University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Job satisfaction and retention of women clergy

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Job satisfaction and retention of women clergy

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Job Satisfaction and Retention of Women Clergy
by
Lisa A. Hansen

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2022

© Copyright by Lisa A. Hansen 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Lisa A. Hansen certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Courtney L. Malloy
Allison K. Muraszewski
Kimberly Hirabayashi, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
This study sought to better understand the experiences of women clergy in light of gender
discrimination, harassment, and bias against women in religious leadership. The purpose of this
research was to explore systemic influences that affect clergywomen's experiences and their
decision to remain as leaders in the church. Social cognitive theory provided the lens to examine
gender inclusivity, perceptions of support, perceptions of discrimination, and reflections on
leadership roles. The methodology was a qualitative design consisting of semi-structured
interviews of clergywomen in the Reformed Church in America. The findings showed that
clergywomen who participated in this study believe in their vocational call to ministry, which
helped shape their beliefs and behaviors related to experiences of gender discrimination and
gender bias. This study has generated four recommendations for practice based on the findings
and conceptual framework. This study generated insights to change that will make a difference in
the lives of women and girls as they utilize their leadership skills to transform the church.
Keywords: women clergy, gender discrimination, mentoring, support structures, sexual
harassment

v
Dedication
To clergywomen everywhere who followed their call to ministry despite gender barriers and the
stained glass ceiling, your perseverance is an encouragement to us all!

vi
Acknowledgments
I first heard the call to ministry as a 3-year-old sitting in church. It took 27 years to fulfill
that call due to various gender barriers. Since then, I have experienced the joys and sorrows of
being a woman in ministry. If it were not for the brave women in the Reformed Church in
America who would not give up on their call and the men who supported them, I would not be
serving the church today. I am grateful for their example and endurance. Over the years, the
mentorship I received from my peers and colleagues, especially the RCA chaplains, has
sustained me. To Cindi Veldheer DeYoung, Katherine Baker, Tom Goodhart, Alan “Blues”
Baker, and all my friends in the RCA, thank you for allowing me to share my burdens and joys
with you all. To Helen Ratmeyer, thank you for supporting chaplains and lay leaders and for
your consistent support of me in my Air Force career.
I am also grateful for the leadership training I received in the Air Force and the mentoring
of women chaplains by the men who supported us. Thank you to Chaplain, Major General
Lorraine Potter for breaking the stained glass and mentoring me over the years. To Doug Slater,
Dan Brantingham, Rich Novotny, Karis Graham, Howard Stendahl, Sadie Chambers, and the
countless Airmen I served and served with, thanks for your support and encouragement over the
years.
It is never easy to accept critical review, but it is always appreciated. For the academic
staff at the Rossier School of Education, thank you for putting up with my questions and
allowing me to experiment with themes and ideas. I could not have done this without the support
of my colleagues in cohort 15, especially my sisters of accountability, Eva Estrada, Donna
Brock, and Luisa Ortega. You ladies kept me on track and cheered me over the finish line. I am
forever grateful for your support and honored to call you my friends. What I have learned in

vii
organizational change and leadership helped shape some changes while in the Air Force and will
help me as a pastor and leader. Special thanks to Dr. Kimberly Hirabayashi for asking questions
and helping me refine the dissertation. To Dr. Courtney Malloy and Dr. Alison Muraszewski,
thank you for your guidance and support and for keeping me calm when technology failed.
Family has been a lifelong source of encouragement and support to me. Thank you to my
wonderful son, Jon, for putting up with me over the past three years and forgiving me for the
missed opportunities because I needed to study. Thank you for supporting my ministry and my
educational endeavors. I love you so very much. Thank you, Mom and Dad, for understanding
the lack of visits and backing my pursuit of various degrees. Your consistency and presence over
the years and your faith in my abilities have sustained me through many obstacles. I love you
both. To my brother, Rick, thanks for keeping me smiling and being there when I needed you the
most. Finally, to the love of my life, Chris Harlan, thank you for your unending support. When I
needed it the most, you provided me with level-headed thinking and cheered me on when I did
not think I could continue. I could not have completed this work without you.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ........................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study ...........................................................................................1
Context and Background of the Problem .............................................................................1
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions ...................................................................3
Importance of the Study .......................................................................................................3
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .....................................................4
Definitions............................................................................................................................5
Organization of the Dissertation ..........................................................................................7
Chapter Two: Literature Review .....................................................................................................8
Gender Barriers and the Role of Women in the Church ......................................................8
Educational Barriers...........................................................................................................17
Barriers to Upward Mobility or the Stained Glass Ceiling ................................................19
Job Satisfaction and Women Clergy ..................................................................................20
Conceptual Framework ......................................................................................................20
Summary ............................................................................................................................23
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................25
Research Questions ............................................................................................................25
Overview of Design ...........................................................................................................25
Research Setting.................................................................................................................26
The Researcher...................................................................................................................26

ix
Data Sources ......................................................................................................................27
Interviews ...........................................................................................................................27
Validity and Reliability ......................................................................................................32
Ethics..................................................................................................................................33
Chapter Four: Findings ..................................................................................................................35
Participants .........................................................................................................................35
Research Question 1: What Environmental Influences Have Affected
Clergywomen’s Experiences Within the Church? .......................................................44
Women Clergy’s Experience as Leaders in the Church ....................................................45
Summary of Influences ......................................................................................................64
Research Question 2: How Did These Environmental Influences Impact Their
Beliefs and Behaviors? ................................................................................................65
Summary of Impact............................................................................................................88
Summary of Findings .........................................................................................................89
Chapter Five: Recommendations ...................................................................................................91
Discussion of Findings .......................................................................................................91
Barriers to Women’s Leadership in the Church ................................................................92
The Effect of Role Models on Clergywomen ....................................................................93
The Effect of Gender Discrimination ................................................................................94
The Effect of Support Structures .......................................................................................96
Recommendations for Practice ..........................................................................................98
Recommendation 1: Create Sexual Harassment and Assault Support for Survivors
and Training in Churches, Seminaries, and at the Denominational Level ...................98
Recommendation 2: Incorporate DEI Training in Churches, Seminaries, and at the
Denominational Level ................................................................................................100
Recommendation 3: Provide Clergywomen With Supportive Programs to Help
Them Survive and Thrive ..........................................................................................102

x
Recommendation 4: Strategic Changes to Increase the Number of Women in Key
Leadership Roles in Faith-Based Higher Education Institutions and
Denominational Levels ..............................................................................................103
Limitations and Delimitations ..........................................................................................104
Recommendations for Future Research ...........................................................................106
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................107
References ....................................................................................................................................108
Appendix A: Semi-Structured Interview Protocol .......................................................................122
Appendix B: Interview Invitation Template ................................................................................125
Appendix C: Participant Information Sheet for Exempt Research ..............................................128

xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Participant Overview 36
Table 2: Findings: Research Question 1 46
Table 3: Findings: Research Question 2 66

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 23
Figure B1: Flyer 127

1

Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
Up to three clergypersons leave church ministry every day, never to return to work in the
church (Elkington, 2013). Research indicates that low clergy retention is related to spiritual and
work-related burnout and a lack of job satisfaction (Elkington, 2013; Joynt, 2017; Miner et al.,
2010). Research tied low clergy satisfaction and their propensity to leave the church to gaps in
leadership training, occupational stress, and lack of social support (Elkington, 2013; Shaw et al.,
2021). Gender bias amplifies these issues for clergywomen. Women clergy encounter gender
role bias, gender discrimination, rejection of their leadership style, and a lack of leadership
training programs at the seminar level that support women’s preferred leadership style (Adams,
2007; Schleifer & Miller, 2017; Sullins, 2000).
In a study on women as religious leaders, Purvis (1995) highlighted the barriers women
clergy confronted and labeled these barriers the stained glass ceiling. Purvis found that the first
wave of women clergy in American Protestant denominations in the 1970s encountered
denominational and church-level barriers that affected their acceptance as leaders. Subsequent
studies found that women continue to confront obstacles to their leadership, including being
brought in to lead churches that have failed, isolation from supportive training and mentorship
programs, and gender bias (Campbell-Reed, 2019; Lehman, 1981; Robbins & Greene, 2018).
Therefore, this study focused on clergywomen’s experiences with gender bias and barriers to
acceptance as leaders.
Context and Background of the Problem
Mainline Protestant Christian denominations had approximately 36 million adherents in
2015 in the United States (Pew Research Center, 2015). These denominations include Lutherans,
Methodists, Congregationalists, Reformed, Presbyterian, and some Baptist bodies. Although
2

these denominations are declining, they are considered less exclusionary than evangelical
Christians and trend towards social reform. They are more likely to train and hire women clergy
and have denominationally sponsored seminaries or religious institutions of higher education
(Pew Research Center, 2015).
The focus of this research was one geographic area in the Reformed Church in America
(RCA), a denomination within the mainline tradition. This geographic area is headquartered in
Schenectady, New York, and incorporates 94 churches in upstate New York. Of these churches,
11 have women clergy on staff as leaders, 30 are without permanent leadership, and 53 have men
clergy as leaders. The number of clergywomen in the area led to the selection of this
geographical area.
The RCA has a complicated history surrounding the ordination of women. The RCA has
studied the ordination of women several times. Most of the papers on this topic indicated that
barriers should not prevent women from holding ordained office in the church, including
Minister of Word and Sacrament. For example, in 1957, the Committee on the Ordination of
Women prepared a document for presentation to the annual denominational gathering, General
Synod. The Committee on the Ordination of Women (1957) concluded that they could not find a
Scriptural reason for excluding women from ordination to the various offices of the church. The
Commission on Theology (1991) upheld this conclusion during a review of the ordination of
women.
The denomination made a final determination on ordination when a Classis in the
Northeast ordained Joyce Stedge to the ministry of Word and Sacrament in 1973 (Mulder, 1989).
By 1979, the denomination had voted to include women in the ministry of Word and Sacrament.
Still, it allowed for resistance to women’s ordination by codifying a conscience clause in its
3

procedural book of order. This conscience clause allowed individuals and individual churches to
determine if they would support the ordination of women based on a personal interpretation of
scripture. This clause held until 2013, when a majority of Classes ratified the removal of the
clause from the policies embodied in the Book of Church Order (RCA, 2013).
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to explore systemic influences that affect clergywomen’s
experiences and their decision to remain as leaders in the church. In addition, the study looked at
the challenges women experienced from entering seminary through ordination as clergy serving
in a church. Social cognitive theory provided the lens to examine gender inequity, social support
of clergywomen, role expectations, religious beliefs about women in ministry, job satisfaction,
and decisions to stay in the pastorate (Bandura, 2000). Two questions guided this study:
1. What environmental influences have affected clergywomen’s experiences within the
church?
2. How did these environmental influences impact their beliefs and behaviors?
Importance of the Study
By 2010, women comprised 61% of church membership, yet they held less than 10% of
leadership roles as clergy in churches (Barna Group, Ltd, 2009; Rossi & Marcus, 2006; Strachan,
2010). Moreover, clergywomen continue to face gender differences compared to their male
counterparts (Schleifer & Miller, 2017). This gender inequality in church leadership or stained
glass ceiling has not significantly changed (Purvis, 1995). Differences remain between the
leadership women hold in churches, including pay gaps and barriers to top-level positions
(Longman & Lafreniere, 2012; Schleifer & Miller, 2017).
4

There is a gap in research related to understanding clergywomen’s experiences and how
their experiences affect their beliefs and behaviors. This study contributes to that research gap. It
sought to generate an understanding of the cultural context of women in ministry and avoid
practices to reinforce discrimination and bias. This study may lead to improved training and
support systems for clergywomen. Evidence suggests that having women clergy in all church
positions can lead to greater leadership diversity for the church (Lowe, 2011). In addition, Knoll
and Bolin (2018) found that the presence of women clergy empowers women to seek leadership
positions in a variety of career fields. Finally, it is crucial to address the systemic oppression of
women as leaders in the church.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
For this study, change involves seminaries and denominations implementing
interventions that best support women clergy in leadership positions. This study utilized social
cognitive theory as the theoretical framework to address women clergy’s job satisfaction and
assumes that change will occur upon addressing gender differences and providing support
systems. This framework focused on interactions among behavior, personal factors, and the
external environment as modulated by self-regulation (Bandura, 2000). The theory’s inter-
directional and dynamic nature provided a model for assessing internal beliefs through
interactions among the external environment, personal factors, and behavior. Social cognitive
theory also provided a model for determining the role of church members and the religious
environment and their impact on women clergypersons’ job satisfaction, including the decision
to continue in pastoral ministry. Finally, the theory provided a context that could be applied to
examine how gender bias in seminaries and churches impacts clergywomen’s behavior and role
in the church environment.
5

The methodology used for this study was qualitative and designed to understand
clergywomen’s experiences and obtain their unique perspectives (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
This qualitative design utilized interviews to answer the research questions. The research
conducted for this project is a comprehensive qualitative case study that leveraged triangulation
to increase internal validity.
Definitions
This section provides definitions of terms frequently used throughout the research study
and the dissertation.
• Clergy or pastor: A church leader who oversees church organizational functions and
provides for the members’ spiritual lives, leads worship, and directs community
engagement (LeGrand et al., 2013).
• Ministry oversight committee: A Classis level committee of local clergy and lay
leaders charged with clergy oversight within a specific region. In some Classis, this
committee is called the Pastoral Care Committee. This body approves all actions
taken concerning clergy (Classis of Schenectady of the Reformed Church in America,
2020).
• Consistory: The Consistory is the local ruling body in an RCA congregation. A
Consistory is a ruling body of elders, deacons, and ministers of Word and Sacrament
(RCA, 2020).
• Classis/classes: The Classis, plural Classes, is a small regional body of the RCA. It
includes churches, their pastors, and representative elders. In addition, ministers of
Word and Sacrament who are without charge, serving in a chaplaincy, or honorably
retired are members of their local Classis (RCA, 2020).
6

• General synod: The General Synod is the annual assembly of the RCA. This
discernment body makes recommendations to the church for changes to governance
(RCA, 2020).
• Mainline denominations: Mainline Denominations are Protestant denominations and
churches that trace their roots to early European settlements in the United States.
These churches tend to take a more liberal stance on theological issues, emphasize
social justice, and have a gender-diverse clergy (McKinney, 1998).
• Ordination: A ceremony that sets apart someone for a specific leadership role in the
Christian church. Ordination to the Ministry of Word and Sacrament is a mainline
denomination requirement for clergy (RCA, 2020).
• Pulpit supply: A pulpit supply pastor provides time-limited preaching and worship
leadership for a church (Regional Synod of Albany, 2020).
• Regional synod: A grouping of churches based on affinity or geography. This body
provides oversight, manages retreat centers, and develops programs for smaller local
and regional bodies. A regional synod maintains a paid staff to support programming
and maintains a connection to higher judicatory bodies (RCA, 2020).
• Seminary: A seminary is a faith-based institution of education that confers graduate
degrees in ministry, religious education, and pastoral counseling. Mainline
denominations require a Master of Divinity from a denominationally affiliated
seminary for ordination to the position of minister (RCA, 2020).
• Sexual assault: Sexual assault is unwanted sexual behaviors, including sexual
touching, exhibitionism, exposure to pornography, and behaviors up to and including
rape (National Institute of Justice, n.d.).
7

• Sexual harassment: Sexual harassment is unwelcome verbal or physical advances that
are sexual (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, n.d.).
• Multiple parish: Multiple parish churches are usually two smaller churches that share
a pastor or co-pastors. They are also called “yoked churches.” They can be the same
denomination or similar denominations (RCA, 2020).
Organization of the Dissertation
This study contains five chapters. This chapter presents the problem of practice
researched, the context of the problem, and the theoretical framework and methodology for this
study. Chapter Two is a comprehensive review of current literature relevant to understanding the
impact of gender bias on clergywomen. Chapter Three details the assumed needs for this study
and methodology regarding the choice of participants, data collection, and analysis. In Chapter
Four, the data and results were assessed and analyzed. Finally, Chapter Five provides
recommendations, based on data and literature, for addressing women clergy’s educational needs
and recommendations for further research.

8

Chapter Two: Literature Review
This chapter delivers a literature review to provide a general overview of the barriers
clergywomen face as leaders and how these barriers affect their beliefs and behaviors. The first
section provides an overview of the role of women in the Church, the experiences of women as
leaders in the Church, and the impact of gender on their leadership acceptance. The chapter
culminates in a review of social cognitive theory as a model for assessing the internal beliefs of
women clergy concerning their external environment and behavior. The literature highlights key
factors related to barriers against women in religious leadership roles and how that affects their
behaviors (Longman & Lafreniere, 2012; Schleifer & Miller, 2017).
The initial examination of literature for this study indicated limited research on gender
barriers to women in church leadership. The deficiency in research required a broader approach
to discover relevant literature. While research is limited concerning women working as leaders in
the religious environment, research associated with women working in a male-centric
environment was relevant to this study. Therefore, this literature review begins with an overview
of gender barriers clergywomen face. This review concludes with research on the job satisfaction
of clergywomen.
Gender Barriers and the Role of Women in the Church
Women face various barriers to higher levels of leadership in male-dominated work
environments. Women continue to be confronted by gender barriers and a lack of acceptance as
clergy (Campbell-Reed, 2019). Clergywomen face hurdles as being novel rather than normal,
further isolating them from support systems. These hurdles lead to clergywomen being avoided
or dismissed by male clergy (Campbell-Reed, 2019).
9

The majority of American church attendees are women, with 61% regularly attending and
participating in the life of a congregation (Barna Group, Ltd., 2009; Rossie & Marcus, 2006;
Sturges, 2019). Although women comprise the majority of church attendees, they only represent
30% of students in faith-based higher education, and as of the mid-2010s, only 20% of clergy
(Rossi & Marcus, 2006; Schleifer & Miller, 2017). Research indicates that this discrepancy
between attendance and clergy composition reflects the hierarchical social stance of church
organizations which tend to be male-oriented due to their codified policies and holy writings or
scriptures (Whitehead, 2013).
This male-centric structure creates barriers to senior leadership positions for women due
to internal and external gender bias. In the United States, laws related to the separation of church
and state support this gender bias (Adams, 2007; Fry, 2019; Hatzis, 2013; Whitehead, 2013). An
example of gender bias is the ruling upheld in the Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church
and School v. EEOC by the Supreme Court was based on a ruling in 1871 of Watson v. Jones,
citing the second amendment understanding of the free exercise of religion. The ruling exempts
religious organizations from civil jurisdiction, including equal opportunity regulations (Hatzis,
2013; Hinkle, 2013; Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School v. EEOC, 2012).
United States laws supporting this male hierarchy were upheld in 2012 by the United States
Supreme Court. They ruled to maintain the ministerial exception, allowing discrimination against
women as clergy and leaders by refusing equal opportunity rights (Hatzis, 2013). Utilizing
history, tradition, doctrine, and civil law, churches in the United States continue to discriminate
against women in ministry.
Purvis (1995) identified the gender barrier in the Church as the stained glass ceiling, a
barrier to women seeking leadership roles, similar to but more visible than the glass ceiling
10

experienced by women in business leadership. Studying two pioneering clergywomen in Atlanta,
Georgia, in the late 20th century, Purvis (1995) found that religious and civil discrimination
against women in leadership positions continues despite women’s gains in civilian leadership.
This gender bias of the stained glass ceiling creates barriers to accepting women as clergy,
including finding a job in a church and upward mobility to leadership at higher denominational
levels (Andriot & Coe, 2020; Campbell-Reed, 2019; Lyons, 2013; Robbins & Greene, 2018;
Schleifer & Miller, 2017). The basis for the stained glass ceiling and discrimination against
clergywomen originates with early male domination and role expectations for women’s work in
the church (Ferguson, 2017).
Inequality between clergymen and clergywomen is related to cultural values (Sullins,
2000). According to Whitehead (2013), churches have never identified themselves as gender-
neutral organizations and are still male-dominated. This structure has excluded women from
holding the position of religious leader or clergyperson for most of the Christian Church’s
history (Adams, 2007). Tradition and history support a belief in male codified holy writings that
maintain that women should remain silent and not lead or hold a position of authority over men
(Adams, 2007; Smarr et al., 2018). Bartkowski and Hempel (2009) found that gender bias
increases proportionally for men related to regular attendance in traditionalist conservative
patriarchal churches. In these settings, gender bias relegates women to gender normative
positions related to nurturing and caring for children and youth rather than leading the
organization (Adams, 2007; Bartkowski & Hempel, 2009; Sarot, 2011; Shehan et al., 1999).
Gender discrimination begins with the congregants’ male bias, established in
conservative churches, based on individual or denominational interpretations of holy writings or
scriptures (Banerjee, 2000). Sarot (2011) tied gender barriers in patriarchal churches and
11

traditionalist conservative Christian organizations to the concept of the inerrancy of scriptures.
Inerrancy makes these foundational documents both authoritative and indisputable. Reliance on
the doctrine of inerrancy stems from the Church’s reaction to the Enlightenment in the 17th
century and the attempt to validate Christianity apart from science or philosophy (Sarot, 2011).
Adopted as a doctrine by fundamentalist conservative Protestants in the late 1800s, this doctrine
utilizes male hierarchical translations leading to role inequality for women and barring women
from leadership positions (Bartkowski & Hempel, 2009; Sarot, 2011; Sturges, 2019).
Conservative traditionalist churches continue to use scriptures as documentation that women in
leadership positions led to declining attendance in mainline denominations since the 1970s
(Barna Group, Ltd., 2009; Strachan, 2010). Conservative leaders like Strachan (2010) concluded
that the failure and closure of smaller mainline churches are due to feminism and women in
leadership, which prevents men from taking on their scripturally mandated roles as leaders.
According to Shehan et al. (1999), women clergy fight discrimination and gender bias in
congregations and denominations due to this male hierarchical system. Discrimination leads to a
hesitancy to hire clergywomen due to the perceived threat that the hiring decision will lead to
conflict or attendance decline (Lehman, 1981; Sullins, 2000). From job placement to upward
mobility, opposition to clergywomen comes from male and female congregants (Amoah et al.,
2015). In addition, doctrine and traditionalism limit the role of women to positions related to
nurturing and caring for children instead of the leadership in the Church (Perl, 2002; Sturges,
2019). The gender barriers highlighted in the literature include leadership barriers, gender bias,
educational barriers, and barriers to upward mobility or a stained glass ceiling.
12

Leadership Barriers
The leadership barriers women experience include differences in performance evaluation
(Brescoll et al., 2010; Pfaff et al., 2013; Smith et al., 2016), gender harassment or stereotyping
(Gaddes et al., 2016; Harp et al., 2011; Lemoine et al., 2016; Ryan et al., 2016; Segal et al.,
2016), a lack of mentorship (Alvinius et al., 2018; Derks et al., 2016; Gibson & Lawrence, 2010;
Segal et al., 2016; Shehan et al., 1999), and complications related to family dynamics and
responsibilities (Asch et al., 2012). There is also a tendency to place women in leadership
positions where an organization has failed. In their research, Niemelä (2011) and Ryan and
Haslam (2005) discovered that women are disproportionally found in leadership roles in failing
churches. Placing women in these positions gives the perception that women are not as good at
high levels of leadership as men (Hoegeman, 2017). Research by Pfaff et al. (2013) indicates that
women display stronger abilities to lead as relationship-builders, a trait associated with strong
leadership capability. Nevertheless, women still face gender barriers due to a belief that men lead
better and should be at higher levels of leadership (Charlton, 2000; Pfaff et al., 2013). The
leadership barriers that were most prevalent in the literature were performance evaluation
differences, gender harassment, limited access to mentors, gender stereotyping, and domestic
responsibility.
Performance Evaluation Differences
Research indicates a tendency to evaluate women as poor leaders in male-dominated
work environments, primarily when men evaluate them, if they hold a male-dominated position,
or display male directive leadership styles (Hoyt, 2010). For example, Smith et al. (2016) found
that men judged women’s performance incompetent when women used a relational leadership
style. Acting in a non-agentic leadership style did not change performance evaluation differences
13

for women. Concerning leadership, Smith et al. (2016) found that women who used a more
masculine and dominant leadership style received negative evaluations. Thus, women face
negative evaluation if they act in a gender-normative or a male-agentic manner. Women are also
limited in leadership growth opportunities or not allowed to make mistakes without having their
competence and likeability questioned (Brescoll et al., 2010).
Gender Harassment
Women in religious and non-religious leadership positions are treated as novel, leading to
an undermining of their authority (Amoah et al., 2015; Campbell-Reed, 2019). Women are
judged harder, and their competency is more frequently questioned (Brescoll et al., 2010).
Campbell-Reed (2019) found that clergywomen continue to be harassed due to gender and face
sexual discrimination and abuse even in progressive mainline denominations. A Presbyterian
Church (USA) study found eight in 10 clergywomen experienced sexual harassment (Andriot &
Coe, 2020). Research indicates that gender harassment affects clergywomen’s leadership ability
and growth (Amoah et al., 2015; Andriot & Coe, 2020).
Limited Access to Mentors
Research indicates that women in male-centric career fields require mentors to help
manage gender discrimination and self-criticism and create a reference for future advancement
(Alvinius et al., 2018; Pfaff et al., 2013). Chiroma and Cloete (2015) and Lyons (2013) found
that mentoring provides the support that clergy and clergywomen need to gain the sense of self-
reflection, integrity, and character that helps them understand the church environment. In
addition, Longman and Lafreniere (2012) discovered in their research that mentoring had a
significant impact on women in religious leadership and their leadership development. This
mentoring provided support through modeling and coaching for leadership success (Longman
14

and Lafreniere, 2012). Despite the support that mentoring provides to clergy development,
research indicates that a lack of opportunity to access a mentor limits women’s leadership
opportunities (Barnes, 2017; Kaiser & Spalding, 2015; Segal et al., 2016; Smarr et al., 2018;
Wilde & Al-Faham, 2018). Smarr et al. (2018) found that prejudice against clergywomen led to a
lack of support, training, and mentorship, limiting women’s leadership potential.
Gender Stereotyping and Domestic Responsibility
Leach (2017), Segal et al. (2016), and Sturges (2019) found that gender bias against
women in male-dominated fields includes consigning women to gender stereotypical roles,
including administrative work, cleaning, and caring for women and children. Married women
encounter an additional barrier related to gender stereotypes surrounding domestic
responsibilities, including comments on the cleanliness of their homes, their skills in the kitchen,
and how they care for their children (Gaddes et al., 2016; Leach, 2017; Rolph et al., 2011;
Spinelli-de-Sá et al., 2017). Budig and England (2001) and Shehan et al. (1999) identified family
responsibilities that affect clergywomen’s work-life, workload, and financial status as a source of
stereotyping that prevents them from managing gender bias. Due to its inherent relevancy and
impact on leadership barriers for clergywomen, gender bias provides an additional lens for
exploring women’s experience in religious leadership positions.
Gender Bias
Gender bias affects clergywomen’s upward mobility (Charlton, 2000). This bias creates a
hesitancy to hire clergywomen due to the perception that hiring a woman may lead to conflict in
the church (Sullins, 2000). According to Sullins (2000), the positional status of women in
ministry declines over the years in contrast to men, whose tenure increases their success and job
leadership opportunities. In addition, Lyons (2013) found that the independent nature of some
15

churches creates additional obstacles for women in ministry because they can control ordination
criteria and determine religious motives for excluding women. As women face barriers and glass
ceilings preventing them from participating fully as leaders, men appear to have opportunities,
identified by Ryan and Haslam (2005) as a glass escalator. These opportunities for men do not
limit them from reaching top positions of leadership and power (Adams, 2007).
Women clergy experience explicit and implicit bias, including gender discrimination
(Hoegeman, 2017; Robbins & Greene, 2018). Hurdles women clergy face include treatment as
non-normative, isolation from support systems and mentors, complaints about their appearance
and clothing, accusations of an ability to distract men, and being avoided or dismissed by male
clergy (Campbell-Reed, 2019). A study by the Presbyterian Church in the United States of
America (PCUSA) discovered that bias in the PCUSA affects the hiring, promotion, and job
position of women clergy (Andriot & Coe, 2020). In their study, Andriot and Coe (2020) found
that nearly 80% of women clergy experience discrimination and prejudicial treatment based upon
gender, with 75% citing they have had difficulties finding jobs or getting promoted. Due to bias,
women are more likely to hold lower-status clergy positions than men and are less likely to be
senior pastors (Hoegeman, 2017). These barriers increase stress and disrupt clergywomen’s
leadership abilities (Campbell-Reed, 2019).
The bias against women becomes a bias between women. This enmity between women
exacerbates gender bias against women in male-dominated occupations (Kaiser & Spalding,
2015). Derks et al. (2016) discovered that women leaders in male-dominated environments do
not provide mentorship for women at lower levels of leadership due to a lack of mentoring
during their formative years. Their study indicated that this lack of support might be due to
gender discrimination and limited opportunities for women in leadership positions (Derks et al.,
16

2016). The artificial distancing of senior from junior leaders prevents women from moving up
the leadership ladder in male-dominated work environments and the church (Charlton, 2000;
Derks et al., 2016). Leach (2017) and Shehan (1999) found that gender stereotyping of
clergywomen included the lack of a supportive pastor’s wife. Women clergy do not have a
spouse in the typical role of a pastor’s wife supporting the work and status of the clergyperson
(Leach, 2017; Shehan et al., 1999). Schleifer and Miller (2017) found that married clergywomen
do not receive the same social support as clergymen with female spouses. The benefit of a
pastor’s husband is not clear to most congregants and does not provide the advantages of
someone to support the work of the clergyperson (Schleifer & Miller, 2017). Without a female
spouse to support their work, most women clergy are at a disadvantage. In addition to their work
at the church, pastor’s wives often take on domestic responsibilities, typically identified as
women’s work at home (Budig & England, 2001; Robbins & Greene, 2018). Campbell-Reed
(2019) found that domestic responsibility and family-centered forms of stereotyping were not
limited to traditionalist male-centric churches but also occurred in progressive ones.
Religious organization gender bias is one of the most frequently cited reasons for
excluding women from ministry (Lyons, 2013). Coupled with the independent nature of
churches, which allows them to determine criteria that exclude women, the male-dominated
environment creates a system that prevents women from having leadership opportunities
(Barnes, 2017; Lyons, 2013). Gender bias is not limited to conservative Christian organizations,
as progressive Christian organizations can also create a stained glass ceiling to leadership
opportunities (Purvis, 1995).
17

Educational Barriers
Faith-based higher education institutions and seminaries have focused on providing
training in denominational theological basics, religious literature, church history, and personal
spiritual formation (Elkington, 2013; Harris, 2009; White & Kimmons, 2019). Faith-based
higher education in mainline denominations provides equivalent educational training for women
and men. However, research indicates that seminaries do not typically provide training in
transformational leadership, which is the style of leadership preferred by women (Cohall &
Cooper, 2010; Elkington, 2013; Hoyt, 2010). Instead, researchers have found that faith-based
higher education provides limited leadership training in the charismatic style, which is male
agentic (Perl, 2002). In addition to a lack of agentic leadership training, research indicates that
women do not receive mentoring support during their training, internships, or first years in the
pastorate (Rolph et al., 2011). Both Nesbitt (2018) and Rolph et al. (2011) found that
clergywomen involved in supportive programs, including mentoring and empowerment groups,
were better equipped to lead at higher levels in the Church. The literature highlights the need for
agentic leadership training for women and additional training and mentors for women clergy.
Agentic Leadership Training
According to research on leadership, women appear to have the same leadership abilities
as men but prefer to lead more collaboratively and relationally, which are qualities associated
with transformational leadership (Hoyt, 2010; Northouse, 2019; Perl, 2002). These
transformational leadership skills are preferred and highly sought after in the business world and
the ministry (Northouse, 2019; Perl, 2002). Furthermore, Pfaff et al. (2013) found that women
display better leadership abilities in task management and relationship-building behaviors.
However, according to Pfaff et al. (2013), clergywomen still face gender barriers due to a sense
18

that men should be at higher levels of leadership. Women are also limited in leadership growth
opportunities because mistakes as leaders raise questions about their competence and likeability
(Brescoll et al., 2010).
Training and Mentors for Women Clergy
Role models and mentors at higher leadership levels support more unbiased performance
comparison and evaluation for women (Alvinius et al., 2018). Without support, women must
display a higher level of competence and make fewer mistakes than men to succeed (Alvinius et
al., 2018; Gibson & Lawrence, 2010). However, women clergy do not have the same access to
mentors as men do; thus, they are disadvantaged in moving up to higher leadership levels, larger
congregations, or denominational positions (Campbell-Reed, 2019; Segal et al., 2016). In
addition, Lutz and Eagle (2019) found that the male-dominated world of the Church may prevent
clergywomen from sharing their emotional needs, further isolating them from each other and
supportive social networks.
Men and women need mentors, but women require mentors to help manage gender
discrimination, self-criticism, and future advancement (Alvinius et al., 2018; Pfaff et al., 2013).
Mentoring provides support and inclusivity that helps women as leaders (Barnes, 2017). Nesbitt
(2018) also found that mentoring helped women manage the stressors of discrimination in the
ministry and discern if they should pursue senior leadership positions in larger churches or at the
denominational level. Mentoring programs for women provide support and a sense of inclusivity
and help clergy deal with conflict and avoid burnout (Barnes, 2017; Wilde & Al-Faham, 2018).
Christian churches in North America have changed, but clergy training has not. Current
leadership training has lagged behind modern changes, leading to leadership problems (Cohall &
Cooper, 2010). Clergy leadership education that focuses on authentic or transformational
19

leadership creates a greater level of job satisfaction for the clergywomen, higher levels of job
satisfaction, and success for churches (Cohall & Cooper, 2010; Puls et al., 2014; Selzer, 2008).
Barriers to Upward Mobility or the Stained Glass Ceiling
The stained glass ceiling exemplifies the gender barriers women face (Purvis, 1995).
According to Adams (2007), the imagery of a glass ceiling that is not clear or invisible highlights
the visibility of barriers to women leaders in the church. Research has found that clergywomen
often have to prove themselves to be accepted in a male-dominated setting and fight
discrimination and gender bias in congregations and denominations (Shehan et al., 1999). Thus,
breaking through the gender stereotypes and barriers through assertiveness and directness has
created resistance against women in church leadership (Leach, 2017). Leach (2017)
recommended leadership and conflict resolution skills to overcome some of these barriers and
develop confidence.
One method of women proving themselves is through education. The Barna Group, Ltd.
(2009) found that clergywomen are more educated than their male counterparts, with 77%
holding master’s degrees from faith-based higher education. In contrast, only 63% of clergymen
hold master’s degrees (Barna Group, Ltd., 2009). Despite this educational difference,
clergywomen receive less pay than their male counterparts (Barna Group, Ltd., 2009). Part of
this discrepancy in pay is due to barriers to positions. In addition, most clergywomen work in
smaller rural churches and hold part-time positions. Their position limitations lead to lower pay
than clergy who work in larger suburban or urban areas (Schleifer & Miller, 2017). Despite
barriers and the stained glass ceiling, clergywomen have a strong sense of vocational call and job
satisfaction (Miner, 2007; Sturges, 2019).
20

Job Satisfaction and Women Clergy
Research indicates that clergywomen have a high level of job satisfaction despite job
stress and pressure to perform better than men to prove their worth to the church (LeGrand et al.,
2013; Shehan et al., 1999). Greene and Robbins (2025) found that some of the adverse effects of
gender bias are mitigated by a strong sense of call and vocational commitment, leading to job
satisfaction. Similarly, Sturges (2019) noted that having a sense of call positively affects
individuals and their careers, especially job satisfaction and well-being. Although emotional
exhaustion is high for women clergy, and many women in ministry reported higher stress levels
than men, their job sense of call and desire to remain in the pastorate continues to be relatively
high (Heck et al., 2018; Randall, 2013; Rolph et al., 2011; Shehan et al., 1999; Wells et al.,
2012). Miner (2007) found that job satisfaction aligned with a higher sense of vocational call to
ministry for both men and women.
Research by LeGrand et al. (2013) indicates that developing a strong social support
network reinforces clergy job satisfaction. In addition, individuals who have a personal sense of
well-being can better handle job stressors (LeGrand et al., 2013). Shehan et al. (1999) also found
that clergywomen could avoid burnout, improve well-being, and increase job satisfaction by
seeking social support, practicing self-reflection, and reframing stressful situations. Finally,
research by Jacobson et al. (2013) showed that the addition of mental health support could aid
clergy in coping with job stressors and developing a better sense of call, job satisfaction, and
avoiding burnout.
Conceptual Framework
This study explored the experiences of women clergy regarding inclusivity, lack of
support, or perceptions of discrimination related to their leadership roles and how that affects job
21

retention. Social cognitive theory provided the lens to examine gender inclusivity, perceptions of
support and discrimination, and reflections on leadership roles. Social cognitive theory suggests
that the external environment interacts with internal beliefs, affecting the individual’s well-being
(Bandura, 2000). The theory focuses on how the modeling of others (behaviors and
consequences) and the environment influence an individual’s actions (Bandura, 2000). Bandura
noted that self-efficacy, or the belief that an individual has the capability to achieve their goals,
can also influence the individual. Thus, this theory provides a lens to evaluate the factors
involved in women leaders in the Church, their job satisfaction, and their decision to stay at a
church, leave their position, or leave the ministry.
Social cognitive theory assumes that change will occur once the environmental influence
of faith-based higher education institutions, denominations, and churches addresses how best to
support women as religious leaders. This framework focused on interactions between the
behavior of clergywomen as leaders, their internal beliefs, and the external environment as
modulated by self-regulation (Bandura, 2000). The inter-directional and dynamic nature of the
theory provided a model for improving internal beliefs through changes in the external
environment, leadership training, and leader behavior.
Well-being for clergywomen depends on having a sense that their work is essential and
appreciated and that the community supports them (Adams & Bloom, 2017). Faith-based higher
education and churches can help women clergy by preventing gender bias and stereotyping and
aligning organizational values to prevent burnout or self-destructive behaviors (Adams & Bloom,
2017; Ambrose et al., 2010; Gaddes et al., 2016; Harp et al., 2011; Joynt, 2019; Lemoine et al.,
2016; Logan, 2018; Ryan et al., 2016). In addition, the literature highlighted key factors
22

concerning barriers against women in religious leadership roles and how those barriers affect job
satisfaction and retention (Longman & Lafreniere, 2012; Schleifer & Miller, 2017).
Change involves faith-based higher education and denominations implementing
interventions that will best support women clergy in leadership positions. The social cognitive
theory provided a model for determining the role of church members and the religious
environment as they impact the woman’s innate leadership style, business management
knowledge, and feelings of satisfaction. The theory also considered how faith-based higher
education and denominational training impact women clergy’s roles and behaviors.
As shown in Figure 1, the key concepts for this study, which emerged from the literature
review, include misalignment of role expectations for clergy, gender bias against women clergy,
and leadership training and mentoring programs that do not consider women’s leadership styles.
Gender bias against women involves consigning women to gender stereotypical roles, including
administrative work and cleaning, and assuming women have domestic responsibilities
prohibiting them from contributing to a work environment (Gaddes et al., 2016; Harp et al.,
2011; Lemoine et al., 2016; Ryan et al., 2016). The research also indicated that faith-based
higher education does not include leadership training from a woman’s perspective.

23

Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Summary
The Church is a male-dominated work environment. The image of a clergyperson is
primarily male, but the role itself requires nurturing and female aligned roles; thus, being clergy
is role aligned for women (Ferguson, 2017). Societal pressure for women’s equality has
impacted the Church, increasing women’s acceptance as clergy (Sullins, 2000). Wilde and Al-
Faham (2018) found that dealing with gender barriers in this male hierarchical system requires
that women receive mentorship and emotional support to help them identify and deal with the
conflict created by working in a biased organization. Nesbitt (2018) and Lyons (2013) found that
mentoring and empowerment groups for clergywomen provide the support women in ministry
need to survive and thrive. This support allowed women to discern a calling to senior leadership
24

positions and deal with conflict (Lyons, 2013; Nesbitt, 2018). Lyons (2013) recommended that
faith-based higher education address gender and race bias through courses on diversity,
inclusion, and equity to help move male clergy and churches towards accepting women in
leadership and providing support to clergywomen.
With church affiliation declining (Jones, 2019; Pew Research Center, 2019),
congregations and denominations’ future depends on educating clergy who can lead people,
manage challenges, and be resilient to adversity (Elkington, 2013). Poorly trained clergy who are
burned-out or unsatisfied in their ministry are more prone to resign due to low job satisfaction.
Keeping clergypersons in ministry will help alleviate clergy shortages and church failures (Joynt,
2017).
Social cognitive theory provides a model for determining the value set, leadership style,
and environment to influence job retention and best shape clergywomen's training. Stewart
(2008) found that male and female religious leaders cited inadequate leadership training, lack of
support from their church or denomination, and poor conflict management skills as leading
indicators for leaving the ministry. Elkington (2013) and Joynt (2017) found that nearly three-
quarters of religious leaders face leadership difficulties and high levels of conflict, leading to low
job satisfaction and burnout. Research indicates that faith-based higher education should
reevaluate leadership training, including leadership models that support women as leaders,
values alignment to church business, and mentoring programs to increase religious leaders’
effectiveness and resiliency (Carter, 2009; Cohall & Cooper, 2010).
25

Chapter Three: Methodology
This study explored clergywomen’s experiences related to gender discrimination,
leadership acceptance, job satisfaction, and retention. In addition, the study identified the
participants’ experiences from call to ministry through their educational training to becoming
pastors regarding inclusivity, support, or lack thereof. The study also looked at perceived gender
differences related to their leadership roles. The purpose of the study was to explore systemic
influences that affect clergywomen’s experiences and their decision to remain as leaders in the
church. Findings from the study contribute to the current knowledge on clergywomen and can be
used to develop support, training, and mentoring strategies. This section begins with the study’s
research questions, outlines participant information, describes the collection and analysis
methodology of the data, and acknowledges researcher limitations.
Research Questions
The following questions were proposed to understand factors affecting leadership and job
satisfaction of women clergy:
1. What environmental influences have affected clergywomen’s experiences within the
church?
2. How did these environmental influences impact their beliefs and behaviors?
Overview of Design
This study utilized a qualitative approach. The qualitative phenomenological design is
well suited for this study because it focuses on the essence of the experience of women clergy in
order to provide a deeper understanding of their beliefs and behaviors (Creswell & Creswell,
2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This research design aligned with the purpose of the study as
women’s leadership in religious institutions is a complex issue that requires understanding for
26

analyzing the experiences of women clergy as leaders. Semi-structured interviews utilizing
member checks and comparison increased the credibility of the research design (Lincoln &
Guba, 1985). Purposive sampling ensured representation of the clergywomen’s viewpoints.
Research Setting
This research focused on one geographic area within the RCA. The RCA is a smaller
mainline Protestant denomination. This geographic area, or Regional Synod, is headquartered in
Schenectady, New York, and incorporates 94 churches in upstate New York. Of these, 11 have
women clergy on staff as leaders, 30 are without permanent leadership, and 53 have men clergy
as leaders. This Regional Synod was uniquely poised to support the study due to its historical
significance in ordaining women and the number of clergywomen in the area. The interviewees
were current and former clergywomen in the Regional Synod. The clergy roster of the Regional
Synod provided a purposeful sample of 11 participants. All interviewees were ordained clergy
from the Regional Synod or individuals who had lived and worked within the Regional Synod.
The Researcher
As a clergywoman ordained by the RCA, I approached this study with over 30 years of
leadership experience. My positionality informed the need for additional qualitative research on
clergywomen’s experiences and how these experiences affected their beliefs and behaviors. I am
a liberal white female raised in an upper-middle-class white privileged home. I understand how
my privilege creates an obstacle for me and places me in an unearned authoritative position from
people of color and different socioeconomic classes. Therefore, I needed to be aware of my race
and class as barriers to understanding marginalized clergy stories. I have also held ordination as a
Minister of Word and Sacrament for over 30 years, putting me in a perceived position of
experience and wisdom that I may not have earned. By utilizing postmodernism concerning
27

women and minority leadership, I risk possible change in the current religious organization
hierarchy, affecting white clergy (Saunders, 2009). Despite my privilege, I have been a
marginalized leader due to my gender. My identity as a marginalized woman leader gives voice
to leaders who do not usually receive legitimacy.
To help mitigate these issues, I checked coding to ensure I was not utilizing personal bias
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In addition, I remained self-reflective during the process to make
sure that I was not creating any issues during the interview or analysis that created an unequal
power balance (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Finally, as Crawford and Knight Lynn (2019)
described, I utilized bracketing, including reflective journaling and notes written to myself
during the interviews.
Data Sources
Interviews were the one data source utilized for this study. These interviews provided
phenomenological data concerning the individual’s personal experience. Interviewee recruitment
involved purposive sampling. This sample was from a typical setting in a mainline
denomination, and the sample was 11 clergywomen who had worked in one particular regional
area, the Northeast of the United States.
Interviews
This study consisted of interviews. The study utilized Maxwell’s (2013) five goals of
purposeful selection. The first typicality was the site mentioned above. The variation included
individuals of various ages and backgrounds working in that geographical region. Utilizing a
phenomenological interviewing process, the researcher gained an understanding of the
participants’ lived experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
28

Participants
Participants were selected through purposeful sampling from the unique population of
clergywomen in the Regional Synod. There were 11 clergywomen participants in this study. All
participants were clergywomen; two had retired within the past 6 months, two were between
positions, and seven were pastoring churches. Criteria for selecting the participants included
being a clergywoman in the RCA, working in the Northeast, ordained and installed in churches,
or recently retired. These criteria ensured an adequate sample and a breadth of information and
experience. Participants were recruited through the official channels of the Regional Synod’s
leadership and Ministry Oversight Committee. The Regional Synod’s leadership and Ministry
Oversight Committee approved the study prior to recruitment. Potential participants were
contacted via e-mail and presented with information about the study. Participants signed up for
interviews using a shared calendar program. Study information included the purpose of the
study, researcher positionality, and what to expect during the interview.
Instrumentation
The interview protocol employed a peer-reviewed semi-structured approach to the
interview process. The format included eight open-ended questions about experience, opinion,
feelings, knowledge, senses, and background (Patton, 2015). A semi-structured approach worked
for this study because it allowed the participants to share their experiences. In addition, this
protocol allowed the participants adequate time to respond to the questions and provided a
natural flow in response to the participant’s experience and their perceptions of their experiences
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Strauss et al., 1981). Finally, each question was connected to one
research question and key concept: clergywomen’s experiences as leaders, environmental
29

factors, and challenges they encounter as religious leaders (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Appendix
A presents the individual interview protocol.
Data Collection Procedures
Participants were recruited through convenience sampling based on the location and
availability of churches in the area. The Regional Synod and Ministry Oversight Committee have
jurisdiction over the clergy, and participant recruitment was coordinated with them to obtain e-
mail addresses and phone numbers.
Clergywomen of the Regional Synod received an e-mail invitation to participate in the
study. The leadership of the Regional Synod e-mailed the initial invitation, which included the
purpose of the research, the research method, possible risks and benefits, the voluntary nature of
participation, a statement on confidentiality, a link to Calendly to set up the interview, and a gift
card incentive (Appendix B). The researcher sent a follow-up e-mail invitation with a personal
introduction and contact information. When a participant set up an interview time, the researcher
sent a reply acknowledging the interview schedule and gratitude for their time. Attached to the
follow-up e-mail was a copy of the information sheet for exempt research (Appendix C).
The initial request for volunteers exceeded the minimum threshold of eight participants.
Procedures were in place if fewer than eight or more than 12 participants signed up for the
interviews. If fewer than eight participants signed up, the researcher prepared a snowball or chain
strategy to increase participation. The participants would have been asked if they knew of other
individuals who might meet the study criteria to recruit additional participants (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Due to volunteer numbers exceeding the minimum threshold, it was unnecessary.
If more than 12 individuals had signed up to participate in the interview process, the 12 selected
would represent the most critical possible variations or an atypical, extreme case to test the
30

theory (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This strategy was not used as only 11
volunteers signed up prior to the end of data collection.
Once individuals were selected, they were contacted to arrange an interview time that
worked with their schedule to provide a sense of rapport (Crawford & Knight Lynn, 2019). A
calendar sharing program, Calendly, provided individuals with 4 weeks of possible days and
times for the interviews. Overall, the total time spent conducting interviews was approximately
11 hours. Interviews took place over 4 weeks. This 4 week period did not include the 4 weeks
dedicated to working with the Regional Synod staff, the Ministry Oversight Committee, and
sending the initial invitations. A small gift card acknowledged the participants' value, even if
they experienced their contributions to the study as a reward (Weiss, 1994). Ten participants
accepted the gift card, and one declined the card.
The researcher collected the interview data over 4 weeks in January 2022. Each interview
consisted of eight open-ended questions and lasted approximately 45-70 minutes. This timeframe
was within the optimal time recommended by Weiss (1994). The interviews were conducted
online via Zoom recording due to travel limitations surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic. The
researcher hosted the Zoom meetings. Seventy-two hours and 24 hours before the interview, the
participants received reminder e-mails reconfirming the appointment. The e-mails contained a
copy of the Zoom link and a phone number. The researcher opened the Zoom interview meeting
room at least 15 minutes before the interview appointment. The primary recording device was
the researcher’s password-protected laptop computer. The secondary device was a pen and paper.
Once the recording ended, it uploaded to a secure cloud storage system online and a secured file
folder on the computer dedicated for research storage. The recording was downloaded from the
31

cloud, placed in the secure folder, and sent to rev.com’s transcription service. Comparison of the
rev.com and the Zoom transcripts improved accuracy.
Additionally, notes were taken during the interview as a precaution if something
happened to the recording. Destruction of these notes occurred after the transcript verification.
The notes included pauses, emotional responses, and changes in the posture or vocal pitch of the
participant. Once rev.com completed the transcriptions, each participant was assigned a
pseudonym to protect their identity. Only the researcher had access to the identity key, stored
securely on the locked computer. All identifying information was redacted from the
transcriptions or assigned pseudonyms, including names, gender of a spouse, locations,
seminaries, and other identifiable information. After the study, the destruction of research
material, all recordings, e-mails, transcriptions, and handwritten notes happened.
Data Analysis
Data analysis started during the interview data collection. Analysis occurred using
ATLAS.ti upon upload of transcriptions. Each interview and observation generated an analytic
memo. The researcher documented initial conclusions and thoughts about the data in relation to
the research questions and conceptual framework. Once the participant had reviewed an
interview transcription, the researcher removed the remaining identifying information, irrelevant
content, misspellings, and long pauses. The first review of the transcript involved assigning a
pseudonym to the participant. Generic descriptors indicated job titles, such as “Full-time Pastor”
for “Senior Pastor at XYZ Church. Spouses mentioned during the interview received neutral
genders. Job and hometown locations received brief descriptors such as “rural town” in place of
the place name of the location.
32

In ATLAS.ti, the first analysis phase consisted of open coding, looking for empirical
codes, and applying a priori codes from the conceptual framework. Analytic/axial codes emerged
from aggregating empirical and a priori codes during the second analysis phase. The third phase
of data analysis included identifying pattern codes and themes in relation to the conceptual
framework and study questions. Finally, the researcher analyzed documents and artifacts for
evidence consistent with the concepts in the conceptual framework. The analysis process for the
interview portion of the study took place over five weeks.
Interview responses were analyzed qualitatively and comparatively utilizing segments in
the data that apply to the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Initial review of the
transcripts and field notes were coded based on women’s self-efficacy as leaders in the Church,
the work environment concerning women in religious leadership, and the acceptance of women
as leaders. Data from the recorded audio-visual text and document artifacts were transcribed and
segmented to compare the sample group to reveal patterns (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). A
codebook was developed, breaking data into themes, including topics expected in the data,
unanticipated themes, and anything deemed unusual (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Anticipated
themes included gender bias, impacts of domestic responsibility, leadership training, mentoring,
church member acceptance, and denominational support.
Validity and Reliability
For this qualitative study, validity is related to the credibility of the data presented
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Reliability refers to the consistency of the data collected and its
trustworthiness (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Participants had the opportunity to review their
answers to ensure the study’s credibility. The participants received a copy of the transcript to
verify that the transcription was correct and clarify any questions posed by the researcher about
33

their experience (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Ten of the participants reviewed and returned the
transcripts, most within a day. One participant received the transcript, and multiple attempts were
made to respond and provide a review. The transcript was utilized without final review as the
individual had consented to the interview. Validity and reliability included establishing accurate
recording of the interviews, consistency in how the interviews were conducted, coding the data
consistent with similar studies, and assuring confirmability of the data through audit trails
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Multiple validity procedures ensured that the data was accurate. First, the interview
design retrieved information about the ordination of women in the RCA. Self-reflection, the
second validity procedure, indicated the researcher’s bias as a woman clergyperson brings to this
study. Third, respondent validation enhanced the study’s credibility. Each participant in the
interview received a copy of the transcript for their validation. Their validation helped verify that
the transcription was correct and clarify any questions about their experience (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Fourth, a process journal was maintained to provide an audit trail for the
methodology (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Finally, document analysis was utilized as a data
collection method to provide additional engagement with the subject (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
Data collection began after the University of Southern California (USC) Institutional
Review Board (IRB) approval. Participants received an Information Sheet utilizing the
University of Southern California’s Office for the Protection of Research Subjects template
guidelines for the researcher to gain informed consent. The participants received the information
sheet between 36 and 72 hours prior to the interview. It contained recommendations concerning
ethical considerations, including disclosure of the purpose of the study, maintaining the
34

anonymity of the participants, providing benefits to all participants, and respecting the
participants’ privacy (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The language used in the e-mails and the
solicitation of clergywomen reinforced that participation was voluntary. Participants were
allowed to stop the interview, review the information prior to publication, and remove
themselves from the study. The researcher removed all identifiable information about the
participants and utilized pseudonyms to maintain confidentiality. Participants were allowed to
receive a small denomination gift card to encourage participation in the study. Finally, the
researcher adhered to the University of Southern California’s IRB process to complete all
training and follow guidance from the dissertation chair.
The study’s intent was not to harm either the RCA or clergywomen. Instead, the study's
purpose was to understand better the systemic influences that affect clergywomen’s experiences
and their decision to remain as leaders in the church.

35

Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore systemic influences that affect
clergywomen’s experiences and their decision to remain as leaders in the church. The interview
topics coalesced with this study’s conceptual framework and how the environment influences
individual beliefs and behaviors. The participants’ experiences demonstrated a strong
understanding of a call to ministry and the reality of being a woman and leader in the church.
From this viewpoint, three themes emerged from the analysis of their stories that spoke directly
to their understanding of the role of women in the church concerning gender barriers, gender
bias, and gender discrimination which continue to be pervasive in the church. The themes that
emerged from the analysis and resonated with the participants in varying degrees were gender
bias and discrimination, the importance of role models, and the need for support structures. The
chapter concludes with a summary of the findings.
Participants
Eleven participants took part in the study. Each participant had an opportunity to discuss
their experience as a clergywoman. They and the seminaries they attended were assigned
pseudonyms to protect their identities. In addition, to help further protect their identities, the job
titles used for the participants are generic and not specific to a location or church. Table 1
provides an overview of the participants, including their religious background and relationship to
the RCA, the number of years they have worked as clergywomen, whether or not they had prior
careers, the seminary they attended, and their current job status.

36

Table 1
Participant Overview
Participant
pseudonym
Grew up
in RCA
Years in
ministry
Prior
career
Seminary
pseudonym
Current job
job status
Sarah N 0–5 Years N Orange Full-time co-pastor
Ruth N 0–5 Years N Orange Associate pastor
Martha Y 0–5 Years Y Orange Full-time pastor
Phoebe Y 10–15 Years N Orange Full-time co-pastor
Lois N 10–15 Years N Orange Without charge
Elizabeth N 5–10 Years Y Green Recently retired
Rachel Y 10–15 Years N Green Part-time co-pastor
Hannah N 15+ Years Y Green Without charge
Mary Y 15+ Years Y Green Retired, pulpit supply
Naomi N 15+ Years Y Yellow West Retired
Miriam Y 0–5 Years Y Yellow East Full-time associate

The majority of the participants identified themselves as White, with one participant
identifying as Native American. Their backgrounds varied, and the years in ordained ministry
did not align with the age of the participants. Seven were over 50 and entered ordained ministry
after successful careers in other fields. The years of experience varied in this age group, with
four ordained for less than 5 years, three were in ministry for over 15 years, and four had
between 5 and 15 years of experience. Five of the participants did not have prior careers and
entered seminary immediately or soon after earning bachelor’s degrees. Two of the older clergy
were recently retired but occasionally worked as pulpit supply preachers.
A biographic summary for each participant based on the first interview question provides
an overview of their journey and sense of call to ordained ministry in the church. The narrative
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of the participant’s life provides a view of each participant’s unique journey and perspective.
Their stories offer a glimpse into their successes, failures, joys, and disappointments related to
leadership in the church.
Sarah
Sarah grew up attending a mainline church in the Midwest. She describes her home
church as “a really affirming church for women in ministry.” Her call to ministry started while
she was an undergraduate at a religious private college. There, Sarah became involved in the
ministry of a religiously oriented private campus organization, which led her to switch majors to
religion because “it was the work I was doing on campus, and the ministry, that I was doing
there.” She initially felt called to work in college campus ministry or as a college chaplain
through a campus organization. She also considered overseas missionary work.
Upon graduation, she married a person planning to go to seminary, and she followed her
spouse to Orange Seminary. In seminary, she “realized I was called to serve in a church and to
use the things I was passionate about to help churches.” Since her graduation, she and her spouse
have worked together as co-pastors at various churches because they “have gifts that
complement one another and passions that complement one another.” Sarah is currently co-
pastoring in an RCA congregation.
Ruth
Ruth is from the Midwest and grew up attending a mainline denomination similar to the
RCA. She attended a religious private college where she became involved in campus ministry as
a lay leader. During her senior year, she felt called to ministry. Unsure about what to do next, she
“developed a clearness committee or a discernment group filled with mentors, friends, and
family members.” With their support, she applied to Orange Seminary. She pursued ordained
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ministry following seminary because she “felt a sense to go into pastoral parish ministry.” Ruth
received a call to a fellowship program in an RCA congregation and continued her work for 3
years after graduation from seminary. Ruth started work recently as an associate pastor in a
mainline denomination church affiliated with the RCA. Her spouse serves as a minister in an
RCA congregation.
Martha
Martha is an older second-career pastor from the Northeast. She started attending church
when she was in elementary school. She notes, “from the very beginning, I felt drawn into the
church and was fascinated by how faith impacts communities and how faith impacts people.” A
move and marriage limited her church involvement for several years. Upon returning to her
home city, she found an RCA congregation and started volunteering in Sunday school and the
youth group. Although she was successful in a non-religious career, she felt a call to do
something different with her life. She started to attend seminary because, as she states, “I wanted
the faith world to be my only world.” She worked as a camp chaplain when she attended
seminary and volunteered as a pulpit supply preacher. Martha was called to a church to work in a
full-time pastorate upon graduation from Orange Seminary. She has been ordained and has been
working in ministry for less than 5 years.
Phoebe
Phoebe felt called to ministry through the church music program. She states, “I just loved
to sing and lead worship and found that there was a wonderful connection with God through
sharing.” Growing up in an RCA congregation in the Midwest, she was a Sunday school aide,
taught Sunday school, and was also involved in various ministries and social groups in the
church. Phoebe explains, “my sense of call probably came from this ongoing, always being
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involved in the church.” She would play act preaching to the neighbors and her family as a child.
She explains, “my parents say when we would go camping that I used the grill that was at the
campsite. I would preach to them, lead worship on Sundays, and use the grill as my pulpit.”
Immediately following her undergraduate degree, she headed to Orange Seminary “with the
intention of getting the Master’s in Religious Education” to fulfill her call to be a teacher and
worship leader. However, Phoebe faced personal challenges during the first semester and
dropped out of the program.
After a few years off from school, she received encouragement from friends and family
who told her, “Phoebe, you have such gifts for leadership in the church, and you really should
consider going and working on your M.Div.” When her spouse felt called to ministry, she
returned to Orange Seminary to receive a Master’s in Divinity. Her first call was co-pastor to an
RCA church yoked to another mainline church. When her spouse received a call to work at the
denominational level, she found work as an associate pastor at a church near the headquarters.
After a few years, they applied for a co-pastoring position and currently serve a church in the
Northeast. Phoebe has 10 years of ordained experience.
Lois
Lois grew up in the Midwest, attending a mainline denomination church. Her first
exposure to the RCA was in college. She attended a private religious college affiliated with the
RCA. Her call to ministry occurred during her work in drama ministry, an integration of theater
and worship. She told a friend, “I’m wondering if ministry might be something to consider.” Lois
states that her friend responded, “We all know that. The whole team of the drama ministries
ensemble, we all know that, and you’ll be great.” So, she applied to Orange Seminary and started
her studies after completing her undergraduate degree.
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Lois started at the seminary with the idea that she would be a college chaplain. However,
during a field education experience in a congregation, she notes, “it was in that context, interning
at a larger congregation, that I identified that I would like to be a congregational pastor. And so,
then I pursued that after completing my seminary education.” Ordained over 10 years ago to an
associate pastor position in an RCA congregation in the Midwest, she moved to the Northeast to
be the senior pastor of an RCA church. She has led at the denominational level and recently
moved back to the Midwest to seek a new direction in her ministry.
Elizabeth
Elizabeth is an older woman from the Midwest who attended a mainline denomination
church growing up. When she was in elementary school, she felt called to ministry. She says, “I
told my mother I wanted to be a preacher. I wanted to be a minister.” Her denomination did not
ordain women. Her pastor told her a woman could not be a minister, so she did not pursue her
call. After college, she married a minister and participated in church as a Sunday school teacher.
She juggled raising a family with a full-time career until a decade ago, when she felt called to
ministry. She applied to a nearby seminary and transferred to Green Seminary to finish her
Master’s in Divinity. The RCA has an age limit for ministers, and Elizabeth was honorably
retired from ministry in the past year. She faithfully served the first church that called her nearly
5 years before retirement.
Rachel
Rachel is from the Northeast and grew up in an RCA congregation. The daughter of a
minister, she felt the call to ministry as a young girl but resisted the call. She states, “I definitely
was like, ‘Oh, I could be a minister,’ but was also, ‘I don’t want to be a minister. I don’t want to
be broke. I don’t want to have to deal with the difficulties with the church.’” After college, she
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started her career and was unhappy with where things were going. When the World Trade Center
attack occurred, she called the dean at Green Seminary and said, “I think I want to go to
seminary.”
While in seminary, she worked as a student intern at a church. Although she was
concerned about pastoral ministry, this experience was, in her words, “how I got hooked on
parish ministry.” Upon graduation, Rachel left the RCA and received her ordination through
another mainline denomination. She works with her spouse in the Northeast in an RCA church
where she is a part-time co-pastor. In addition, she works part-time as a paid chaplain.
Hannah
Hannah is an older woman whose formative religious years were in a mainline
denomination. Her journey into ministry involved getting lost in the woods and relating it to the
Powers (2012) poem “Footprints,” a poem about an individual who looks back on footprints in
the sand, thinking they were abandoned by God and left alone during the most challenging times.
The individual learns that God was carrying them through difficult times. Hannah noted that she
felt “there had to be some connection between the poem and the rabbit tracks. That sort of just
really started this thinking about life and faith.” A few years later, as a counselor at a religious
camp, she gave a morning meditation and shared the story. It was in leading the meditation that,
as she states, “I just got overwhelmed with the feeling like, I’m comfortable doing this, I like
this.’” Later that year, she had a vision in the church, noting, “all of a sudden, I saw myself in the
pulpit and that sort of integrated itself into me.”
A female youth group leader confirmed her call. Marriage and children took her life on a
different course. A few years later, she found herself back in church, and a different female
friend told her to do something about her sense of call. She enrolled in Green Seminary and came
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under the care of her denomination. Her first call as an un-ordained leader was to a yoked
church, one of which had experienced difficulties with a previous pastor. Meeting some
resistance and gender discrimination in one of the congregations, she returned to seminary and
joined the RCA. Her call to an RCA church as their first woman pastor ended in her leaving the
position. The pressure from that position, other experiences of gender discrimination, and a job
change by her spouse led to a reevaluation of her call. Hannah is currently between positions.
Mary
Mary grew up attending an RCA congregation in the Midwest. Her first ministry
experience was preaching at the college chapel when she was 16. After college, she married a
minister, started a job, and moved to the Northeast. It was there that Mary experienced a woman
as a pastor. Upon seeing a woman lead worship and preach at a mainline church, she felt a strong
sense of call. She states, “The minute I saw and heard her, I just had this incredible sense of this
is what I’m called to do. I need to go to seminary.” She left her job and started her studies at
Green Seminary. Although her sense of call was “a clear call to be in a local congregation and to
preach and teach and be with people,” she ended up on staff at a seminary after receiving her
master’s degree. From there, she obtained a doctorate from a nearby mainline seminary.
Mary has held several leadership positions in the denomination but did not serve as a
minister in a church until a few years ago. Then, a sense of call to parish ministry led her to a job
in a local church. Mary said, “I was working out of this deep sense of leadership, which was
affirmed in both secular and religious contexts.” She is recently retired from pastoral ministry
but continues to preach in churches providing pulpit supply.
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Naomi
Naomi’s journey to ministry started in her twenties. Her first experience in church was in
a mainline congregation in the Northeast. She became involved in an evangelical, non-
denominational campus ministry program in college. She rose to leadership in that position and
attended various leadership training events. Upon graduation from college, she started a career
that led her to work at a religious private college in the Midwest. She supported the student
ministries program at the college and “loved it.” In that position, she led “leadership training
with both the men and women on campus.” She states that she “wanted to know more, so looked
at seminary, but didn’t think church ministry, thought maybe counseling.”
She was accepted to Yellow West Seminary and interned at a multiple parish on the East
Coast. Her first ordained position was as an associate pastor working with a supportive
colleague. She notes, “We had fun together; it was more of a co-pastoring ministry.” After a few
years, she moved from pastoral ministry to a denominational leadership position. After some
time in that position, she returned to the pastorate. She states, “I’m called to pastor and teach.
I’m installed as a Minister of Word and Sacrament. That’s where I need to focus.” Due to the age
limits on pastoral ministry, Naomi is recently retired and provides preaching on an as-needed
basis for congregations in the Northeast.
Miriam
Miriam entered seminary after raising a family and has less than 5 years of ordained
experience. Raised in the RCA in the Northeast, she spent many years in a different career field.
Feeling unfulfilled in her life, she took regular lunchtime walks and ended up in a church praying
“for a life that had more meaning.” Her desire for more meaning led to a non-ordained job at a
denominational headquarters level. After a few years in that position, she went to work at a
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church, where a seminary president encouraged her to audit a class. She found her educational
experience “absolutely phenomenal,” but she did not feel called to ministry.
Miriam’s career and life took her in a different direction until the seminary president met
up with her and, as she states, “he asked me when I was planning to come back to the seminary.”
A colleague encouraged her to get a Master of Divinity degree. During coursework, she stated, “I
found myself really enjoying my theology and preaching.” Miriam completed the requirements
for ordination at Yellow East Seminary and is currently serving in her first called position as a
pastor.
Research Question 1: What Environmental Influences Have Affected Clergywomen’s
Experiences Within the Church?
The first research question focused on clergywomen’s experiences as leaders in the
church and the RCA. Regardless of their length of time as ordained clergy, the participants
believe they have a place as leaders in the church. All participants were aware of the history of
women’s ordination in the denomination. Six were Ministers of Word and Sacrament before the
removal of the conscience clause. The inclusion of participant descriptions in the following
sections introduces the individuals in the context of their holding a religious leadership position
in a denomination that had been resistant to clergywomen.
The experiences of the participants indicated encouragement through role models and
mentors. Moreover, people who inspired and supported them as they began their journey into
ministry were helpful. The support helped sustain them, especially when they experienced
discrimination. Once they had achieved their ministry and seminary degrees certifications, they
experienced barriers to full inclusion as religious leaders.
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Women Clergy’s Experience as Leaders in the Church
Described in this section are the findings on the experience of clergywomen as leaders.
This section begins with reviewing the participant’s call to ministry and who and what inspired
them to become clergywomen. These experiences indicated satisfaction with the decision to
follow the call to ministry and their support to pursue that call. For eight participants, role
models helped shape their understanding of women in ministry. All participants indicated that
they had a deep sense of call to the ministry and that family members, peers, or mentors
supported this call.
The second part of this section includes seminary and church experience. This portion
highlights the barriers and tensions the participants encountered as they worked towards and
entered ordained ministry. At some point, during their leadership training or in the church, all
participants experienced gender barriers. Seven participants are currently working in the church
in full-time or part-time ministry. Two participants have taken time to reevaluate their future in
ministry, but these two remain committed to their sense of call as ministers. Two participants
have recently retired from the ministry.
The answers to questions about their experience were multifaceted, and the participants
provided detailed explanations of what they had experienced as clergywomen. Thus, the themes
which emerged during the analysis concerning the response to the experiences of clergywomen
include (a) the importance of role models in pursuing a career in ministry, (b) support structures
to mitigate and manage gender barriers, and (c) gender discrimination and gender bias in relation
to ministry. These findings are located in Table 2.

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Table 2
Findings: Research Question 1
Overarching theme Subthemes
The importance of role models in
pursuing a career in ministry
Women lay leaders as role models
Clergywomen as role models
Support structures to mitigate and
manage gender barriers
Church member support
Community and peer support
Family support
Mentor support
Gender discrimination and gender
bias in relation to ministry
Barriers to ministry
Microaggressions
Refusal to acknowledge a woman as a religious leader
Job limits or stained glass ceilings
Gender stereotyping
Sexual harassment
Discerning when it is time to quit

The Importance of Role Models in Pursuing a Career in Ministry
The struggle for women’s ordination in the RCA over the past 50 years affected the
prevalence of role models for women clergy who had grown up attending RCA churches. Three
participants did not mention women pastor role models concerning their call to ministry or
formation as religious leaders. Of the eight participants who did mention them, the role models
were a mixture of clergywomen and women lay leaders in the church.
Women Lay Leaders as Role Models
Two of the participants experienced women in non-ordained or lay leadership roles in the
church. For these participants, experiencing a woman in leadership impacted their belief in
women as leaders in the church. For example, Martha shares her experience growing up in an
RCA congregation: “My aunt was the Sunday school coordinator, and our youth group was
terrific.” She credits her formation for ministry to this early activity in the church. Similarly,
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Phoebe discusses the importance of her mother, an ordained elder, as a role model concerning
her call to ministry:
My mom was a huge influence in me being part of going into ministry. She was the
second ordained female in our congregation where I grew up. So, the first one is her best
friend. And we still are in touch with her through the years. And so, my mom really made
me know that I could be a minister or that I could serve in some ordained capacity in the
church. She had a fight because my dad’s brother, my uncle, was very dead set against
women serving in the church.
Phoebe concludes that her parents’ model informed her sense of call to ministry: “My parents
were both on the consistory. Our family was part of the church. And so, it just became a natural
outpouring of my identity to go into ministry.”
Other participants found that women lay leaders and non-clergy religious professionals
were vital role models in their leadership. For example, Lois states, “My first congregation was
one that has had women on consistory from the beginning and was mostly very affirming and
embracing of females in leadership.” This support from the church leadership board gave Lois a
sense of acceptance as a clergywoman. Mary had a similar experience. She shared, “There were
women on the consistory, women in leadership, really strong and gifted, smart women.” These
women inspired Mary as a seminary student.
Elizabeth’s experience in the Midwest and growing up in a conservative denomination
that did not ordain women prevented her from experiencing clergywomen as role models. She
was aware that women in the Midwest had limits in the positions they could hold in the church.
She states, “In the West, Midwest, [especially] Iowa and Michigan, it’s more difficult for a
woman to be a senior pastor or pastor at all.” She saw women in other church leadership
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positions as role models for herself, noting, “They often became Christian educators, or deacons
and elders, or held other maybe semi-professional roles.” Elizabeth had the opportunity to
experience a professional religious woman role model in seminary. This individual was an
inspiration to Elizabeth to continue towards ordination. She explains,
The dean of my seminary was a woman during some of the time I was there. And then
she went to a very old and large church, and she’s been there about [several] years, and
she’s just now retiring to do some other work. So that was a really good role model for
me to see if she was doing that. She had a doctorate and all that, all these degrees, but if
she was able to do that, it was a really good role model for the students.
The existence of women in church leadership positions provided Martha, Phoebe, Lois,
Mary, and Elizabeth with models for leadership and confirmation of their sense of call. In
addition, these participants saw leadership by women in the church as inspirational. The support
and encouragement of these role models made a lasting impact and shaped their sense of call to
ordained ministry.
Clergywomen as Role Models
Eight of the participants experienced a clergywoman as a role model and inspiration for
the call to ministry. Sarah, Ruth, Rachel, Hannah, Martha, and Lois had clergywomen as role
models in their early religious formation. This early exposure gave them the sense that both men
and women could work as clergy.
Sarah’s experience in a mainline denomination that had been ordaining women for
several decades allowed her to see herself in church leadership. Sarah assumed that clergywomen
were the norm and that all mainline denominations affirmed women in ministry. She describes
her experiences with role models,
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I grew up in a really affirming church for women in ministry. One of my first memories
is of our interim pastor, who was a woman. Our leadership at church was always men and
women equally. That was my experience in college as well that our staff was mostly
women. It fluctuated [as] people came and left, but there was always at least one female
staff member. Same when I interned at a church in college. It’s a pretty big church, and
although the head pastor, the overarching lead pastors, were both males. I worked with
their discipleship pastor and in their youth program, and their hospitality and more than
half of their staff were women
For Ruth, like Sarah, the experience of having a clergywoman as a role model was
significant to her development as a minister. Ruth explains, “I was raised with several female
pastors, and in my mind, women ran the church.” She further states, “I think women just lead
differently, and it’s so important to have good women to look up to because I had that. I had
good female pastors.” Although she had “some crappy people along the way,” these positive role
models helped her accept her role as a woman and a leader. Ruth states, “Seeing other women,
visibility is a huge thing.”
Rachel grew up in the RCA and experienced the impact of the first wave of clergywomen
as role models. Attending a church with women pastors, living near a seminary campus, and
seeing women go to seminary impacted her understanding of who could be a minister. Rachel
describes it this way:
If I looked back on some formative experiences and people who probably influenced my
thinking that I could go to seminary and be a minister, [Carol] was the youth minister of
the church when I was a little girl. I was a little girl when the first group of women was
ordained. I just always grew up with women ministers. It was never a big deal.
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Rachel’s experience of women in ministry made it seem normal to her. The presence of a
clergywoman role model impacted her faith formation. She further notes, “of the group of kids
who were in junior church with [Carol], I think four of us are now ministers, and we just never
thought anything about [it].” Experiencing a woman as a religious leader and spiritual guide
allowed Rachel and her peers to see themselves in that role.
Hannah grew up in a mainline denomination that had ordained women for many years.
Although she is a second-career pastor, she found nothing unusual in the call to ministry.
Clergywomen had been role models for her for many years. She recalls,
I’d had a woman pastor. My understanding is that women are called to be leaders.
There’s nothing unbiblical about it. It didn’t even occur to me to wonder if it was biblical.
I just thought it was normal and accepted.
Seeing clergywomen as role models informed her theological understanding of women serving in
ministry.
Like Hannah and Rachel, Martha also experienced women in ministry as typical: “I just
assumed women in ministry was normal, so it didn’t need to be normalized for me because it
already was.” Martha’s experience in her formative years was when clergywomen were not
working in the RCA, so it was not a role she had considered for herself. She states,
I went to high school, and I didn’t know any women ministers. And I think had times
been different, I might have felt called in high school because of how important youth
group was, but that wasn’t encouraged or even recognized then.
Martha saw the difference having a role model would have had if she had seen a clergywoman
earlier in her life. Like Martha, Lois reflected on the difference a role model would have made.
Although Lois had grown up in a different mainline denomination that had ordained women for
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many years, and she was aware of clergywomen, she had not gone to a church where there was a
clergywoman. Even though she did not experience a clergywoman as a role model firsthand,
knowing they existed was encouraging. Lois describes her perspective: “Women were integrated
as pastors in that denomination. I’d never had a female pastor, myself. Our church always had
male pastors, but I knew that they were out there, and it seemed normal to me prior to seminary.”
In contrast to others, Mary did not grow up experiencing a clergywoman as a model for
religious leadership. Her first exposure to a clergywoman was as an adult. At that time, she
ended up in a mainline church that was not RCA and heard a woman preach. She explains,
I wandered into a church, and [Rebecca], who was on the faculty at [a nearby] seminary,
was the pastor of this church. I sat down in the back pew. I was late, and the minute I saw
and heard her, I just had this incredible sense of this is what I’m called to do. I need to go
to seminary. I left my work and started my studies at Green Seminary.
Clergywomen as role models made an impact on eight of the participants. Knowing that
women could lead as clergy influenced the decision of these participants to pursue a call to
ministry. They were experiencing women as role models, whether as lay leaders or clergy, which
impacted the participants and their sense of call to ministry. These role models showed them they
could be religious leaders and inspired them to pursue ordained ministry. In addition to role
models, all participants found that having the support of family, friends, peers, and mentors
encouraged them to become ministers or stay in ministry.
Supportive Structures to Mitigate and Manage Gender Barriers
The participants found various supports to help manage their experiences related to
gender barriers. For some, the support was external, coming from the denomination or church
structure. Others found support through communities or families. Some participants mentioned
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that peer support and mentors helped them manage barriers to their inclusion as church leaders.
Assistance from outside sources helped the participants manage their response to ministry
barriers. The participants had a variety of external support systems in place that helped confirm
their call to ministry and confront discrimination.
Church Member Support
Sarah, Rachel, and Lois experienced the support of church members in their ministry. For
Sarah, the support came from the congregants who spoke up when someone made a gender-
biased comment. Sarah states, “I’ve had times when people visit, and the visitor will ask, ‘Oh, is
that the pastor’s wife,’ and our congregants will respond and say, ‘Actually, that’s our pastor.’”
Rachel explains how a church member affirmed her calling as an intern by commenting to a
friend, “I can’t talk to you right now. I’m having a visit from my pastor.” During her internship,
Lois experienced the same support and remarks, “I had the opportunity to serve a congregation
where interns were embraced and encouraged.” These forms of support from church members
provided a sense of belonging and affirmation to participants.
Community and Peer Support
Half of the women spoke directly about the support of a colleague or friend outside of
their church setting who encouraged them and supported them in their pursuit of ministry. For
example, Hannah talks about a friend who encouraged her to go to seminary:
We were talking again about life in general and my call, and she looked at me and said,
I’ve known you for 3 years, and you keep talking about this call. You need to do
something. We live within driving distance of three seminaries. You need to get going.
Support from an extended community either confirmed a sense of call, as Hannah’s friend did for
her, or the friend or community member pointed out the religious calling of the individual. Her
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friends at college exemplified this for Lois when they told her to consider ministry, “We all
know that, and you’ll be great.” These forms of encouragement from friends and community
members enforced a sense of call to ministry or supported a sense of belonging in ministry.
Seven participants emphasized the importance of peer support, particularly the support of
other women in affirming their religious leadership. For example, Martha mentioned a support
system of seminary peers who utilize various methods to stay connected, including social media.
She explains,
We’re scattered all over the place, but through this Facebook group, we can celebrate and
collectively lament where we couldn’t on any other platform because we’re so
geographically spread out. That Facebook group has become, for all of us, a touchstone, a
support.
Peer support created a safe environment for the participants, whether through social
media or in person. Rachel notes, “developing some networks of people to keep people in
ministry is really helpful.” Sarah articulates how helpful support from women is. She states, “I
think it’s helpful, being in communities where these stories can get shared and being in
relationship with other women who have had similar experiences and are still moving forward.”
The support of friends was helpful to the participants, but peers, particularly women, provided a
needed outlet for sharing successes and challenges in ministry.
Family Support
Participants also mentioned the importance of family members in discerning a call or
dealing with issues in ministry. Ruth developed a discernment group that included “mentors,
friends, and family members.” Parental involvement in the church encouraged Sarah and Phoebe
to pursue ministry. Her parent’s example made church involvement and church leadership
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“normal” for Sarah. In addition to the family of origin, three participants noted that a supportive
spouse helped them discern a call to ministry and supported them when faced with
discrimination. Hannah noted that her spouse told her that she “had [her] own calling journey,
and [they] supported it 100%” Phoebe also relied on the support of her spouse to get through a
difficult time in seminary. She notes, “that wasn’t my favorite time of life either, except that I
was there with [my spouse].” Having family support nurtured a sense of call and became a
source of stability during difficult times.
Mentor Support
Distinct from female role models, mentors were both women and men who provided
participants with one-on-one training, encouragement, and spiritual support. Six participants
cited the importance of mentors and support from mentors aiding their formation as religious
leaders. These mentors also provided advice and moral support during good and bad times in
ministry. Naomi talked about a male pastor who “took [her] under his wing.” For Lois,
mentoring during an internship allowed her to “learn from their expertise.” Lois lamented not
having a mentor in a previous position. She states, “that would have been more helpful.” Upon
reflection on her mentoring relationship with a co-pastor, Naomi states, “Mentoring is important;
it has to be a friendship and a collegiality and a real connection with someone.” A mentoring
relationship is more than just pairing up with a supervisor; for three of the participants, it was
developing “collegiality.” The mentor relationship was essential to two of the participants who
suggested that mentors could “be helpful to inspire women to want to go into ministry” and
“keep people in ministry.”
All the participants experienced the support of church members, peers, family, and
mentors. In addition, role models encouraged, supported, and advised the participants. For the
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participants, people who supported them as religious leaders and women aided them in
discerning their call to ministry and managing discrimination. This support became crucial as
they confronted various barriers to achieving ordination, finding a job, and staying in a church.
Gender Discrimination and Gender Bias in Relation to Ministry
Once they started seminary or began their ministry, all participants experienced gender
bias or discrimination concerning their ability to find work, remain in a religious leadership
position, or feel supported in their ministry. Their experiences of discrimination fell into distinct
subsets: messaged barriers to ministry, microaggressions, refusal to acknowledge a woman as a
religious leader, job limits, gender stereotyping, and sexual harassment.
Messaged Barriers to Ministry
Eight of the participants noted they had received messages from other people about
barriers to entering ministry or getting a job as a minister. Colleagues or denominational staff
messaged them by indicating that a church or a region might not accept a woman as a religious
leader. Only one participant indicated that she had experienced barriers to church leadership.
Sarah experienced barriers during her job search, “more in the interview process than in ministry
settings.” These participants were aware they were not welcome as leaders in congregations that
oppose women in ministry. They had heard and believed that it would be futile for them to apply
for a job at churches with a reputation for discriminating against women. Although she had not
experienced lost opportunities due to gender discrimination herself, Rachel notes that she is
aware of the struggles of women in ministry. She states, “I have a hunch that it is pretty bad.”
For two participants, the barrier to becoming a religious leader had been conveyed to
them by church members, clergymen, and denominational leaders. Elizabeth experienced this
gender barrier at an early age. When she told her pastor that she wanted to be a preacher when
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she grew up, he told her, “Girls can’t be preachers. You could be a missionary.” For Ruth, it was
in college when she “first heard that women can’t preach.”
Sarah experienced this type of discrimination during her search to find a job. She had
been told not to apply at a church because “they were not good with having a woman in
leadership.” Similarly, Martha's awareness of discrimination came when she heard about
churches seeking only male pastors. She states, “I think that some congregants are still more
comfortable with men.” For Martha, the phrase “more comfortable with men” was the equivalent
of being told that the church was not willing to be led by a woman.
Lois experienced gender discrimination directly when she was in seminary. She provided
pulpit supply in the area, and one church invited her to preach. She notes, “People left because
they discovered that I was female.” It was clear to Lois that many of the churches around her
seminary would not accept women as preachers and religious leaders, and she found it difficult
to “not take that personally.” These limits on pulpit availability made it difficult for women
seminarians to get the field experience needed for ministry.
Naomi learned that there were positions closed to women. Her best gauge of this lack of
opportunity was seeing a church that did not have women on the consistory. She notes, “I didn’t
know that were jobs you weren’t supposed to apply for. Then I started feeling that, oh, there’s no
women elders there.” A church with no women in any leadership role, volunteer or paid, clearly
indicated to Naomi that women were not accepted as leaders. Lois notes that she had to look for
a job in the Northeast because of “stories of other colleagues that there wouldn’t be churches in
the Midwest or in the West that would hire a woman unless she was part of a staff team.”
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Microaggressions
Sue and Spanierman (2020) extended microaggressions to include any marginalized
group, including women. Their book defines microaggressions as interpersonal verbal or
nonverbal behavior between a perpetrator and a marginalized individual (Sue & Spanierman,
2020). Hannah used the term microaggressions and defined it as “the things that aren’t overtly
anti-women, anti-female, anti-anything the backhanded compliments.” Her example of a
microaggression was an elderly church member who told her after she preached, “Well, still not
sure about women in the pulpit, but at least I could understand you.” Six of the participants
experienced microaggressions.
Having a church member belittle or ignore religious leadership was a form of
microaggression experienced by some participants. Sarah experienced this form of
microaggression in response to a sermon. She had noted that the Apostle Paul had written words
that “had been used to wound people.” In response to this sermon, a male parishioner
complained to Sarah’s co-pastor in front of Sarah but not directly to Sarah. Sarah states that he
indicated that “[she] obviously hated Paul because [she’s] a woman.”
Being ignored or bullied gave women in leadership roles a sense that they were not
welcome or appreciated in the church. Mary observed that the women in leadership at the church
would let the men dominate church meetings. These women told her they “feel really bullied or
we feel we’re not being invited to offer our perspective.” Naomi also observed microaggression
experienced by other women in the church. For example, when she asked why none of the
women were elders at a church, one of them told her, “I can’t take the rejection anymore.”
Some participants experienced dismissiveness or confrontational behavior concerning
their religious leadership. Aggressive behavior and being ignored were types of
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microaggressions that undermined their ministry. Phoebe’s experience was with a family
member who, she states, “is not supportive of me being in the ministry. And probably would’ve
just disowned me if [my spouse] wasn’t my counterpart in ministry.” Her experience showed that
she was “undermined constantly by a certain group of people there.” Growing up with women
clergy role models and having a good experience during internships and in churches, Lois was
unprepared for confrontational behavior. She states, “I’ve met a lot of conflict, and I associate it
with being a woman in ministry.” Her sense of being singled out as a woman included a church
member who “decided to just come into my office and raise his voice and shake his fist and yell
at me and tell me all the things I had done wrong.” Lois noted that she did not feel she received
the same affirmation that a male colleague on staff was receiving. There was a lack of
affirmation from the congregation. She states, “the words of affirmation were not offered to me.”
There was an assumption that some of the women were sweet or nice. This assumption
was distinct, different, and lesser than their male colleagues experienced. For example, Phoebe
experienced individuals seeking her out over her male co-pastor due to assumptions that she
would be “nice” because she was a woman. She states, “I also think that people think I’m
sweeter, nicer. And so, they’ll come to me when there’s a controversial issue or for pastoral care.
Because they think that they’re going to have this really nice interaction.” One parishioner, she
states, “called me Pastor Sweetie.”
Refusal to Acknowledge a Woman as a Religious Leader
Four of the participants described experiences of men and sometimes women refusing to
acknowledge their leadership because they were women. Both Sarah and Phoebe experienced
discrimination concerning religious leadership at the seminary. For Sarah, this discrimination
was unexpected as she had not experienced this until she entered seminary. Sarah shared an
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experience at a donor dinner where the guest spoke only to her husband about his ministry and
dismissed her as a seminary student. She states,
We are talking about needs that the church has and just about how people are needing
spaces where they can come and be seen and be heard and be known, and that is
something that I am really passionate about. And her response to me was, you’re going to
be such a good pastor’s wife. That was like my first time that I went. Oh, even as I am
here as a student, even as my husband and I are here receiving the exact same degree, we
are pursuing the exact same call. He is being received very differently in this than I am
and when people see him.
Ruth explains the bias she experienced in the church. A male parishioner would treat her
without respect for her position and authority in a church. Ruth explains how he confronted her
one day,
There are several people in my current church, in previous churches I’ve worked with,
who would refuse to call me Pastor Ruth. They would just be like, “No, you’re Ruth.”
And I usually say, “That’s their stuff.” But then there were several, and usually, it would
come from men. It would be that they didn’t think that women should be in ministry.
Phoebe also experienced being told women should not lead in the church. Late in her
career, Phoebe felt a sense of opposition to her leadership. She states, “There was an elder on the
consistory, who I think 2 years into my ministry, at a consistory meeting said, ‘Some of us had
been talking, and we don’t think you’re providing the leadership that we need.’” People
questioned Phoebe’s leadership directly. In contrast, Miriam feels that the church indirectly
questions women’s leadership. Although she feels some acceptance in her position, she notes, “I
feel that even if the lead pastor position became available, I don’t know if the congregation
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would accept a female in that role.” Her observation is that there are unexpressed barriers to
women in religious leadership in her geographical region.
Phoebe experienced discrimination from church members who were unwilling to support
her leadership in the church setting. Phoebe states, “They were not supporting me. They were
really against me being there.” To demonstrate their lack of faith in her leadership, some men in
the church confronted her ability to teach the youth confirmation class. She explains,
I had fathers say that I should not be teaching their sons because their sons were coming
of age, and it was inappropriate for a woman to be teaching them. It was inappropriate for
a woman to be in the pulpit at all.
For these women, having their leadership questioned gave them the sense that they were
not being supported as clergy and as leaders. From a lack of professional courtesy to
confrontation, these women experienced resistance to their pastoral authority. The participants
perceived that the people in the church were not supportive of their leadership abilities.
Job Limits or Stained Glass Ceilings
In addition to questions about leadership ability, the participants experienced limits on
what jobs they could have or what locations supported women in ministry. Martha experienced
the difference between the churches in the Northeast and those in the Midwest. At her seminary
in the Midwest, she explains, “We encountered some boys who were very conservative,
theologically. And some of them didn’t even think that we should be in the Classis, let alone be
ordained.” Similar regional barriers led Lois to seek a position in the Northeast because she was
looking for a senior staff position. She was aware that senior leadership positions are not
available for women in the Midwest. She states,
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I was looking for a senior position, and I just the only place to find that was going to be
on the East Coast-based on stories of other colleagues that there wouldn’t be churches in
the Midwest or the West that would hire a woman unless she was part of a staff team, an
associate position, never the senior leader position. Or you might find a small church that
would hire a woman as a solo minister but never a senior leader of a team, which is what
I wanted. And I was fortunate to find what I wanted, but I did have to go to New York to
do that.
The sense that women would have difficulties finding senior-level positions in the Midwest or
West led Lois to look for a job in an unfamiliar region far from the support of friends and family.
She was also aware that the jobs offered to women would be as support staff, associate pastor, or
solo pastor in a small church. For Lois, job opportunities for clergywomen appeared limited.
Elizabeth had a similar experience and shared how women are treated differently in her
local governing body regarding their jobs. She states, “I do think [women] are treated differently.
Maybe more dispensable in my Classis. They maybe get the less prestigious churches. A lot of
them are working part-time.”
Gender Stereotyping
In addition to job discrimination and microaggressions, four participants shared examples
of gender stereotyping. In this form of discrimination, the perception is that women are more
comfortable in jobs typically assigned to them by society (Gaddes et al., 2016; Leach, 2017;
Rolph et al., 2011; Spinelli-de-Sá et al., 2017). These gender-stereotyped roles include caregiver,
nurturer, maid, cook, and nanny. The most prevalent stereotype the participants shared was that
of the role of women in the kitchen. Sarah explained how one male parishioner told her that she
was” not invited to the men’s breakfast unless [she] wanted to do the dishes.” Miriam was aware
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of gender stereotyping and gender discrimination regarding women’s roles and barriers to
leadership. She states,
Very clearly, in my congregation, women were in the kitchen and basically took on very
secondary roles. Even in all of the pastoral searches we’ve had, no woman was ever
considered [by men or women] to be a viable candidate for pastor of the church.”
Similarly, Naomi observed, “at [First Church], the women were still providing lunch for the
consistory. Whatever consistory member had devotions, then his wife would bring lunch for the
consistory.” The idea that women’s contribution was to feed the church’s men after over 50 years
of women in ministry appeared to upset the participants.
The feeding of men was not the only concern. As mentioned in prior sections, women
were assumed to provide for the education and care of young children. In addition, the
expectation was that they would wear dresses or stay at home. Ruth notes, “I’ve also had women
who have said I need to be wearing dresses.” Ruth also had a man tell her that a woman belonged
at home taking care of her children. In seminary, one of her professors told her, “The best job a
woman could play or do is being a mom.”
Sexual Harassment
Three of the participants experienced sexual harassment, and one briefly noted that she
had experienced sexual assault since working in the church as a religious leader. The topic of
sexual harassment came up during discussions about experiences of bias or discrimination. Ruth
shared, “I’ve experienced sexual harassment, and I’ve experienced assault.” She shared the
following experiences and how they impacted her. Ruth stated, “One man would always hug me
too long and too sensually in the receiving line coming out of church.” Later, Ruth shared,
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“There would be men who would say, ‘Wow, you look really hot today,’ and it would be right
before church.” She later mentioned she was aware of similar experiences of other clergywomen.
Mary also experienced harassment from men in the church: “They would pull me onto
their lap and do things like that, joke around like it was funny.” Although the participants
voluntarily shared what had occurred to them, sexual harassment and assault appeared to be
challenging topics for these participants to discuss. As a result, the researcher did not ask for
additional details.
Hannah also experienced sexual assault at the hands of a male church member. She
states, “I was groped by the husband of one of my congregants.” Later, a male clergyperson
assaulted her. The denominational leaders supported the clergyman, and he was not held
accountable. When Hannah filed charges, Hannah stated, “the Classes still would not [remove
his ordination]. The judge opted for a non-jury trial, and the judge found him not guilty because
it took me 20 minutes to tell my spouse what had happened.”
The participants who shared their experiences of sexual harassment are no longer in that
environment. For Hannah and Mary, the abuse had occurred several years ago. Since that time,
the denomination established rules related to clergy sexual abuse. Sexual abuse is no longer
tolerated and is an automatic ground for ministers to lose their ordination. Ruth indicated that she
does not tolerate harassing behavior, stating, “I try to shut it down as quickly as possible.” All of
them were aware of resources, and some of them had taken advantage of the resources offered
for healing. Hannah talked about her healing, “I’m really learning; it’s one moment after another,
after another. It’s so hard at moments in our lives.”
Like most mainline Protestant denominations, the RCA offers sexual harassment training
for clergy and staff members to prevent abuse of church members. Still, there is no training
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available for church members and how they should treat each other and clergywomen. Free
mental health resources are available to support women who have experienced sexual
harassment, abuse, or assault. In addition, Regional Synods have developed policies based on
local laws to protect the victim’s confidentiality and provide healing (Regional Synod of Mid-
America, n.d.). Participants who shared their experiences indicated that they had or were
receiving spiritual and other support.
Gender discrimination and gender bias experienced by the participants led some of them
to consider leaving the ministry. They heard about barriers, experienced microaggressions, felt
ignored, hit the stained glass ceiling, were treated stereotypically, and were victims of
harassment. Despite these negative experiences, they endured. Overall, they believed in their
calling as leaders in the church. Of the participants, all but two have persevered in ministry. The
two who have stepped aside from leadership roles shared a desire to seek other opportunities to
live out their call as religious leaders.
Summary of Influences
In summary, the experiences of women clergy highlight both positive encouragement and
adverse treatment. Role models inspired these participants to seek out their sense of call and
work in the church, visibly showing them that they could be religious leaders. The support
systems of family, friends, peers, and mentors gave them a sense of belonging and
encouragement to follow their call and pursue a role as clergy. These support networks provided
safe places to share concerns and receive support.
In addition to their positive experiences, the participants shared experiences of gender-
related barriers to full acceptance as leaders. Denominational staff, clergywomen, and churches
messaged barriers to them. They experienced microaggressions that came in the form of
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aggressive behavior or contempt. Despite the elimination of the conscience clause by the RCA,
some of the women experienced male religious leaders who refused to acknowledge women as
religious leaders. Many participants were aware of limits on senior leadership positions in
churches and at the denominational level. Some had been gender-stereotyped and told to work in
the kitchen. A few of the clergywomen experienced some form of sexual harassment from their
male colleagues or church members. A deep sense of call to ordained ministry helped them
persevere as religious leaders.
Research Question 2: How Did These Environmental Influences Impact Their Beliefs and
Behaviors?
The second research question focused on clergywomen’s response to the environmental
influences related to the support of women in ministry and the discrimination that women in
ministry experience. The answer to this question was complex, and participants provided
multiple responses to questions related to their satisfaction in ministry as a woman. None of the
participants questioned their call to ministry or their ability or capability to work as religious
leaders. Instead, the participants view their leadership role as providing value to the church and
enabling girls and women to become leaders. These findings are located in Table 3. The themes
which emerged during analysis concerning the response to the environmental influences include
(a) changing the attitudes and behaviors of others and (b) changing the attitudes and behaviors of
oneself.

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Table 3
Findings: Research Question 2
Overarching theme Subthemes
Changing the attitudes and
behaviors of others
Addressing scripture interpretations that harm women
Confronting bias and discrimination directly
Creating a space of professional courtesy
Becoming a role model and mentor for the next
generation of women
Confronting gender barriers
Changing the attitudes and
behaviors of oneself
Finding internal support to manage through the
difficult times
Discerning when it is time to quit

Changing the Attitudes and Behaviors of Others
The participants in this study confronted gender bias in personal interactions, in the
church, and at the denomination level. Some of them used their role and position as a platform.
Others found ways to model the acceptance of women as religious leaders. The participants
desired to find ways to confront discrimination without creating additional harm to others or
themselves. Phoebe presented a good summary of this balance: “I will speak truth to people
without hesitation. I’ll do it with grace.” For many, the first place to speak the truth was to
address the scriptural basis for gender discrimination.
Addressing Scripture Interpretations That Harm Women
Three of the participants discussed the need to address interpretations of scripture used to
support limiting the role of women in the church. Of the three participants, two felt that starting
at a local level and exploring the bias would help to change people’s behaviors and attitudes.
Sarah summarized the desire to inform and educate as she looked to scripture differently, “to
bind up instead of wound.” Sarah discussed ways she helped church members and small groups
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grapple with interpretations of scripture used to promote and sustain discrimination. Sarah
explains,
I also think it’s important to take time to intentionally walk through some of the
scriptures together that maybe have been used to wound and to keep people out and to
acknowledge [that] passages of Paul have actually deeply wounded some of the people in
this room. How can we acknowledge that and hold that but also how can we be seeking a
way forward? What are different ways that we can be interpreting this? What are
different ways that other communities can hold these words and not harm their people?
What are conversations that we can be having where?
Mary also described using Paul’s writings in dialogue to address gender discrimination. She
commented,
I have long felt like when Paul says neither Jew nor Greek, male nor female, slave nor
free out of baptism where we emerge as new creation that we emerge as part of the
eschaton. What does it look like for the church to live its life eschatologically as opposed
to protologically? I just think Paul is really inviting us to live from the future that is
arriving, has arrived, is fulfilled in the Christ. Anyway, so I think that sense of
embodiment, which comes, I feel, out of female experience.
These examples approach a method of dealing with the foundational writings of the
church, not through condemnation but rather through a dialogue looking at the overarching
themes that support gender equality. Hannah, however, was not as hopeful about the ability to
change thinking related to scripture. The paradigm shift that Sarah and Mary hope for with deep
dialogue does not seem possible for Hannah, who believes that the structure needs to change
before dialogue can begin. Hannah states,
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I’ve thought a lot about that. I don’t have an answer other than to say until the paradigm
of the White male, cis, heterosexual, [ends], they’re the ones who continue to benefit
from keeping things the way they are. I understand that some people very sincerely
believe that the scriptures say this and this, and we can all sit around and discuss, debate,
argue the points. It just becomes that verbal volleyball, scriptural volleyball.
This sub-theme of addressing interpretations of scripture that have wounded women or
limited their roles in the church indicates a desire to confront how the foundational writings of
the church have suppressed women in leadership. Sarah and Mary have adopted behavior that
uses education and scripture to communicate a change. Hannah believes that dialogue will not
lead to any future change for the church unless the male-dominated system is changed.
Addressing the foundational documents of the Church through education and dialogue was one
form of confrontation of gender bias and discrimination used by the participants. Some
participants confronted additional forms of gender discrimination and bias by correcting or
questioning the remarks made by individuals.
Confronting Bias and Discrimination Directly
Confrontation of gender discrimination and bias was the responsive behavior of three
participants. The participants were open about confronting individuals when they made
statements or assumptions about women as religious leaders. However, for Ruth, the
confrontation took on more of a “combative stance,” one of directly questioning discriminatory
remarks. Ruth explains,
But the way it impacted me was I wanted to prove to people, and really just I wanted to
wrestle with people and say, “Hey, why do you think this way? And what’s underneath
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that? And have you met any good female leaders? Have you ever met a female pastor
before?”
Ruth’s position was one of directly confronting remarks and behaviors of others. In addition, she
would share stories of strong women leaders. She also embodied assertive leadership behavior.
She states,
I was like, well if they think I’m weak, I’m going to show them how strong I am. And
that was hard at times because basically, and not with everyone, but there were certain
people who it felt like I had to show up with masculine energy and appear in those
stereotypical masculine types than being feminine, which I was like, I’m trying to be a
strong woman.
For Ruth, demonstrating strong leadership by a woman was as important as confronting
statements that women did not make good leaders.
On the other hand, Mary preferred working from a more woman-centric point of view.
Mary discussed the behavior of leading out of a feminist perspective as empowering for women
leaders. She sees feminist leadership as an embodiment of this female perspective. She explains,
The #MeToo movement is the definitive proof of late that we understand in a general
way what it feels like not to have power and to be vulnerable, and to have a level of
comfort with our vulnerability. That, to me, parallels the life of Christ and the cross, our
own suffering as women.
Mary finds strength in a more female-centric way of leading. She explains her belief in women’s
leadership which stems from her experience as a leader:
I was, am very deeply encouraged by what I would call the ways deeply relational
leadership style could shift the whole congregation into a relational understanding of the
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church as the Body of Christ. I think, also, the other piece for me is that since, again, I
don’t want to reify these things, but I think that women’s experience is very much
embodied experience. Because women give birth and nurse babies and bathe babies and
care for bodies more than men care for other people’s bodies. Women do this, that my
own teaching and preaching was really very much about embodiment and incarnation and
God’s commitment to matter and creation and the restoration of creation and the embrace
of bodies and sexuality and all of those pieces.
Mary’s leadership style and understanding of leadership from a feminist perspective have
not prevented her from confronting challenges. Instead, she found that leading as a woman
encouraged women to find their voice and exhibit their strength. For example, in response to a
leadership challenge, she was “overwhelmed” by women who stood up for her. This experience
of their action impacted her belief in her skills as a leader. She explains, “the women who were
like, oh my goodness, they were emerging under my leadership and finding voice and finding
place and felt exactly what needed to be happening was happening.” For Mary, a shift occurs in
society when women find their voice and encourage each other to lead differently than men. A
similar tone was employed when participants spoke about creating a space for professional
courtesy concerning women in ministry.
Creating a Space of Professional Courtesy
In response to gender discrimination and bias, four participants discussed how their
experiences led them to create an environment of professional courtesy. They started to model
how people should behave by demonstrating professional courtesy to create an environment
where everyone felt safe. Hannah discussed how she questioned environments that created an
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unsafe space for women. She models courtesy by asking herself and others the following
questions, “How do you deny someone their gifts? How do you deny somebody love?”
For Sarah, the lack of professional courtesy she experienced led her to address things
directly and help other women to do the same. For example, a parishioner made an inappropriate
remark about seeing Sarah on top rather than behind a desk. Another parishioner responded by
saying that comment was inappropriate. Based on this interaction, Sarah reflected on the
importance of setting professional boundaries and working professionally with others. She
explains,
I think, also not shying away from some of those things that, especially in churches, have
been used as justification but to acknowledge the ways we have failed so we can
intentionally move forward trying to do better, instead of working primarily out of hurt
and demonizing you and just saying like this is an awful person cut all ties. Instead, how
can we be entering into conversations about this?
Sarah indicated that this experience led her to begin the dialogue and address unprofessional
comments and behavior.
Mary and Hannah described dialogue as a method they used to address unprofessional
behavior in the work environment they had experienced. Mary started to build a more acceptable
workplace by developing new procedures and policies. She states, “I was much more interested
in building our relational dynamics, working on processes so that more people were more willing
to participate in conversations.” For example, through dialogue and process, Mary found she
could address the differences between how women and men worked and explain that one was not
better than the other. Similarly, Hannah used dialogue to address an issue within the church by
encouraging people to “try and work together on this.”
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Opening communication to discuss how unprofessional treatment needed to change
became a way for some of the participants to create a work environment that was more
supportive for them. Through confrontation and open dialogue, they found ways to create
expectations of professionalism within the church. In addition, they were able to model those
expectations and change perceptions concerning women as leaders in the church.
Becoming a Role Model and Mentor for the Next Generation of Women
For eight participants, seeing women in leadership as role models impacted them and
were part of their decision to pursue their call to ministry. Four of these participants indicated
that based on their experience, being a role model for future generations was one way they felt
they could change the attitudes and behaviors of others about women in ministry. For example,
Sarah was able to see herself as a leader for the church and as a model for future generations of
women leaders. Her example and other clergywomen as role models make their leadership
normal. Sarah shares,
I think that the most helpful thing is for people to see other people that look like them in
those roles and so even being aware of who is serving on the church level leadership.
Intentionally having women and men both helps as you are like growing and being
formed in a worshipping community to say that could be me but then also being
intentional about who is preaching and who’s up front leading. When pulpit supply is
needed, invite in a variety of voices. If your congregation is normally hearing a male
preach, be intentional about inviting women to preach because if you’ve never heard a
female preach, then it’s harder to think, oh, I could do that. I think that they’re
unconscious narratives that get written in like you may not necessarily say, “Oh, I don’t, I
think having people be intentional with who is coming in and preaching who is up front
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leading who is visible and actually a part of leadership. So that way, women can know
like, okay, it is possible.
More than just a passive model, Sarah wants to be an active force shaping the future.
Sarah discusses how she works to make her church a place where women are “called out and
welcomed in and given places to grow. And this is really cool and really beautiful and really
hopeful. And that’s my purpose of the church, for our denomination, for the future.” In addition
to her work at the church, Sarah desires to make changes for future generations of clergywomen
so they will not have to go through some of her experiences. She notes,
I want to be an advocate, and I want to be learning, and I want to be teaching and helping
other people to learn this too so that as women are coming into leadership roles, they’re
not feeling like they have to battle every step of the way.
It was important to Elizabeth and Martha to be more than passive models. For Martha,
her experiences taught her that supporting individuals as role models and affirmative advocates
allows her to change the attitudes of others and encourage them to pursue their call to ministry.
She explains,
I think that people should follow their sense of call and listen to where they’re affirmed.
And that other women, who are already in this role, recognize that in everybody and not
just in the boys. So, I think it’s also our responsibility to recognize the gifts in those that
we serve and encourage them no matter who they are.
Beyond being a role model or affirming a woman’s desire to go into ministry, Martha has
actively sought out individuals and encouraged them as a mentor. Similarly, Elizabeth seeks out
women and mentors them. She explains how she helps support this next generation as a mentor
and an advocate:
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I’m a person who helps students who are going to seminary, men and women students.
Right now, I mostly have had women, but in my Classis and in my small group, I’m the
person who helps them figure out how to apply for seminary and what courses they need
to take and how they can take those courses.
Having had a positive role model encouraged these participants to be positive role models,
advocates, or mentors to support future women in ministry. Hannah also indicated a desire to be
a positive role model to avoid the poor role models of her past. Her experience of the pressure on
women in ministry made her mindful of the perception of others. Hannah states,
I don’t want to be the woman pastor that people said, “We had a woman, and here’s what
happened. There was a woman before her, and here’s what happened. So clearly, women
shouldn’t be in the pulpit.
Hannah articulates the pressure that the participants experience in being role models and shaping
the future for women in ministry. They are aware of the stained glass ceiling and similar barriers
women face in ministry (Purvis, 1994). Even though they have experienced changes in the
number of women in ministry in their lifetime, they are aware of the barriers that continue to
exist and find ways to be role models and mentors as they confront gender barriers preventing
women from holding positions at high levels in the church
Confronting Gender Barriers
All the participants with more than 5 years of experience as clergywomen were aware of
the experiences of women who had preceded them. Some of them had been on the cutting edge
of breaking through the stained glass ceiling in the denomination. Aware of the work of their
predecessors, they desired to continue the work to break down barriers. One of the participants
who had been in ministry less than 5 years best summarized this desire. Ruth shared, “I think I
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wanted to prove to people, okay, women are awesome, and women are amazing, and they have
good things to say, and they are called as well.” Phoebe shares her appreciation for the women
who went before her this way “I have a generation ahead of me who has really paved the way,
and I’m so grateful to them.”.
As one of the early women in leadership, but not as an ordained clergyperson, Mary had
the opportunity to preach and teach about women in ministry. In her early work, at the beginning
of the ordination of women in the RCA, Mary went out to churches to preach and open a
dialogue about women in ministry. She notes, “I was preaching in New York and New Jersey,
for the most part, every Sunday. Often, they would arrange an after-church conversation about
women in ministry. I was engaging local churches and talking a lot about women in ministry.”
Not satisfied with their experience related to the work done to break gender barriers,
some participants are working towards clearing these barriers for other marginalized groups.
Elizabeth saw this as part of her call to change attitudes and behaviors towards minorities. Based
on her experience, she believes it will take additional time and work to help other marginalized
groups, particularly LGBTQ individuals who desire to be ordained. She states, “it’s going to take
some time; there’s a lot of education that needs to happen for them as well.”
The desire to continue to work towards change that Elizabeth expresses includes the
desire of the participants to change things at a denominational level. For Phoebe, this means
putting women in vital leadership roles at the denominational level to encourage women in
ministry. Phoebe explains,
I just need more representation on committees and in leadership at the denomination in
not necessarily special groups or opportunities that are separate from my other
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colleagues. Because I think we can all learn from each other. I would change the setup of
that and fund those sources to be more local and less denominational.
Like Sarah, Hannah desires to change the denomination and policies to break barriers for
women and marginalized groups. Hannah desires “policy change for everybody,” including
people of color and every sexual identity. Although policies have changed over the years to
include eliminating the conscience clause, there are still areas where women are not encouraged
or invited to participate. Lois believes that there is a need for more policies and programs to
support clergywomen. She explains, “there’s not a lot of effort in terms of support and
encouragement and accountability. And more resourcing in that way could be helpful.”
Two of the participants changed their behavior to create change in the denomination. For
Rachel, there was a desire to avoid making waves and creating additional concerns for the other
marginalized communities and fear that speaking out may also impact the ability of women to
serve as religious leaders. She observes, “There’s a certain tension among women about griping,
complaining and, or capitulating to the systemic injustices that exist and not letting that stop you
from doing what you’re called to do, so I’m intrigued about those two poles.” In contrast, Naomi
feels she could bridge the tension by looking at things differently. To understand the various
sides of the issue, she relied upon her experience with international students. Naomi tries to help
women and men understand the need for change by looking at differences in cultures. She states,
“I need to know what it’s like to be the foreigner, not to have people care about where you’re
from or your own journey in a different place, a different culture.”
The participants found different ways to confront barriers and work towards change.
They seek education, work towards changing policy, and create supportive programs. The
participants were grateful for those who went before them, grateful for the policy changes, and
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aware of what lies ahead. Lois summarizes, “I’m really grateful that we no longer have the
conscience clause in our denomination. I’m not exactly sure about some of the other [policies].”
Two participants are finding ways to create support structures to help support women now and in
the future.
Ruth and Hannah believe there is a need to support future clergywomen. For Ruth, her
response to changing the behavior of others focused on providing supportive care to those who
continue to confront discrimination. In addition, Ruth feels called to create a network of care for
clergy, especially clergywomen. She describes her desire this way:
I feel called to create and curate safe and sacred spaces for people to experience
belonging and rest. And what I’m hoping for is in the next 20 to 30 years, I would love to
be a spiritual director, and I would love to have some sort of retreat facility. So, in this
right now, I’m in parish ministry. However, I have this vision of this is where I would
like to be in the future.
Hannah also feels called to provide support to those confronting discrimination and bias.
Based on her experiences, she hopes to reach out to others to create a supportive care network.
Hannah explains,
I could become the kind of support person they would need. In some ways, I think I can
do that anyway, just as a person who supports others. Just if you know that somebody’s
in your corner, and if they can see you, sometimes we need people to see us when we
can’t see ourselves in the way that God sees us. That actually used to be my gift. That
was my superpower. I could see the worst person. I could look beyond that and see what
God saw.
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Creating networks of support and finding ways to change the attitudes and behaviors of
others were some of the ways the participants responded to their experiences of gender bias and
discrimination. These outward-oriented behaviors existed concurrently with changes in beliefs
and behaviors related to the individual. Experience in support networks inspired some of the
participants, like Sarah, to express to denominational leaders the need for “communities where
these stories can get shared and being in relationship with other women who have had similar
experiences and are still moving forward.” Based on her experience with supportive networks,
Rachel advocates for gender-based support networks as something that “can be really helpful to
inspiring women to want to go into ministry [and] keep people in ministry.”
Like Hannah, participants with several years of experience saw themselves as a source of
support for future generations. Naomi states that she now encourages women to have “a couple
close colleagues who will walk with you and stand with you and hear you out.” Participants with
fewer years of experience tended to advocate for denominational level resources to provide
support systems for women. Sarah feels that the denomination “must be talking about
[networking] more.” She believes, “It’s important to give space and resources for people to
actually be able to acknowledge that this isn’t how things should be.” Phoebe is working to
develop “deep relationships with folks at the denominational level.” Developing mentoring
relationships with others was something that Lois and Rachel are doing based on their
experiences because they believe it would be helpful in “equipping ministers.”
In summary, the impact of the environmental influences on women clergy-led some of
them to work towards changing the attitudes and behaviors of others. A few participants worked
in their churches to address the Church's foundational documents. They confronted
discrimination in Scripture through education and dialogue. In addition to Scripture, some
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clergywomen spoke up and confronted discrimination directly. Some of the participants modeled
courtesy and respect as an example of how professional and equitable behavior. In order to help
the next generation of clergywomen, some of the participants became role models. A few of the
participants confronted additional forms of gender discrimination and bias by addressing
discrimination embedded in policies, procedures, and the attitudes of others. Changing the
attitudes of others involved speaking up, modeling behavior, and supporting others. In addition
to changing the attitudes and behavior of others, the women looked at changing their attitudes
and behaviors.
Changing the Attitudes and Behaviors of Oneself
The participants found various ways to respond to gender discrimination in the church.
Although religious leaders are encouraged to participate in spiritual disciplines to avoid burnout
and manage stress, spiritual disciplines do not always address issues related to discrimination and
microaggression. In response to their experiences in the church, the participants found a variety
of ways to address their own beliefs and behaviors. Some participants found ways to change
personal attitudes by finding internal support. For some, the experiences led to a behavior change
when they decided to quit or move on, sought opportunities for leadership growth, and found
support networks.
Finding Internal Support to Manage Through the Difficult Times
The participants who had been in ministry for over 10 years had developed strong
internal support structures utilizing various coping skills, including self-regulation. In addition to
these participants, most of the others had developed confidence in their call to ministry and their
leadership abilities, which helped them through difficult times. Some of the participants had
developed various coping skills to either confront or avoid issues related to the acceptance of
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their leadership role. The internal support mechanisms that were most prevalent in the
participants were self-efficacy, managing maltreatment, focusing on core values, and self-
improvement.
Self-Efficacy. Six participants indicated a sense of confidence in their abilities and skills.
Ruth exuded confidence in her abilities. She stated,
I think I’m a good pastor, and I think that churches now need good pastors. And that’s
probably really egotistical or prideful, but it was like, they’re going to hire someone,
might as well have a good person on their staff.
Naomi, one of the more experienced participants, found confidence in the sense of self-worth.
For Naomi, knowing herself was the key to confident leading. She states,
I just said, “This is who I am.” I know there are always rough edges that need to be
smooth. But at the core, “This is who I am. This is who God created me to be.” And
knowing that gave me great freedom in ministry.
Confidence for some participants was knowing who they were and understanding their
abilities. It was, as Hannah notes, a “superpower” that allowed them to see people as they are and
look beyond to see them through the eyes of pastoral care. Rachel’s confidence gives her a sense
of freedom in choosing how she reacts to a situation. She states,
I’m free to do all of the things I want, and If I don’t want to do them, I can figure out a
solution to it. If I want to change something, I can figure out how to change it both within
the congregation and, I would say, within my role as a clergyperson within the
community.
Managing Maltreatment. Three participants shared that they preferred to avoid
problems by ignoring how people treated them. For example, ignoring maltreatment allowed
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them to avoid confrontation with parishioners and peers who treated them differently based on
gender. For Ruth, it was easier to discount the smaller microaggressions to address the more
egregious actions, such as sexual assault. Ruth states, “I try to shrug it off and say, oh, okay.”
Discounting the small things allowed Ruth to focus on the more essential things.
For two participants, their behavior was based on ignoring or not noticing the smaller
microaggressions. Sarah indicated that her co-pastor noticed more than she had. She explains,
“It’s been really interesting because there are some of those things that happen that he notices
that I still don’t notice because I’m not used to noticing them.” Similarly, Rachel has learned that
she is not always aware of gender bias. Having grown up surrounded by strong women in
leadership, she did not have a reference for gender barriers to ministry. She notes, “If you don’t
really have a reference point, you don’t really know the opportunities that you miss because of
sexism.” However, Rachel is also aware that she purposely chooses to ignore things to avoid
getting overwhelmed by them. She explains,
I’ve definitely been around women where they spend a lot of time blaming other outside
forces, both rightly and maybe not so rightly. And boy, it can drive me nuts, and I can
feel really superior, which is not the case at all because I can get just as nuts about it. In
fact, I think that if I would actually take the blinders off and actually see all of the cinder
block weights on my feet that have held me down, I would probably go insane.
The more significant issues became the focus for these participants, and not noticing was a form
of internal support for dealing with gender issues without getting overwhelmed.
Some participants mentioned the importance of self-regulation in dealing with
discrimination or not being accepted as religious leaders. The ability to think about situations and
adjust behavior based on core values allowed some participants to manage how they reacted
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when treated poorly. For example, Rachel acknowledged that things could often get complicated
and overwhelming in her situation due to the church’s location. However, because she had
learned how to accept a situation, she could “look at what’s going on and then work to figure out
how you can fix some of those problems in your current situation.”
Sarah discussed the need to reflect on how she managed her feelings when dealing with
maltreatment and discrimination. She found that not addressing issues and holding in emotions
only led to a state where things could only get worse. She found that healing came through
understanding one’s brokenness. She stated,
I think many women are told like suck it up, or like this is just what it looks like, and they
understandably can get angry and bitter, which makes total sense, but it’s not the best
way to be able to walk forward. If we are acting out of our brokenness, we are never
going to be able to seek healing.
Finding a place of healing and wholeness through self-reflection or self-regulation allowed Sarah
to manage anger and disappointment in her role. In addition, reflecting and seeing how situations
affect them allowed the participants to manage difficulties.
Focusing on Values. Focusing on the value of a sense of call and reminding oneself of
one’s vocation helped three participants manage their responses to gender discrimination. Their
core values and identity gave them strength. For Naomi knowing her core identity helped her
during difficult times. She was also able to focus on her core values of loving others. She notes,
“So, I just loved ministry. I loved doing the ministry in the church, and I loved the
congregations.” Naomi developed a way to cope by focusing on core identity and values. This
focus helped her when she was experiencing a lack of support as a religious leader.
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Rachel finds joy in the opportunity to serve as a pastor. Although raised close to women
in ministry, she did not feel immediately called into ministry. Having that call confirmed by
others and having the opportunity to work in ministry is valuable to Rachel. Rachel notes, “I
never expected getting to be a pastor of a church in some ways. Now, I’m like, “Wow, we have a
church. This is great. I’m a pastor. How fabulous is that?” Even when things get complicated
regarding mundane issues related to managing a church, Rachel finds strength in her call. She
shares,
I don’t think that there are just a ton of jobs. I never expected to get a great one within the
church hierarchy, whereas I do think men do. When they graduate, they expect a pretty
cushy situation. I’ve always thought I’m going to be unclogging the toilet at times.
Whatever the job is in the church, I may have to do it, which I think is another gift. It’s a
strength of the situation.
This attitude of choosing to work in the church and having authority as a clergyperson helps
Rachel manage difficulties and discrimination. She continues,
I know in my own life; I actually really love ministry. I wouldn’t want to do anything
else. I could spend a lot of time bitching about the lousy stuff about it, but I try to actually
instead live into the positives and the benefits. I actually believe I have a really great
congregation. My life has improved by getting to walk a spiritual path with them.
Beyond reliance on a sense of vocational call to ministry, one participant focused on her
leadership abilities as a strength and value when she was dealing with challenges based on
gender. Having a deep understanding of who she was and her calling in life helped Mary
understand the capabilities she brings as a leader. She shares, “I was very much formed in my
leadership by the discernment models, creating spiritual communities out of boards and stuff.”
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Hannah finds that focusing on her core values helps her manage the stress of not being
accepted in her ministry. Being aware of what she values and why informs her interaction with
others. Hannah explains,
There are several other really big, hot-button things that happened to me as a woman and
the responses to that. I’m just like, “I want to be somebody who brings integrity.”
Integrity, authenticity, and vulnerability are three key values or characteristics that I value
greatly.
Even though she went through a challenging year and realized that she had “never lived up to
[her] standard,” she reflected on her experience and found value in who she was as a pastor.
Following some reflection, Hannah determined that not living up to her high standards did not
make her “less of a person or less valuable.”
By focusing on their core value and identity, the participants could deflect resistance to
their leadership and build resilience. Whether cleaning toilets or focusing a group on
faithfulness, these participants found strength in their abilities. In addition, focusing on their
pastoral identity gave them the ability to confront challenges to their leadership.
Self-Improvement. Some participants found ways to improve their leadership skills to
change their attitudes and behaviors. For example, Hannah participated in Clinical Pastoral
Education (CPE) training which helped her as a pastoral leader. She states, “I had a unit of CPE,
which I really enjoyed.” Naomi appreciated the leadership training she received through her
college religious organization. She notes, “I did a lot of leadership training with both the men
and women on campus. Wanted to know more.” Three participants attended specialized training
in the regional area and found it “very helpful.”
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One of the participants, Lois, decided to study the differences in leadership styles and
realized that her leadership style was gender-specific. She states,
I’m coming to learn that some of what was happening is because the church, in large part,
is so used to the leadership of masculinity and male leaders that there’s a, just a different
approach. And one of the things that was kind of an aha for me was that a more
collaborative or open approach to things tends to be a more female instinct in leadership.
Lois believes that changing leadership models will help the church explore future change by
applying what she has learned. She continues,
I think we’re quick to default to say this is what leadership looks like. And it tends to be
heavily influenced by masculinity. And I think the answer to what leadership is, is much
more expansive than that. And I just, I wonder how we help the church embrace that and
the possibilities that come with it.
Understanding leadership and the differences between genders in their leadership styles helped
Lois understand her ministry better, change her attitude towards church, and confront gender
barriers.
Internal support through confidence, self-regulation, a sense of vocation, and ignoring the
little things were various ways the participants responded to negative experiences. Rachel also
added a bit of humor. Upon reflection concerning women not following their call to ministry or
leaving ministry early, Rachel adds,
I also wonder how much we self-select out, too. We can go and psych ourselves out of
top leadership positions. My spouse has a t-shirt that says, “God grant me that confidence
of the mediocre white man.” I try to live that out every day because I can easily second
guess myself, for sure.
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Understanding of self and vocational call helped clergywomen manage difficulties. These
internal supports were crucial in discerning whether to remain in ministry or leave.
Discerning When It Is Time to Quit
Five of the participants are retired or without charge or full-time pastoral work. Naomi
and Mary are retired due to denominational age restrictions. These retirees continue to work part-
time. Lois, who is currently without charge, is discerning a call to a different form of ministry
but plans to continue to work as a clergywoman. Hannah is stepping away from parish-based
ministry. Both Lois and Hannah cited discrimination and conflict as determining factors in
leaving parish ministry. They returned home and concentrated on “healing” and “processing”
their experiences.
The decision to leave a position or continue can often be the sum of different things.
Rachel says, “it’s all the B.S. around [church ministry] that makes you want to go and give up,
like inequality, unfairness, admin, whatever it is.” For two participants, the decision to leave
stemmed from a lack of acceptance of their leadership. Hannah felt undermined by a previous
pastor who continued to visit church members. His final sermon before she arrived was
oppositional to women in ministry. Hannah painfully recalls, “He didn’t believe women should
be in the pulpit, and he preached one of his last sermons was basically, ‘God doesn’t change
God’s mind.’ The subtext was, ‘Women shouldn’t be in the pulpit.’ That was really hard.” Lois
experienced something similar, stating, “I’ve run into challenges that have been really painful.
And just left my last pastorate, and one of the reasons is because they, I think they thought they
were ready for a woman in ministry, and they were not.”
The experience of not feeling welcome and ending a relationship with a church was
painful for Hannah and Lois. Many of the participants were aware of women colleagues who had
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left the ministry. Naomi explains, “I’ve lost a lot of colleagues, and a lot of it having to do with
gender issues.” Other participants struggled with their ministries and shared how they
contemplated leaving the church from time to time. Mary talked about leaving the church. She
shares, “I thought often over the years, I’m just leaving church. I’m sick of it, especially all the
crap at the denominational level.” Ruth reflects that same sentiment, stating, “Every 3 months, I
tend to think, do I want to continue to do this? Is this what I want my life to be like?” Finally,
Martha feels mismatched with her congregation and out of step as a leader. She states, “I don’t
want to be done with ministry, but I struggle in the congregation that I’m in.”
Some of the participants did not experience a congregation that welcomed them. Mary
decided to avoid confronting a congregation that might be a good leadership match. She did not
take the position on their apparent lack of acceptance of women in ministry. Instead, she decided
to go where a church affirms women in leadership. She explains,
I had decided when I started that I was not going to beat down doors. It was going to be
shake the dust off my feet if I’m not welcome. I’m not going to fight with you about it.
I’m just going to walk through every door that opens, and I just experienced so little
opposition.
Naomi experienced the disappointment of being turned down from a position due to
gender discrimination. She thought she had found a good fit for a new ministry position, but the
calling church stopped the process. The experience wounded her deeply, and she had to take
some time to reassess who she was and what she was doing in ministry. She shares,
I felt very hurt and very confused and sad. I think a few months went by, and I’m
thinking, “What do I do?” And it was like it was just confirmed, “Just quit, Naomi. Just
quit.” So, I quit, and I took a 3-month sabbatical.
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For these women, quitting one position and moving to another was difficult. However,
for the participants who made that decision based on their experiences in the church, the decision
to leave or take time off from ministry became an opportunity for respite and healing.
In summary, the participants found various internal support mechanisms to manage
gender discrimination and gender bias. They utilized self-efficacy, managing maltreatment,
focusing on core values, and self-improvement to cope or confront issues related to the lack of
acceptance of their leadership. Their beliefs about themselves, their call, and their abilities
helped them determine if they should gain additional training, find support, remain in a particular
church, remain in ministry, or pursue other forms of religious leadership.
Summary of Impact
The impact of the environmental influences on women clergy-led some to work towards
changing the attitudes and behaviors of others while working on changing the attitudes and
behaviors of themselves. Some addressed the foundational documents of the Church by
examining and questioning interpretations that limited the role of women in leadership. Some
confronted discrimination through education and elucidation. A few participants modeled
behaviors that demonstrated equity and inclusion. Finally, some worked towards changing
policies in the denomination to further gender equity.
In addition, the participants developed support mechanisms to help them through the
more difficult situations. They found confidence in their abilities which added to a sense of self-
worth. Some managed maltreatment by ignoring it and avoiding confrontation. Others focused
on their core values and identity as a source of strength. A few sought ways to improve their
leadership skills to change their internal thinking and outward behaviors. Finally, a few of the
participants decided to leave the ministry due to their experiences of discrimination. All of the
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participants felt a deep sense of vocational call that helped them manage their experiences of
gender discrimination and gender bias
Summary of Findings
The introduction to the findings began with acknowledging the 11 unique participants
who shared their successes, failures, joys, and disappointments to support this study. The two
research questions focused on how clergywomen’s experiences as religious leaders affect their
beliefs and behaviors about their leadership role and sense of call to ministry. Each question was
answered based on the evidence produced by the interviews. The overarching themes for the
findings included external and internal support structures and access to role models in a gender-
biased environment. These themes aligned with topics identified within the conceptual
framework: gender bias, gender stereotyping, mentoring, and denominational support. The
conceptual framework was founded on social cognitive theory and a literature review. The
evidence identified gender discrimination as an underlying concern and emerged during dialogue
about systemic barriers, sexual harassment, microaggression, and access to resources. Based on
the evidence, living and working in a male-dominated field presents challenges for the
participants. In conclusion, being a Minister of Word and Sacrament is highly valued by the
participants who feel called to leadership within the church despite the challenges they must
navigate to fulfill that call to ministry.
The experiences of women clergy highlight both positive encouragement and adverse
treatment. Role models inspired these participants to seek out their sense of call and work in the
church. The various levels of support gave them a sense of belonging and encouragement to
follow their call and pursue a role as clergy. However, the participants shared experiences of
gender-related barriers to full acceptance as leaders. Overall, they believed in their calling as
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leaders in the church. Of the participants, all but two have persevered in ministry. The two who
have stepped aside from leadership roles shared a desire to look at other opportunities to live out
their call.
The environmental influences did not significantly impact the participant’s sense of call
to ministry or their understanding of their abilities as a leader. Even the participants who are not
working in a church are discerning ways to continue their ministry. The challenges the
participants encountered led them to change the attitudes and behaviors of others through
confrontation and modeling. At the same time, they sought ways to manage their attitudes with
various coping skills or act on their experience by seeking out help or leaving the ministry.
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Chapter Five: Recommendations
The purpose of this study was to explore systemic influences that affected clergywomen’s
experiences and their decision to remain as leaders in the church. Addressing this problem is
important because the challenges clergywomen experience is critical to their retention. A better
understanding of the participant’s perspectives may help change systems that oppress women
leaders in the church. This study used social cognitive theory to examine gender inclusivity,
perceptions of support, perceptions of discrimination, and reflections on leadership roles
(Bandura, 2000). This framework focused on interactions between the behavior of clergywomen
as leaders, their internal beliefs, and the external environment modulated by self-regulation
(Bandura, 2000). Qualitative methods served to obtain answers to the research questions. This
chapter discusses the findings concerning extant literature and the conceptual framework. Next
are recommendations for practice, the study’s limitations and delimitations, and
recommendations for future research. This chapter closes with conclusions concerning this study.
Discussion of Findings
This study confirms that gender discrimination and gender bias against clergywomen
identified by Purvis over 20 years ago still create a stained glass window that produces barriers
to fully accepting women’s leadership in the church (Purvis, 1999). The key themes for this
study, which emerged from the literature review, included barriers to women’s leadership in the
church, gender bias and discrimination against women clergy, and leadership training and
mentoring programs that do not support women in ministry. The concept of a vocational call as a
moderating factor was prevalent across these themes. Each of these themes emerged during data
collection. In addition to these themes, the participants voiced a need for role models and support
structures. The findings addressed this study’s problem of practice by generating a deeper
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understanding of why the percentage of clergywomen is lower than the percentage of women in
the church. This study has generated an understanding of clergywomen’s beliefs, expectations,
and behaviors concerning ministry in a mainline Protestant denomination.
The participants indicated that they experienced gender discrimination and gender bias at
all levels of the church. Participants experienced gender stereotyping, sexual harassment, and
gender discrimination at the local church level. Some participants received the message directly
or indirectly that church members or a church body were unwilling to support a woman as a
religious leader. On the other hand, some participants experienced a sense of support and
belonging at the Classis or Regional Synod level. This support was limited to the geographical
area of the Northeast, and those who grew up or lived in the Midwest experienced higher levels
of bias and discrimination. For years, the RCA struggled with women in leadership. The
Commission on Theology (1991) urged the denomination to end women's social, emotional, and
spiritual abuse under the guise of tradition. The end of the conscience clause was a movement
toward the full inclusion of women in the RCA. This study indicates a need for additional work
on ending gender discrimination and gender bias needs at the local, regional, and denominational
levels.
Barriers to Women’s Leadership in the Church
Based on this study’s participants, the role of ordained clergy was rewarding due to their
sense of call to ministry and the belief that they had an important part in church leadership.
Understanding their internal beliefs about their external environment is a primary component of
social cognitive theory. Discrimination, sexual harassment, microaggressions, stereotyping, and
job limits emerged as perceived gender barriers to their acceptance as religious leaders.
However, the participants expressed a deep sense of call to ministry that helped them navigate
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gender barriers that limited their full participation as religious leaders. Concerning leadership
barriers, the following literature topics within the conceptual framework emerged: gender bias,
gender stereotyping, gender harassment, and job ceilings. These topics fall within the conceptual
framework of social cognitive theory’s environment section. There were three primary findings:
(a) role models inspired the participants to pursue their call to ministry, (b) discrimination
continues to be an issue for clergywomen, and (c) support structures are needed to help manage
gender barriers.
The Effect of Role Models on Clergywomen
Having religious women as role models emerged as an experience that inspired the
participants to pursue a call to ministry. Role models and mentors at higher leadership levels
support women’s future performance (Alvinius et al., 2018). A strong sense of call helps mediate
the adverse effects of gender bias and positively affects job satisfaction and well-being (Robbins
& Greene, 2018; Sturges, 2019). The support and encouragement of role models made a lasting
impact and shaped the participant’s sense of call to ordained ministry and job satisfaction. Some
participants spoke about the importance of growing up in a church where women were leaders
and how that experience normalized women as religious leaders for them. Other participants
found that women lay leaders and other religious professionals were vital role models for
pursuing a religious leadership role.
The presence of role models in their formative understanding of women’s role in the
church impacted most participants’ behavior. Many recognized that their presence as
clergywomen would affirm the desire of other women to pursue a call to ministry. Breaking
through the stained glass ceiling at local church levels by pursuing a senior pastor position or
seeking a high-level denominational position was a behavior affected by the presence of role
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models in their leadership formation (Purvis, 1999). The importance of role models was an
essential finding due to the deficiency of research on clergywomen’s experiences with role
models as having an environmental impact on the behavior to pursue ministry and be a role
model for future generations.
The Effect of Gender Discrimination
Understanding clergywomen’s experiences of discrimination provided insight into how
persistent the problem is in mainline denominations and how it exists in areas with higher rates
of women in religious leadership positions. As highlighted in the literature, clergywomen receive
more critical judgment, and their leadership is more frequently questioned than men (Brescoll et
al., 2010). Sexual harassment is prevalent and affects clergywomen’s leadership ability and
growth (Amoah et al., 2015; Andriot & Coe, 2020). The literature also indicated that gender
stereotyping led to comments about women’s work being in the kitchen or the home, which
suppressed their leadership role in the church (Gaddes et al., 2016; Harp et al., 2011; Lemoine et
al., 2016; Ryan et al., 2016; Segal et al., 2016). Clergywomen also experience bias that affects
their job position, promotability, and hiring (Andriot & Coe, 2020; Hoegeman, 2017). The
experiences of discrimination affected all the participants. Some had difficulty finding work or
pursuing senior-level positions despite equivalent experience and education to their male
counterparts.
Most of the participants experienced heard about barriers to finding a church willing to
hire a woman. Two participants were harassed or dismissed as irrelevant to the church by
professors and male students during their time at the seminary. Male church members or
colleagues undermined some participants. Gender also affected expectations of the women, with
church members assuming that they would be caring for children and youth, cooking, or
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managing the kitchen rather than leading adults and men. A few participants were sexually
harassed or assaulted by church members and fellow clergy. A clergyperson groped one, and
another was pulled “onto the lap” of a male parishioner. These experiences affected the
participants’ ability to perform well.
The participants shared a variety of ways that gender discrimination affected their
behavior. For some, particularly the younger participants, there was a desire to confront
discrimination directly. For others, their stance was to use their work as a model for future
generations. A few participants have started to work at their local levels to address gender
discrimination in Scripture. Some participants directly confronted inappropriate remarks and set
professional boundaries to create a safe environment for women. A few participants sought
leadership positions at the denominational level to change gender barriers. Two participants have
taken time off to reassess working in the church, but this has not affected their sense of call to
ordained ministry.
Gender discrimination, sexual harassment, bias, and stereotyping in the church
environment did not affect the participants’ beliefs concerning their call to ordained ministry.
The effect on their behavior was for them to confront gender issues directly by taking on more
visible roles, calling out bias and discrimination, or modeling how people should treat one
another. The literature highlighted gender barriers and the need for women to be assertive and
direct in dealing with these barriers (Leach, 2017). This finding was significant because
clergywomen’s experiences continue to be affected by gender discrimination. The findings
indicate that despite these barriers, the participants persevered in their work and continued to
lead in an agentic manner, building relationships and transforming institutions (Hoyt, 2017;
Northouse, 2019; Perl, 2002; Pfaff et al., 2013).
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The Effect of Support Structures
The clergywomen described external support structures that helped them manage their
negative experiences and reinforced their sense of call to ministry. All participants experienced
external support from the community, colleagues, clergywomen, peers, family, and mentors. The
deficiency of literature was most prevalent in this area. The literature focused on mentoring and
training to provide women with the skills and self-regulation needed to work in the church
environment (Chiroma & Cloete, 2015; Lyons, 2013). In addition, the literature highlighted the
need for mentoring and support for women to move up into higher leadership levels or senior
positions at larger churches (Campbell-Reed, 2019; Segal et al., 2016). Missing from the
literature was the importance of support structures concerning self-regulation and self-efficacy.
The participants’ experiences related to support structures indicate that there are networks of
support beyond mentoring and training that lead to levels of job satisfaction for clergywomen.
Support structures gave the participants a sense of belonging and encouraged them to
pursue their call to leadership in the church. Some participants found support from church
members who spoke out on their behalf concerning discrimination. Half of the participants found
the support of colleagues, friends, or peers was an experience that sustained them and
encouraged their pursuit of ministry. Some support networks were local; others connected
through online platforms due to geographic separation. Friend and peer networks provided
support and gave the participants an outlet for sharing successes and moderating challenges. In
addition, some participants cited the support of close family members as creating an environment
that nurtured a sense of call to ministry or normalized women in ministry.
A majority of the participants cited the support of a mentor as an aid to their training. One
participant noted that mentors created an environment that promoted self-reflection. This aspect
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of mentoring support emerged within the literature (Alvinius et al., 2019; Barnes, 2017).
Mentoring was significant in helping clergywomen deal with church conflict (Barnes, 2017;
Wilde & Al-Faham, 2018), discrimination (Shehan et al., 1999), self-criticism (Alvinius et al.,
2018; Pfaff et al., 2013), and avoiding burnout (Barnes, 2017; Wilde & Al-Faham, 2018). Two
participants echoed the literature stating that mentors inspired them and helped to keep them
from dropping out of ministry.
External support structures encouraged the participants to seek out programs to enhance
their internal support, avoid burnout, and manage stress. Half of the participants relied upon
external support to provide self-confidence and a sense of self-worth that prevented them from
leaving their jobs. Two participants utilized denial to ignore or avoid discrimination to focus on
their work and ministry. Most participants focused on their core identity and values to find joy in
their work, build resilience, and manage stressors. The effect of support structures on the
participants inspired two to develop support networks to change the attitudes and behaviors of
people who discriminate against women in ministry. Finally, some participants mentioned
developing self-regulation to manage their anger and disappointments.
Support structures in the individual environment affected the participants’ beliefs
concerning managing stress and seeking fulfillment in their work. The effect of external support
structures was the development of internal support that sustained the participants in their work.
Literature focused primarily on the importance of mentoring and training as support to
clergywomen in avoiding burnout. The lack of literature in this area makes this a crucial finding
related to the retention of clergywomen. The findings indicate that extensive support networks
help clergywomen regulate their thoughts and behaviors to manage stress. Support networks also
provided the participants with the encouragement to break through the stained glass ceiling.
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The participants focused on their experience at the local church level and regional
assemblies. The barriers they experienced included gender bias and discrimination. A lack of
agentic training and mentoring support created additional barriers. Role models and support
structures were mitigating factors related to retention. Those who mentioned the conscience
clause were grateful for its removal from church policies and procedures, but they mentioned the
need for additional change to support women and minorities.
Recommendations for Practice
Based on the data analysis and the key findings, the following recommendations suggest
support related to clergywomen's retention in mainline Protestant denominations. The
recommendations have been designed based on social cognitive theory’s individual, behavioral,
and environmental components. The first recommendation involves implementation across the
various denomination levels, from the local church to the higher headquarters. The remaining
recommendations focus on systemic issues for denominational level management. The following
recommendations relate to this study:
Recommendation 1: Create Sexual Harassment and Assault Support for Survivors and
Training in Churches, Seminaries, and at the Denominational Level
In this study, three participants indicated that a church member or male clergyperson had
sexually harassed them. One participant indicated that a male clergyperson had sexually
assaulted her. Research has found that clergywomen experience sexual harassment and are the
victims of sexual misconduct and that they tend to underreport this misconduct (Amoah et al.,
2015). In their research, Colwell and Johnson (2020) found that denominations have written
statements acknowledging that sexual abuse exists in the church and that survivors need support.
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In addition, many religious leaders state they have not had adequate training to address the issue
(Colwell & Johnson, 2020).
In the late twentieth century, mainline denominations initiated training to prevent sexual
abuse of church members by clergy and church staff members (Kaiser, 1996). This training led
to sexual assault and abuse policies and procedures in these denominations. The rise of the
#MeToo movement in 2017 led to the RCA developing a denominational statement in 2018
declaring a call to “end harassment, abuse, and sexual violence against women and girls” (RCA,
n.d.). Unfortunately, the statement was not turned into policy or training and failed as an
organizational change initiative (Kotter, 1996). Since that time, the #ChurchToo movement
identified abuse within the church between church members. Campbell-Reed (2019) suggests
that denominations should revise sexual harassment and assault training to include the abuse
women suffer within the church.
In response to #ChurchToo, The Christian Reformed Church in North America (CRCNA)
and the FaithTrust Institute have created programs of education, training, and support for victims
of sexual harassment and assault. The FaithTrust Institute
(https://faithtrustinstitute.org/churchtoo) has educational resources, including handbooks, videos,
and articles to help train church leaders and clergy to prevent sexual harassment and abuse in the
church. The CRNCA Safe Church (https://crcna.org/SafeChurch) training model is a fully
developed program that provides consultants to church bodies to help them respond to support
the survivor, local training in churches and regions, and grants for the creation of additional
initiatives. This program also provides counseling support to the survivor. Adopting or adapting
this training, providing counseling support, utilizing available resources, or developing new
initiatives could help emphasize that sexual harassment or assault of women has no place in the
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church (Scarsella & Krehbiel, 2019). In addition, requiring this training at the church and
seminary level would support further change and provide victims with more than a social media
outlet to share their experiences and seek healing (Bogen, 2022). This study provides insights to
help develop and initiate denominational, seminary, and church-level sexual harassment and
abuse training for religious leaders and church members. Training for leaders at the local church
will help end the abuse of women clergy by church members. Regional districts should provide
training for clergy to stem harassment between clergy.
Furthermore, the denomination and its seminaries should establish policies and training to
provide support to survivors and hold abusers accountable. Further, Scarsella and Krehbiel
(2019) recommend developing programs of support and care for the survivors and developing
programs of accountability related to providing for the well-being of survivors. Support should
be offered locally and managed at the denominational level.
Recommendation 2: Incorporate DEI Training in Churches, Seminaries, and at the
Denominational Level
In this study, all participants indicated that either they or another female student
experienced gender bias or some form of stereotyping by male students and male faculty at faith-
based higher education institutions. Research has found that faith-based higher education
institutions and churches can help women clergy by providing training that prevents gender bias
and stereotyping and aligns church organizational values to prevent burnout or self-destructive
behaviors (Adams & Bloom, 2017; Ambrose et al., 2010; Gaddes et al., 2016; Harp et al., 2011;
Joynt, 2019; Lemoine et al., 2016; Logan, 2018; Ryan et al., 2016). Based on the findings,
denominations should include DEI training to help accept women as religious leaders. Inclusion
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requires going beyond hiring a diverse workforce, including developing and retaining women
and minorities through inclusive leadership practices (Sabharwal, 2014).
Research indicates that the addition of DEI training at faith-based higher education
institutions would provide church leaders with the skills to challenge gender bias through
advocacy, protection from hostility, and give them the ability to share awareness about gender
issues (Thoroughgood et al., 2020). The Commission on Theology of the RCA (1991) noted that
the full inclusion of women as leaders in the church was an important theological issue of equal
opportunity partially addressed by eliminating the conscience clause. In addition, Lyons (2013)
suggested that faith-based higher education institutions address gender and race bias through
courses on DEI to help move male clergy and churches towards accepting women in church
leadership and support clergywomen in their work.
This training should contain gender-specific information, including religious organization
gender bias (Adams, 2007; Lehman, 1981; Smarr et al., 2018; Sullins, 2000), gender
stereotyping (Adams, 2007; Bartkowski & Hempel, 2009; Sarot, 2011; Shehan et al., 1999),
Scripture and gender (Banerjee, 2000; Sarot, 2011), sexual harassment (Amoah et al., 2015;
Andriot & Coe, 2020), and agentic leadership styles (Hoyt, 2017; Northouse, 2019; Perl, 2002).
Leveraging DEI training currently developed and utilized in some denominations and religious
institutes of higher learning could be used as a basis for denomination-specific training. This
study provides insights to help develop and initiate denominational, seminary, and church-level
DEI training for religious leaders and church members within the next 2 years.
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Recommendation 3: Provide Clergywomen With Supportive Programs to Help Them
Survive and Thrive
To best support clergywomen, denominations should create intentional support networks
and training opportunities to increase their job satisfaction and retention. The participants in this
study indicated that support networks, mentoring programs, and leadership training supported
their decision to remain in the church as religious leaders. Having a support network provides
clergywomen with an outlet to share their stories related to gender bias, talk about their stressors,
and gain encouragement from each other. Research has directly tied a lack of social support to
low clergy satisfaction (Campbell-Reed, 2019; Elkington, 2013; Lehman, 1981; Robbins &
Greene, 2018; Shaw et al., 2021). Encouraging support networks and providing models could be
implemented quickly with minimal cost or effort.
In this study, clergywomen supported by mentoring programs remained in the pastorate.
Longman and Lafrenier (2012) stated that mentoring had a significant impact on women in
religious leadership and their leadership development, providing support through modeling and
coaching for leadership success. This study recommends access to mentors to promote women
clergy to higher leadership levels, including senior positions at larger churches and executive-
level denominational positions (Campbell-Reed, 2019; Segal et al., 2016). Developing local and
denomination-wide mentoring programs should aid in advancing clergywomen and increase
retention (Molefi et al., 2021). The Regional Synod of Albany developed a new clergy mentoring
and training program that some participants found aided their success and retention in ministry.
A denomination-wide mentoring program based on the Regional Synod of Albany’s program
could increase the success and retention of clergywomen. This program is easily reproducible
and could expand to include women who have been in the pastorate for several years.
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Creating a leadership training program that focuses on the leadership styles preferred by
women may help support the job satisfaction of clergywomen (Adams, 2007; Elkington, 2013;
Schleifer & Miller, 2017; Shaw et al., 2021; Sullins, 2000). Seminaries can develop a leadership
training program focused on the multi-faceted role a clergy person plays or the dynamics of
women’s leadership styles, including relationship-building and transformational leadership skills
(Kirkpatrick & Cooper, 2010; Northouse, 2012; Perl, 2002). Opportunities for continuing
education and training in leadership are available at various seminaries and universities. For
example, the Faith & Leadership program at Duke Divinity School provides opportunities for
leadership training throughout the United States. In addition, it supports projects in leadership
training through the administration of a Lilly Endowment. Information on these programs could
be provided immediately to clergywomen to support their work.
Recommendation 4: Strategic Changes to Increase the Number of Women in Key
Leadership Roles in Faith-Based Higher Education Institutions and Denominational Levels
In this study, most participants indicated that women role models in churches helped in
their decision to be ministers in a church. Four of the 11 participants stated that the lack of role
models in key leadership roles gave them the sense that the denomination was unwilling to
support clergywomen or deal with gender bias. Having women as role models provides
clergywomen with someone they can learn from as they observe their leadership. (Alvinius et al.,
2018).
Utilizing a strategic plan on diversity as an outline for increasing women in leadership
roles could help denominations establish policies and procedures for hiring and promoting
women. The evidence highlights the need to create programs to help recruit, retain, and promote
a more representative population to reflect the nation’s diversity (Kamarck, 2017). A numerical
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goal for the number of women in church leadership positions, including seminary professorships,
should be established to implement this strategic diversity plan (Longman & Lafrenier, 2012).
One way to smooth the way for the promotion of women is to leverage Scripture that promotes
equality and diversity as a cultural value in the church. An additional strategy would be to create
transparent paths for promotion and policies that support women taking time off for maternity
leave (Nordell, 2021).
Increasing the number of women in leadership roles does not solve all challenges related
to gender bias and gender barriers. Still, it does increase a sense of belonging for individuals,
improves organizational success through diversity, and increases the retention of women (Molefi
et al., 2021). In addition, the application of equitable representation by setting goals should
facilitate women’s ability to provide a diversity of gifts to manage leadership challenges and
create role models for future leaders (Longman & Lafrenier, 2012). For example, pastoral search
committees could interview church members at churches with successful women pastors to
understand the impact of a woman leader. Denominations could study representation at various
levels and provide a strategy and numerical goals within 3 years.
Limitations and Delimitations
Limitations are those items and external factors the researcher cannot control (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). A primary limitation of this study was that it occurred during the COVID-19
pandemic, and interviews took place via Zoom video conference instead of in person. This
platform limited the ability to observe participants’ body language. In addition, the Zoom
platform may have limited the interviews’ length due to fatigue with video conferencing caused
by the pandemic and the high usage of video conferencing in churches. The initiation of the
study during the busiest season of the Christian year, Advent, and Christmas overlapped with a
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spike in COVID-19 transmission, creating problems with interview availability. In addition,
initial e-mail invitations ended up in spam folders or inboxes that were overflowing due to the
season’s busyness.
The researcher acknowledges personal bias as a limitation to this study due to personal
experience. The researcher has a background in training clergy in leadership, has mentored
several clergywomen, and understands the importance of mentoring models in professional
development—however, multiple quotes from the interviews that led to emerging themes limited
researcher bias. In addition, quotes from the interviews ensured the conclusions came from the
data and not the researcher’s bias.
An additional limitation of the study was the participants’ demographic. This study
looked at clergywomen employed in a limited region of one majority-white mainline
denomination. High levels of heterogeneity existed within this population, although each
individual’s experience, age, and background were utterly different. The benefit of these
differences was a uniqueness that provided rich and thick descriptions for analysis. The
geographic boundary helped frame the study but did not consider the experiences of
clergywomen whose relationship to their local governing bodies may not align with the findings
of this study. Therefore, this was not a generalizable study.
Delimitations established by the researcher which may have affected this study include
the criteria used to select interviewees. The interviewees were from one denomination and one
region in the United States. Due to the scope of the research, the experiences of clergywomen in
different denominations and other regions may not align with the findings in this study.
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Recommendations for Future Research
Researching RCA clergywomen from additional geographical regions in the United
States and Canada can provide an understanding of cultural differences within their experiences.
Such a study would leverage a larger sample size and provide a deeper understanding of
clergywomen’s experiences. Utilizing a mixed-methodology could provide additional data for
comparing and contrasting the experiences based upon age, church-life experience, seminary
training, and domestic responsibilities. In addition, analysis of documents related to women in
ministry in the RCA could provide information on systemic changes related to the ordination of
women and the effect of the conscience clause.
Replicating this study, focusing on the intersectionality of minority clergywomen, and
comparing the findings to this or similar studies may provide additional information concerning
gender discrimination and bias. It would be interesting to explore the similarities and
dissimilarities that emerge from different perceptions of barriers and whether they align with this
study. This recommendation would provide a deeper understanding of African American, Native
American, Asian American, or LBGTQ clergywomen’s experiences.
Some mainline Protestant denominations conducted quantitative studies concerning
clergywomen. Still, they are outdated, church adherence has fallen, and the COVID-19 pandemic
has reduced church attendance and caused clergy to leave the ministry. Therefore, conducting a
mixed-methods study across mainline denominations is suggested to provide a broader
understanding of the gender issues clergywomen face regarding church demographic changes.
There are many ways to leverage this study for future research. These recommendations
offer a way to examine this study’s findings from a broader point of view. Additional research
may help determine how to support clergywomen and enhance the leadership in the church.
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Conclusion
This study explored the experiences of clergywomen concerning gender discrimination
and their decisions to remain in the pastorate. The answers to the research questions in this study
may help change practices related to supporting women in ministry and develop future research.
The findings fill a research gap and indicate that clergywomen with support systems and a strong
sense of call to the ministry can manage discrimination and bias to fulfill their role as leaders in
the church. Unfortunately, there continue to be barriers that prevent clergywomen from
succeeding and excelling in their work. The barriers women face are theological and traditional
and embedded in policies like the conscience clause in the RCA. However, mainline Protestant
denominations have the opportunity to change policy and support women to continue the hard
work of the church. Change that affects the perceived values of an organization is hard to
achieve, but denominations should invest in the change process to leverage the gifts and skills of
women leaders. The stained glass ceiling only limits the ability of churches to leverage the
transformational leadership of women and their ability to change their corner of the world.
Changes in policies and procedures to support women in religious leadership will make a
difference in the lives of women and girls as they utilize their leadership skills to transform the
church into the future.

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Appendix A: Semi-Structured Interview Protocol
Hello, and thank you for agreeing to participate in this research study. The purpose of my
study is to understand the experiences of clergywomen. I am interested in your experiences as a
clergyperson related to your development as a leader within your church. To understand your
experiences, I will ask you to describe them to me using as much detail as possible. As we begin,
please refer to the Information Sheet you received so we can review the details and I can answer
any questions you might have.
As a clergyperson, I must inform you that I have personal experiences related to this
topic. However, my goal is not to allow my personal biases or experiences to interfere with my
interpretation of your responses. To help ensure accountability, I will provide you with a copy of
your transcribed interview for your authentication before analyzing the data.
Do you agree to proceed with the interview?
Do I have your permission to begin recording?
Interview Questions
1. Tell me about your journey and sense of call to ordained ministry in the church.
a. Who influenced you to become a clergywoman?
b. If a role model is mentioned: How did your role model influence your journey?
c. If a mentor is mentioned: How did/does your mentor influence your journey?
d. What events in your journey impacted you the most? Why?
e. How did these events impact you?
2. What was your understanding of the role of women in the church before you went to
seminary?
a. What did your church teach you about the role of women in the church?
123

b. What was your understanding of the biblical role of women as leaders?
c. Did your understanding of the role of women in ministry affect your decision to
become a clergywoman?
d. Has your understanding of the role of women in the church changed since you
started your journey?
3. Tell me about your time in seminary.
a. What experiences impacted you the most? Why? How did these experiences
impact you?
b. How did your experience(s) affect where you are today?
4. What is your satisfaction with being a woman in ministry?
a. What makes being a pastor fulfilling for you?
b. What are some of the things that make your job less than satisfying?
c. What has your satisfaction or lack of satisfaction meant to you?
5. At any point in time during your journey, have you experienced bias or discrimination
because you are a woman?
a. Where did you experience this?
b. How did you respond to that experience?
c. How did that experience affect your belief about women in ministry or the church?
6. From your perspective, are clergywomen treated differently than clergymen?
a. Describe a difference and what that means to you.
b. How have you responded to these differences?
7. At any point in time, have you wanted to leave the church or the pastorate?
a. Where did you experience this?
124

b. What affected your decision to stay?
c. Do you plan to continue in ministry? Why/Why not?
8. What do you believe would encourage women to work in the church as ministers?
a. What has someone said or done that encouraged you?
b. What policies would you change?
c. What training do you think would help?
Closing Question
Is there anything else you would like to add before we end our conversation?

As a thank you for your time, I would like to offer you a $25 Visa gift card. Would you like a
gift card? If so, could you please provide me with your address?

125

Appendix B: Interview Invitation Template
Dear XXXXXX,

You are receiving this email because you are a part of the Regional Synod of New York, and you
are a woman in ministry. I am writing to invite you to participate in a confidential, up to 60
minutes confidential interview as part of a research study I am conducting to fulfill the
requirements for the Doctor of Education degree in Organizational Change and Leadership with
the Rossier School of Education at the University of Southern California.

The purpose of this study is to explore the experiences of clergywomen and their decision to
remain as leaders in the church. This study seeks to understand how clergywomen respond to
challenges created by barriers in the church environment and what affects their decision to leave
or remain in the church. I hope to learn what strategies clergywomen use to respond to leadership
challenges and how they decide if they will remain in pastoral ministry. You are invited as a
possible participant because you are an ordained clergywoman working in a church or validated
ministry under the care of a mainline denomination. About 10 participants will take part in this
study.

I do not anticipate any risk to you if you decide to participate in this study. However, you could
experience during this study include emotional or psychological discomfort from being asked or
answering the interview questions.

It is your choice whether to participate. If you choose to participate, you may change your mind
and leave the study at any time. However, suppose you decide not to participate or choose to end
126

your participation in this study. In that case, you will not be penalized or lose any benefits to
which you are otherwise entitled.

If you decide to participate in this study, you will participate in a Zoom video-recorded
interview. The interview should take no more than 60 minutes. You do not have to answer any
questions if you do not want to; please inform the researcher if you do not want the interview
recorded.

Attached to this email is a flyer with a link to Calendly and my phone number. I appreciate your
consideration, and I hope this finds you well, despite our current pandemic circumstances. If you
decide to participate in this study, additional information will be sent to you.

Blessings,
Lisa Hansen

127

Figure B1
Flyer

128

Appendix C: Participant Information Sheet for Exempt Research
STUDY TITLE: Job Satisfaction and Retention of Women Clergy
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Lisa A. Hansen
FACULTY ADVISOR: Kimberly Hirabayashi, Ph.D.

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.
PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to explore the experiences of clergywomen and their decision to
remain as leaders in the church. This study seeks to understand how clergywomen respond to
challenges created by barriers in the church environment and what affects their decision to leave
or remain in the church. In addition, we hope to learn what strategies clergywomen use to
respond to leadership challenges and how they decide if they will remain in pastoral ministry.
You are invited as a possible participant because you are an ordained clergywoman working in a
church or validated ministry under the care of a mainline denomination. About 10 participants
will take part in this study.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
Your participation is voluntary. Whether or not you participate in this study, your relationship
with USC and/or your church/denomination will not be affected.

If you decide to participate in this study, you will participate in an 8 question video-recorded
interview over Zoom. The interview should take one hour and will be recorded and transcribed.
129

You will be asked if you wish to review the transcription. You do not have to answer any
questions if you do not want to. In addition, if you do not want to be recorded, handwritten notes
will be taken during the interview.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will be given the option of receiving a $25 Visa gift card within three weeks following the
interview. You do not have to answer all the questions to receive the card. The gift card will
arrive via USPS mail. You will be asked at the end of the interview if they would like a gift card,
if so, you will be asked to provide a mailing address for receipt of the gift card.
CONFIDENTIALITY
The research team members and the University of Southern California Institutional Review
Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to protect the
rights and welfare of research subjects.

No identifiable information will be used when the research results are published or discussed at
conferences.

Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential and
will be disclosed only with your permission or as required by law. The data will be coded with a
false name or pseudonym; identifiable information will be kept separately from your responses.
All information will be confidential, and any information related to your, including personally
identifying information or church location, will not be linked to the study results.

130

The data will be stored on password-protected computers and held for one month after the study
has been completed and then destroyed.

You will have the right to review/edit the transcripts of the video recordings. The Zoom
recordings and transcripts will be downloaded to a password-protected computer and erased from
Zoom. The recordings and transcripts will be held for one month after the study has been
completed and then destroyed. Before the recording begins, you will be asked to create a
pseudonym for the recording. You have the option of turning your camera off during the
recording.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Lisa Hansen, e-mail, phone number.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study sought to better understand the experiences of women clergy in light of gender discrimination, harassment, and bias against women in religious leadership. The purpose of this research was to explore systemic influences that affect clergywomen's experiences and their decision to remain as leaders in the church. Social cognitive theory provided the lens to examine gender inclusivity, perceptions of support, perceptions of discrimination, and reflections on leadership roles. The methodology was a qualitative design consisting of semi-structured interviews of clergywomen in the Reformed Church in America. The findings showed that clergywomen who participated in this study believe in their vocational call to ministry, which helped shape their beliefs and behaviors related to experiences of gender discrimination and gender bias. This study has generated four recommendations for practice based on the findings and conceptual framework. This study generated insights to change that will make a difference in the lives of women and girls as they utilize their leadership skills to transform the church.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Hansen, Lisa A. (author)

Core Title Job satisfaction and retention of women clergy

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2022-05

Publication Date 05/05/2022

Defense Date 04/06/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag gender discrimination,mentoring,OAI-PMH Harvest,sexual harassment,support structures,Women clergy

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hirabayashi, Kimberly (committee chair), Malloy, Courtney L. (committee member), Muraszewski, Allison K. (committee member)

Creator Email hansenti@usc.edu,revlisahansen@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111259022

Unique identifier UC111259022

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Hansen, Lisa A.

Type texts

Source 20220506-usctheses-batch-938 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu