University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Are acculturation and parenting styles related to academic achievement among Latino students?

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Are acculturation and parenting styles related to academic achievement among Latino students?

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Content ARE ACCULTURATION AND PARENTING STYLES RELATED TO
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AMONG LATINO STUDENTS?

by

Kathryn Amanda Hillstrom

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirement for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2009

Copyright 2009 Kathryn Amanda Hillstrom
ii
Dedication

I would like to dedicate this to my husband, Maury, and my sons, James and Allen.
iii
Acknowledgements

While I have often heard it takes a village to raise children, I also believe it
takes a village to write a dissertation. There are so many people who were
instrumental in my success with this endeavor. To begin with, thank you mom, dad,
and sisters Beth and Melissa for your constant support and inspiration. My
dissertation committee turned out to be terrific – Dr. Hirabayashi you are a terrific
person and I admire you; Dr. Baca, you brought insight about some of the real
problems facing our students; and Dr. Donahue, you and Carol, are a dynamic duo
that I am blessed to know. A big gracias to Kati Konersman, Brenda Varela, Lucy
Montoya, Gabby Rios and Martha Walker for translating and proofreading my
documents and for your chearleading. The staff at the high school I surveyed,
including Mr. Montes, Adriana Lujan, and Lydia Plascencia, I couldn’t have done it
without you! My partner in crime, throughout this process, Sarah Babiarz, you
listened to me, laughed with me and at times, cried with me. It would have been a
long, lonely journey without you. Ryan White, your editing was helpful and I have
incredible admiration for all you do. And last, but not least, my husband, Maury,
who picked up the slack around the house for the past 3 years and never complained
about the time this took away from us and the stress it added to our lives – thank you
for making this possible.
iv
Table of Contents

DEDICATION ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii

LIST OF TABLES vi

ABSTRACT vii

CHAPTER 1: THE PROBLEM AND ITS UNDERLYING FRAMEWORK 1
Background of the Problem 2
Statement of the Problem 10
Purpose of the Study 11
Research Questions 11
Significance of the Study 12
Assumptions 13
Definitions 13
Chapter Organization 14

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 16
Parenting Styles 16
Parenting Styles Defined 16
Parenting Styles of Minorities 20
Parenting Styles and Academic Achievement 24
Parenting Styles and Academic Achievement of Minorities 26
Acculturation 29
Acculturation Defined 29
Acculturation and Parenting Styles of Minorities 33
Acculturation and Educational Outcomes of Minorities 38
Summary 43

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY 45
Research Design 45
Participants 46
Instruments 46
Procedure of Data Collection 51
Data Analysis 52

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS 54
Demographic Characteristics 54
Parenting Styles 56
Acculturation Level 59
v
Grade Point Average 61
Plans to Attend College 61
Parenting Styles, Acculturation, and GPA 62
Acculturation, Parenting Styles, College Plans and GPA 64
Summary of Findings 66

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION 69
Discussion 69
Limitations 75
Future Studies 77
Conclusions 79

REFERENCES 82

APPENDIX A - Demographic Questionnaire in English and Spanish 89
APPENDIX B – Revised ARSMA-II 92
APPENDIX C - Parental Authority Questionnaire 95
vi
List of Tables
Table 1: Demographic Characteristics of 11th and 12th grade students 55
Table 2: Frequency Distribution of Parental Education 57
Table 3: Mean, Range and Standard Deviation of Parenting Styles 57
Table 4: Frequency Distribution of Parenting Styles of Latino Parents 58
Table 5: The Number of Students in each Cluster for the Three-Cluster 59
Solution and the Cluster Means for the Three-Cluster Solution

Table 6: Mean, SD, Minimum and Maximum Scores for Acculturation 60
Table 7: Correlation Between Acculturation and Generational Status 61
Table 8: Mean and Standard Deviation of Grade Point Averages for 61
Males and Females

Table 9: Plans to Attend College 62

Table 10: Correlations Between Parenting Styles, Acculturation 63
Levels, and Grade Point Average

Table 11: Mean GPAs Disaggregated by the Education Plans of Latino High 65
School Students and the ANOVA Statistics

Table 12: Means on the Three Parenting Styles Disaggregated by the Students’ 66
College Plans and the ANOVA Statistics
vii
Abstract
Latino students are falling behind their Caucasian classmates with regard to
their academic achievement. Previous studies have found a relationship between
parenting, acculturation, and academic achievement. Parenting styles, as
conceptualized by Diana Baumrind, include authoritative, authoritarian and
permissive parenting. Authoritative parenting has been found to result in improved
academic achievement among Caucasians while research on Latino students has
yielded mixed results. Acculturation is also thought to be related to academic
achievement, but again, with mixed results. In this study, second generation high
school students from one high school in Los Angeles were surveyed to see whether
parenting styles and acculturation levels were related to academic achievement, as
measured by grade point average and plans to go to college. A total of 122
predominantly Mexican-American 11th and 12th grade students completed the
Parental Authority Questionnaire and the revised Acculturation Rating Scale for
Mexican-Americans. Parenting styles and acculturation were not found to be related
to one another or to GPA. However, students who planned on attending a four-year
college reported significantly higher scores on the authoritative parenting
questionnaire. They also had significantly higher GPAs in comparison with the
students who planned to attend vocational school or community college.
Generational status and acculturation were also found to be significantly related.
Future studies may want to utilize a different measure of parenting styles or look at
parental involvement, which is potentially a more important measure.

1
Chapter 1: The Problem and its Underlying Framework
In today’s climate of academic accountability, it is critical to understand the
factors that influence a child’s ability to be successful academically. Parents are
known to influence the academic outcomes of their children (Baumrind, 1966, 1968,
1971, 1972, 1978, 1991; Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987;
Keith & Lichtman, 1994). One way to examine the influence of parents on academic
outcomes is by looking at parenting styles. One definition of child rearing practices
classifies parents into groups based on measures of their responsiveness and
demandingness, which are known as parenting styles (Baumrind, 1991; Maccoby &
Martin, 1983). The three parenting styles are: (1) the authoritative parent, who is
both high in demandingness and responsiveness; (2) the authoritarian parent, who is
high in demandingness but low in responsiveness; and (3) the permissive parent, who
is low in both responsiveness and demandingness. Initial studies on parenting and
academic achievement were limited to Caucasian children (Dornbusch et al., 1987;
Steinberg, Elmen, & Mounts, 1989). Studies on minority students, which include
Latinos, reveal that the parenting style that tends to work well and result in the best
academic outcomes for Caucasian students may not necessarily work well for all
students (Harrison, Wilson, Pine, Chan, & Buriel, 1990; Hill, Bush & Roosa, 2003;
Park & Bauer, 2002).
Among Latino students, one reason for the variable impact of parenting on
academic achievement may be because Latinos are not a homogenous group and
differences between them may be due, in part, to their level of acculturation (Vega,

2
1990). Acculturation occurs when individuals of a specific cultural group come in
contact with another group and there are cultural changes in either or both of the
groups as a result of their interactions (Redfield, Linton & Herskovits, 1936). Latino
families undergo significant changes in attitudes, behaviors, beliefs, and values as a
result of acculturation, and the degree of these changes often vary by individual
(Cuéllar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995). Research on the impact of acculturation on
parenting styles (Buriel, 1993; Harrison et al., 1990; Hill et al., 2003; Pong, Hao &
Gardner, 2005; Varela et al., 2004) and on academic achievement (Fuligni, Witkow,
& Garcia, 2005; Hurtado-Ortiz & Gauvin, 2007; Lopez, Ehly, & Garcia-Vazquez,
2002; Pong et al., 2005) yields conflicting results. Furthermore, there is little
research on the relationship between parenting styles and acculturation on the
academic achievement of Latino students.
This study addresses a specific research problem by examining the
relationship between parenting styles and acculturation on the academic outcomes
and plans to attend college of Latino high school students. Specifically, this study is
designed to investigate the relationship between parenting styles, acculturation,
academic achievement and plans to attend college. The next section discusses the
significance of the problem of academic achievement among Latinos and strategies
that have been implemented to help close the gap.
Background of the Problem

In 2001, President Bush signed into law the No Child Left Behind Act which
aims to hold U.S. schools accountable for the academic success of their students

3
(U.S. Department of Education, n.d.). One of the aims of No Child Left Behind is to
close the achievement gap, especially for disadvantaged students, and ensure that all
students achieve academic proficiency. In addition, Title III of No Child Left Behind
established additional funding to assist English learners in acquiring English and
achieving grade-level and graduation standards (California Department of Education,
n.d.). Six years after the implementation of No Child Left Behind, there continues to
be a wide disparity by ethnicity in educational outcomes (Greene & Winters, 2006).
These disparities in academic achievement are evident in particular among Latino
students.
In 2006, Latinos comprised 14.8% of the total population, or 44.3 million
people (U.S Census Bureau, 2008) making them the largest minority group in the
U.S. According to the to U.S. Census Bureau (2008), the growth rate of Latinos is
more than three times that of the total population and accounted for one half of the
nation’s growth from 2000-2006. Half of the Latinos in the U.S. are found in
California and Texas (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001). Almost 5 million Latinos live in
Los Angeles County, which is the largest urban concentration of Latinos in the
United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Of the 5 million Latinos in Los Angeles
County, 64% are of Mexico origin, with 60% being native born and 40% being
foreign born (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Almost half of Latino students are second
generation, which is defined in this study, as a person born in the U.S. and either
parent born in another country (Jamieson, Curry & Martinez, 2001). The focus of

4
this study will be on second-generation Latinos, primarily of Mexican descent,
attending a predominately Latino high school in Los Angeles.
Llagas and Snyder (2003) found that Latino students remain undereducated
relative to the total population. For students, three common measures of academic
success are: high school graduation rates, college graduation rates, and Grade Point
Average (GPA). Each will be discussed in more detail below and the differences
between Caucasian and Latino students will be highlighted.
Nationally, there is a wide disparity by race in public school graduation rates.
Greene and Winters (2006) used enrollment and graduation data from 2003 from the
National Center for Educational Statistic’s Common Core of Data. All states are
required to submit the same information. The authors found that the national
graduation rate for Caucasian students was 78% while for Hispanic students, it was
only 53%. They also found gender differences with 10% more Hispanic females
graduating than Hispanic males. Information for California was included and overall,
the graduation rate for Hispanics in California school districts was slightly higher
than the national average, with a 56% graduation rate.
While the slightly higher graduation rate in California may seem
encouraging, Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD), home to almost three-
quarter of a million students and the second largest public school district in the
country, had an alarming 39% of Hispanic males graduate and 49% of Hispanic
females graduate for a total of a 44% overall graduation rate for Hispanics (Greene
& Winters, 2006). This is far less than California and national averages. This puts

5
LAUSD’s rank at 86 out of 100 for overall graduation rates for students attending
public schools in the largest school districts in the country.
The California Department of Education posts slightly different information
about drop out rates by ethnicity (Ed-Data, Education Data Partnership, n.d.). The
most recent data is for 2005-2006 and shows that over the four years of high school,
there is an estimated 19.2% drop out rate for Hispanics, compared with an 8.2% drop
out rate for Caucasian students. The discrepancy between the two sources is worth
noting and is most likely due to differences in how the dropout rates are calculated.
However, regardless of how the rates are calculated, there are significantly more
Hispanic students than Caucasian students dropping out of high school.
To combine all Latinos into one category is not an accurate assessment of the
scope of the problem. There are significant differences in dropout rates between
foreign-born Latinos and Latinos born in the U.S. (Fry, 2003). Latinos who are
foreign-born drop out of high school at a rate of 34%, while U.S. born Latinos drop
out at 15%. An even bigger distinction exists between foreign born Latino students
who arrive in the U.S. at a young age and have completed most of their schooling in
the U.S. compared to those who have been living in the U.S. for less years and are
educated primarily abroad. Foreign-born Latinos who are educated abroad have
dropout rates of 90% while those who are educated in the U.S. drop out at rates of
18%. Fry found that speaking English was a crucial factor in drop out rates. Students
who spoke English well had dropout rates of 15%, while those that did not, had a
much higher rate of 60%. In understanding the significance of drop out rates, then,

6
would be a matter of also measuring where students were born and how long they
have been living in the U.S.
Indicators of overall academic achievement involve not only completing high
school, but also in enrolling in and completing college. For the graduating class of
1999, 66% of non-Hispanic whites were going to college, while only 42% of
Hispanics were (Jamieson et al., 1999). Differences in enrollment were attributed to
increased family responsibilities among Latinos, not feeling adequately prepared,
and lack of awareness of the process of acquiring higher education. For these
reasons, Latinos were most likely to be enrolled part time in school and many
continuing to work full time (Jamieson, et al., 1999). Unfortunately, even among
Latino students who successfully enroll in school, many do not complete their
education.
In addition to differences among ethnicities, gender differences also exist.
High school and college graduation rates differ between Latino males and females
with females achieving higher rates of high school and college education. For males,
24.5% complete less than 9
th
grade, 58.7% complete high school and 11.5% obtain a
bachelor’s degree or more (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). For females, 23.3% complete
less than 9
th
grade, 61.7% complete high school, and 13.1% obtain a bachelor’s
degree or more.
Another indicator of high school academic achievement is grade point
average (GPA). Grade point average, while not comparable across schools or
classrooms, is often used as a measure of academic ability and effort within

7
individual schools. Studies have consistently found that Hispanic students’ grades
are worse than their White counterparts (Martinez, DeGarmo, & Eddy, 2004; Pong et
al., 2005).
The failure of academic achievement by Latino youth is likely multifactorial
and may include: prejudice, lack of English skills, school segregation,
socioeconomic status and parental education. Some researchers hypothesize Latinos
underachieve because of prejudice and treatment as an ethnic minority (Hirschman,
2001). They may feel that even if they work hard, their efforts will not be rewarded
either in school or in the job market. Martinez et al. (2004) found in a sample of
Latino students that 50% reported experiencing or observing prejudice because of
being Latino. Another reason, which was already identified, is due to the lack of
English language skills. A child who does not speak English well will not likely have
the same academic outcomes as one that does and may result in the student giving up
and dropping out of school (Fry, 2003). Hispanic children tend to be concentrated in
high-minority, high-poverty schools and in California, are more segregated
academically than any other racial/ethnic group in the state (Van Hook, Brown, &
Kwenda, 2004). This segregation could possibly lead to poorer academic outcomes.
However, one study attributed most of academic achievement among Latino children
to parents’ income and education rather than to racial composition of the school
(Ryabov & Hook, 2006). Other studies have found similar results -- that income is
more important in predicting the performance of Hispanic students than family

8
configuration (Battle, 2002) and the longer students live in poverty, predictive of
lower reading levels of reading achievement (Eamon, 2005).
While many factors clearly influence academic achievement, the focus of this
study is the role parents play in the academic outcomes of their children. Parents
clearly influence the outcomes of their children (Baumrind, 1966, 1971; Dornbusch
et al., 1987; Steinberg et al., 1989) and may even be protective against the attitudes
of larger society (Hirschmann, 2001). Parents and family, for many Latino students,
have been found to be protective against negative academic outcomes (Martinez et
al., 2004). In addition, while it may be possible to alter the family dynamic,
addressing poverty segregation would prove to be much more difficult (Ryabov &
Van Hook, 2006).
Parenting styles are often used to measure the influence of parents on their
children. Most initial research on parenting styles was performed on Caucasian,
middle-class families (Baumrind, 1966; Steinberg, et al., 1989). Research on the
predominant parenting style being used by Latinos reveals mixed results (Harrison et
al., 1990; Martinez, 1988). With regards to parenting styles and academic outcomes,
studies have shown that Caucasian adolescents who are raised in authoritative homes
perform better academically than their peers (Dornbusch, et al., 1987; Lamborn,
Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991; Steinberg et al., 1989; Steinberg, Lamborn,
Darling, Mounts & Dornbush, 1994). However, research on Asian-American,
African-American and Hispanic children yields a different result. Some research has
shown that parental authoritativeness and academic achievement is stronger in

9
European-American and Hispanics than for Asian- and African-Americans
(Dornbush, et al., 1987; Steinberg et al., 1991; Steinberg et al., 1994) while other
research suggests that Latinos benefit from an authoritarian parenting style (Park &
Bauer, 2002).
Much of the research on Latinos treats them as a homogenous group.
However, Latinos who are recent arrivals to the United States and those who have
been here for years differ in many ways. Acculturation clearly influences the
parenting styles and academic achievement of students (Buriel, 1993; Harrison et al.,
1990; Hill et al., 2003; Pong et al., 2005; Varela et al., 2004). Acculturation occurs
when individuals of a specific group come in contact with another group and there
are cultural changes in either or both of the groups as a result of their interactions
(Redfield, et al., 1936).
Acculturation impacts parenting styles as parents adopt the values and norms
of the host country. While the research does not always agree, a general trend
emerges regarding the parenting styles of Latinos. In general, Latino parents practice
authoritarian parenting, especially among those who are less acculturated (Harrison
et al., 1990; Hill et al., 2003). In studies where Latino parents were found to be
equally authoritarian and authoritative, the findings indicate that with acculturation,
they become less authoritarian (Pong et al., 2005) and adopt more authoritative
parenting practices (Varela et al., 2004). Only one study (Buriel, 1993) found that
first- and second-generation Latinos were more authoritative than future generations
but the study measured socialization practices, rather than parenting directly.

10
The research about the influence of acculturation on academic achievement is
also mixed. Some researchers have found that first-generation Latinos do better
academically than second and third generation Latinos (Hurtado-Ortiz & Gauvin,
2007; Pong et al., 2005), some find that more highly integrated and bicultural
students tend to have better academic achievement (Lopez et al., 2002; Martinez et
al., 2004), and others have not found a difference between academics and generation
status (Fuligni et al., 2005). More research is clearly needed to determine the
relationship between acculturation and academic achievement.
Much research on the topics of Latino parenting and acculturation and their
roles in academic achievement is contradictory. The following section outlines the
problems being investigated in this study.
Statement of the Problem
Latino children are falling behind other students in academic achievement,
which results in future social and financial disadvantages. Parents play a critical role
in the development of their children but it is still unclear which is the predominant
parenting style being used by Latinos. In addition, it is important to understand not
only which parenting styles are prevalent but their relationship to the academic
outcomes of Latino students. Acculturation also clearly plays a role in parenting
styles with less acculturated parents often found to practice a more authoritative style
but becoming more authoritarian over time. However, not all studies have found this
to be true. More research is needed to determine the relationship between
acculturation and parenting styles. The research about the influence of acculturation

11
on academic achievement is also mixed thus necessitating clarification through
research about their relationship. Answering these important questions may help with
the development of solutions to close the gap in achievement among Latino students.
The following section clarifies the purpose of this study.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to explore the relationship between parenting
styles, acculturation and educational outcomes, specifically grade point average
(GPA) and plans to attend college, among Latino High School students. No studies,
to date, have looked at a predominately second-generation group of primarily
Mexican/Mexican-American students to measure both parenting styles and
acculturation and their influence on academic achievement and plans to attend
college. By identifying what relationship parenting styles and acculturation have on
academic achievement and future academic plans, the aim is to be able to provide
suggestions for how to improve the educational outcomes of a particular group of
Latino students.
Research Questions
This study will seek to answer two research questions. They are: (1) Is there a
significant relationship between parenting style, acculturation and GPA among
Latino high school students, and (2) Is there a significant relationship between
acculturation, parenting styles, GPA, and plans to attend college among Latino high
school students? In addition, since Latinas tend to graduate high school and attend
college in greater numbers than Latinos, gender differences will be explored.

12
Significance of the Study
Research about the relationship of parenting styles on a variety of outcomes,
including academics, has existed for more than 30 years. There is also ample
evidence about acculturation and how if affects individuals. However, much of the
data is contradictory and inconclusive. Students, parents and educators alike are
looking for solutions for the underperformance of Latino students and will benefit
from the awareness of different parenting styles and level of acculturation on the
educational outcomes of students.
In the diverse society in which we live, it is critical that teachers and
administrators understand that there may be significant differences among the
parenting styles of different ethnic groups. These parenting styles, which tend to be
stricter and more controlling, may conflict with Caucasian, middle-class values but
may be important coping mechanisms for members of ethnic groups (Julian,
McKenry, & McKelvey, 1994). Understanding these different styles may in part
enable the development of intervention strategies to enhance parents’ abilities to
assist their children with gaining academic success.
In addition, acculturation appears to impact the outcomes of Latino students,
although whether being more or less acculturated results in improved school
performance is still debated. What is important to recognize is that Latino students
may be at different stages in their acculturation process and strategies to ensure that
they feel integrated into the school are critical (Martinez, et al., 2004). Educators

13
need to be aware of ethnic differences among students and become better equipped
with how to help them succeed.
Assumptions
There were two assumptions made to conduct this study. The first was the
use of questionnaires for data collection. For the purpose of this study, it was
assumed that participants would respond honestly to the questions in the survey and
that there were no overt biases in them. It was also assumed that the students would
be able to accurately report their perceptions of their parents and behaviors related to
their acculturation status.
Definitions
Acculturation. Acculturation occurs when individuals of a specific cultural
group come in contact with another group and there are cultural changes in either or
both of the groups as a result of their interactions (Redfield, et al., 1936).
Acculturation can result in significant changes in attitudes, behaviors, beliefs, and
values, and the degree of these changes may vary on an individual and/or familial
level (Cuéllar et al., 1995).
Hispanic/Latino. The focus of this paper will be on Hispanic/Latino families.
A Latino is a person who defines their ethnic group as Mexican, Puerto Rican,
Cuban, Central or South American, or other Spanish culture or origin (California
Department of Education, 2007a). Race is not considered in the definition of a
Hispanic/Latino. In 1998-99, the title of this ethnic group was modified from
Hispanic to Hispanic or Latino for data collected and maintained by schools (Devine,

14
2007). The name Latino will be used to describe the population in this study.
However, the literature review may use the term Hispanic as it was sited in the
primary research, or if a specific group, such as Mexicans or Mexican Americans
was the focus of a study, these specific labels will be used. In the same way, labels
such as Caucasian, White, Euro-American, African American, Black, Asian
American, and Chinese American will be used as they are cited in the literature.
Parenting Styles. First conceptualized by child psychologist Diana Baumrind
(1966) and later expanded on by Maccoby and Martin (1983), parenting styles
classifies parents into groups based on measures of their responsiveness and
demandingness. The four parenting styles are: (1) the authoritative parent, who is
both high in demandingness and responsiveness; (2) the authoritarian parent, who is
high in demandingness but low in responsiveness; (3) the indulgent parent, who is
high in responsiveness but low in demandingness; and (4) the neglectful parent who
is low in both responsiveness and demandingness. For this study, indulgent and
neglectful parents are combined and labeled permissive.
Second generation. In this study, a person is classified as second generation if
they were born in the U.S. and have at least one parent who is foreign born.
Chapter Organization
The chapters are organized as follows. Chapter 2 provides the literature
review for the current study. The research will review the three parenting styles
identified by Baumrind and how they influence educational outcomes among all

15
students and Latinos in particular. Also reviewed will be the role of acculturation in
academic achievement and parenting styles of Latinos.
Chapter 3 describes the methodology of the current study including the
design, the participants, the instruments – demographics including grade point
average and plans to attend college, parenting styles, and acculturation scales – the
procedure for data collection, and data analysis.
Chapter 4 is a display of the results of the study including descriptive data
such as demographics, and the results of the parenting styles questionnaire and the
acculturation questionnaire. The results of analyses will be presented demonstrating
how parenting styles and acculturation are related to one another as well as academic
achievement and plans to attend college.
Chapter 5 discusses the major results of the research, as well as implications.
Limitations of the study will be outlined. Areas for future research will also be
suggested.

16
Chapter 2: Literature Review
The following section is a review of the literature on the topics of educational
outcomes, parenting styles, and acculturation. The overview will include information
on minority students but the focus will be children and families of Latino heritage in
the United States and how parenting and acculturation has influenced their
educational outcomes.
Parenting Styles
One factor thought to greatly influence child behavior, including academic
outcomes, is parenting style (Baumrind, 1966, 1968, 1971, 1972, 1978, 1991;
Dornbusch et al., 1987; Steinberg et al., 1989). Diana Baumrind, a leading child
development psychologist, developed prototypes of parental control, which she
labeled permissive, authoritarian and authoritative. She found that parental control
has a profound impact on child behavior. Parenting styles will be defined and
reviewed, and then literature will be presented about parenting styles of ethnic
minorities, including Latinos. The relationship between parenting styles and
academic achievement among Caucasians and minorities will also be reviewed.
Parenting styles defined. Child-rearing practices and how they influence the
outcomes of children have long interested child psychologists. In Baumrind’s initial
description of parenting styles, she identified one behavior, adult control, and studied
it with relation to parent-child relationships (1966). Baumrind presented three
prototypes of parenting styles, which she labeled permissive, authoritarian and
authoritative.

17
A permissive parent, as the name implies, acts in a warm, accepting manner
towards the behavior of the child and uses as little punishment as possible
(Baumrind, 1966). The child is not asked to obey rules either in the home, or outside,
and instead, self-regulates his or her behavior. The child is asked to do few chores
and few expectations are made. The parent does not act as a role model to the child
but as responsible for the enjoyment of the child. Contrary to what may be suspected,
a child who is not disciplined can display an increase in hostile, rebellious, and
aggressive behaviors (Baumrind, 1968). Baumrind argued that a child on whom no
demands are made, where help is readily offered, and low standards are set may be
understimulated, leading to problems becoming independent and resulting in a lack
of impulse control.
Authoritarian parents, in contrast, have an absolute set standard of behavior
and use strict control so their children conform to this standard (Baumrind, 1966).
The parents always try to be in control and offer little warmth or affection. Children
are told what to do and authoritarian parents do not encourage verbal give-and-take
between parent and child. The parents emphasize respect for authority, work, and the
rules. Baumrind described authoritarian parents as being high in demandingness but
low in responsiveness. Girls raised by authoritarian parents demonstrate less
independence and boys demonstrate less social responsibility (Baumrind, 1971).
An authoritative parenting style includes high emotional support through high
standards given in a warm and loving manner (Baumrind, 1966). Children are taught
the rationale behind why decisions are made and verbal give-and-take is encouraged.

18
Children are expected to behave according to rules but their independence and
individuality are also encouraged. They tend to be the most self-reliant and compared
with children raised in permissive and authoritarian households, display the best
behavioral, social, and cognitive characteristics (Baumrind, 1978) in addition to the
highest levels of self-esteem (Buri, Louiselle, Misukanis, & Mueller, 1988).
In the 1980s, in addition to control, two additional dimensions of parenting
were explored – responsiveness and demandingness (Maccoby & Martin, 1983).
These constructs are linear and involve two processes: the number and types of
parental demands and parental reinforcement. Parental responsiveness refers to
levels of warmth, supportiveness, and fostering of individuality and self-regulation
while parental demandingness refers to levels of control, supervision and maturity
demands (Baumrind, 1991; Maccoby & Martin, 1983). The authoritative parent is
both high in demandingness and responsiveness. The authoritarian parent is high in
demandingness but low in responsiveness. Maccoby and Martin identified two
additional styles, both of which are often included under Baumrind’s label of
permissive. One is the indulgent parent who is high in responsiveness but low in
demandingness and the neglectful parent who is low in both responsiveness and
demandingness. For this study, indulgent and neglectful parents are combined and
labeled permissive, since research has not shown children of indulgent and neglectful
parents to differ with respect to misbehavior and school performance (Lamborn et
al., 1991).

19
To test parenting styles over time, Baumrind (1991) followed middle-class,
educationally advantaged Caucasian families from age 4 to 15 as part of the Family
Socialization and Developmental Competence Project. Among this population,
authoritative parents were successful at preventing problem drug use, raised children
who were cognitively and achievement oriented, had among the highest test scores,
were self-regulated and socially responsible, and had high self-esteem. Other
parenting styles were not as protective against problem drug use and in generating
competence.
A more comprehensive model indicates that parenting styles are the
confluence of three processes – the goals and values of the parents, the parenting
practices they employ, and the attitudes they use towards their children (Darling &
Steinberg, 1993). This model defines parenting style as the sum of attitudes that the
parent conveys to the child, which create an emotional atmosphere where parenting
behaviors originate. Included are specific behaviors, which are termed parenting
practices, and include specific activities, such as spanking, and less specific
behaviors, like tone of voice and spontaneous displays of emotion. Parenting
practices are typically closely aligned with parenting styles, however they are
distinct constructs. Due to survey limitations, this study will focus on parenting
styles, not on parenting practices.
In summary, the three parenting styles, permissive, authoritarian and
authoritative, were initially based on parental control and were later redefined to
include parental demandingness and responsiveness. In the initial studies, middle-

20
class Caucasian children from authoritative homes were consistently found to be
more competent and have higher academic achievement than other children. Studies
with children from other ethnic groups do not consistently show the same prevalence
of the authoritative style and will be the topic of the next section.
Parenting styles of minorities. While the authoritative parenting style is
predominant among Caucasian families, the results among minority groups has not
been as consistent. One reason for this may be a result of racism and discrimination,
which has led to adaptive strategies, including parenting styles, in order to coexist
with the European American culture (Harrison et al., 1990). The differences in
values among minorities will be discussed and how this may also influence
parenting, along with the research about the predominant parenting styles that have
been identified in different ethnic groups.
One adaptive strategy that has been found consistently among African
Americans, Asians and Latinos and may be partially reflected in their parenting style
is the prevalence and importance of the extended family (Harrison, at al., 1990).
Family is often described as a collective, cooperative social network and includes
sharing residences with extended family and the availability of increased family
resources (Harrison, at al., 1990). Among Latinos, a central and related value that is
prevalent among many Latinos and thought to influence how an individual views
authority within a family is familism (Buriel, 1993). Familism is either direct
interaction or supportive behaviors and results in the family unit being more
important than the individual’s interests (Vega, 1990). Familism is found to be much

21
more typical of Latino families than Caucasian families, and there is a tendency for
Latino families to have large networks of extended families who they visit
frequently. There is a strong sense of loyalty to family and this often extends to
nonrelative members, or compadres, who are not kin but are considered part of the
family (Harrison et al., 1990). As Latinos become more acculturated, familismo is
found to decrease (Alvarez, 2007; Harrison et al., 1990).
The importance of extended family and familismo may affect ethnic minority
children in a number of ways. To begin with, the emphasis on interdependence also
implies a responsibility to the family (Fuligni, 1997). Children of immigrants often
feel an obligation not to embarrass their families, to help their families financially,
and to do well academically. Fuligni (1997) found that children from immigrant
families received significantly higher grades than their third-generation peers. This
contradicts Baumrind’s (1978) speculation that children raised in families that value
competition and individualism, as is common in Anglo households, will do better
than those raised in collectivists families or families that value obedience and
conformity. Specific differences among ethnic groups will be discussed next.
Baumrind (1972) found in a small sample of black preschoolers and their
families, that using her typology, the parents would be labeled authoritarian. These
authoritarian parents produced self-assertive and independent girls. However, there
were no significant black-white differences among boys. Baumrind hypothesized
that perhaps the use of the authoritarian style may be to develop toughness and self-
sufficiency in their daughters. In studying African American adolescents, Smetana

22
also (2000) found more of an obligation to comply with parental rules than among
European American families, suggesting a more authoritarian style. African-
American families were more rule-bound and made more parent-unilateral decisions,
which their children followed. The cultural values of obedience and respect towards
elders may explain this.
Among Asian Americans, there is also consistency in parenting styles with
most studies finding a prevalence of authoritative parenting. Korean Americans are
more often found to be authoritative (Kim & Chung, 2002; Kim & Rohner, 2002).
However, 74% of the Korean American adolescent sample were not able to fit their
parents into any of Baumrind’s types (Kim & Rohner, 2002). Among Chinese
adolescents, they rated their parents authoritative as often as European American
adolescents. However, they also rated their parents as more authoritarian compared
to European Americans (Chao, 2001). How their parenting styles are related to
academic achievement and acculturation will be discussed later in this review.
Despite Latinos being the largest minority group in the U.S., there is little
conclusive information about their predominant parenting styles. Traditionally, there
is a strong emphasis for authority, suggesting that Latino parents would be more
likely to utilize authoritarian parenting. One study found Mexican American parents
to be authoritarian (Harrison, et al., 1990). Another study found that Mexican
Americans were equally likely to be authoritarian and authoritative, and only a
fraction of the parents used permissive child-rearing practices (Martinez, 1988). Still

23
another review found Latino parents to be warm and nurturing, and not rigid, which
is a hallmark of authoritarian parenting (Vega, 1990).
Not all studies have found differences in parenting due to ethnicity. Lamborn
et al. (1991) did not find differences in parenting styles among Blacks, Whites,
Asians and Hispanics. It is possible that there are no major differences between
minority groups and Caucasians in the way that they parent, as indicated by Julian et
al. (1994). In fact, ethnicity did not account for more than 4% of variance among the
parenting measures among a diverse sample of parents. The small differences
between Hispanics and Caucasians found a greater emphasis for Hispanic students
on being independent, getting along well with others, obedience, and being a
successful athlete. The control and strictness demonstrated by minority group parents
may be explained as protective because parenting for ethnic families is a two-fold
task of attempting to promote comfort among one’s own culture while also learning
strategies to deal with society at large (Julian et al., 1994).
There are a number of major confounding factors when studying an ethnic
minority population which could account for the conflicting findings. A major
confounder is the milieu in which they are studied. Parenting varies across
socioeconomic and community contexts and most studies do not take this into
account (Hill et al., 2003). Another variable is immigration status and the
acculturation process, which vary greatly among minorities and likely influence
parenting styles. Few studies examine with-in group differences and the influence
from other variables such as socioeconomic and community factors.

24
In summary, no consensus exists which conclusively indicates the
predominant parenting styles of minorities. Among African Americans, the
authoritarian style is most commonly reported. Among Korean Americans, the
authoritative style is most often reported, while for Chinese adolescents, both
authoritarian and authoritative styles are common. Latino parents have been found to
be authoritarian, both authoritarian and authoritative, and not authoritarian but warm
and nurturing. There is also some research to support that there are no differences
among ethnic groups and how they parent. Therefore, the research on parenting
styles among ethnic groups is often inconclusive and contradictory. The focus of the
next section will be the relationship between parenting styles and development,
which includes academic achievement.
Parenting styles and academic achievement. The three major components of
authoritative parenting -- warmth, firmness, and psychological autonomy granting --
each contribute to the development of a healthy child (Steinberg, 2001).
Developmental psychologists have largely concluded that children of all ages, who
are raised by authoritative parents, fare better on all measures of psychosocial
development and mental health (Steinberg, 2001). Various studies have
demonstrated that these children do better academically (Dornbusch et al., 1987;
Steinberg et al., 1992), are more self-reliant and have higher self-esteem (Lamborn et
al., 1991), and are less likely to use drugs and be involved in other dangerous
behaviors (Baumrind, 1991).

25
Most of the research, to date, has been on Caucasian, middle-class children,
who thrive under the authoritative model. For Caucasian, middle-class parents, there
is a high value on individualism, individual achievement, and competitiveness. The
authoritative parenting strategy, which is the most democratic of the three, appears to
foster the best social and academic outcomes for Caucasian children (Dornbush et
al., 1987). With regards to academics, studies have shown that adolescents who are
raised in authoritative homes perform better academically than their peers
(Dornbusch et al., 1987; Lamborn et al., 1991; Steinberg et al., 1989; Steinberg et al.,
1991). This effect is most pronounced in Caucasian students. While the label
authoritative was conceptualized by Baumrind (1969) to primarily describe parental
control, and Maccoby and Martin defined authoritative parenting as parental
responsiveness and parental demandingness (1983), Steinberg et al. (1989) sought to
solidify which aspects of authoritativeness was most responsible for academic
competence. The three features they found most salient included a high degree of
parental acceptance, a high degree of psychological autonomy, and a high degree of
behavioral control. Each feature made independent contributions to academic
achievement as well as through their impact on psychosocial maturity, which
resulted in higher academic achievement. In essence, an authoritative parenting style,
where children are treated warmly, democratically, and firmly results in higher
academic achievement for Caucasian children.
In summary, the authoritative parenting style has been found to be the most
effective for Caucasian students all ages. Three features, warmth, democratic

26
treatment and firmness, appear to boost psychosocial maturity, which contributes to
academic achievement. The relationship between parenting styles and academic
achievement among minority families is the focus of the next section.
Parenting styles and academic achievement among minorities. Baumrind and
subsequent researchers’ like Steinberg et al. (1989) widely publicized research on
parenting styles and academic achievement was primarily performed on Caucasians.
The results showed that Caucasian students raised by authoritarian parents performed
better academically. However, research on Asian-American, African-American and
Latino children yield different and often contradictory results. The following section
includes the results of large-scale studies that have compared parenting styles among
various minority student groups to Caucasian students.
Dornbush et al. (1987) were the first to use Baumrind’s parenting styles to
look at academic achievement of adolescents among a diverse sample of students.
Regardless of the students’ background, their grades were lower if they reported
more authoritarian or permissive parenting or less authoritative parenting. For Asian
Americans, authoritative and permissive parenting were unrelated to school grades
while authoritarian parenting was the strongest predictor of lower grades. When
Hispanics are compared to Caucasians, they scored higher on the authoritarian index
and lower on permissiveness for both sexes. There also appeared to be a gender
difference among Hispanics. Even though the mean level of authoritarianism was the
same for Hispanic males and females, authoritarianism was associated more often
with poor school performance among the Hispanic females.

27
Their results contradict Park and Bauer (2002), who found support for higher
academic achievement typically being associated with higher parental
authoritativeness and lower parental authoritarianism only for the European
Americans and not for other ethnic groups. In a study of almost 12,000 youth of
different ethnic groups, Park and Bauer reported different results for each ethnic
group. The authors asked Asian, Latino, African-American and Caucasians youth to
identify parenting practices such as strictness, supervision, acceptance, and
involvement. These characteristics were then classified into one of the four parenting
practices. The authors confirmed that Caucasians are more authoritative than other
ethnic groups, but the relationship of authoritative parenting to academic
achievement was only supported for Caucasians. For Asian American and African
American students, there was no noticeable difference between authoritarian or
authoritative parenting and academic achievement. On the other hand, the variable
strictness had the most significant impact on the Latino students. Strictness is
associated with authoritarian parenting suggesting that Latino students do better
academically with authoritarian parenting.
Steinberg et al. (1992) sought to clarify the reasons for ethnic differences
among adolescent achievement. The authors asked about parenting practices, family
values related to education, and the students’ beliefs about their future opportunities
based on their success in school. They found Latino and African-American students
and their parents are just as likely as other students to value their education
(Steinberg et al., 1992). They also found, however, that they spend less time doing

28
homework, perceive that their parents do not set high goals for them, and are less
likely to believe that doing well in school is a result of hard work. Steinberg et al.
also found that peer influences are very strong among African American students,
and there is very low peer support for academic success. This results in cognitive
dissonance among African American students as the value of authoritative parenting
is offset by the lack of support from their peers. Steinberg et al. also present a theory
for why Latino parenting practices appear to partly negatively influence academic
achievement. Among Latinos, family exerts a strong influence on school
performance. The prevalence of authoritarian parenting is more common than
authoritative parenting among Latinos and authoritarian parents emphasize
obedience and conformity, which diminishes self-reliance and self-confidence. The
current school system places value on autonomy and self-directedness, which are
more common characteristics of authoritative parenting. This mismatch could partly
explain why Latino children perform more poorly in school than their Caucasian
counterparts. Baumrind (1978) also notes that her theories may best pertain to the
Anglo American values of competition and individualism, which conflict with Latino
values of familism and cooperation.
In summary, some research has found that authoritative parenting results in
better academic outcomes for minority children while other research has found that
only among Caucasian students does authoritative parenting result in academic
achievement. With regards to Latinos, strictness, which is associated with
authoritarian parenting, was found to have the most significant impact on academic

29
achievement while for African American students, peer influences may negatively
influence academic success. Authoritative parenting may not be related to high
academic outcomes among minority children because their families tend to value
cooperation while Caucasian families tend to value competition and individualism
which is more commonly found in schools. Part of the discrepancy of the results of
the research on parenting styles and academic outcomes could be due to minority
families being classified into homogenous groups and compared to Caucasians. In
the next section, the role of acculturation in differentiating the parenting styles and
academic outcomes of students will be explored.
Acculturation

Acculturation defined. The classic definition of acculturation is that
“acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of
individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with
subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups”
(Redfield et al., 1936, p. 146). Over the years, the definitions of acculturation have
changed to include measures in three different areas: behavioral, affective, and
cognitive (Cuéllar et al., 1995). Behavioral changes include language, customs,
foods, and music choices; affective includes the way a person feels about their
identity; and cognitive includes beliefs about familial roles, ideas about illness and
education, and value changes.
Immigrant families go through a variety of changes to adapt themselves to
the majority population while trying to maintain their cultural identity, values, and

30
behaviors. Research on Mexican American parenting suggests that during the
acculturation process, the parents adopt Caucasian childrearing values and practices
(Buriel, 1993; Hill, et al., 2003). A review of acculturation measures reveals that
early acculturation theorists measured changes along a single, unilineaer continuum
(Kim & Abreu, 2001). People would move from one end of the continuum, which
included their culture of origin to the other end of the continuum, which was a
complete adoption of the host culture (Szapocznik, Kurtines, & Fernandez, 1980). In
order to adopt a new culture, according to these scales, people would need to reduce
their native culture, which does not always happen (Cuéllar, et al., 1995).
The older definitions of acculturation did not take into account what occurs
when a person adheres to both their indigenous culture and their host culture, which
is labeled biculturalism. Newer acculturation scales are typically bilinear, with
measures of indigenous and dominant cultures on separate continua (Chung, Kim &
Abreu, 2004; Cuéllar et al., 1995). By using bilinear measures, a person can be
identified as being part of one culture, two cultures, or not relating to either culture.
In the case of when a person loses his or her native cultural identity and adopts a new
identity in a second culture, they are said to have assimilated (Berry, 1980). When a
person can identify and feel comfortable in either their native culture or their new
culture, they are said to have integrated, or are labeled as bicultural (Berry, 1980). A
person can also resist acculturation and retain his or her native culture, which is
termed separation (Mendoza & Martinez, 1981). Finally, a person can give up his or
her native culture but not become integrated into the new culture, which is called

31
marginalization (Stonequist, 1935). The newer, bilinear measures are able to
measure these four states of acculturation. While improved, the acculturation process
is complex and no current tool exists which accurately captures the behaviors,
changes in cognitive processes, and cultural shifts which occur (Cabassa, 2003).
Measuring acculturation, while important, primarily focuses on behaviors.
Other variables, which include cultural values and norms are not usually measured.
These are part of a person’s ethnic identity and can vary in strength (Phinney, 1996).
While there may be characteristics that members of a minority group share, there are
also large variations in ethnic identity among individuals and groups. These
variations have implications which influence the outcome, including academic, of
individuals who are part of these minority/ethnic groups. There is a complaint that
many studies have treated ethnicity as a categorical value, rather than looking at its
psychological implications (Phinney, 1996). According to Phinney, there are three
reasons ethnicity may influence a person psychologically. First there are the
distinguishing factors of that ethnicity such as traditions, values, and customs.
Second is the feeling of group membership, or ethnic identity, felt by members of
that group. And finally, there are experiences felt by minorities which include
discrimination and prejudice.
First generation Mexicans have been found to have the strongest feelings of
affirmation and belongingness compared to second and third generations, which are
markers of ethnic identity (Cuéllar et al., 1997). However, Mexican and Chinese
adolescents were also found to blend their national origin and American identities

32
with hyphenated identities such as Mexican-American and Chinese-American
(Fuligni et al., 2005) suggesting that their ethnic and American identities can coexist.
Those students with the strongest ethnic identification had more positive academic
attitudes than their counterparts with European backgrounds with the same level of
achievement, which may be necessary to overcome barriers in order to succeed.
Another common and related measure, which may not always necessarily
reflect acculturation but is often used as a proxy, is how long a person has lived in
the U.S., which is known as their generational status. First-generation adolescents are
those people who are born outside the U.S. and who have at least one biological
parent who is foreign born. People are considered second generation if they were
born in the U.S. and have at least one parent who is foreign born. A third-generation
person is someone who is born in the U.S. and has native-born parents. Cuéllar et al.
(1997) found that generational level was less sensitive than behavioral acculturation
when measuring ethnic identity.
In summary, acculturation is a change in behavior, affect and cognition,
which occurs when an individual in one culture comes into contact with another.
This process is bilinear, with an individual becoming assimilated, integrated,
separated or marginalized. As acculturation to a new culture increases, ethnic
identity with the former culture often decreases although the two can co-exist. In the
next section, an overview of minority parenting styles and acculturation will be
reviewed.

33
Acculturation and parenting styles of minorities. The research on
acculturation and parenting styles among minorities is primarily focused on Latino
and Asian populations. When studying acculturation patterns, it is instrumental to
study subgroups, rather than the entire group, as significant cultural differences may
exist due to country of origin, culture in the originating country, and novel
experiences in the host country. The following section will focus on Korean,
Chinese, and primarily Mexican immigrants and their patterns of parenting over
time.
In a large study which used the large categories of Asians, Hispanics and
whites, some evidence was found that Asians parents are stricter than white parents
and that first- and second-generation Asians parents are significantly more likely to
make unilateral decisions for their children (Pong, et al., 2005). Hispanic parents of
first and second- generation students were also more likely than native white parents
to be strict and make unilateral decisions without their children. When examining
subgroups, significantly more first and second generation Chinese adolescents rated
their parents as authoritarian compared with European American adolescents (Chao,
2001). Among Korean youth, Rohner (2002) found the parents to be loving and
moderate in control, which is similar to authoritative parenting, rather than
authoritarian. This was true for the entire sample, which was comprised of Koreans
who had been in the U.S. for differing amounts of time.
Research examining acculturation and parenting styles among Mexican
immigrants is contradictory but the majority has found a decrease in authoritarian

34
parenting styles after a family becomes more acculturated to the United States and
adoption of a more similar parenting style to that of Caucasians with each
generation. Studies have found that Latino parents can be described as predominately
authoritarian but becoming less so with each generation (Harrison et al. 1990; Hill et
al., 2003; Varela et al., 2004). Often, Latino parents have the same rates of
authoritative parenting as European Americans but in addition, have higher levels of
authoritarian parenting (Pong et al.; Varela et al., 2004). When studies included
different generations, these authoritarian characteristics appeared to diminish over
time (Pong et al., 2005; Varela et al., 2004). Parenting styles were found to become
increasingly Americanized, and in this case permissive, with each generation
(Driscoll, Russell, & Crockett, 2008). Only Buriel (1993) found that socialization
practices most similar to the authoritative parenting style are more prevalent in
parents of first- and second-generation students than in third-generation students.
Details of each study will be reviewed below.
Two studies characterize Mexican American parents as authoritarian and less
acculturated Mexican Americans as even more authoritarian (Harrison et al., 1990;
Hill et al., 2003). Hill et al. found that Spanish-speaking Mexican Americans use
more harsh control in combination with high levels of warmth than their English-
speaking Mexican American counterparts. The authors posit that the harsh control
demonstrated by these parents may be adaptive due to the highly stressful
environment they face as immigrants. The children of Spanish-speaking Mexican
Americans reportedly misbehaved less frequently. The authors attribute this to a

35
strong sense of familism, which results in a desire not to disappoint parents through
misbehavior (Vega, 1990). Familism is thought to decrease with acculturation
resulting in an increase in misbehavior by the children.
Pong, Hao, and Gardner (2005) measured parenting styles across three
generations of Hispanics. They used a measure of family decision making, which
correlates with Baumrind’s parenting styles. Their label of unilateral parenting
decision is similar to the authoritarian parenting style, unilateral adolescent decisions
is similar to permissive parenting style, joint decisions is similar to authoritative
parenting style, and a new measure, which was termed ambiguous parenting, is
similar to the neglectful parenting style. Research has suggested that joint decision-
making, or authoritative parenting style, is associated with the best school
performances (Steinberg et al., 1992). First-generation Hispanic parents in the study
used authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles equally. However, compared
with Whites, parents of first- and second-generation Hispanics were more likely to
be strict and make unilateral parenting decisions, which is the same as authoritarian
parenting. The authors also reported a higher percentage of ambiguous decision-
making, or neglectful parenting among first- and second-generation Hispanics than
for White students. By the third generation, parenting styles were similar to those of
Whites.
In a unique study aimed at discovering the different parenting practices
among Mexicans, researchers examined parenting practices among Mexicans living
in Mexico, Mexican immigrants, Mexican Americans, and Caucasian-non-Hispanic

36
parents (Varela et al., 2004). The authors were trying to separate the effects of being
an ethnic minority in the U.S. from the cultural values, belief and behaviors that
being of Mexican descent may have. Overall, mothers and fathers in all groups
reported using authoritative parenting styles more often than authoritarian. The
authors also found that Mexican immigrant and Mexican American parents reported
more authoritarian parenting than Mexican parents, and Mexican American parents
reported more authoritarian parenting than Caucasian-non-Hispanic parents.
Contrary to popular belief, there was no difference between Mexican and Caucasian-
non-Hispanic parents’ authoritarian parenting style. The group differences did not
appear to be explained by parental education level. This lead to speculation that
ethnic minority status, rather than being of Mexican descent, is the reason for the
adoption of authoritarian parenting styles among parents of Mexican descent living
in the U.S. (Varela et al., 2004).
Driscoll, et al. (2008) asked Latino teens of Mexican descent to respond to
questions about their perceptions of their mother’s level of support and control. The
authors found the proportion of teens who rated their mothers as being permissive
was higher for third-generation Latinos and similar to mothers of White teens.
Authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles decreased with each subsequent
generation. Half of the immigrant parents utilized parenting styles based on high
levels of control while almost two thirds of native-born mothers had parenting styles
which granted more autonomy to their adolescents. The authors concluded that

37
parenting styles of Latino mothers become increasingly Americanized with each
generation, which they attribute to the parents’ own acculturation process.
In the Buriel study (1993), the authors examined childrearing dimensions
rather than parenting styles. One dimension, labeled responsibility, is characterized
by increased self-reliance and following family rules, while also maintaining a
supportive parent-child relationship. This is most similar to the authoritative
parenting style. Parents of first- and second-generation Mexican children scored
higher than U.S. born Mexican American parents on this dimension. They also
stressed earlier autonomy, using time productively, strictness and permissiveness.
U.S. born Hispanic parents, on the other hand, scored higher on a dimension labeled
Concern, which is characterized by emotional support and high expectations for
good behavior. The authors did not relate this dimension to any of the parenting
styles.
In summary, the picture is fairly clear that the predominant parenting style of
Koreans, Chinese and Mexican immigrants is more authoritative than among
Caucasians, even among first-generation immigrants. However, there is evidence
that while the authoritative style is found just as frequently in immigrants as among
European Americans, first and second generation immigrants often also report a
higher proportion of authoritarian parenting styles than in future generations.
Authoritarian parenting appears to diminish over time and become similar to
Caucasian parenting by the third generation. How the shift from more authoritarian

38
to more authoritative parenting and the relationship with academic achievement will
be explored in the following section.
Acculturation and educational outcomes among minorities. The research
about acculturation and the relationship to academic achievement among minorities
is fairly consistent. Most researchers have found that first-generation students of all
backgrounds do better academically than second and third generation students (Chao,
2001; Fuligni, 1997; Hurtado-Ortiz & Gauvin, 2007; Kim & Chung, 2002; Pong et
al., 2005). However, among Latinos, a few studies have found that more highly
integrated and bicultural students tend to have better academic achievement (Lopez
et al., 2002; Martinez et. al, 2004) while others have not found a difference between
academics and generation status (Fuligni, et al., 2005).
Parenting styles among Asian Americans and their impact on academic
achievement remain relatively consistent among subgroups. For Korean Americans,
authoritative parenting appears to be the most predominant parenting style and seems
to yield the best outcomes. Among Korean American college students, authoritative
parenting behaviors were the most common, followed by authoritarian, with very
few students reporting permissive parenting (Kim & Chung, 2002). Among Korean
American adolescents, authoritative parenting by fathers, but not mothers, tends to
be associated with optimal academic achievement (Kim & Rohner, 2002) although
only 26% of the families in the study fit into any of Baumrind’s parenting categories.
The authors further questioned which aspect of parenting, perceived warmth or
control, was responsible for the academic achievement. Parental and maternal

39
warmth/acceptance and not control, were significantly related to academic
achievement.
Chinese and Chinese American students had slightly different results from
Koreans. Among first and second generation Chinese adolescents, a significant
proportion rated their parents as authoritarian compared with European adolescents,
although there was no difference in the proportion of adolescents who rated their
parents as authoritative among the three groups (Chao, 2001). Among Chinese
adolescents living in the U.S., first-generation Chinese youth from authoritative
families did not have higher GPAs than authoritarian families (Chao, 2001). For
second-generation Chinese youth, there was also no benefit of authoritative parenting
relative to authoritarian parenting on school grades. The authors also looked at
parent-adolescent closeness which had positive effects on school grades for
European Americans but not for first generation Chinese. Closeness accounted for a
third to almost half of the effects of authoritative parenting. Closeness may not be as
important for recent generations of Asians as it is for European Americans.
In a study of almost 18,000 adolescents, Pong et al. (2005) explored the
relationship between generational status and academic achievement among whites,
Latinos and Asians. The Hispanic adolescents had a lower GPA compared with the
white students regardless of generation, while Asian students had a higher GPA than
white students. Second and third generation Hispanics and Asians did worse than
first generation students. Fuligni (1997) found similar results. With regards to their
mathematics and English courses, Latino, East Asian, Filipino and European

40
immigrant students received higher grades than those with native-born parents.
When asked about their backgrounds, Rumbaut (1994) found that those who labeled
themselves as Chicano, which is a label used by more acculturated Latinos, did
worse in school than those who identified themselves as being Mexican.
Among Asians, there appears to be inconsistent findings that time in the U.S.
results in optimal academic achievement. Kim and Chung (2002) found that only
authoritative parenting and number of years lived in the U.S. was predictive of
academic competence; the number of years lived in the U.S. was also predictive of
self-reliance. The authors hypothesize that the significant relationship between the
number of years in the U.S. and academic competence and self-reliance is a product
of the adoption of American culture, with ideals such as individualism, independence
and autonomy. This study was among college students, so it is not entirely surprising
that if they succeeded in getting into college, they had increased fluency in English
and were more familiar with American educational culture. Chinese and Chinese
American high school students had slightly different results from Koreans. First
generation Chinese youth had higher grades than second-generation Chinese youth
and both had significantly higher grades than European youth (Chao, 2001).
Generational status and acculturation may also affect higher-educational
attainment of Hispanic youth. Hurtado-Ortiz and Gauvin (2007) found a positive
relationship between acculturation and college attendance. However, the authors
found no relationship between acculturation and college aspirations, perceptions of
academic ability, or likelihood of success at a 4-year college. The authors also found

41
a negative relationship between generational status and high school GPA – Mexican
immigrant adolescents reported higher levels of academic achievement than their
nonimmigrant counterparts. A paradox exists where Mexican Americans have lower
academic achievement but higher college attendance and Mexican immigrants have
higher academic achievement but lower college attendance. One explanation is that
non-legal U.S. residents may worry about how to afford college since they know
they will not be eligible for most types of financial assistance. In addition, they may
not have access to other sources of financing, resulting in their decision not to pursue
higher education (Hurtado-Ortiz & Gauvin, 2007).
Lopez et al. (2002), in a study of Mexican American high school students,
found very different results than Hurtado-Ortiz and Gauvin (2007). Students who
were highly integrated, meaning their values and practices mimic those of the
dominant culture while also maintaining their own native culture, were found to have
higher academic success. One limitation of this study is that no first-generation
students were included in the sample and the sample size was small. Martinez et al.
(2004) also found that higher levels of acculturation were related to more academic
success among Latino students.
Another unique study looked at how immigrant students labeled themselves
according to the strength of their ethnic identification and measured this against their
academic achievement (Fuligni, Witkow, & Garcia, 2005). Students were asked to
select the ethnic groups they felt most applied to them from a list that included
nationalistic identities, for example, Mexican, and panethnic or hyphenated labels,

42
such as Latino or Mexican-American. First-generation Mexican adolescents were
more likely to choose at least one national label to describe themselves, whereas
second- and third-generation adolescents were more likely to choose hyphenated or
pan-ethnic labels. Very few of any generation chose the American label. Contrary to
other findings, the ethnic labels chosen by the adolescents were not related to their
academic attitudes and achievement. However, strength of identification for Mexican
and Chinese adolescents did account for more positive academic attitudes when
compared to European adolescents. Unfortunately, neither acculturation or
generational status was measured.
Regardless of whether students do well academically, parents of minority
students still value education and transmit this to their children (Ceja, 2004; Fuligni,
1997). Fuligni (1997) found that regardless of ethnic or socioeconomic background,
adolescents from immigrant families consistently indicated higher values of
schooling and education success than their third generation peers. Even parents of
first-generation Latinos, who are unable to guide their children on the type of college
to go to, are able to convey to their children that school is an important way to
achieve economic and social mobility. Keith and Lichtman (1994) found that parents
of Mexican-American children who were less proficient in English actually
discussed school activities and set higher educational goals, like going to college,
than parents who did speak English. Many immigrant parents may feel that education
is the only option for their children to have improved lives. Latino students share
similar views. Hurtado-Ortiz and Gauvain (2007) found that regardless of their

43
acculturation level, Latino students had similar college aspirations, perceived their
academic ability to be similar to Caucasian students, and felt they would be
successful at a 4-year college.
In summary, there appears to be consistency in the findings that generally,
first generation minority students do better academically than future generations.
Among Latinos, there is slight disagreement as to impact of acculturation and
generation status on the academic achievement of Latino students. However, the one
study that found the differences in academic achievement were small and the other
did not measure generational status.
Summary
It is clear that parents play a critical role in the development of a child. Of the
parenting styles identified by Baumrind, the authoritative style has been shown to be
the most prevalent among Caucasian families. Among minorities, however, the
predominant parenting style varies by subgroup. Among African Americans, the
authoritarian parenting style is predominant, while among Asians, parents are often
found to be both authoritarian and authoritative. Latinos have the most discrepancy,
with each of the three parenting styles appearing to be the most predominant,
depending on the study. It is necessary to discern which, if any, of the three
parenting styles is prevalent among Latinos.
The importance of understanding the predominant parenting style is in how it
relates to academic achievement. For Caucasians, it is clear that the authoritative
parenting style is related to the best possible academic outcomes. Some research

44
supports the authoritative parenting style and positive academic outcomes for
minority students while other research finds that the relationship is strongest for
Caucasian students. Among Latino students, there is no consensus on which
parenting style results in the best academic outcomes.
A major factor among immigrants is acculturation. Parenting is known to
become more similar to the host country as a result of the acculturation process.
There is evidence that while the authoritative style is found just as frequently in
immigrants as among European Americans, first and second generation immigrants
often also report a higher proportion of authoritarian parenting styles than in future
generations. First and second generation minority students tend to do better
academically than later generations. The research on parenting styles and
acculturation and how they relate to the academic outcomes of Latinos has yielded
mixed results. There is no agreement on the predominant parenting style being
utilized by Latino parents and how that parenting style changes as a result of
acculturation. Similarly, there are mixed results about the parenting style that is
related to the best academic outcomes for Latino children. No study has looked at
parenting styles and acculturation simultaneously, to measure their relationship to
academic achievement. The purpose of this study is to contribute to the growing
body of evidence about the complex issue of how parenting styles and acculturation
relate to the academic achievement of Latino high school students.

45
Chapter 3: Methodology
Research Design
This study sought to answer two research questions. They are: (1) Was there
a significant relationship between parenting style, acculturation and GPA among
Latino high school students, and (2) Was there a significant relationship between
acculturation, parenting styles, GPA, and plans to attend college among Latino high
school students?
The study was a non-experimental, cross-sectional, quantitative design where
the influence of parenting styles and acculturation were measured to see how they
related to academic achievement and plans to attend college among Latino high
school students. There were two independent variables, parenting styles and
acculturation, and two dependent variables, academic achievement and plans to
attend college.
To collect data for this study, participants completed demographic questions
and two questionnaires. Parenting styles were measured using Buri’s (1991) Parental
Authority Questionnaire (PAQ) with the three parenting categories identified as
authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive. Acculturation was measured using
Cuéllar’s, et al. (1995) modified Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans-
II and students were given scores based on the Mexican Orientation Scale and the
Anglo Orientation Scale. The surveys were translated into Spanish in case a student
felt more comfortable reading in their native tongue. The participants were told to
either complete the survey through SurveyMonkey or a traditional paper and pencil

46
format. For the dependent variables, a Grade Point Average was obtained for each
student and each student also provided a self-report of plans to attend college.
Participants
A total of 122 Latino high school students participated in this study. Their
ages ranged from 15-19 years and they were either in 11th or 12th grade. All of the
participants were recruited from a large high school in East Los Angeles, which is
part of Los Angeles Unified School District. At this high school, students are
predominately Latino, with over 99.3% of the student body indicating they are of
Latino heritage (LAUSD School Profile Page). The school is considered
socioeconomically disadvantaged. The school had a 45% four-year graduation rate in
the 2007-2008 school year (LAUSD School Report Cards). Since this is a year-round
school, data collection occurred during June, July, and August.
Instruments
Demographics. The participants were first asked to provide demographic
information (see Appendix A). Questions included their gender, age, grade, mother
and father’s level of education, annual household income, generation, length of time
living in the United States, family structure, ethnicity, and country of origin if they
indicated they were Hispanic or Latino.
Acculturation. To measure the first independent variable, acculturation, the
participants completed a modified Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican
Americans-II (Cuéllar, et al., 1995). The ARSMA-II uses an orthogonal,
multidimensional approach to measuring acculturation by separately measuring

47
cultural orientation toward Latino/Hispanic and American culture (see Appendix B).
The surveys use a 5 point Likert scale that ranged from 1 = Not at all to 5 =
Extremely often or Almost Always. There are two surveys that are included in
ARSMA-II, Scale 1 and Scale 2. Scale 1 yields two acculturation modes, integration
and assimilation. Scale 2, which was not be used because it has not been validated,
measures separation and marginalization. The surveys included in Scale 1 are the
Anglo Orientation Subscale (AOS), which has 13-items, and the Mexican
Orientation Subscale (MOS), which has 17-items. The MOS was revised for this
study to target Hispanic/Latino culture instead of Mexican American. This was done
because participants in this study may not necessarily be from Mexico but from other
Central and South American countries. A example of the changes follows: “My
father identifies or identified himself as ‘Mexicano’” (Cuéllar, et al., 1995, p. 298) to
“My father identifies or identified himself as Hispanic/Latino.”
To score the results, the following formulas were used: AOS (mean) – MOS
(mean). These scores were then converted into acculturation categories Level I-V
with Level I representing the least acculturated and Level V representing the most
acculturated. Level I, very Mexican oriented, is for scores 1.5 standard deviations
below the mean; Level II, Mexican oriented to approximately balanced bicultural, for
scores between 1.5 and .5 standard deviations below the mean; Level III, slightly
Anglo oriented bicultural, for scores between .5 above and below the mean; Level
IV, strongly Anglo oriented, for .5 to 1.5 standard deviations above the mean; and

48
Level V, very assimilated, Anglicized, for more than 1.5 standard deviations above
the mean.
The two scales, AOS and MOS were found to have good overall reliabilities
(Cuéllar, et al., 1995). The split-half reliabilities for the AOS and MOS were .77 and
.84, respectively. The Spearman-Brown correlation coefficient was .87 for the AOS
and .91 for the MOS. The test-retest was especially high at .94 for the AOS and .96
for the MOS.
Parenting style. The second independent variable measured was parenting
style. The Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ) was selected to measure
parenting style (Buri, 1991). Baumrind (1971) identified three parenting prototypes –
permissive, authoritarianism, and authoritativeness. Using these prototypes, Buri
developed a questionnaire to measure each one. Twenty-one professionals were
asked to judge the accuracy of each item in characterizing the prototypes. There was
100% agreement among the professionals that the 30 PAQ items selected for the
final survey were measures of the three different prototypes (see Appendix C). This
suggests good content validity.
There are 30 total questions in the PAQ with 10 questions measuring each of
the three different prototypes -- permissive, authoritarian, and authoritative. The
PAQ uses a 5-point Likert scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree
(5). Scores on each parenting style ranged from 10 to 50. To score the PAQ, the
items which related to the three scales were grouped together. To be considered part
of that parenting style, a score of 30 or higher was needed. For authoritative

49
parenting, the items were 2, 3, 7, 9, 12, 16, 18, 25, 26, and 29. For authoritative
parenting, the items were 4, 5, 8, 11, 15, 20, 22, 23, 27, and 30. For the permissive
parenting, the items were 1, 6, 10, 13, 14, 17, 19, 21, 24, and 28.
Typically, the PAQ is asked about both mothers and fathers and therefore, it
would be possible to have six separate scores for each participant including: mother
and father’s permissiveness, mother and father’s authoritarianism, and mother and
father’s authoritativeness. In this study, the overall impact of parenting, not the
difference between mothers and fathers, was selected as the measure. Measuring
parenting styles combined rather than obtaining a separate score for the mother and
the father is often done because studies have shown they are highly correlated.
Baumrind (1991) found 76% of parents displayed the same parenting style and
Fletcher, Steinberg, and Sellers (1999) found 72% interparental consistency in
parenting styles. Therefore, each participant whose score was greater than 30 on the
subscale was grouped into parental permissiveness, parental authoritarianism, or
parental authoritativeness. If there was no clear high score for a parenting style or if
the scores were high in two groups, the parent style was labeled as “inconsistent,”
which was another category of parenting.
The PAQ was tested for test-retest reliability, internal consistency reliability,
discriminant-related validity, criterion-related validity and norm testing (Buri, 1991).
With regards to test-retest reliability, the reliabilities ranged from .77 to .92. The
internal consistency reliability was measured and the Cronbach’s alphas ranged from
.74 to .87. Both test-retest reliability and internal consistency are good considering

50
the small number of items for each scale. It would be expected that if the PAQ was
accurately measuring Baumrind’s three parental prototypes a high number of
answers on one subscale would mean that there should not be a high number on
either of the other two subscales. In fact, this is what occurred indicating significant
discriminant validity for each prototype. The authors also tested for criterion-related
validity by comparing parental nurturance with the three prototypes. As expected,
parental authoritativeness was positively, significantly related to parental nurturance,
authoritarianism was significantly negatively related to nurturance, and
permissiveness was not significantly related to nurturance.
There was some concern that the survey may be difficult to understand by
high school students despite its use in this age group in other studies. To check for
comprehension, a question was added at the end of the survey which asked: “How
understandable were the previous questions?” The participants were asked to
indicate if the survey was: (1) Hard to understand; (2) Fairly hard to understand; (3)
Fairly easy to understand; or (4) Easy to understand.
Grade point average. The first dependent variable was GPA. The GPA was
obtained from official records from the Assistant Principal at the school. The
students’ Grade Point Average (GPA) was calculated for the academic year 2007-
2008. GPA was calculated on a 4-point scale with A’s equaling 4 points, B’s
equaling 3 points, C’s equaling 2 points, D’s equaling 1 point and F’s equaling 0
points. An average of each student’s grades from the beginning of high school until
the previous semester were calculated.

51
Plans to attend college. The second dependent variable, the participants’
plans to attend college, was collected as part of the questionnaire. The students were
asked a question about their plans after high school. Specifically, they were asked:
“After you graduate from high school, do you expect to: Attend a vocational school,
Attend a community college, Attend a 4-year college, or I do not expect to attend
college after completing high school.” Examples of a local vocational school,
community college and college were provided. In addition, there was space for the
participants to write in other plans.
Procedure of Data Collection
Through assistance from the Assistant Principal’s office, teachers were asked
if they would help with recruitment. If they were willing to announce the study in
their classes, the Principle Investigator attended the class, explained the study and
asked for the students’ participation. Those interested students were given copies of
the Parental Consent Form, in either English or Spanish, to take to their homes to get
signed. The students were given an Assent Form, for their signatures. If they were 18
years or older, they did not need parental permission and signed a consent form. The
students were also provided with a copy of the survey, in their language of choice,
for completion at home or information on how to access SurveyMonkey to take the
survey online. The following day, the consent form, assent form, and survey were
collected. They were given a raffle ticket to be included in a raffle for 2 - $25 gift
certificates. Only six students completed the survey online, the rest through paper
and pencil.

52
Data Analysis
A variety of analyses were completed on the collected data. The first step was
to categorize the students by parenting styles through their responses to the PAQ.
The mean, standard deviation, minimum and maximum scores were calculated.
Utilizing a cluster analysis, students were categorized by how they rated their parents
in each of the different parenting subscales -- authoritative, authoritarian, and
permissive. Similarly, the acculturation levels of the students were calculated along
with the mean, standard deviation, minimum and maximum scores. The students
were categorized based on their responses to the ARMSA-II and utilizing the scoring
instructions provided by the author. The students were categorized into one of the
five acculturation levels with Level I being very Mexican oriented, Level II,
Mexican oriented, Level III, slightly Anglo oriented bicultural, Level IV, strongly
Anglo oriented, and Level V, very assimilated/Anglicized. Once grouped, the
frequencies of participants in each group were calculated. Finally, the mean and
standard deviation of the subject’s GPAs were calculated.
Next, using SPSS, the following tests were run. The first was a correlation
between acculturation and generational status to see whether the ARSMA-II
accurately identifies the relationship between acculturation and generation level. The
second used parenting styles as a continuous variable and a correlation analysis was
run between parenting styles and GPA. Next, the three groups that resulted from the
three-cluster solution were utilized in an ANOVA with GPA as the outcome

53
measure. Finally, a regression analyses was run to test interactions between gender
and the three parenting subscales in the prediction of GPA.
To test the relationship between the acculturation subscales (i.e., AOS, LOS,
AOS – LOS) and GPA, and using acculturation as a continuous variable, a
correlational analysis was conducted. Using the five acculturation levels from the
ARMSA-II, an ANOVA was run with GPA as outcome measure. Further analyses
were completed to determine whether there were significant correlations between
Latino high school students’ acculturation and the parenting styles of their parents.
To test whether parenting and acculturation were related to the decision to go
to college, chi-square tests were performed. The first was used to determine whether
there were significant differences in the proportion of parents in each parenting style
group and the decision to go to college. The second was used to determine whether
there were significant differences in the levels of acculturation and the decision to go
to college.
The two dependant variables, plans to attend college and GPA, were analyzed
using a one-way ANOVA. Three ANOVAs were conducted to compare the mean
scores on the three parenting subscales for the students that planned to attend
community college or vocational school with the students that planned to attend
four-year colleges. The results of the data analysis are presented in the next chapter.

54
Chapter 4: Results
Demographic Characteristics
One hundred twenty-two 11th and 12th grade students completed the survey.
There were twenty

11th grade students and one hundred and two 12th grade
students. All were from the same high school in East Los Angeles. Participants
ranged from 15-18 years of age with a mean age of 16.6 (SD = 0.7). All participants
indicated their ethnicity was Hispanic or Latino. In addition, one subject also
indicated his or her ethnicity as White and two indicated they were also Native
American. Most of the participants who responded to the question of where their
family originally came from indicated Mexico. Of those who responded, 81 said
their families were originally from Mexico, three from El Salvador, two from
Guatemala, and one from Honduras. In addition, six students identified two countries
of origin for their families with: two from Honduras and Mexico, one from Mexico
and El Salvador, one from Guatemala and Honduras, one from Ecuador and Mexico,
and one from Mexico and El Salvador. In addition, 27 did not respond to the
question of where their family was from and one responded that he or she did not
know.
Table 1 describes the participants in this study. As shown in Table 1, 49 male
and 73 female students participated. The frequencies of the generation that best
applied to each subject are also presented in Table 1. The participants were asked to
indicate the generation that best applied to them with the following responses: 1st
generation = you were born in another country; 2nd generation = you were born in

55
Table 1
Demographic Characteristics of 11th and 12th grade students
Demographics N Percentage
a
Gender
Male 49 40.2
Female 73 59.8
Generation
1st generation 19 16.1
2nd generation 83 70.3
3rd generation 9 7.6
4th generation 5 4.2
5th generation 2 1.7
Family Income
Less than $34,999 26 21.3
$35,000 to $74,999 8 6.6
$75,000 and more 4 3.3
Don’t know 66 54.1
Note: Numbers of missing cases for gender = 4 and for family income = 18.
a
Percentage does not add up to 100 due to missing data.

the U.S., either parent born in another country; 3rd generation = you were born in the
U.S., both parents born in the U.S. and all grandparents born in another country; 4th
generation = you and your parents were born in the U.S. and at least one grandparent
born in another country with the remainder born in the U.S.; and 5th generation =
you and your parents were born in the U.S. and all grandparents born in the U.S. In
all, 16.1% (n = 19) were 1st generation, 70.3% (n = 83) were 2nd generation, 7.6%
(n = 9) were 3rd generation, 4.2% (n = 5) were 4th generation, and 1.7% (n = 2) were
5th generation. The results indicate the majority of participants were 2nd generation.
A follow-up question was how long the participants had lived in the U.S. Of those
who indicated they were 1st generation and responded to the question (n = 17), the
average number of years they had lived in the U.S. was 11.76 years.

56
Based on the students’ self-reports of annual household income, the majority
of the sample (54.1%; n = 66) did not know their household incomes and of those
that did, the majority were lower-income. As shown in Table 1, 21.3% (n = 26) of
the participants reported that their annual household income was less than $34,999,
6.6% (n = 8) reported between $35,000 and $74,999, and 3.3% (n = 4) reported
$75,000 and more. In addition, 18 participants left this question blank.
Participants were asked to describe both parents’ level of education
separately. See Table 2 for percentages and frequencies for mothers’ and fathers’
level of education. Levels of education for both parents were similar and were at a
very low level. Participants reported that 43.4% of their mothers and 39.3% of their
fathers attained less than a 9
th
grade education and 14.8% of mothers and 14.8% of
fathers attended 9
th
– 12
th
grade without getting a diploma. A small number of
mothers and a small number of fathers graduated from high school or equivalency,
and an even smaller number of mothers and fathers attended college, but obtained no
degree, obtained an associates degree or obtained a bachelors degree. Only 2
participants had either a mother or father obtain a graduate degree. In addition,
participants responded not applicable to the question for 9.8% of their mothers and
17.2% of their fathers.
Parenting Styles
The participants rated their parents on three parenting styles. The three
parenting styles were authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive. The authoritative
subscale received the highest ratings and the permissive subscale received the lowest

57
Table 2
Frequency Distribution of Parental Education
Mother Father
Parental Education n Percentage
a
n Percentage
a

Less than 9
th
grade 53 43.4 48 39.3
9
th
– 12
th
grade, no
diploma
18 14.8 18 14.8
High school graduate
(includes equivalency)
18 14.8 16 13.1
Some college, no degree 9 7.4 11 9.0
Associates degree 4 3.3 2 1.6
Bachelors degree 3 2.5 0 0
Graduate or professional
Degree
1 0.8 1 0.8
Not applicable 12 9.8 21 17.2
Total 118 96.8 117 95.8
Note: Numbers of missing cases for mothers = 4 and fathers = 5
a
Percentage does not add up to 100 due to missing data.

ratings (see Table 3). The mean scores for the authoritative and authoritarian
subscales indicated that the participants moderately agreed (i.e., between 3
[undecided] and 4 [agree]) with the items that described receiving authoritative and
authoritarian parenting. In addition, the mean score for the permissive subscale
indicated that the participants showed moderate disagreement (i.e., between 2
[disagree] and 3 [undecided]) with the items that typified permissive parenting.
Table 3
Mean, Range and Standard Deviation of Parenting Styles
Parenting Styles Minimum Maximum M SD
Authoritative 1.70 4.90 3.45 0.61
Authoritarian 1.60 4.50 3.30 0.56
Permissive 1.60 3.90 2.75 0.48

The participants were also asked to indicate their comprehension of the
survey questions. The mean score of their responses (data not shown) was 2.65. This

58
is between 2 (fairly hard to understand) and 3 (fairly easy to understand) indicating
some trouble understanding the questions.
Buri’s (1991) authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive subscales were
utilized in three k-means cluster analyses. In a k-means cluster analysis, the number
of groups that results from the clustering algorithm is specified by the researcher.
Three, four, and five cluster solutions were requested. The pseudo-F statistic, which
is an empirical measure of the quality of the cluster solution, did not clearly favor the
three- (pseudo-F = 53.19), four- (pseudo-F = 50.23), or five-cluster (pseudo-F =
55.38) solutions. Higher pseudo-F values are associated with more distinct clustering
solutions. Based on an inspection of the group means, the three-cluster solution
provided the most interpretable solution, as shown in Table 4.
Table 4
Frequency Distribution of Parenting Styles of Latino Parents
Parenting Types N Percentages
Clusters
Group 1 – Authoritarian 21 17.8
Group 2 – High in all three 54 45.8
Group 3 – Authoritative 47 36.4
Total 122 100.0

The three-cluster solution is shown in Table 5. The mean on the authoritative
subscale for Group 1 (n = 47) was relatively high in comparison to the means on the
authoritarian and permissive subscales. As a result, Group 1 was termed the
Authoritative Group. Group 2 (n = 54), could not be easily classified because
students in this group had relatively high means on all three subscales. Group 3 (n =
47) which had a high mean for the authoritarian subscale but low means on the other
two subscales, was termed the Authoritarian Group. The four- and five- cluster

59
solutions had more than one group of students like Group 2 from the three-cluster
solution that could not be easily classified.
Table 5
The Number of Students in each Cluster for the Three-Cluster Solution and the
Cluster Means for the Three-Cluster Solution

Cluster Means

n
Percentage
s Authoritative Authoritarian Permissive
Clusters

Group 1:
Authoritarian
21 17.8 2.58 3.61 2.21
Group 2:
High in all three
54 45.8 3.72 3.68 2.89
Group 3:
Authoritative
47 36.4 3.53 2.73 2.84

Acculturation Level
Participants were asked about their level of acculturation using a Likert scale.
The participants responded to two subscales which measure acculturation to
Latino/Hispanic culture and American culture separately. The surveys included the
Anglo Orientation Subscale (AOS), which has 13-items, and the Mexican
Orientation Subscale (MOS), which has 17-items. The MOS was revised for this
study to target Hispanic/Latino culture instead of Mexican American and was
renamed by the author the Latino Orientation Subscale (LOS). The surveys used a 5
point Likert scale that ranged from 1 (not at all) to 5 (extremely often or almost
always). The results are presented in Table 6. The mean scores for the AOS and the
LOS subscales indicated that the participants moderately agreed (i.e., between 3
[moderately] and 4 [much or very often]) with the items that described their
perceptions of their acculturation to Anglo and Latino/Hispanic cultures.

60
Table 6
Mean, SD, Minimum and Maximum Scores for Acculturation
Acculturation Level n Minimum Maximum M SD
AOS 122 2.23 5.00 3.56 0.54
LOS 122 1.65 4.94 3.75 0.68
AOS - LOS 122 -2.30 3.35 -0.19 0.93

The participants were assigned into five different levels based on their
responses. To score the results, the following formula was used, as described by
Cuéllar et al. (1995): AOS (mean) – LOS (mean). These scores were then converted
into acculturation categories Level I-V with Level I representing the least
acculturated and Level V representing the most acculturated. There were 11
participants in Level I (Very Latino/Hispanic Oriented), 60 in Level II
(Hispanic/Latino Oriented), 42 in Level III (Slightly Latino/Hispanic Oriented), 8 in
Level IV (Strongly Anglo), and 1 in Level V (Very Assimilated). The results show
that most respondents were Latino/Hispanic oriented and slightly Anglo oriented
with very few indicating they were very Latino/Hispanic, strongly Anglo or very
assimilated.
The ARMSA-II measures acculturation level, which is thought to be a proxy
for generational status. A correlational analysis was run to see if there was a
significant relationship between acculturation level and generational status (see
Table 7). The relationship between the AOS and generational status was significant
(r = .27, p < .05) as was the relationship between the LOS and generational status (r
= -.42, p < .001). Therefore, the more a person relates to the Latino culture, the more
likely they are to be a more recent immigrant while the more a person relates to the
Anglo culture, the less likely they are to be a recent immigrant.

61
Table 7
Correlation Between Acculturation and Generational Status
Variable
1 2 3
1. Generation -
2. AOS
a
.27
*
-
3. LOS
b
-.42
**
-.16 -
Note.
a
AOS = Anglo Orientation Subscale.
b
LOS = Latino Orientation Subscale.
*
p < .05.
**
p < .001.

Grade Point Average
The dependent variable, GPA, was obtained from school records and reflects
an average cumulative for each student from the beginning of high school in the
ninth grade to present. As seen in Table 8, the mean GPA for males and females
were almost the same at 2.52 and 2.55, respectively. Two student’s GPAs could not
be accessed and were not included in the analysis.
Table 8
Mean and Standard Deviation of Grade Point Averages for Males and Females
Gender N Mean SD
Male 48 2.52 0.65
Female 72 2.55 0.74
Total 120

Plans to Attend College
The second dependant variable was plans to attend college. As is shown in
Table 9, most students planned on attending some type of college. Roughly two-
thirds or 67.5% planned on attending a 4-year college, 22.8% planned on attending
community college, 4.9% planned on attending vocational school, and 1.6% planned
on attending community college and then a 4-year college. Only 3 students
responded that they did not plan on attending college at all.

62
Table 9
Plans to Attend College
Types of Schools N Percentage
Vocational school 6 4.9
Community College 28 22.8
4-year college 83 67.5
No college 3 2.4
Community college & 4-
year
2 1.6
Total 122 100.0

Parenting Styles, Acculturation, and GPA
The data was analyzed to answer the first research question: Is there a
significant relationship between parenting style, acculturation and GPA among
Latino high school students? There were a number of nonsignificant results. Using
parenting styles as a continuous variable, a correlation analysis was run between
parenting styles and GPA. The results were not significant (see Table 10), but there
was a small positive association between the authoritarian subscale and GPA (r =
.14, ns). Next, the three groups that resulted from the three-cluster solution (see
Table 5) were utilized in an ANOVA with GPA as the outcome measure. The
ANOVA was not significant for the three-cluster solution, F(2 116) = 1.01, ns,
indicating that the GPAs of the three groups did not differ significantly from one
another. In addition, regression analyses did not reveal significant interactions
between gender and the three parenting subscales in the prediction of GPA. These
results indicate that the association between parenting styles and GPA did not differ
across gender.
Next, the relationship between the acculturation subscales (i.e., AOS, LOS,
AOS – LOS) and GPA was tested. Using acculturation as a continuous variable, a

63
Table 10
Correlations Between Parenting Styles, Acculturation Levels, and Grade Point Average

Note.
a
AOS = Anglo Orientation Subscale.
b
LOS = Latino Orientation Subscale.
*
p < .05.
**
p < .001.

Variable 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
1. Authoritative -
2. Authoritarian -.01 -
3. Permissive .19
*
-.19 -
4. AOS
a
.16 .00 -.07 -
5. LOS
b
-.02 .04 -.10 -.17 -
6. AOS – LOS .11 -.03 .03 .70
**
-.82
**
-
7. GPA .14 .09 .02 .02 .08 -.05 -

64
correlational analysis was conducted. As seen in Table 10, there were no significant
associations between the acculturation subscales and GPA. In addition, using the
groups based on the five acculturation levels, an ANOVA was run with GPA as
outcome measure. There were no significant results, F(4, 114) = 1.42, ns, indicating
that the mean GPAs did not differ across the five acculturation levels. Further
analyses were completed to determine whether there were significant correlations
between Latino high school students’ acculturation and the parenting styles of their
parents. There were no significant correlations between acculturation and parenting
styles (see Table 10).
Acculturation, Parenting Styles, College Plans and GPA
The second question was: Is there a significant relationship between
acculturation, parenting styles, GPA, and plans to attend college among Latino high
school students? For analysis purposes and because their intentions were similar,
participants who reported they planned on going to vocational or community college
were combined for a total of 34. Participants who indicated they planned on going to
a community college first, then a 4-year college were combined with those who
planned on going to a 4-year college for a total of 85 (see Table 11). The three
students that reported that they did not intend to attend college were not included in
the ANOVA because there were not enough students in this group to allow for a
meaningful comparison. The mean GPA for those who planned on attending
vocational school or a community college was 2.04, for those planning on attending

65
college was 2.75, and for those who did not plan on attending college was 2.12 (see
Table 11). The two variables, plans to attend college and GPA, were analyzed using
a one-way ANOVA and the results were significant, F(1, 114) = 29.97, p < .001.
The results indicated that participants who plan to attend a 4-year college have a
significantly higher GPA than participants who plan to attend a vocational school or
community college.
Table 11
Mean GPAs Disaggregated by the Education Plans of Latino High School Students
and the ANOVA Statistics
Education Plans n Mean SD F P
Vocational and
Community College 33 2.04 0.55 29.97 < .001
4-year College 83 2.75 0.65
No College 3 2.12 0.93
Total 119 2.53 0.71
Note. Two students were dropped from the analysis because GPA data could not be
obtained from school records. The no college group was not included in the
ANOVA.

There were a series of nonsignificant findings resulting from the analyses of
the associations between acculturation, parenting styles, and plans to attend college.
A chi-square analysis was conducted to determine if classification in the
acculturation categories (i.e., Levels I-V) was related to plans to attend college. The
results revealed that there was not a significant association between the acculturation
categories and plans to attend college, χ²(8, N = 121) = 9.17, ns. Additional analyses
were conducted to assess whether parenting style and plans to attend college were
related. Three ANOVAs were conducted to compare the mean scores on the three

66
parenting subscales for the students that planned to attend community college or
vocational school with the students that planned to attend four-year colleges. As
shown in Table 12, students that intended to attend vocational school or community
college did not report significantly different levels of authoritarian, authoritative or
permissive parenting styles compared to the students that intended to attend a four-
year college. However, the students that planned on attending a four-year college
reported significantly higher authoritative parenting in comparison to the students
that planned to attend vocational school or community college.
Table 12
Means of the Three Parenting Styles Disaggregated by the Students’ College Plans
and the ANOVA Statistics

Vocational and
Community College
Four-year College
Parenting style M SD M SD F p
Authoritarian 3.27 0.66 3.33 0.52 0.25 ns
Authoritative 3.24 0.69 3.53 0.57 5.51 p < .05
Permissive 2.78 0.57 2.74 0.46 0.13 ns

Summary of Findings
This study investigated the relationship between parenting style and
acculturation and GPA and plans to attend college among Latino high school
students. A total of one hundred twenty-two participants were recruited from a high
school in East Los Angeles. The demographic information collected on the
participants reveals that the participants were between 15-19 years of age with a
mean age of 16.6. Almost three quarters were 2nd generation and the majority
reported their family’s country of origin was Mexico. The majority of the
participants were from lower-income households (earning less than $35,000 a year)

67
and more than half of their mothers and fathers did not earn a high school diploma,
which indicates they are not well educated.
The independent variables were parenting styles and acculturation levels.
With regards to parenting styles, more than a third of the parents were described as
authoritative, less than a fifth were authoritarian, and none were clearly permissive.
The largest parenting style group, which was almost half of the sample, did not have
a clear parenting style. The results of measuring acculturation levels revealed that
most respondents were Latino/Hispanic oriented and slightly Anglo oriented with
very few indicating they were very Latino/Hispanic, strongly Anglo or very
assimilated. There was a significant relationship between generational status and
acculturation level with those participants who were more Anglicized having spent
more time in the U.S. and those who related more to the Latino culture having spent
less time in the U.S.
The dependent variables were GPA and plans to attend college. The average
GPA was about 2.5 for both males and females, which is a C+ average. Despite their
low average GPAs, 95% of the participants planned on attending either vocational
school, community college, or a 4-year college. Of the sample, two-thirds planned on
attending a 4-year college in the future.
The data was analyzed to answer two questions. The first was whether there
was a relationship between parenting styles, acculturation and GPA among Latino
high school students. For this sample, there did not appear to be a relationship
between parenting style and GPA, acculturation and GPA, and parenting styles and

68
acculturation. The second question was whether there was a relationship between
acculturation, parenting styles, GPA, and plans to attend college among Latino high
school students. There was no relationship between acculturation and plans to attend
college. However, there was a significant relationship between parenting styles and
plans to attend college with participants with authoritative parents being more likely
to indicate intention to attend a 4-year college rather than a vocational school or
community college. In addition, there was a significant relationship between GPA
and plans to attend college with students with higher GPAs more likely to indicate
their intention to go to 4-year colleges than vocational schools or community
colleges. The next section, Chapter 5, is a discussion of the results, limitations and
implications of this study.

69
Chapter 5: Discussion and Implications
The purpose of this study was to examine the parenting styles of Latino
parents and to investigate whether acculturation and parenting styles are related to
academic achievement and plans to attend college among Latino high school
students. The predominant theory utilized in this study was that of parenting styles,
developed by Baumrind (1971). This study specifically focused on parenting styles
and academic achievement in a population of second-generation Mexican and
Mexican/American high school students. This study also looked at acculturation
utilizing the theory and instrumentation developed by Cuéllar, et al. (1995). This
chapter is a discussion of the results, limitations of the study and future studies.
Discussion
Parenting styles. Prior research has yielded mixed results with regards to the
predominant parenting style of Latinos. Mexican American parents have been found
to be authoritarian (Harrison, et al., 1990), both authoritarian and authoritative
(Martinez, 1988), and not authoritarian but warm and nurturing (Vega, 1990). To
determine their predominant parenting style, Latino parents were classified into one
of three types of parenting styles based on their scores on the Parental Authority
Questionnaire (PAQ). The results do not support prior research indicating a
predominant parenting style for Latino parents. In this study, almost half of the
participants responded that their parents were high in all three parenting styles (n =
54, 45.8%) followed by authoritative (n = 47, 36.4%) and finally, authoritarian (n =
21, 17.8%).

70
The results are similar to a study among Korean Americans where 74% did
not fit any of Baumrind’s types (Kim & Rohner, 2002). In addition, even in
Baumrind’s original study (1971), 23% of the respondents did not fit any of her types
and had to be eliminated. It is possible that parenting styles are not the most accurate
measure of parenting and, as suggested by Darling and Steinberg (1993), a
combination of parenting styles and parenting practices should be assessed.
There is also a possibility that the survey instrument, the Parental Authority
Questionnaire (PAQ), was not comprehensible to the participants. The PAQ was
originally created for college students. The creator of the survey, Dr. Buri, advised
that the survey not be used for students under the 11
th
grade because they may have
difficulty with comprehension. While the survey has been utilized for high school
students in other studies (Gonzalez, Holbeing, & Quilter, 2002; Pychyl, Coplan, &
Reid, 2002), the participants in this study may have had difficulty comprehending
the survey. The question which checked for comprehension of the survey indicated
that most students found it between fairly hard and fairly easy to understand, which
indicates that the survey may not be appropriate for these students. If indeed the
survey was accurate and almost half of parents utilize a variety of parenting styles,
this could result in unfavorable outcomes for students. Utilizing a variety of
parenting styles has not been found to be optimal for children and can result in poor
developmental outcomes (Dornbusch et al., 1987; Hein & Lewko, 1994).
In summary, almost half of the participants in this study were most likely to
report their parents as possessing authoritative, authoritarian and permissive

71
parenting styles while a third reported their parents practiced an authoritative
parenting style and less than a fifth of parents were authoritarian. The reasons for
this may have been difficulty with the survey questions or perhaps due to
inconsistent parenting styles.
Acculturation. This study was focused on 2
nd
generation Latinos, with the
majority being of Mexican descent. It would be expected that the longer a person
lived in the U.S., the more acculturated they would become. The results from the
acculturation survey were as expected and there was a significant relationship
between generational status and acculturation. Almost three quarters of participants
responded that they were 2nd generation (n = 83, 70.3%) and correspondingly, the
majority of participants responded that they were Hispanic/Latino oriented to
approximately balanced bicultural or slightly Anglo oriented bicultural. A very small
number of participants were 1st generation (16%) and the average number of years
they had lived in the U.S. was close to 12. Correspondingly, very few participants
reported they were very Latino/Hispanic oriented. Similarly, only a small number of
participants were 3rd, 4th or 5th generation and as a result, few reported being
strongly Anglo or assimilated.
Acculturation is thought to influence parenting over time with more
acculturated parents adopting similar parenting styles to their Caucasian counterparts
(Driscoll, et al., Pong, Hao & Gardner, 2005; Varela, et al., 2004). Studies have
found that Latino parents can be described as predominately authoritarian but
becoming less so with each generation (Harrison, 1990; Hill et al., 2003; Varela, et

72
al., 2004). Unfortunately, due to the homogeneity of the participants in this study
with the majority of participants being 2nd generation, it was not possible to
determine whether acculturation was related to parenting styles.
The survey was originally developed to measure acculturation of Mexican
and Mexican-Americans to the U.S. The survey was modified for use among
Latinos/Hispanics rather than just being limited to Mexicans. Generational status has
been used a proxy for acculturation level in previous studies. In this study,
generational status was significantly related to acculturation level. Those students
who were more recent immigrants, as indicated by 1st generation status, were more
likely to affiliate with Latinos and practice Latino cultures and traditions and were
less likely to be Anglicized. The reverse was true with each progressive generation
affiliating less with Latinos and becoming more Anglicized.
In summary, the modified survey instrument developed by Cuéllar, et al.
(1995) and applied to a population of Latinos/Hispanics, appeared to accurately
measure generational status and acculturation. The relationship between
acculturation and parenting styles were not correlated in this study.
Parenting styles, acculturation, and academic achievement. Parenting styles
have been found to related to academic achievement among Caucasians (Dornbusch,
et al., 1987; Lamborn, et al., 1991; Steinberg, et al., 1989; Steinberg, et al., 1991).
Among minorities, parenting styles and academic achievement have often yielded
mixed results with some studies showing no relationship (Park & Bauer, 2002). In

73
this study, there was not a statistically significant relationship between parenting
style and GPA.
Levels of acculturation have been found to influence GPA in previous studies
although with mixed results. Most researchers have found that first-generation
students of all backgrounds do better academically than second- and third generation
students (Chao, 2001; Fuligni, 1997b; Hurtado-Ortiz & Gauvin, 2007; Kim and
Chung, 2002; Pong, et al., 2005), a few studies have found that more highly
integrated and bicultural students tend to have better academic achievement (Lopez,
Ehly, & Enedina, 2002; Martinez, et. al, 2004), and others have not found a
difference between academics and generation status (Fuligni, et al., 2005). Similar to
the findings of Fuligni, et al. (2005), this study did not find a significant relationship
between acculturation and GPA. This is likely due to the lack of variability of the
participants, with most being of 2nd generation.
In summary, this study did not find a significant relationship between
parenting styles and acculturation. In addition, there was not a significant
relationship between parenting styles and GPA or acculturation and GPA. It is
possible that the because almost half of the participants in this study could not be
categorized into one of the three parenting styles and the majority of the participants
were 2nd generation, this contributed to the lack of a significant relationship between
parenting styles, acculturation and GPA.
Parenting styles, acculturation, GPA, and plans to attend college. Parents of
Latino students have often been found to have the same academic aspirations as

74
Caucasian students (Ceja, 2004; Fuligni, 1997). In this study, only three students did
not plan on attending some type of college in the future. In addition, plans to attend
college have been found to be important, regardless of acculturation level. The
results of this study are consistent with previous studies which found that there was
not a significant association between acculturation and plans to attend college
(Hurtado-Ortiz & Gauvin, 2007).
No prior studies have examined the relationship between parenting styles of
parents of high school students and plans to attend college. However, it has been
well established that college students consistently have parents whose predominant
parenting style is authoritative. The findings in this study lend support to the theory
that the authoritative parenting style may lead to higher academic aspirations.
Students that intend to attend vocational school or community college did not report
significantly different levels of authoritarian, authoritative or permissive parenting
styles compared to students that intended to attend a four-year college. However,
students that planned on attending a four-year college reported significantly higher
authoritative parenting in comparison to the students that planned to attend
vocational school or community college. The authoritative parenting style, for Latino
high school students, may result in the best academic aspirations.
How well a student does in high school can determine his or her ability to
matriculate in a 4-year college. It is expected that students whose GPA was higher
would attempt to go to a 4-year college while those whose GPA is lower would be
more likely to attend a vocational school or community college. This study found a

75
significant relationship between GPA and future academic plans (p < .001). The
mean GPA for those students who planned on attending vocational school or a
community college was 2.04, for those planning on attending a 4-year college was
2.75, and for those who did not plan on attending college, 2.12.
In summary, acculturation does not seem to be related to plans to attend
college, as most parents have high aspirations for their children. Parenting styles,
however, do seem to be related to academic aspirations with authoritative parents
having children who are more likely to plan to attend college. Students seem to be
realistic about their future possibilities, with students with lower GPAs more likely
to report plans to attend a vocational school or community college and students with
higher GPAs more likely to plan on attending a 4-year college.
Limitations
This study has a number of limitations which will be discussed below. There
are a number of limitations of this study due to the participants included in the data
collection process. The first is that this study was limited to participants whose
teachers allowed the researcher access. Participants were recruited from after school
sports programs, a leadership group, art classes, and computer classes. There is a
possibility that participants in the elective groups, like sports programs, were
different than the general student body. However, the inclusion of students in art and
computer classes was likely representative of the student body. The second is that
this study was limited to the participants who agreed to participate voluntarily.
Students were given the option to participate if they chose to and those students who

76
opted to participate may have been different that those who did not. The third
limitation is that the study was limited to the number of participants surveyed. The
fourth was the amount of time available to conduct the study. Data for this study was
obtained only during the summer and there may have been differences between
students on the particular track selected and those on other tracks. The final
limitation was the exclusion of students who had already dropped out of high school.
One of the obstacles to educating Latino youth is the large number of students
dropping out. Since this study was limited to enrolled students, it was not possible to
assess how parenting and acculturation influences academic achievement among
students who have already dropped out. They are arguably the most affected by the
influences of their parents and perhaps acculturation, and it was not possible in this
study to compare them with the study participants.
A number of delimitations were related to the methodology selected. The first
was the use of self-report surveys, which relied on the adolescents’ perceptions of
their parents’ parenting styles, which may be different than the actual parenting
styles employed by their parents. Observing parenting behaviors may be a better
indicator than self-reports. However, studies utilizing only self-reports have found
consistent patterns between parenting styles and outcomes (Steinberg at al., 1991). In
addition, studies using mixed methods are preferable to a single method, as are
studies utilizing longitudinal data. However, due to cost and time limitations, the
study included only one method and participants were only surveyed once.

77
With regards to the generalizability of this study, limitations also exist. The
population selected for this study were low-income students of primarily Mexican
descent living in Los Angeles. In the particular school selected, 99% of the students
were Latino, with the majority being Mexican or of Mexican descent. Therefore, the
results of this study are most applicable to a primarily Mexican/Mexican-American
population. The second limitation was the make-up of the school, which, as stated,
was primarily Latino. There is no way to know whether the results would have been
the same for Latino students attending a school with a different mix of students, for
example a school that was predominantly Caucasian or where other ethnic groups
were present. In addition, there was no Caucasian control group for comparison
purposes. It has already been well established that Caucasian families utilize more
authoritative parenting (Steinberg, et al., 1991), and it would have been interesting to
see whether this study’s findings were consistent with prior research.
In summary, there were a number of limitations due to the participants who
participated in the study as well as methodological limitations. The homogeneity of
the participants and the school also limits generalizability.
Future Studies
This study provided insight into the relationship between parenting styles and
future plans to attend college among Latino high school students. Future research,
utilizing a longitudinal design, would be an ideal way to determine whether these
plans to attend college translate into actual college attendance. It would be important
to determine whether intent to enroll results in actual enrollment. In addition, future

78
research utilizing mixed methods would generate more information which may yield
a more thorough understanding of how parenting influences important academic
decisions, like attending college.
This study also confirmed the use of a measure of acculturation, the modified
ARSMA-II. The acculturation levels correlated significantly with generational status.
Another recommendation for future studies is to survey a larger variety of
participants from different generations and acculturation levels. This would permit a
more thorough understanding of the nuances that may exist due to acculturation and
lend even more support for the use of the ARSMA-II to measure acculturation levels.
Surveying students in a predominantly Latino school may influence
perceptions and attitudes. Latino/Hispanic children tend to be concentrated in high-
minority, high-poverty schools and in California, are more segregated academically
than any other racial/ethnic group in the state (Van Hook & Blistery, 2002). The
academic segregation may be influencing academic outcomes, so future studies
should be conducted in schools with a mixture of students.
The inclusion of only Latino students did not permit a comparison with other
ethnic groups, thereby limiting information about between group differences. In
future studies, another recommendation is to include two or more ethnic groups to
allow for between group analysis.
While parenting styles have been related to successful academic outcomes,
what may be more relevant or important to measure is parental involvement. Parental
involvement has been found to have a significant positive impact on the academic

79
achievement of minority students, and Latino students especially benefit from
parental support (Jeynes, 2003). Typical measures of parental involvement focus on
certain legitimate acts, which include helping with homework, attending Back to
School Night, and chaperoning field trips (Auerbach, 2007). Many researchers are
challenging what they view as a Caucasian, middle-class definition of parental
involvement (Auerbach, 2002; Delgado-Gaitan, 1991; Nakagawa, 2000). School
personnel have often attributed the lack of involvement of Latino parents to language
differences between the home and school, parents working long hours away from
home, ethnic differences, or just plain disinterest. In a study where Latino parents
redefined their relationship with the school using a parent-school empowerment
process, parents and school personnel saw increases in parental involvement and
overall positive outcomes (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991). Auerbach (2007) found that
parents of minority students play a variety of roles in encouraging their children to
attend college including moral supporters, advocates who are involved with the
school and at home, and ambivalent supporters who offer emotional support and only
some direct help. Even among those parents who are ambivalent about their children
seeking higher education, their children chose to attend college. While it is
interesting to measure parenting styles of Latino parents, future studies should also
draw on the emerging and important variable of parental involvement in the school.
Conclusion
Parenting styles have both been found to be related to academic achievement,
especially among Caucasian students but has been inconclusive when studying a

80
minority population. Acculturation has also had a mixed relationship to academic
achievement among minorities. In this study of second-generation Latino high school
students, neither parenting styles or acculturation was related to GPA. However,
there was a significant relationship between parenting styles and plans to go to
college, with students from authoritative parents more likely to plan to attend four-
year colleges. In addition, students with higher GPAs were more likely to intend to
enroll in four-year colleges and students with lower GPAs were more likely to intend
to enroll in community colleges. This study also found a significant relationship
between generational status and acculturation using a revised acculturation scale.
The study had certain limitations and future studies could address some of
these. The participants were mostly 2nd generation Mexican-American students
attending a primarily Mexican-American school. In addition, they were only
surveyed once. Future studies should focus on a more diverse survey, perhaps
including Caucasian students, and including schools with a more diverse student
population. In addition, a longitudinal study which measures actual college
enrollment versus intent would lend further credibility to the findings.
Overall, the study has the potential to help educators in this school and
similar schools understand their students a bit better and perhaps assist them in
realizing their dreams of continuing their education. In addition, while family and
culture appear to play a role in educational outcomes, in this study, neither were
found to be predictive of GPA although authoritative parenting was related to plans
to attend college. Future studies may concentrate more on parental involvement, as

81
this might be a more important variable for Latino student educational achievement.
More research needs to be done to help these and other students close the educational
gap.

82
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Appendix A: Demographic Questionnaire in English and Spanish

This survey should take 15-20 minutes to complete. You do not have to answer any
question you do not feel comfortable with or stop the survey at any time. In addition,
you can skip questions and go back to them later if you want.

Este cuestionario debe tomar de 15 a 20 minutos para completar. Usted no tiene que
contestar qualquier pregunta que le hace sentir incomodo y/o puede dejar de
completar el cuestionario en qualquier momento. Además, usted puede saltar
preguntas y volver a ellas cuando y si usted desea.

What is your student ID number?
¿Cuál es su número de identificación de estudiante?

What is your gender?
¿Cuál es su género?
o Male/Masculino
o Female/Femenino

How old are you?
¿Qué edad tiene?
o 15
o 16
o 17
o 18
o 19

What grade are you in?
¿Qué grado cursa?
o Eleventh/Onceavo
o Twelfth/Doceavo

What is your mother's level of education?
¿Qué nivel de educación tiene su mamá?
o Less than 9th grade/Menos del noveno grado
o 9th-12th grade, no diploma/Entre el noveno y doceavo, sin diploma
o High school graduate (includes equivalency)/Graduada de la Preparatoria
(incluye equivalente)
o Some college, no degree/Un poco de universidad, sin licenciatura
o Associates degree/Diplomado técnico
o Bachelors degree/Licenciatura
o Graduate or professional degree/Estudios de postgrado
o Not applicable/No es aplicable

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What is your father's level of education?
¿Qué nivel de educación tiene su papá?
o Less than 9th grade/Menos del noveno grado
o 9th-12th grade, no diploma/Entre el noveno y doceavo, sin diploma
o High school graduate (includes equivalent)/Graduado de la Preparatoria
(incluye equivalente)
o Some college, no degree/Un poco de universidad, sin licenciatura
o Associates degree/Diplomado técnico
o Bachelors degree/Licenciatura
o Graduate or professional degree/Estudios de Postgrado
o Not applicable/No es aplicable

What is your annual household income?
¿Cuánto es el ingreso anual de su hogar?
o Less than/menos de $10,000
o $10,000-$14,999
o $15,000-$24,999
o $25,000-$34,999
o $35,000-$49,999
o $50,000-$74,999
o $75,000-$99,999
o $100,000-$149,000
o $150,000-$199,000
o $200,000 or more/o mas
o Don't know/No se

Please indicate the generation that best applies to YOU.
Por favor indique la generación que más se aplica a USTED.
o 1st generation = You were born in another country/Primera generación =
Nació en otro país
o 2nd generation = You were born in the US; either parent born in another
country/Segunda generación = Nació en los Estados Unidos; su padre o
madre nació en otro país
o 3rd generation = You were born in the US, both parents born in the US and
all grandparents born in another country/Tercera generación = Nació en los
Estados Unidos, ambos padres nacieron en los Estados Unidos y todos los
abuelos nacieron en otro país
o 4th generation = You and your parents were born in the US and at least one
grandparent born in another country with remainder born in the US/Cuarta
generación = Usted y sus padres nacieron en los Estados Unidos y por lo
menos un abuelo (a) nació en otro país, los otros abuelos (as) nacieron en los
Estados Unidos

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o 5th = You are your parents were born in the US and all grandparents born in
the US/Quinta generación = Usted y sus padres nacieron en los Estados
Unidos y todos los abuelos nacieron en los Estados Unidos

How long have you lived in the United States?
¿Cuánto tiempo ha vivido en los Estados Unidos?
o I was born here/Nací aquí
o 1 year/1 año
o 2 years/2 años
o 3 years/3 años
o 4 years/4 años
o 5 years/5 años
o 6 years/6 años
o 7 years/7 años
o 8 years/8 años
o 9 years/9 años
o 10 years/10 años
o 11 years/11 años
o 12 years/12 años
o 13 years/13 años
o 14 years/14 años
o 15 years/15 años
o 16 years/16 años
o 17 years/17 años
o 18 years/18 años
o 19 years/19 años

Who do you live with?
¿Con quién vive?
o Mother/Madre
o Father/Padre
o Mother and father/Madre y padre
o Mother and step-father/Madre y padrastro
o Father and step-mother/Padre y madrastra
o One or both grandparents/Uno o ambos abuelos
o Otro (por favor especifique)

What is your ethnicity? (check all that apply)
¿Cuál es su etnicidad? (marque todas las que aplican)
o White/Caucasiano
o Black or African American/Negro o Africano Americano
o Hispanic or Latino/Hispano o Latino
o Other (please specify)/Otro (por favor especifique)

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If you indicated Hispanic or Latino in the previous question, what country did you or
your family originally come from?/Si usted indicó Hispano o Latino en la pregunta
anterior, ¿Cuál es el país de origen de su familia?

After you graduate from high school, do you expect to
Después de graduarse de la Preparatoria, espera usted
o Attend a vocational or technical school (like ITT)/Asistir a una escuela
vocacional o tecnico (como ITT)
o Attend a community college (like East Los Angeles College)/Asistir a una
universidad de la comunidad (como East Los Angeles College)
o Attend a 4-year college (like Cal State, LA)/Asistir a una universidad de
cuatro años (como Cal-State, LA)
o I do not expect to attend college after completing high school/No espero
asistir a la universidad después de completar la preparatoria
o Otro (por favor especifique)

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Appendix B: Revised ARSMA-II

Mark a number between 1-5 next to each item that best applies. You do not have to
answer any question you do not feel comfortable with or stop the survey at any time.
In addition, you can skip questions and go back to them later if you want.

Por favor marque usted el número entre 1-5 próximo a cada afirmacion que mejor le
aplica. Usted no tiene que contestar ninguna pregunta que le hace de sentir incomodo
y bien puede dejar de completar el custionario en cualquier momento. Además, usted
puede saltar las preguntas y volver a ellas luego si usted desea.

1 - Not at all/ Nada
2 - Very little or not very often/ Un poquito o aveces
3 - Moderately/ Moderado
4 - Much or very often/ Mucho o muy frecuente
5 - Extremely often or almost always/ Muchisimo or casi todo el tiempo

1. I speak Spanish/Yo hablo Español
2. I speak English/Yo hablo Inglés
3. I enjoy speaking Spanish/Me gustar habler en Español
4. I associate with Anglos/Me asocio con Anglos
5. I associate with Hispanics/Latinos and/or U.S. Latinos/Hispanics/Yo me asocio
con Hispanos/Latinos o con Norte Americano Hispanos/Latinos
6. I enjoy listening to Spanish language music/Me gusta la musica en idioma Español

7. I enjoy listening to English language music/Me gusta la musica de idioma Inglés
8. I enjoy Spanish language TV/Me gusta ver programas en la televisión que sean en
Español
9. I enjoy English language TV/Me gusta ver programas en la televisión que sean en
Inglés
10. I enjoy English language movies/Me gusta ver películas en Inglés
11. I enjoy Spanish language movies/Me gusta ver películas en Español
12. I enjoy reading (e.g. books in Spanish)/Me gusta leer (e.g. libros en Español)
13. I enjoy reading (e.g. books in English)/Me gusta leer (e.g. libros en Inglés)
14. I write (e.g. letters in Spanish)/Escribo (e.g. cartas en Español)
15. I write (e.g. letters in English)/Escribo (e.g. cartas en Inglés)
16. My thinking is done in the English language/Mis piensamientos ocurren en el
idioma Inglés
17. My thinking is done in the Spanish language/Mis piensamientos ocurren en el
idioma Español
18. My contact with Latino/Hispanic countries has been/Mi contacto con paises
Latinos/Hispanos ha sido

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19. My contact with USA has been/Mi contacto con los Estado Unidos ha sido
20. My father identifies or identified himself as "Hispanic/Latino"/Mi padre se
identifica (o se identificaba) como "Hispano/Latino"
21. My mother identifies or identified herself as "Hispanic/Latina"/Mi madre se
identifica (o se identificaba) como "Hispana/Latina"
22. My friends, while I was growing up, were of Hispanic/Latino origin/Mis
amigo(as) de mí niñez eran de origen Hispano/Latino
23. My friends, while I was growing up, were of Anglo origin/Mis amigo(as) de mí
niñez eran de origen Anglo Americano
24. My family cooks Hispanic/Latino foods/Mi familia cocina comidas
Hispanas/Latinas
25. My friends are now of Anglo origin/Mis amigos recientes son Anglo Americanos
26. My friends are now of Hispanic/Latino origin/Mis amigos recientes son de origin
Hispano/Latino
27. I like to identify myself as an Anglo American/Me gusta identificarme como
Anglo Americano
28. I like to identify myself as a U.S. Hispanic/Latino/Me gusta identificarme como
Norte Americano Hispano(a)/Latino(a)
29. I like to identify myself as a Hispanic/Latino/Me gusta identificarme como
Hispano(a)/Latino(a)
30. I like to identify myself as an American/Me gusta identificarme como un(a)
Americano(a)

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Appendix C: Parental Authority Questionnaire

For each of the following statements, circle the number on the 5-point scale that best
indicates how that statement applies to you and your parents. Try to read and think
about each statement as it applies to you and your parents during your years of
growing up at home. If you grew up with only one parent, answer the questions with
them in mind. There are no right or wrong answers, so don't spend a lot of time on
any one item. We are looking for your overall impression regarding each statement.
You do not have to answer any question you do not feel comfortable with or stop the
survey at any time. In addition, you can skip questions and go back to them later if
you want.

Para cada una de las siguientes afirmaciones, encierre en un círculo el número de la
escala de 5 puntos que mejor describa cómo la afirmación se le aplica a usted y sus
padres. Trate de leer y pensar de cada afirmacion como aplica a usted y a sus padres
durante los anos de su niñez o el tiempo que paso viviendo con su padres en casa. Si
usted creció con sólo uno de sus padres, contesta las preguntas con el o ella en
mente. No hay respuestas correctas o incorrectas. Procure no detenerse demasiado en
ninguna de ellas. Estamos buscando su impresión general respecto a cada afirmación.
Usted no tiene que contestar ninguna pregunta que le hace de sentir incomodo y bien
puede dejar de completar el custionario en cualquier momento. Además, usted puede
saltarse las preguntas y volver a ellas luego si usted desea.

1 - Strongly Disagree/ Muy en desacuerdo
2 - Disagree/ En desacuerdo
3 - Undecided/ Neutral
4 - Agree/ De acuerdo
5 - Strongly Agree/ Muy de acuerdo

1. While I was growing up my parents felt that in a well-run home the children
should have their way in the family as often as the parents do.
Durante mi niñez mis padres pensaron que en una casa que marcha bien los niños
deben tener libertad para cumplir sus deseos tan a menudo como los padres.

2. Even if their children didn't agree with them, my parents felt that it was for our
own good if we were forced to conform to what they thought was right.
Aun cuando los ninos de mi familia no estábamos de acuerdo con ellos, mis padres
sentían que el forzarnos a aceptar lo que ellos pensaban que era lo correcto iba a ser
bueno para nosotros.

3. Whenever my parents told me to do something as I was growing up, they expected
me to do it immediately without asking any questions.
Siempre que mis padres me decían que hiciera algo, esperaban que lo hiciera
inmediatamente, sin hacer preguntas.

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4. As I was growing up, once family policy had been established, my parents
discussed the reasoning behind the policy with the children in the family.
Durante mi niñez, una vez que se habian establecido las reglas familiares, mis padres
platicaban conmigo de las razones para esas reglas.

5. My parents have always encouraged verbal give-and-take whenever I have felt
that family rules and restrictions were unreasonable.
Mis padres siempre estimularon de hablar cuando yo sentía que sus reglas y
restricciones no eran razonables.

6. My parents have always felt that what children need is to be free to make up their
own minds and to do what they want to do, even if this does not agree with what
their parents might want.
Lo que mis padres siempre han sentido es que los niños deben tener la libertad de
llegar a sus propias conclusiones y hacer lo que desean hacer, aunque esto no vaya
de acuerdo con lo que los padres puedan querer.

7. As I was growing up my parents did not allow me to question any decision that
they had made.
Durante mi niñez mis padres no me permitieron cuestionar ninguna decisión que
hicieron.

8. As I was growing up my parents directed the activities and decisions of the
children in the family through reasoning and discipline.
Durante mi niñez mis padres orientaron las actividades y decisiones a través del
razonamiento y disciplina.

9. My parents have always felt that more force should be used by parents in order to
get their children to behave the way they are supposed to.
Mis padres siempre han pensado que los padres deben tratar a sus niños con
disciplina fuerte para lograr que se comporten como deben.

10. As I was growing up my parents did NOT feel that I needed to obey rules and
regulations of behavior simply because someone in authority had established them.
Durante mi niñez mis padres NO creían que yo necesitaba obedecer las reglas de
conducta sólo porque las estableció alguien con autoridad.

11. As I was growing up I knew what my parents expected of me in my family but I
also felt free to discuss those expectations with my parents when I felt that they were
unreasonable.
Durante mi niñez sabía lo que mis padres esperaban de mí en mi familia; pero
también me sentí libre de platicar acerca de esas expectativas cuando sentí que no
eran razonables.

97
12. My parents felt that wise parents should teach their children early just who is
boss in the family.
Mis padres sentían que los padres sensatos deben enseñarle a sus niños desde
pequeños quién manda en la familia.

13. As I was growing up, my parents seldom gave me expectations and guidelines
for my behavior.
Durante mi niñez, rara vez me dieron mis padres guía y expectativas acerca de mi
conducta.

14. Most of the time as I was growing up my parents did what the children in the
family wanted when making family decisions.
Durante mi niñez, mis padres hicieron lo que los niños querían cuando hacían planes
y decisiones.

15. As the children in my family were growing up, my parents consistently gave us
direction and guidance in rational and objective ways.
Al tiempo que los niños en la familia crecíamos, mis padres nos dieron consejos y
guía racional y objectivamente.

16. As I was growing up my parents would get very upset if I tried to disagree with
them.
Durante mi niñez mis padres se disgutaban si tratábamos de contradecirlos.

17. My parents feel that most problems in society would be solved if parents would
NOT restrict their children's activities, decisions, and desires as they are growing up.
Mis padres piensan que la mayoría de los problemas en la sociedad se resolverían si
los padres no limitaran las decisiones, actividades, y deseos de sus niños.

18. As I was growing up, my parents let me know what behaviors they expected of
me, and if I didn't meet those expectations, they punished me.
Durante mi niñez mis padres nos dejaban saber de las conductas que esperaban de mí
y me castigaban si no cumplía con esas expectativas.

19. As I was growing up, my parents allowed me to decide most things for myself
without a lot of direction from them.
Durante mi niñez mis padres dejaron que yo decidiera por mi mismo (a) sin mucha
dirección de su parte.

20. As I was growing up my parents took the children's opinions into consideration
when making family decisions, but they would not decide for something simply
because the children wanted it.

98
Durante mi niñez mis padres tomaban las opiniones de los niños en cuenta al hacer
decisiones familiares, pero no decidían algo simplemente porque era lo que los niños
querían.

21. My parents did not view themselves as responsible for directing and guiding my
behavior as I was growing up.
Durante mi niñez mis padres no se veían a ellos mismos como los responsables de
dirigir y guiar mi conducta.

22. My parents had clear standards of behavior for the children in our homes as I was
growing up, but they were willing to adjust those standards to the needs of each of
the individual children in the family.
Mis padres tenían reglas claras de conducta para los niños, pero estaban dispuestos a
ajustar esas reglas a las necesidades individuales de los niños.

23. My parents gave me direction for my behavior and activities as I was growing up
and they expected me to follow their direction, but they were always willing to listen
to my concerns and to discuss that direction with me.
Durante mi niñez mis padres me dieron dirección en cuanto a mi conducta y
actividades y esperaban que yo siguiera su dirección; sin embargo, siempre estaban
dispuestos a escuchar mis inquietudes y platicar conmigo acerca de su dirección.

24. My parents gave me direction for my behavior and activities as I was growing up
and they expected me to follow their direction, but they were always willing to listen
to my concerns and to discuss that direction with me.
Durante mi niñez mis padres me dieron dirección en cuanto a mi conducta y
actividades y esperaban que yo siguiera su dirección; sin embargo, siempre estaban
dispuestos a escuchar mis inquietudes y platicar conmigo acerca de su dirección.

25. My parents have always felt that most problems in society would be solved if we
could get parents to strictly and forcibly deal with their children when they don't do
what they are supposed to as they are growing up.
Mis padres siempre han pensado que la mayoría de los problemas en la sociedad se
resolverían si pudiéramos convencer a los padres de tratar a sus niños estrictamente y
a la fuerza cuando no hacen lo que se les dice.

26. As I was growing up my parents often told me exactly what they wanted me to
do and how they expected me to do it.
Durante mi niñez mis padres seguido me decían exactamente lo que querían que
hiciera y como esperaban que lo hiciera.

99
27. As I was growing up my parents gave me clear direction for my behaviors and
activities but they were also understanding when I disagreed with them.
Durante mi niñez mis padres me dieron instrucciones claras acerca de mi conducta y
actividades, pero también fueron comprensivos cuando yo no estaba de acuerdo.

28. As I was growing up my parents did not direct the behaviors, activities, and
desires of the children in the family.
Durante mi niñez mis padres no dirigieron las conductas, actividades y deseos de los
niños en la familia.

29. As I was growing up I knew what my parents expected of me in the family and
they insisted that I conform to those expectations simply out of respect for their
authority.
Durante mi niñez supe lo que mis padres esperaban de mí en la familia e insistieron
que yo aceptara esas expectativas simplemente por respeto a su autoridad.

30. As I was growing up, if my parents made a question in the family that hurt me,
they were willing to discuss that decision with me and to admit if they had made a
mistake.
Durante mi niñez si mis padres hacían una pregunta que me lastimara, estuvieron
dispuestos a platicar esa decisión conmigo y admitir en caso de que se hubieran
equivocado.

31. How understandable were the previous questions?
¿Que entendible fueron las preguntas anteriores?
1. Hard to understand/Muy dificil de comprender
2. Fairly hard to understand/Mas o menos dificil de comprender
3. Fairly easy to understand/Mas o menos fácil de comprender
4. Easy to understand/Fácil de comprender

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Hillstrom, Kathryn Amanda (author)

Core Title Are acculturation and parenting styles related to academic achievement among Latino students?

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publication Date 03/28/2009

Defense Date 02/13/2009

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic achivement,acculturation,Latino high school students,OAI-PMH Harvest,parenting styles

Place Name Los Angeles (city or populated place)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hirabayashi, Kimberly (committee chair), Baca, Reynaldo R. (committee member), Donahue, Robert (committee member)

Creator Email kgraves@usc.edu,mgraves@chla.usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2038

Unique identifier UC1273956

Identifier etd-Hillstrom-2699 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-213450 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2038 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Hillstrom-2699.pdf

Dmrecord 213450

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Hillstrom, Kathryn Amanda

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu