Julie
reflected:
I feel like our kids really are so sheltered. And so part of it is like, that's the appeal [of an
independent school], right? And I understand that we wouldn't want to change that, but
what we would want to change is that they can be sheltered from danger, but not
sheltered from information.
Integration Amongst Students
While discussing affinity groups for Black students in the upper school, Julie noted an
observation about Black students and their tendency (or not) to form friendships with White
students. She said:
I've noticed that there's also a difference between students who transfer in here in the
upper school versus those who have been here through preschool. What I notice, what I
tend to see is that the students who have been here longer tend to co-mingle with White
students. Whereas those that come in later tend to gravitate toward other Black students
who come in later as well. So, not that that's bad or good, but it's something I notice
happening pretty dramatically.
Recommending the Video for Everyone
Four of the eight interviewees asked whether it was possible or suggested that the entire
faculty watch the Black@ video. Julie said she has read a lot and has participated in several
64
professional development things related to these topics, but “it just hits closer to home when you
hear it from kids you care about…I learned a lot from it and I'm sure my colleagues would too.”
At the end of Kathy’s video, I asked her if there was anything else she would like to add and she
responded, “Let's see. Um, I think that, um, I wish that you could just send that video to
everybody.”
Axial Coding
Once I allowed the participants to speak and noted the themes that were emerging
through open codes, I started to refine, align, and categorize these themes through a round of
axial coding. Axial coding, according to Strauss and Corbin (1998), “Identifies relationships
between open codes, for the purpose of developing core codes. Major codes emerge as
aggregates of the most closely interrelated (or overlapping) open codes for which supporting
evidence is strong” (p. 109).
Through this process of axial coding, four themes emerged from the data: affirming,
representation, professional development for teachers, and educating students. These codes are
outlined in Figure 6.
The affirming category is an isolated code stemming from two open codes (affirming and
keep doing what I’m doing). I describe it as an isolated code because it is the only axial code that
does not share an open code with another category. Affirming, as a code, refers to the sense of
confidence teachers felt after viewing the video. For some, it emboldened them to continue doing
a controversial assignment related to racial equity, and for others, it reminded them of the
importance of this work.
Representation is the next axial code, which stems from the following open codes: hiring,
White leadership team, and faculty. All eight interviews mentioned representation in at least one
65
of these contexts. Faculty fall under this category as well as the next category, professional
development.
Professional development was also mentioned in all eight interviews and the category
encompasses the most open codes of any category, which include: faculty, recommending the
video for faculty, training for responding to issues in the moment, professional development, and
microaggressions. The number of open codes encompassed in this category signifies the
importance of this theme in the study. I discuss the nuance of the interviewees recommending
more professional development in Chapter Five.
The last axial code is educating students. This category shares microaggressions with the
previous category (professional development for teachers) and also includes integration amongst
students and educating White students. In general, most interviews focused on the adult
community at SJES, but two interviews did mention students and the opportunity that exists in
more education on these topics for the student body.
66
Figure 6
Axial Codes from the Interview Data
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore how Black student voices can influence
teachers’ understanding of race and racism and positively impact their curriculum and
instruction. I chose to create a mixed methods study because I was interested in both testing a
theory by using pre and posttreatment surveys and by interviewing participants to see what else
could be gleaned from hearing their reflections.
The paired t tests used to analyze the survey data indicate the participants scored
significantly lower (suggesting a lower level of colorblindness) after having viewed the video.
This was true for total scores as well for each of the three factors of colorblind racism
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(unawareness of racial privilege, unawareness of institutional discrimination, and blatant racial
issues). As discussed in Chapter Five, a limitation of the study’s design is the lack of a control
group for the survey. That said, the paired t-test data make a convincing argument that students’
stories have a positive impact on teachers’ understanding of race and racism.
The interviews supplemented my findings by allowing the participants to share their
thoughts and feelings that the survey could not capture. By using a set of predetermined a priori
codes for my first round of coding, I could determine how the students’ stories might impact
their curriculum and instruction. Then, through two rounds of open coding, I could see what
other themes emerged from the data. These themes and findings, and how they relate to the
research questions, are discussed further in Chapter Five.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
The purpose of this study was to explore how Black student voices can influence
teachers’ understanding of race and racism and positively impact their curriculum and
instruction. Specifically, this study sought to answer the following two questions: (a) What is the
effect of students’ storytelling on teachers’ understanding of race and racism within an
independent school?; and (b) What is the effect of Black@ student stories on their teachers’
reported curricular and instructional practices? The data collected to answer these questions
showed promising results.
Drawing from the literature on theoretical frameworks for the study of race and racism in
education; CRP; historical, geographical, and practical implications on the school’s culture; and
the Black@ movement and history of social media activism, I created a conceptual framework to
serve as a guide for this study. The conceptual framework emphasized the context-specific nature
of this mixed methods study, noting the external influences such as southern culture, this history
of independent schools, colorblind ideologies, and a lack of professional development—all of
which were discussed in chapters one and two. At the center of the conceptual framework is the
hypothesis that, based on relevant theories and frameworks (CRT and CRP), the stories from
Black students will help their teachers understand race and racism at SJES and inspire a more
culturally relevant approach to curriculum and instruction.
In this mixed methods study, I collected two different forms of data to help answer the
two research questions, both of which provided convincing data pointing to the efficacy of the
video. First, 19 SJES teachers volunteered to participate in the first portion of the study. These
teachers completed the abridged CoBRAS survey before and after watching the treatment video.
These pre and postsurvey scores provided the quantitative data to address RQ1. Eight of the
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original 19 teachers volunteered to continue with the study to be interviewed about the video’s
impact on their curriculum and instruction. This qualitative data was analyzed through a series of
coding to support the findings for RQ1 and to address RQ2.
The abridged CoBRAS survey used for this study included 10 items, each a statement
about social issues in the U.S. for which participants had to indicate the degree to which they
agreed or disagreed. The statistical analysis of the overall scores as well as each of the three
factors of colorblindness confirmed that there is a significant difference between the two means
in each of the analyses. The analysis indicates the participants scored significantly lower
(suggesting a lower level of colorblindness) after having viewed the video. Further investigation
of each survey item revealed that three of the 10 survey items had posttreatment scores that were
significantly lower than pretreatment scores, suggesting a lower level of colorblindness.
For the first round of coding used on the interview data, I used a priori codes based on
Ladson-Billings’ (1995) framework for CRP. Based on the prevalence of words and phrases
associated with the CRP framework, the analysis indicates that following the Black@ video,
teachers were most likely to make a more concerted effort to include cultural differences in their
curriculum as there were 13 mentions of this term, and it was included in all eight interviews.
Representation was mentioned 10 times by six different participants. Six of these mentions of
representation were in reference to hiring (to have more people of color represented in the
faculty and in leadership positions), and four were in reference to the need for people of color
represented in curricular materials. Using counterstories or counternarratives was discussed eight
times by eight different participants, as they discussed the importance of various perspectives
and lived experiences being taught through their curriculum.
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More themes emerged in the subsequent rounds of coding, which included open coding
and axial coding. Faculty was the most mentioned phrase, as all eight participants shared
thoughts around the importance of increasing the racial diversity in the faculty through hiring
and increased training for teachers. Hiring was another common theme with five teachers
commenting on the importance of hiring more teachers of color. Four teachers discussed the
affirming effects of the video and shared that it empowered them to continue doing what they
were doing, even if they have recently questioned lessons or shied away from topics. Other open
codes included: educating White students, integration amongst students, and microaggressions.
The 11 open codes that arose from the data were sorted into four major categories through the
process of axial coding. These four themes include educating students, professional development
for teachers, representation, and affirming. All 11 participants demonstrated a level of reflection
that suggested the video has increased their consciousness of race and racial issues at SJES and
will lead to a more culturally relevant approach to their curriculum and instruction.
Interpretation of Findings
The most powerful findings from this study came from the analysis of the CoBRAS
survey data. Each of the paired t tests was used to determine statistical significance between the
mean pre and posttest scores, and each indicated the level of colorblindness was significantly
lower following the video featuring students’ stories. This was true for the overall scores, as well
as each factor of colorblind racism: unawareness of racial privilege, institutional discrimination,
and blatant racial issues (Neville et al., 2000). When analyzing the difference in pre and
postsurvey scores for each individual survey item, the first statement of the survey had the
greatest difference in mean scores: “Race plays a major role in the type of social services (such
as type of health care) that people receive in the U.S.” RQ1 asked: What is the effect of students’
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storytelling on teachers’ understanding of race and racism within an independent school? The
findings outlined in Chapter Four suggest that the students’ storytelling had a positive and
significant effect on teachers’ understanding of race and racism, particularly in lowering levels of
racial colorblindness.
The eight interviews conducted further support the notion that the students’ stories
positively impacted teachers’ understanding of race and racism. All eight of the participants
interviewed indicated they would like to see SJES invest more time and resources to address
issues of race and inequity at the school. Seven of the eight indicated they would like more
training or professional development for teachers, specifically around microaggressions,
addressing racial events in the moment, and general professional development for supporting
students of color.
The data collected in response to RQ1 was not surprising. The four students who shared
their stories are current students in the upper school at SJES. Their stories were honest and
compelling, and I set out with the belief and hypothesis that any teacher who knows even just
one of these kids would be positively affected by their stories.
RQ2 asked: What is the effect of Black@ student stories on their teachers’ reported
curricular and instructional practices? The answer to this is more complex, though the interview
data and series of coding indicate that following the Black@ video, teachers expressed various
ways in which they incorporate more CRP and indicated a desire for more professional
development.
In each of the eight interviews, teachers acknowledged the importance of diversity and
equity work, particularly in a predominately White independent school. Most (six out of eight)
named an action item (something they will attempt to change about their curriculum or
72
instruction) in response to the stories they heard. The two teachers who could not name
something they would do said that they feel they are already doing what they can (and it is
appropriate based on the grade or subject they teach) but would like to see more professional
development opportunities for their peers. The specific action item that each teacher named is
outlined Table 11, along with each action’s correspondence to one of the components of Ladson-
Billings’ (1995) CRP.
Table 11Black@ Video
Teachers’ Reported Plans for Curriculum Following the Black@ Video
Participant Action Item
Component of
Culturally Relevant
Pedagogy
Julie
When topics of injustice come up in class,
Jenny will take the opportunity to discuss
instead of shy away from the conversation. Critical Consciousness
Eve
Eve plans to continue teaching the book Ghost
Boys despite recent backlash and deciding
earlier to remove it from her curriculum. The
videos helped her realize how important it is. Critical Consciousness
Casey
Casey plans to extend the same goals of Black
History Month throughout the entire school
year – providing opportunities for students to
learn about and celebrate Black history. Cultural Competence
Jim
Jim plans to restart analyzing student
achievement data by race to ensure all students
are succeeding and there are not disparities
between student groups based on race or
ethnicity. Student Learning
Bill
When discussing famous chemists and the
history of chemistry, Bill plans to highlight the
contributions of scientists of color. Cultural Competence
Susan
Susan plans to begin collecting anonymous
student feedback to help students reflect on
their learning. The feedback form will give
students the option to identify their race, which
will help Susan reflect on how she is reaching
students across subgroups. Student Learning
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The plans teachers reported in their interviews, as outlined in Table 11 indicate the video
inspired some degree of CRP in most participants. Further, all teachers mentioned a desire for
more learning opportunities on the topic of race and equity, and all indicated a desire for their
fellow teachers to learn more on the topic. This supports that notion that the students’ stories did
inspire teachers to become more culturally responsive in their curriculum and instruction.
This response to RQ2 was not surprising; however, a theme that emerged from the
interview data was surprising. Six out of the eight teachers were able to identify one specific next
step for themselves when explicitly asked. All eight of the interviewees were able to offer at least
two recommendations for other people at the school. Four teachers specifically asked whether
the entire faculty could watch the Black@ video, three teachers expressed concerns about their
colleagues’ disengagement and apathy following the August 2020 in-service book discussion,
and many other recommendations were made for the school (hiring, educating students, etc.). I
offer some explanations for this phenomenon in the next section.
Limitations of Study
Limitations and delimitations are inherent to research, particularly in the field of
education. While the study was designed to mitigate its limitations by working within the
constraints of the timeline, budget, and available access, it is important to outline both the
limitations and delimitations of this study.
Access was a significant limitation in this study. The original intention to include
classroom observations had to be eliminated due to Covid-19 as teachers and classes were
strictly grouped to prevent possible virus transmission. Therefore, I could not gain access to
classrooms for observations as a third point of data collection. Additionally, to best assess the
effectiveness of the treatment, it would have been ideal to have access to various metrics related
74
to student data for the Black and African American students. According to Kirkpatrick and
Kirkpatrick’s (2015) four levels of training evaluation, the best measure of the effectiveness of
the training is on the results, which in this case would be the emotional wellbeing and academic
success of students of color. Unfortunately, I do not have access to this data, and therefore it may
be considered another delimitation to this study.
The most significant delimitation to this study was due to time. In an ideal scenario, I
would have a full school year (or longer) to continue to follow the participants to see how, over
time, the treatment impacted their curriculum and instruction. Collecting more data across more
settings would have contributed to richer and more intensive data (Maxwell, 2013).
Throughout the study, I learned of new limitations that were not a result of the study’s
design but rather things outside of my control. The Institutional Review Board (IRB) approved
my study’s design in early December, which happened to be the week grades and report cards
were due for teachers and one week prior to the start of winter break. The IRB wanted to ensure
that teachers did not feel coerced or pressured to volunteer for the study, so I only used general
(faculty-wide) emails to recruit K–12 teachers for the study. Due to the timing of those mass
emails, I was only able to recruit 19 teachers for the study. Fortunately, it was a near-even split
of lower school, middle school, and upper schoolteachers. Eight of the 19 teachers volunteered to
continue with the study, and again, I wonder if there would have been more had teachers not
been on their winter break while deciding whether or not to advance in the study.
Another limitation pertaining to the sample includes the voluntary participation. The
invitation to participate gave a thorough description of the study and its purpose, and as such, it
is likely that mostly teachers who had an expressed interest in racial equity volunteered for the
study. If this is the case, the mean presurvey scores for the CoBRAS survey were likely already
75
low and do not reflect the general population of kindergarten through 12th grade teachers at
SJES. The study still found all pre and postsurvey mean scores to be statistically significant in
difference, though it is possible the actual difference in scores for the population that this study
intended to reflect was even larger.
I discovered a limitation in the study’s design while analyzing the quantitative data (pre-
and posttest scores). A paired t test was an appropriate way to compare the two sets of scores to
determine changes from the treatment. However, it would have been ideal to have a control
group of participants for comparison as well.
Another limitation of the study’s design that I discovered while analyzing interview data
involves the interview protocol. The development of the interview protocol endured several
iterations, and in reflecting on the data the interviews yielded, I believe the final version of the
protocol deviated from its original purpose. In crafting my questions, I attempted to be as clear
and concise as possible (Samkian, 2021). Heeding the advice of Robinson and Leonard (2019),
my questions underwent several iterations to avoid ambiguity and vagueness. The interview
protocol began as a semi-structured interview design based on the framework of Ladson-
Billings’ (1995) framework for CRP, and through iterations of editing, became a more
unstructured, open-ended design. In some ways, this structure gave more opportunity for
participants to share their unbridled thoughts and feelings, though the lack of pointed questions
regarding CRT made it more challenging to answer RQ2.
Implications of Findings
The findings of this study are promising for SJES and other Southern independent
schools. In Chapter One, I described this mixed methods study as qualitative in nature as it is
context-specific and sought to explore the impact of the students’ stories on teachers’ mindsets
76
and curricular and instructional choices. Both the qualitative data (coded interview data) and the
quantitative data (CoBRAS survey scores) supported the hypothesis that the students’ stories
decreased racial colorblindness in teachers and inspired a more CRP.
While a qualitative study is not intended to be generalized, there are reasons to believe
that using the treatment from this study (the Black@ video) or something similar could yield
similar, if not more profound results. SJES prides itself on a dedicated faculty who foster
positive relationships with their students. Between a caring and earnest faculty, and a lack of
professional learning opportunities on topics of racial equity, the ground is fecund for these
students’ stories to make a significant impact on teachers’ mindsets and practices at SJES.
The survey data yielded many recommendations for more professional development
opportunities for teachers, ranging on topics as specific as identifying and responding to
microaggressions to general best practices for supporting students of color. The number of
instances of these types of recommendations indicate an appetite for more professional learning
on these topics at SJES.
The conceptual framework for this study included some external influences that are not
necessarily unique to SJES, but rather many independent schools in the South. The culture and
politics that impact SJES are similar to those of the other independent schools across South
Carolina and many other states in the southeastern region of the United States. Additionally,
SJES is accredited by the Southern Association of Independent Schools (SAIS), which means its
standards, requirements, and accountability for professional development are similar to other
schools in the region. As such, it is likely that these schools would benefit from more
opportunities to learn about race and racism in their institutions. Additionally, a cursory search
for Black@ accounts on Instagram surfaced at least six accounts representing independent
77
schools across North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Students want their stories to be
heard, and it is time we listen and learn from them.
Future Directions of Research
The purpose of this study was to explore how Black student voices can influence
teachers’ understanding of race and racism and positively impact their curriculum and
instruction. While there were many limitations and delimitations identified in this mixed
methods study, the data indicated that students’ stories can help decrease racial colorblindness in
teachers and inspire a more culturally relevant practice. Follow up research could be used to
better understand the effect of student stories on teacher’s practices by following teachers for a
longer period through observation and follow-up interviews. I have no doubt that the teachers
who participated were sincere in their responses and interviews; however, I question the long-
term effect of a 20-minute video especially as it relates to tangible changes in curriculum and
instruction.
The upper school students who created the treatment video expressed that they were
exceptionally proud of their involvement in this project. They asked if the video could be used
outside the bounds of this study and viewed by the entire faculty. They even offered to sit on a
panel for teachers to answer any questions they had after the video and offer their suggestions for
creating more inclusive classrooms. One of the students featured in the video asked for an update
of the data analysis as she was writing about this study for her college essays. For future
research, it would be interesting to explore how providing this kind of platform and involving
students in these important conversations might impact their level of engagement, efficacy, and
ambition. My observation is that this was a powerful experience for them, though it would take a
study to know to what extent.
78
Conclusion
This study sought to explore how Black student voices can influence teachers’
understanding of race and racism and positively impact their curriculum and instruction.
Specifically, I asked the following two research questions: (a) What is the effect of students’
storytelling on teachers’ understanding of race and racism within an independent school?; and
(b) What is the effect of Black@ student stories on their teachers’ reported curricular and
instructional practices?
Drawing from the literature on theoretical frameworks for the study of race and racism in
education; CRP; historical, geographical, and practical implications on the school’s culture; and
the Black@ movement and history of social media activism, I created a conceptual framework to
serve as a guide for this study. The conceptual framework emphasized the context-specific nature
of this mixed methods study, noting the external influences such as southern culture, the history
of independent schools, colorblind ideologies, and a lack of professional development—all of
which were discussed in Chapters One and Two. At the center of the conceptual framework is
the hypothesis that, based on relevant theories and frameworks (CRT and CRP), the stories from
our Black students will help teachers understand race and racism at SJES and inspire a more
culturally responsive approach to curriculum and instruction.
The data collected through pre and posttreatment surveys and interviews supported the
hypothesis that students’ stories helped to dismantle colorblindness in teachers and inspire a
more culturally relevant pedagogy. The participants interviewed explained how the stories both
affirmed what they were already doing in the classroom with regards to racial equity and
developed an appetite for more professional development opportunities on the topic. Future
79
research could be used to study the long-term impacts of this type of learning opportunity
(hearing students’ stories) as well as the effect it had on the students who shared their stories.
80
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Appendix A: Color-Blind Racial Attitudes Scale Scoring Information
Directions. Below is a set of questions that deal with social issues in the United States (U.S.). Using the 6-point
scale, please give your honest rating about the degree to which you personally agree or disagree with each statement.
Please be as open and honest as you can; there are no right or wrong answers. Record your response to the left of
each item.
1 2 3 4 5 6
Strongly Strongly
Disagree Agree
1. ____ Everyone who works hard, no matter what race they are, has an equal chance to become rich.
2. ____ Race plays a major role in the type of social services (such as type of health care or day care)
that people receive in the U.S.
3. ____ It is important that people begin to think of themselves as American and not African American,
Mexican American or Italian American.
4. ____ Due to racial discrimination, programs such as affirmative action are necessary to help
create equality.
5. ____ Racism is a major problem in the U.S.
6. ____ Race is very important in determining who is successful and who is not.
7. ____ Racism may have been a problem in the past, but it is not an important problem today.
8. ____ Racial and ethnic minorities do not have the same opportunities as White people in the U.S.
9. ____ White people in the U.S. are discriminated against because of the color their skin.
10. ____ Talking about racial issues causes unnecessary tension.
11. ____ It is important for political leaders to talk about racism to help work through or solve
society’s problems.
12. ____ White people in the U.S. have certain advantages because of the color of their skin.
13. ____ Immigrants should try to fit into the culture and adopt the values of the U.S.
14. ____ English should be the only official language in the U.S.
15. ____ White people are more to blame for racial discrimination in the U.S. than racial and ethnic
minorities.
16. ____ Social policies, such as affirmative action, discriminate unfairly against White people.
17. ____ It is important for public schools to teach about the history and contributions of racial and
ethnic minorities.
18. ____ Racial and ethnic minorities in the U.S. have certain advantages because of the color of their skin.
19. ____ Racial problems in the U.S. are rare, isolated situations.
88
20. ____ Race plays an important role in who gets sent to prison.
The following items (which are bolded above) are reversed score (such that 6 = 1, 5 = 2, 4 = 3, 3 = 4, 2 = 5, 1 =
6): item #2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 11, 12, 15, 17, 20. Higher scores should greater levels of “blindness”, denial, or unawareness.
Factor 1: Unawareness of Racial Privilege consists of the following 7 items: 1, 2, 6, 8, 12, 15, 20
Factor 2: Unawareness of Institutional Discrimination consists of the following 7 items: 3, 4, 9, 13, 14, 16, 18
Factor 3: Unawareness to Blatant Racial Issues consists of the following 6 items: 5, 7, 10, 11, 17, 19
Results from Neville et al. (2000) suggest that higher scores on each of the CoBRAS factors and the total score are
related to greater: (a) global belief in a just world; (b) sociopolitical dimensions of a belief in a just world, (c) racial
and gender intolerance, and (d) racial prejudice.
89
Appendix B: Truncated CoBRAS Survey
Directions: Below is a set of questions that deal with social issues in the United States (U.S.).
Using the 6-point scale, please give your honest rating about the degree to which you personally
agree or disagree with each statement. Please be as open and honest as you can; there are no
right or wrong answers. Record your response to the left of each item.
Appendix C
90
Appendix C: Interview Protocol
Introduction:
“Thank you for participating in this study. As you have already learned, the purpose of this study
is to better understand the impact of storytelling on teachers’ perceptions of race and racism in
our community with the goal of making the School a more inclusive place.
As a reminder, your participation is completely voluntary. If at any point – be it today’s
interview or a future engagement – you wish to withdraw from the study, you are welcome to.
Your responses will be kept confidential and your name nor likeness will ever be shared. Do you
have any questions? Ok, let’s begin!”
Interview Questions:
“We’re going to start with some questions about our School and students.”
1. What do you think our School does well with regards to diversity, equity, and inclusivity?
2. What do you think it doesn’t do well?
3. How well do you think students feel they belong to our school community?
4. Are there some students who you think feel they belong or or less? If so, who are those
students?
5. After hearing the stories today, what changes, if any, would you like to see with regards
to diversity, equity, and inclusivity at our school?
“Now we are going to shift gears to talk specifically about race and racism at our School.”
6. How, if at all, do you think today’s stories will change the way you interact with your
Black/African-American students?
7. How, if at all, did your understanding of race in our school community change after
viewing today’s video?
8. What would you like your colleagues to know about race in our community?
9. Some people say that they do not “see race”; after hearing today’s stories, what do you
want these people to know?
“To finish, let’s look forward to your role as a teacher and future possibilities.”
10. What changes, if any, do you plan to make to your curriculum in response to today’s
stories?
11. What changes, if any, do you plan to make to your instructional practices in response to
today’s stories?
12. Is there anything else you would like to add?
Closing:
“Before we conclude, I would like to give you the opportunity to share any other thoughts or
feelings you experienced today that you feel are relevant to the purpose of this study.
Thank you for your participation. After I have a chance to transcribe this interview, a copy will
be shared with you. At that time, you are welcome to clarify any of your responses to be sure
your thoughts and feelings are accurately captured in my notes. Thank you again and have a
great afternoon!”
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
Independent schools across the United States have adopted inspiring goals related to diversity, equity, and inclusion; however, only a fraction report that their schools are successfully addressing issues related to racial equity. Beginning in the summer of 2020, students of color have turned to social media to share their stories in what this study refers to as the Black@ movement on Instagram. The purpose of this mixed methods study was to explore how Black students’ stories can influence teachers’ understanding of race and racism and inspire change with regards to curriculum and instruction. Specifically, this study addressed following two research questions: (a) What is the effect of Black students’ storytelling on teachers’ understanding of race and racism within an independent school?; and (b) How do Black@ stories inspire their teachers’ reported interest in culturally responsive pedagogy? To answer these questions, the study recruited 19 teachers from a large K-12 independent school who represented a variety of grades and subjects to participate in the study. Participants took an abridged version of the Colorblind Racial Attitudes Scale (CoBRAS) before and after viewing a video that shares stories about students’ experiences of race and racism at school. Eight of the 19 participants volunteered to be interviewed to further discuss how the stories might impact their curriculum, instruction, and interest in culturally relevant pedagogy. A series of paired sample t tests indicated there was a statistically significant difference in the mean pre and posttreatment survey scores, concluding that the video lowered participants’ levels of colorblindness. Interview data was analyzed with a priori codes and a second round of open and axial coding. The interview data analysis supported the notion that the video deepened teachers’ understanding of race and racism and inspired an interest in more professional learning on the topic of racial equity in the classroom.
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Garlinghouse, Jessica Morris
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Core Title
Black@: using student voices to dismantle colorblindness and inspire culturally relevant pedagogy in southern independent schools
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Educational Leadership
Degree Conferral Date
2022-05
Publication Date
10/21/2022
Defense Date
03/23/2022
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Tags
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