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The perceived impact of racial microaggressions on the well-being of African American female workers in nonprofit organizations
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Content
The Perceived Impact of Racial Microaggressions on the Well-Being of African American
Female Workers in Nonprofit Organizations
by
Sylvia Marlene Bugg
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2022
© Copyright by Sylvia Marlene Bugg 2022
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Sylvia Marlene Bugg certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Briana Hinga
Jennifer Phillips
Corinne Hyde, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022
iv
Abstract
This study examined African American women’s perceptions on the impact of racial
microaggressions on their well-being and work performance in nonprofit organizations. Coping
or resilience strategies to counter the effects of racial microaggressions were also explored.
Marginalized groups including African American woman are frequently targeted with racial
microaggressions, which can be rooted in other harmful acts such as gender and racial bias and
racism. Verbal and nonverbal insults such as racial microaggressions have existed since before
the turn of the Civil Rights era. Despite laws such as Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to
protect certain classes of people in the workplace, these common, everyday slights persist. The
study used critical race theory and intersectionality theory as constructs for the theoretical
framework to inform how African American women’s perceptions of racial microaggressions
impacted their well-being and work performance in their nonprofit organizations. Using a
qualitative, phenomenological research design, the researcher conducted semistructured one-on-
one interviews with qualified participants who were also invited to participate in an online,
asynchronous focus group. The results indicated that a majority of the study participants believed
racial microaggressions impacted their well-being; however, most of the study participants stated
racial microaggressions did not affect their work performance. Instead, these negative acts
propelled them to work even harder to ensure an ongoing and consistent high level of work
output. Study participants also shared how their organizations have failed to address racial
microaggressions aimed at African American women.
Keywords: racial microaggressions, critical race theory, intersectionality
v
Acknowledgements
There are many incredible individuals to acknowledge and thank for their support during
my doctoral journey at the University of Southern California. I would like to acknowledge my
USC Rossier School of Education professors for their stellar insights, motivation, and instruction
throughout the program. Also, I would like to acknowledge and especially thank my dissertation
committee led by Chair Dr. Corinne Hyde, Dr. Briana Hinga, and Dr. Jennifer Phillips for their
guidance and expertise throughout the dissertation process. Dr. Carey Regur also provided me
with remarkable inspiration and encouragement.
I would like to acknowledge my immediate and extended family members and friends for
their unwavering support while I juggled many commitments over the years with my career,
postgraduate studies, volunteerism, and this doctoral program. Thank you for lending me your
dining room table, internet connection, and note-taking supplies when I needed spaces to study,
research, and write.
Finally, I would also like to acknowledge and honor my late parents who instilled the
value of education in my sister and me early in our childhood. Nelson Mandela said, “Education
is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.”
There are no disclaimers or statements to disclose about conflicts of interest for this
research study. The Institutional Review Board number is UP-21-00996. All participants’ data
collected for this research study will remain anonymous. The researcher’s records will be
destroyed. The email address to contact the researcher is sbugg@usc.edu.
vi
Table of Contents
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... v
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures .................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study ........................................................................................... 1
Statement of Problem ............................................................................................................. 7
Purpose of Study and Research Questions ............................................................................. 8
Importance of Addressing the Problem ................................................................................ 11
Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................ 12
Key Definitions .................................................................................................................... 13
Organization of the Study ..................................................................................................... 14
Chapter Two: Review of Literature ............................................................................................... 16
Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................ 17
Conceptual Framework ........................................................................................................ 20
Racial Microaggressions ...................................................................................................... 22
Stress and Well-Being .......................................................................................................... 30
Racism, Bias, Bullying, White Privilege, and Racial Color Blindness ................................ 34
Coping Strategies ................................................................................................................. 40
Job Satisfaction, Training, and Organization Costs ............................................................. 42
Organizational Costs and Turnover ...................................................................................... 45
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 46
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 48
Research Questions .............................................................................................................. 48
Overview of Design .............................................................................................................. 48
vii
Research Participants, Research Setting, and Online Recruiting Tool ................................ 51
The Researcher ..................................................................................................................... 53
Data Sources ......................................................................................................................... 54
Validity and Reliability ........................................................................................................ 56
Ethics .................................................................................................................................... 58
Chapter Four: Results and Findings .............................................................................................. 60
Study Participants’ Demographic and Workplace Data ....................................................... 60
Research Question 1 ............................................................................................................. 63
Research Question 2 ............................................................................................................. 78
Organizational Support to Address Racial Microaggressions .............................................. 80
Synthesis ............................................................................................................................... 81
Chapter Five: Recommendations .................................................................................................. 83
Recommendations for Practice ............................................................................................. 87
Limitations and Delimitations .............................................................................................. 92
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................... 93
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 95
References ..................................................................................................................................... 97
Appendix A: ARMS Scale .......................................................................................................... 119
Appendix B: Racial Harmony Workshop Tool ........................................................................... 121
Appendix C: Purposive Sampling ............................................................................................... 123
Appendix D: Recruitment Message for Study Participants ......................................................... 125
Appendix E: Email Message/Online Recruiting Tool for Phase 1 Participants: The Perception
of Racial Microaggressions Among African American Women in Nonprofit
Organizations ...................................................................................................................... 126
Appendix F: List of Questions for One-On-One Interviews with Phase 1 Participants .............. 130
Appendix G: Group Survey Questions with Phase 2 Participants .............................................. 132
viii
Appendix H: Study Participants’ Examples of Racial Microaggressions ................................... 135
Appendix I: Participants Coping Strategies for Racial Microaggressions with Corresponding
Themes ............................................................................................................................... 138
ix
List of Tables
Table 1. Methods for Research Questions ..................................................................................... 51
Table 2. Racial Microaggressions and Themes ............................................................................. 64
Table 3. Coping Strategies for Racial Microaggressions and Corresponding Themes ................. 79
Table 4. Impact of Racial Microaggressions on Well-Being ........................................................ 85
Table 5. Coping Strategies ............................................................................................................ 86
x
List of Figures
Figure 1. Types of Racial Microaggressions ................................................................................... 2
Figure 2. Organizational Framework for Racial Microaggressions .............................................. 10
Figure 3. Conceptual Framework for Perceptions of Racial Microaggressions’ Impact .............. 21
Figure 4. Methods of Inquiry in Educational Research ................................................................. 49
Figure 5. Demographic Characteristics of Participants (Age and Highest Level of Education) ... 62
Figure 6. Participants’ Work-Related Characteristics (Current Level Role and Years with
Organization) ......................................................................................................................... 62
Figure 7. Primary and Secondary Microaggressions ..................................................................... 69
1
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
Racial microaggressions cause harm to individuals and groups of people, particularly
those from minority backgrounds. Dr. Chester Pierce (1974) first coined the term racial
microaggressions in the mid-1970s, describing it as subtle forms of racism where racial
intentions may not be apparent. Sue et al. (2007) defined microaggressions as negative slights
and racial insults made either intentionally or unintentionally. Racial microaggressions are
defined as passive racism that makes Blackness inferior and normalizes White expertise
(Gatwiri, 2021). For African American women, battling racial microaggressions in the workplace
can lead to fatigue and symbolize institutional systems and structural hierarchies of power
(Gatwiri, 2021). Experiencing microaggression in the workplace can also affect employees’
morale and performance (Offermann et al., 2014). Figure 1 presents types of racial
microaggressions and examples of each type (Sue et al., 2007).
Figure 1
Types of Racial Microaggressions
Note. From “Racial Microaggressions in Everyday Life: Implications for Clinical Practice,” by D. W. Sue, C. M. Capodilupo, G. C.
Torino, J. M. Bucceri, A. Holder, K. L. Nadal, and M. Esquilin, 2007. American Psychologist, 62(4), p. 278.
(https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.62.4.271). Copyright 2007 by American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.
2
3
Sue et al. (2007) described three forms of racial microaggressions: microassaults,
microinsults, and microinvalidation. Traits of microassaults might be displayed in private
settings or situations where the perpetrator believes they can remain anonymous; these behaviors
may surface when the perpetrator experiences feelings of loss of self-control or feels safe in their
environment (Sue et al., 2007). Microinsults may manifest verbally or nonverbally and may be
unknown to the perpetrator who is displaying them (Sue et al., 2007). An example cited in the
research is when a minority employee is asked how they got a particular job, suggesting the
hiring decision was made based on affirmative action and not qualifications (Sue et al., 2007).
Microinvalidations occur when the perpetrator diminishes a person of color’s feelings or lived
experiences (Sue et al., 2007). An example of a microinvalidation narrative would be when an
African American woman tells her White friend that she was followed around in a high-end
shopping boutique because she is a person of color, and the White friend says she is being too
sensitive and not everything is always about race.
African American women hold a range of leadership roles in their organizations,
including nonprofit companies. As is the case across other institutions, nonprofit workers
contend with these behaviors from their colleagues but also must cope with other organizational
challenges often specific to their industry, including funding reductions, limited budgets, calls
for greater accountability, and a push for performance improvement (Ebrahim, 2010). African
American women are often at the center of these forms of business challenges while being
affected by racial microaggressions simultaneously.
There is a limited amount of peer-reviewed research on the study of racial
microaggressions against African American women in nonprofit organizations. However, one
study related to racial microaggressions in social work found that coping strategies may include
4
the need to understand the differences among different racial/ethnic groups and acknowledge
biases that may occur (Weng & Gray, 2020). Lack of diverse leadership, bias, and racism are
prevalent in nonprofit organizations across the country. According to Philanthropy News Digest
(2017), boards of nonprofit organizations fail to prioritize diversity among their ranks, and only
10% of chief executive officers and 16% of board members are people of color. In addition to
racial microaggressions, racism, bias, and color blindness contribute to added layers of
workplace stress.
Workplace insults such as racial microaggressions have long existed since before the turn
of the Civil Rights era, including during slavery in the United States. Specifically, Title VII of
the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits employment discrimination based on race, color, religion,
sex, and national origin (Aiken et al., 2013).
Despite laws intended to address these injustices, many African American women and
people from other minority groups continue to be on the receiving end of harmful insults. Fifty
years after the Civil Rights Movement, ethnic and racial disparities persist and have widened
across several socioeconomic indicators. When compared against Whites, non-Whites fare about
the same or worse than their counterparts of the past in educational and occupational attainment,
income and earnings, wealth, and unemployment and underemployment (Valdez, 2015).
According to Rolen and Toossi (2018), there were 253.5 million people ages 16 or older in the
U.S. civilian noninstitutionalized population in 2016. Of those, about 31.9 million (12.6%) were
Black, and that number is projected to grow to nearly 36,000,000, or 12.9% of about 278.2
million people, by 2026. Black women made up 53% of the Black labor force in 2018 (Rolen &
Toossi, 2018).
5
Throughout much of U.S. history, racial microaggressions did not have a name and were
done more openly, directly by the perpetrator, and tolerated. Sule et al. (2017) addressed the
impact of posttraumatic slave syndrome on inequities, especially as it pertains to mental and
physical health. The authors posited that the devastating impact of slavery or major stress events
in minority populations can be transgenerational and lost to history. According to Sue et al.
(2007), racism takes on many forms and has two specific traits: (a) it is more likely to be
disguised and hidden, and (b) it has evolved from slavery’s overt forms to more ambiguous
forms, making it more difficult to recognize or acknowledge. In today’s workplace, the number
of incidents of racist acts is tracked with an understanding of the characteristics of such
behaviors and with better data-collection and reporting methods. According to the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission (2017), there were 32,309 charges of race-based
workplace discrimination in the 2016 fiscal year.
Craig et al. (2018) examined whether demographic shifts in the United States may help
promote positive changes in the nation’s racial dynamics. The trend of non-White groups
becoming the majority across the U.S. population is the subject of ongoing discussions, and
researchers suggest that cultural threats as a result of this shift may also build sentiments to be
racially exclusionary (Craig et al., 2018). Despite living in a post-Civil Rights era, there still
exists deeply rooted problems of racism in the United States (Bobo, 2017).
Although the United States may have progressed in other areas of social injustice and
oppression, such as the economy or education, racism is likely permanent (D. Bell, 1992).
Bonilla-Silva’s (2009) research on a concept referred to as a new racism assessed the impact on
race relations following former President Barack Obama’s reelection. The election and reelection
of an African American man as President of the United States did not lead to better protections
6
for certain groups in this country. Voluntary affirmative action in the United States has been
combined with diversity management; however, groups that affirmative laws were meant to
protect, including racial and ethnic minority groups and African American women, have been
left behind (Oppenheimer, 2016). According to data from the U.S. Department of Education, of
the 16.6 million undergraduate students enrolled in the Fall 2018, African American students
made up 1.1 million students (13%). Prior to entering the workforce, many undergraduate
students of color experience instances of racism and racial microaggressions (U.S. Department of
Education, 2020). Therefore, the current population of African American women should be
included in future research on how inequities continue to be the center for larger societal
discussions regarding identity and racial microaggressions.
Racism cannot be explained or understood with a singular definition. Schmid (1996)
described racism through the lens of behavioral, motivational, and cognitive lenses. From a
behavioral perspective, Schmid defined racism as the failure to give equal consideration based on
race alone. The second lens focused on motivational racism, defined as the infliction of unequal
consideration motivated by the desire to dominate. The third lens was cognitive racism, defined
as the unequal consideration out of a belief of the inferiority of another race (Schmid, 1996).
Skadegård and Horst (2021) explored how structural discrimination (implicit, underlying) is so
embedded within day-to-day forms of communication, interaction, and within language that it
has become an invisible social norm. Structural discrimination must be negotiated and navigated
within, and structural discrimination changes based on place and context (Skadegård & Horst,
2021). Skadegård and Horst also explored some of the ambivalence found with racialized and
discriminatory interactions.
7
According to Essed (1991), racism is expressed through structural conflict; power
structures can be used to produce racist behavior and combat it. The more opportunities people
have to gain information about racism and its negative effects, the more authority and
responsibility they have for their racist practices. Through a review of the contributing
psychological factors and potential conflict between Whites' unconscious negative feelings and
beliefs about African Americans, Dovidio and Gaertner (2000) found that acts of aversive racism
are not limited by national or geographic boundaries and could reflect attitudes toward many
different groups when overt forms of discrimination are recognized as inappropriate. Edmondson
Bell and Nkomo (2001) discussed African American women and the multiple, complex identities
they hold, including their race, social class, and gender. Despite challenges that many African
American women in the workplace face, they remain resilient, tenacious, and resolute, and
develop a strong sense of rising above adversity (D. Davis & Maldonado, 2015). Stanley (2009)
studied African American women in key leadership roles at institutions consisting of primarily
White staff and found that power and privilege may lead to negative actions such as resisting,
undermining, or ignoring African American women’s authority.
Statement of Problem
This study addressed the problem of African American women working in nonprofit
organizations who are subjected to racial microaggressions, the impact of these behaviors, and
coping strategies. Although there is minimal research on this specific topic, there is guiding
research involving college students and faculty groups that helps frame larger contextual
questions about racial microaggressions and coping skills in the workplace. Ackerman-Barger
and Jacobs (2020) studied racial microaggressions against college students from minority
backgrounds majoring in healthcare and found that racial microaggressions can lead to feelings
8
of stress, anger, and frustration if left unaddressed. In another study involving 4,800 science,
technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) students from minority backgrounds (Black,
Latino, Asian, and Native American) attending a predominantly White public university in the
United States, researchers found that racial microaggressions are embedded in the culture of
campus life and prevalent among STEM instructors and advisors toward their students of
minority backgrounds (Lee et al., 2020). A third study among a group of multiracial campus
professionals concluded that participants’ colleagues and workplace failed to even spark
dialogue around racial microaggressions, and some felt the subject was too complex and would
cause discomfort if discussed. African Americans are subjected to racial microaggressions across
other workplaces and institutions outside of the nonprofit sector, as shown in research on higher
education. It is important to examine common themes and potential solutions to eliminate the
problem of racial microaggressions among African American women.
Purpose of Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to understand how a systemic history of hurtful and
offensive behaviors toward African American women working in nonprofit organizations may
impact their well-being and work performance. Racial microaggressions, bias, bullying, White
privilege, and color blindness can have their own distinct negative impact, but each of them
intertwined may have far more serious implications for African American women. Some African
American women in these situations may choose to identity-shift as a coping mechanism; an
example may be changing the tone of one’s voice to sound less threatening to make a counterpart
feel more at ease (Dickens et al., 2020). According to D. Clark and Smith (2014), 61% of all
employees conceal their identities to avoid drawing unwanted attention or making others feel
uncomfortable. The two following questions informed this study:
9
1. How do African American female nonprofit workers perceive incidents of racial
microaggressions and the impact on well-being and work performance?
2. What are African American nonprofit female workers’ perceptions about coping
strategies for racial microaggressions?
Figure 2 displays an organizational framework for racial microaggressions in the
workplace. In the framework, examples of racial microaggressions including environmental,
stereotypes, and exclusion are identified, as well as coping strategies such as leaning on support
networks, self-care, and spirituality (Holder et al., 2015).
10
Figure 2
Organizational Framework for Racial Microaggressions
Note. From “Racial microaggression experiences and coping strategies of Black women in
corporate leadership,” by A. M. B. Holder, M. A. Jackson, and J. G. Ponterotto, 2015.
Qualitative Psychology, 2(2), p. 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/qup0000024. Copyright 2015 by
American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.
11
Importance of Addressing the Problem
Despite widespread discussions about Black identity, workplace diversity, and culture in
today’s era of racial reckoning, there remains limited research on the effects of racial
microaggressions among African American women in the workplace (Wong et al., 2014).
According to Foster (2009), women experience discrimination at work and from those in their
close-knit circles, including male family members or members of groups who have been frequent
perpetrators of microaggressions. Left unaddressed, this problem for African American women
in the workplace at various stages of their career and across society will continue to persist,
which may lead to negative effects, including stress, lack of job performance, and strain on their
overall well-being. Sue et al. (2007) suggested that greater awareness and understanding of racial
microaggressions must be met with greater urgency, as well as strategies identified to eliminate
them. Not all African American women use the same coping approaches to manage racial
microaggressions; therefore, it is important to consider how other societal factors play an
important role in highlighting the importance of addressing racial microaggressions against
African American women. These factors include unique workplace experiences of African
American women compared to other groups, intersectionality, and a greater need for more 21st-
century inclusive workplaces. By examining these issues from multidimensional lenses,
companies may be better positioned to address the struggles of racial microaggressions from the
perspectives of both perpetrators and targets.
According to Linnabery et al. (2014), African American women face a different set of
demands in workplace culture than White women. These demands include feeling a lack of
comfort in bring one’s authentic self into the workplace, lack of acceptance by their colleagues,
or lack of being valued for their contributions. African American women’s level of job control is
12
also limited by the resources available to them and their often limited or reduced status in the
company (Linnabery et al., 2014).
Likewise, intersectionality among African American women can also inform and shape
their workplace experiences and help recognize when a racial microaggression occurs.
Intersectionality refers to the ways in which African American women must navigate multiple
paths for how they associate with gender, race, and class (Crenshaw, 2011; Stanley, 2009).
Intersectionality is threaded through African American women’s workplace situations and how
they must navigate racial microaggressions, troubling attitudes, and inappropriate behaviors.
U.S. workplaces are more dynamic and becoming more diverse and multicultural than ever.
According to Ewoh (2013), organizations and managers must be knowledgeable, build cross-
cultural relationships, possess extensive diversity training, and ensure that all workers, including
African American women, benefit from a strong, targeted emphasis on diversity and racial
microaggressions. The problem of racial microaggressions and their impact on African American
women in nonprofit organizations must be viewed from multiple angles, including an
organizational perspective with people-centered, solutions-based approaches.
Theoretical Framework
The primary theoretical framework for this study was critical race theory (CRT).
Additionally, aspects of intersectionality theory informed this research. CRT dates back to the
1970s and is described as the study and relationship among three key areas of scholarship—race,
racism, and power—that influence multiple areas of social impact, including the economy,
history, and equality (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). Crenshaw (1989) conceived the term
intersectionality to describe how race, gender, and class combine to create a framework for
understanding racial inequality and discrimination against African American women.
13
The study’s methodology was qualitative. According to Patton (2015), qualitative
research is focused on direct personal experiences to understand behavior and gain context.
Peterson (2019) described qualitative research as understanding “participants’ language and
behaviors” (p. 148). The design of this study included a set of predetermined survey and
interview questions for African American women who work in a nonprofit setting and met the
criteria for study participants. The study did not take place inside my place of employment. I
used semistructured interviews will be used , represented by flexible wording and less-structured
questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). According to Cohen and Crabtree (2006), the
semistructured interview guide provides a clear set of instructions for interviewers and can
provide reliable, comparable qualitative data. Semistructured interviews allowed for further
follow-up with participants to clarify details or gain additional information for the study as
needed.
Key Definitions
Color blindness is the belief that belonging to a specific racial group should not be
considered or factored into larger contexts of race and equity (Apfelbaum et al., 2012).
CRT addresses five elements: the centrality and intersectionality of race and racism,
challenge to the dominant ideology, commitment to social justice, importance of experiential
knowledge, and use of interdisciplinary perspectives (Solórzano et al., 2000).
Intersectionality is a multidimensional lens in which African American women may
identify by their gender, race, and class (Crenshaw, 1989).
The Racial and Ethnic Microaggression scale is a taxonomy developed by Nadal (2011)
that introduced the types of microaggressions people of color experience based on study results
that yielded a six-factor model:
14
• Assumptions of inferiority: feelings of second-class citizenship. (p. 470)
• Assumptions of criminality: false assumptions that minorities are lower
class/labeled as criminals. (p. 470)
• Microinvalidations: society is less defined by race. (p. 470)
• Assumptions of similarity: classification of sameness. (p. 470)
• Environmental microaggressions: subtle discriminations. (p. 470)
• Workplace microaggressions: attacks on underrepresented groups including
minorities, women, and people identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender,
queer, plus (LGBTQ+). (p. 470)
Racial microaggressions are subtle and unconscious put-downs of those of inferior status
(Sue et al., 2019).
Well-being is a term used synonymously with a wide range of concepts, including self-
esteem, self-efficacy, self-determination, resilience, quality of life, mood enhancement, positive
mental health, life satisfaction, and worthwhileness (Huppert, 2017).
White privilege refers to the certain privileges automatically afforded to Whites
(McIntosh, 1997).
Organization of the Study
This study is organized into five chapters. The first chapter introduced the study by
providing historical background information and context for the problem. Other sections of
Chapter 1 include the problem statement, purpose of the study and study questions, the
importance of addressing the problem, methodology, and key definitions. Chapter 2 provides an
overview of the literature review and topic insights that frame the research. Chapter 3 describes
the research methodology, study participants, questions, data gathering, and analysis. Chapter 4
15
provides the data summary and results. Lastly, Chapter 5 summarizes recommendations
informed by the data collection and outlines further areas for future research.
16
Chapter Two: Review of Literature
The purpose of this literature review is to explore the origins of racial microaggressions
and their impact on African American women working in nonprofit institutions. Despite accruing
advanced degrees and other professional success, African American women are less likely than
their counterparts to hold leadership positions at nonprofit organizations (Cook, 2020). In a study
of 4,000 people, researchers found that racial bias—not education, experience, or skill—was the
primary factor holding people of color, including African American women, back from top
leadership roles at nonprofits (Biu, 2019). Racial microaggressions can occur through racial bias
that may negatively impact African American women, particularly in their places of
employment.
Harmful microaggressions are deeply rooted in America’s history of enslavement and
continue to be embedded throughout many U.S. based organizations’ employee relations and
hiring practices across nonprofit companies and higher learning institutions. Among populations
that are significantly impacted are African American women who, as part of their workplace and
personal life, experience racial microaggressions, bias, bullying, racist behavior, and other forms
of mistreatment. In the first portion of the literature review, CRT is the theoretical framework
discussed and defined in relation to the study and research questions outlined in this dissertation.
Intersectionality theory is one of the concepts of CRT that is important to this body of research.
The following topics are addressed in subsequent sections of the literature review, many
of which are common and familiar to minority groups: definitions and types of racial
microaggressions, associated emotional and mental well-being, racism, bias, bullying, White
privilege, and racial color blindness. Other themes explored include coping strategies for African
American women who experience racial microaggressions in the workplace, and how workplace
17
training programs are key to addressing business challenges that may counter the negative effects
of these behaviors. This dissertation addresses the origins of systemic racism and its impact
across today’s workplace using CRT to demonstrate the harm racial microaggressions cause.
Theoretical Framework
The following section is an overview of CRT, the theoretical framework used for this
dissertation. Intersectionality theory is a concept informed by CRT that provides context for this
research topic. The conceptual framework that I developed is also outlined in this section.
Critical Race Theory
Author and scholar Derrick A. Bell Jr. was a key figure in guiding the early development
of CRT and was among several cofounders of this theory, including Richard Delgado, Charles
Lawrence, Mari Matsuda, and Patricia Williams (Hughes et al., 2013). Prior to the beginning of
his study into CRT, Professor Bell wrote extensively on topics that spotlighted matters involving
African Americans, ranging from minority admissions programs, school litigation strategies,
racial remediation, equal employment, and the Brown v. Board of Education case (Crenshaw,
1995). These early works presented insights on how legal remediation for racism in various
forms could be considered, but more often were pushed aside (Crenshaw, 1995). Professor Bell
also realized how influential the Brown v. Board of Education case was to African American
adults and in the lives of their children under the legal system (Hughes et al., 2013). CRT also
reveals the intersection of race and racism through the legal system (McCabe, 2009). Solórzano
et al. (2000) presented five elements of CRT:
• the centrality and intersectionality of race and racism,
• challenge to the dominant ideology,
• the commitment to social justice,
18
• the importance of experiential knowledge, and
• the use of interdisciplinary perspectives.
CRT scholarship is also unified by two primary ideas. The first is to understand how a
regime of White supremacy and its effects on people of color have been created and maintained
in the United States (Crenshaw, 1995). The second is a desire to not only understand the
connection between law and power, but to understand the ways to use both to create change
(Crenshaw, 1995). C. Bell (1995) described the characteristics of CRT as narrative, storytelling,
and the use of first person. Crenshaw (2011) suggested shifting the frame of CRT from a static
reference to a dynamic one is a more productive means to link the past to today’s social issues
and how racial power is understood in the post-Civil Rights era. According to research by
Vaught and Castagno (2008), CRT is defined as racism that is embedded throughout pervasive,
systemic conditions that deeply impact institutions and relationships. Racism adapts to
sociocultural changes by altering its expression, but does not go away completely (Vaught &
Castagno, 2008). Finally, scholarship that challenges social inequities must consider systemic
racism and counter neutral, color-blind inquiry (Vaught & Castagno, 2008). According to
Cabrera (2018), CRT was not intended to serve as just a theoretical framework, but a counter for
scholars of color to challenge and transform racial oppression.
Intersectionality Theory
Intersectionality is a concept that was developed from CRT. Historically, intersectionality
has been drawn from the experiences of African American women and expresses how gender,
race, and classism are not mutually exclusive. All these descriptions must be represented to
reflect their lived experiences (Crenshaw, 2011). Crenshaw (1989) provided further research on
the intersection of race and sex that examined how the law impacts women in the United States,
19
particularly those from diverse backgrounds. Themes included challenges for women to obtain
equal treatment under the law, intersectionality, and equal protection (Crenshaw, 1989). When an
individual, such as an African American woman, self-identifies in more than one way, these
descriptions can also have a compounding effect on the overall stigma impacting that individual
or group (Zuzelo, 2020). Individual differences such as race, poverty, gender expression, or
sexual orientation collectively can also contribute to stigma women of color experience (Zuzelo,
2020). For African American women, these experiences carry their own set of burdens in the
workplace. According to K. Davis (2008), intersectionality addresses the most central theoretical
and normative concern within feminist scholarship: the acknowledgement of differences among
women. Intersectionality is also most often associated with Black feminist theory and examines
the relationships between gender, class, and race (K. Davis, 2008). Research by Edmondson Bell
and Nkomo (2001) presented the intersectionality of African American women as a foundation
for understanding the complexities of race, gender, and stereotypes. This paradigm shifts away
from a single-axis framework (e.g., gender or race only) to emphasize the idea that all
individuals hold multiple interconnected social identities that are also affected by systems of
inequality and power (Choi et al., 2017).
Intersectionality is not meant to simply understand social relations of power, but rather to
disrupt and challenge them (Keum et al., 2018). Although intersectional analyses aid in
understanding the breadth and depth of people’s experiences in multiple contexts of privilege
and oppression, these analyses should also transform power dynamics and promote social change
(Moradi & Grzanka, 2017). The study of intersectionality among African American women is
critical toward achieving social awareness for today’s 21st-century workplace.
20
Racial microaggressions African American women experience are key to understanding
the influence of CRT theoretical framework and the connections of related issues of race in the
United States. I further explore the history, definitions of racial microaggressions, and impacted
groups in the next section of this literature review.
Conceptual Framework
Figure 3 illustrates the conceptual framework for this study. According to Grant and
Osanloo (2014), the conceptual framework describes how the problem of practice is organized to
inform the direction of the research, variables, and how they relate to each other. Walsh (2017)
suggested a conceptual framework is critical to developing and understanding elements of
research, which help frame the data analysis more effectively as the researcher delves further
into the data collection.
Figure 3
Conceptual Framework for Perceptions of Racial Microaggressions’ Impact
21
22
The topic of racial microaggressions and the perception of their impact among African
American women working in nonprofits represent a combination of interrelated concepts that are
critical to understanding how a history of systemic racism and inequities shapes behaviors in
today’s workplace. Hamann and Foster (2014) found that the desires of nonprofit employees to
serve for the public’s social good may contribute to greater stress and feelings of emotional drain
compared to employees working for revenue-generating companies. With such added pressures
that are inherent to workers in the nonprofit sector, it is important to reflect on how those factors
may impact African American women.
Beyond highlighting the general premise of racial microaggressions, this research
examined the perceived impact of these behaviors on well-being. The second area of focus for
this research was coping mechanisms for racial microaggressions as perceived by African
American women in nonprofit organizations. Coping strategies are grouped into two subthemes
(Lewis et al., 2013). Researchers described resistance coping strategies such as using one’s voice
as power and resisting Eurocentric standards and leaning on one's support network (Lewis et al.,
2013). Self-protective coping includes the concept of a Black superwoman, which is interpreted
as feelings of invincibility and becoming desensitized and later escaping (Lewis et al., 2013).
Racial Microaggressions
Research suggests most studies about racial discrimination do not distinguish between
macroaggressions (i.e., overt, purposeful discrimination) and microaggressions (i.e., subtle,
typically unconscious discrimination) or examine gender (Donovan et al., 2013). Researchers
examined these gaps by exploring: (a) the prevalence of perceived racial macroaggressions
(PRMa) and perceived racial microaggressions (PRMi) in African American women’s lives, and
(b) how PRMa and PRMi influence depressive and anxious symptoms in this group. Findings
23
suggest that PRMa and PRMi are common occurrences for Black women and are associated with
negative mental health outcomes, with PRMa being the least common but more detrimental of
the two (Donovan et al., 2013). In Nadal’s (2011) research, racial microaggressions were defined
as subtle statements and behaviors that communicate (verbally or nonverbally) denigrating
messages to people of color. In some cases, the perpetrator may be unaware of the harmful
effects of racial microaggressions. African American women in the workplace may be frequent
targets of racial microaggressions (C. Bell, 1994). Nadal et al. (2016) offered a distinction
between structural racism and microaggressions. The difference between structural racism and
microaggressions is microaggressions are purposeful, deliberate, and blatantly damaging acts
that make an impact at the individual level, and structural racism is integral to everyday, ordinary
interactions (Nadal et al., 2016). Pérez Huber and Solórzano (2015) argued that racial
microaggressions can occur in varied contexts, and there is no universal definition to describe a
range of perspectives for racial microaggressions.
Dating back to 1970 when Pierce first coined the phrase racial microaggressions, these
negative experiences have continued to impact people of color, including African Americans,
Asian Americans, Latinos, and Native Americans. Microaggressions are offensive mechanisms
that keep African Americans in inferior and dependent roles as well as control their mobility and
feelings of degradation (Pierce, 1978). Pierce et al.’s (1977) research about racial
microaggressions was also informed by data from 90 television commercials, which found
numerous and excessive negative representations of African Americans portrayed in the majority
of commercials evaluated.
Other groups targeted by microaggressions are Asians, Native Americans, Latinx,
African Americans, women, Jews and Muslims, and gay and lesbian individuals (Berk, 2017).
24
Sue et al. (2008) studied racial microaggressions against African Americans and implications for
counseling. Six themes emerged from Sue et al.’s study about participants’ specific
microaggression incidents: assumption of intellectual inferiority, second-class citizenship,
assumption of criminality, assumption of inferior status, assumed universality of the Black
American experience, and assumed superiority of White culture and values/communication
styles. Racial microaggressions can negatively impact people of color, including lack of job
satisfaction, stress, poor psychological adjustment/well-being, and anxiety (DeCuir-Gunby et al.,
2016). Holder et al. (2015) conducted a study of microaggression experiences and coping
strategies of Black women in corporate leadership. In Holder et al.’s study, African American
senior-level corporate professional women, aged mid-20s to late-50s, cited multiple examples of
racial microaggressions in their places of employment that were stereotypically associated with
Black women, like intellectual inferiority, invisibility, and exclusion. The authors concluded that
despite the earned career success of African American women, they still experienced racial
microaggressions.
Lewis and Neville (2015) applied an intersectionality framework to the theory of
gendered racism by Essed (1991) and the model of racial microaggressions by Sue et al. (2007)
to measure the gendered racial microaggressions Black women experience. The Gendered Racial
Microaggressions scale was developed to assess both frequency and stress appraisal of
microaggressions in two separate studies, which found the scale significantly related to
psychological distress (greater perceived gendered racial microaggressions related to greater
levels of reported psychological distress).
Lewis et al. (2016) uncovered three gendered racial microaggression themes, each with
two subthemes: projected stereotypes (expectation of the jezebel and angry Black woman);
25
silenced and marginalized (struggle for respect, invisibility); and assumptions about style and
beauty (communication styles, aesthetics). Black women experience microaggressions based on
the stereotypes that exist about their gendered racial group. Wong et al. (2014) provided a
conceptual framework and directions for research related to racial microaggressions, including:
• What are racial microaggressions and who do they impact?
• Why are racial microaggressions important to examine?
• How are racial microaggressions currently studied and how might we improve the
methodologies used to study racial microaggressions?
Racial microaggressions are not limited to coworker relationships among people of color
in the workplace. Murphy-Shigematsu (2010) conducted a study and found that supervisors of
color are not only targets of discrimination, but also perpetrators. An area of professional
development for supervisors of color to consider is understanding the diverse identities of those
being supervised, as employees are becoming increasingly multiethnic and transnational in a
21st-century workplace (Murphy-Shigematsu, 2010). Supervisors of color should also examine
their experiences of microaggressions both as the sender and receiver and reflect on their own
identities and supervisory skills (Murphy-Shigematsu, 2010). Murphy-Shigematsu concluded
that supervisors of color most commonly work with White supervisees, a relationship that may
lend itself to the possibility of microaggressions. Although supervisees may perceive supervisors
of color as experts on the minority experience, they also become targets of supervisees’
misconceptions and prejudices, and those being supervised may judge supervisors of color as
less competent or resist authority (Murphy-Shigematsu, 2010). In a contradictory body of
research, Lilienfeld (2017) offered a response to the critique of the Microaggression Research
26
Program (MRP). Lilienfeld presented insights into the MRP, which consists of five main
concepts for microaggressions:
• Microaggressions afford an opportunity for rigorous scientific investigation.
• Microaggressions are interpreted negatively by most or all minority group
members.
• Microaggressions reflect implicitly prejudicial and implicitly aggressive motives.
• Microaggressions can be validly assessed by using only respondents’ subjective
reports.
• Microaggressions exert an adverse impact on recipients’ mental health.
Lilienfeld (2017) suggested that although the MRP has been fruitful in drawing the
field’s attention to subtle forms of prejudice, it lacks full development on the conceptual and
methodological fronts to justify a real-world everyday application. Lilienfeld further argued that
the actual term, microaggression, should be abandoned and a moratorium on training programs
for microaggressions be enlisted. Finally, Lilienfeld also suggested that publicly distributed
microaggression lists be halted pending research to address the MRP’s scientific limitations.
In addition to African Americans, people from Asian backgrounds are also subjected to
racial microaggressions. Kim et al. (2019) researched the effects of race and color blind racial
attitudes on the perceived impact of microaggressions toward Asians in the workplace, and
discussed the implications for raising awareness of the negative effects of subtle
microaggressions that render Asians invisible in the workplace. Kim et al. found that compared
to Whites, Asians saw a smaller difference in negative effects between blatant microassaults,
subtle microinsults, and microinvalidations. Also, a new form of subtle microaggression, known
as overvalidation, is when the perpetrator treats Asians in a seemingly positive way based on
27
Asian stereotypes (Kim et al., 2019; Sue et al., 2017). An example of overvalidation is when a
person of Asian descent is asked to take on a quantitative task because they are believed to be
good at math (Kim et al., 2019). Kim et al.’s research also showed how color blindness played a
stronger role among Whites than Asians. Finally, Whites are less likely than Asians to view
subtle microaggressions as problematic (Kim et al., 2019).
Mekawi and Todd (2018) studied the Acceptability of Racial Microaggressions scale
(ARMS), which places four unique factors into view as debates continue about harmful effects of
racial microaggressions. In their research, Mekawi and Todd named these factors (victim
blaming, color evasion, power evasion, and exoticizing) to describe how prejudice, empathy, and
ideological social attitudes are displayed in everyday life. Although color evasion (i.e.,
avoidance/minimization of race) and power evasion (i.e., denial/minimization of institutional
racism) are blended, they are separable constructs and may be viewed as acceptable types of
statements to make for a host of different reasons (Mekawi & Todd, 2018). An example may be
when individuals consider color evasion statements as acceptable because of a genuine (but
mistaken) belief that “not seeing color” is an appropriate way to reduce prejudice and to not be
perceived as racist (Neville et al., 2013). Further, Mekawi and Todd found that acceptability of
such statements may have less to do with lower empathy or a desire to legitimize the status quo,
and instead reflect a greater desire to be antiracist. This area of study may have the potential to
advance the understanding of racial microaggressions by going deeper into the history of and
context for these behaviors with the goal of developing more intervention programs to reduce or
eliminate acts of racial microaggressions (Mekawi & Todd, 2018). The ARMS, identified in
Appendix A, may also help inform future research into racial microaggressions and greater
understanding among organizations and leaders (Mekawi & Todd, 2018).
28
In other research, Li (2019) examined job-search processes, self-perceptions of
foreignness, group interactions, and work experiences of Chinese migrant workers in Australia.
Li found that the intersection of these elements influenced how migrant workers interpreted and
reacted to racial microaggressions. Moreover, Li found that workplace relations and interaction
patterns eased tensions between advantaged and disadvantaged groups, yet persistent racial
stereotypes and unequal race relations were maintained in everyday life.
In addition to African American and Asian groups, racial microaggressions among Native
indigenous populations are representative of how other populations are impacted, and it can also
lead to detrimental effects in these communities if not properly addressed. Drywater-Whitekiller
(2017) examined racial microaggressions among Native Americans through the lens of cultural
resilience theory and discovered that participants’ identities evolved through their personal
reassessments and life tasks with each microaggression experience, reinforcing who they believe
they are as Native Americans.
This literature review has focused primarily on race and ethnicity lenses for racial
microaggressions. However, it is important to note that other members of geographically
marginalized communities and LGTBQ+ individuals can also be negatively affected by racial
microaggressions.
Research on racial microaggressions toward African American women and other
minority groups in the workplace has been limited. However, experiences of racial
microaggressions among minority populations in postsecondary education settings have been
better documented. Relevant studies may provide valuable insight and connections into African
American women’s experiences in nonprofit work settings, as some African American women
enter the nonprofit field after completing their college experience. Harwood et al. (2012)
29
explored racial microaggressions on college campuses among students of color and found four
dominant themes:
• racial jokes and verbal comments,
• racial slurs written in shared spaces,
• segregated spaces and unequal treatment, and
• denial and minimization of racism.
Similarly, McCabe (2009) studied racial and gender microaggressions among Black
women and other minoritized groups on a predominantly White campus using a CRT approach
and found four themes:
• views of Black men as threatening,
• views of Latinas as sexually available and exotic,
• the classroom as a particular setting for microaggressions Black women
experience, and
• male-dominated academic majors as particular settings for microaggressions
White women experience.
Museus et al. (2016) conducted a qualitative study of multiracial students’ experiences
with college prejudice and discrimination via focus group interviews with 12 mixed-race
participants and individual interviews with 22 mixed-race undergraduates. The analysis revealed
seven types of multiracial prejudice and discrimination (Museus et al., 2016):
• racial essentialization (assigning mixed-race individuals to a single race),
• invalidation of racial identities (rejection of how individuals identify their race),
• external imposition of racial identities (ascribing racial identities to mixed race
people),
30
• racial exclusion and marginalization (excluding or marginalizing mixed races
from a racial group(s),
• challenges to racial authenticity (racial legitimacy is questioned),
• exoticization (fascination with mixed race individuals), and
• pathologizing of multiracial individuals (assuming that mixed race individuals are
confused about their identities).
Pittman (2012) conducted a study involving a group of participants of 14 African
American faculty members and found that racial microaggressions were a common and negative
facet of their lives on campus. Narratives suggested interactions of microinvalidations with
White colleagues and microinsults with White students (Pittman, 2012). The response to
solutions for these forms of racial microaggressions was intended to create campus change and a
safe space for students of color (Pittman, 2012). Besides the expressions of racial
microaggressions being harmful, the emotional toll of racial microaggressions can also cause
detrimental effects on groups of color, including African American women, particularly in
educational and college settings.
Stress and Well-Being
Due to the limited amount of scholarly research on the emotional and mental well-being
of African American women experiencing racial microaggressions in the workplace, insights
from minority college students and teacher populations serve as pathways for further exploration.
Torres et al. (2010) studied racial microaggressions and their influence on mental health among
African American doctoral students and graduates of doctoral programs. Using a mixed-methods
approach, Torres et al. identified the types of microaggressions African American participants (N
= 97) reported, and investigated the mechanism by which these experiences influenced mental
31
health over time with a separate sample of African Americans (N = 107). The qualitative findings
of Torres et al. revealed three categories of microaggressions:
• assumption of criminality/second-class citizen,
• underestimation of personal ability, and
• cultural/racial isolation.
The quantitative analyses found support for a moderated–mediational model by
underestimation of personal ability associated with greater perceived stress at 1-year follow-ups,
which related to greater depressive symptoms (Torres et al., 2010). Active coping was found to
moderate the racial microaggression-perceived stress link such that individuals who endorsed
active coping behaviors reported lower perceived stress (Torres et al., 2010). Torres et al. (2010)
discussed these findings in terms of practical and theoretical implications regarding the role of
racial microaggressions in the lives of high achieving African Americans, and the mechanisms
by which these experiences contribute to mental health problems.
Forrest-Bank and Cuellar (2018) studied the effects of ethnic identity on the relationships
between racial microaggressions and psychological well-being. The scholars found racial
microaggressions have damaging effects on the emotional health of racial and ethnic minority
young adults (Forrest-Bank & Cuellar, 2018). However, microaggression experiences may also
elicit a stronger ethnic identity, which appears to serve as a protective factor to the negative
influences of racial microaggressions on psychological well-being (Forrest-Bank & Cuellar,
2018).
Franklin (2019) presented research on racial battle fatigue to study differences and
similarities about diverse groups of college students, mainly students from African American and
Mexican American groups. Franklin explored how the racial battle fatigue framework assists in
32
understanding the cumulative, negative effects of racial microaggressions on psychological,
behavioral, and physiological outcomes, and assessed the racial battle fatigue framework for
African American and Mexican American college students and the impact of coping on racial
stress. The study results indicated that racial microaggressions negatively impacted stress
responses for African American and Mexican Americans differently, but coping may have
helped alleviate the impact of racial battle fatigue (Franklin, 2019).
Hollingsworth et al. (2017) also studied the relationship between the experience of racial
microaggressions and mental health, specifically suicidal ideation through perceived
burdensomeness in African Americans. Certain dimensions of racial microaggressions, such as
invisibility, low achievement/undesirable culture, and environmental invalidations, were
associated with higher levels of perceived burdensomeness, which related to increased levels of
suicidal ideation (Hollingsworth et al., 2017). In an examination of the relationship between
racial microaggressions and self-esteem among 225 undergraduate students, Nadal et al. (2014)
found that when individuals encounter a greater amount of racial microaggressions, the total
accumulation of these experiences may have a negative impact on their self-esteem.
Torres and Taknint (2015) studied racial microaggressions and traumatic stress symptoms
among 112 Latino adults, another group significantly impacted by microaggressions. The study
findings revealed that microaggressions significantly correlated with traumatic stress, ethnic
identity, and depression (Torres & Taknint, 2015). The authors also found connections to decline
in implicit self-esteem among Asian Americans related to the racial impact of microaggressions
(Torres & Taknint, 2015). Torres and Taknint experimentally tested the race-related nature of a
microaggression event to determine whether a White American perpetrator would elicit more
stress in Asian Americans compared to an Asian American perpetrator. The authors also
33
examined threats to explicit and implicit self-esteem as possible mediators of microaggression-
generated stress (Torres & Taknint, 2015). Findings confirmed the perpetrator’s race did have an
impact on stress among Asian Americans (Torres & Taknint, 2015). Wong-Padoongpatt et al.
(2017) concurred with the idea that White perpetrators of microaggressions cause more stress for
Asian Americans compared to Asian American perpetrators. This concept is important to this
dissertation because it may help illuminate how African American women may be impacted by
stress from racial microaggressions in different ways based on the perpetrator’s racial identity.
Some forms of racial microaggressions among employees of diverse backgrounds,
particularly African American women, stem from a range of other behavior including racism,
bias, or other harmful actions. Okechukwu et al. (2014) studied workplace discrimination,
harassment, abuse, and bullying and found that these types of injustices contribute to poor
outcomes of psychological and physical health. Despite the negative effects of stress related to
race and bias, there has been little research on the psychological, social, and physiological effects
of perceived racism among African Americans (R. Clark et al., 1999). R. Clark et al. (1999)
studied the connection between racism and the negative effects of stress among African
Americans and outlined a model for perceived racism as a guide for future research. Louis et al.
(2016) conducted a study of Black faculty and racial microaggressions at predominantly White
universities to explore the behaviors and resiliency of a group of African American faculty
subjected to social attacks at predominantly White institutions. The targeted research population
consisted of male and female faculty members who had earned tenure or were currently on the
tenure track in the social sciences. The study yielded four themes to shed light on additional
areas of research (Louis et al., 2016):
• common occurrences of microaggression;
34
• the futility of the Black faculty members to address the microaggression with the
perpetrator;
• participants explained how their experiences with microaggressions caused
extreme stress, which resulted in isolation and avoidance of the office
environment; and
• the subjects’ resiliency in a White-dominated field.
Boysen (2012) explored teachers’ perceptions of video vignettes that described
microaggressions and the effectiveness of responses to the microaggressions. Boysen’s research
highlighted how teachers who were focused on diversity identified microaggressions in a more
negative way compared to teachers not courses not focused on diversity. Teachers who were
focused on diversity were also more likely to respond to a racial microaggression.
Racism, Bias, Bullying, White Privilege, and Racial Color Blindness
Perpetrators of racial microaggressions may be influenced by several attitudes that plague
U.S. society, such as racism, bias, bullying, White privilege, and color blindness. These harmful
behaviors often occur in the workplace without formal policies to address them. Like people
from other minority groups, African American women are frequently subjected to these threats.
Racism
Racism can be described in several ways based on the behaviors or responses of actions
from individuals or groups. Bulhan (1985) described racism as a set of complex systems of
privilege and power that can negatively impact and exclude racial and ethnic minorities from
access to societal resources and other civil liberties afforded to other nonminority groups. J.
Smith and Joseph (2010) examined the workplace experiences of a group of 42 workers; this
35
group consisted of 21 White and 21 African American respondents. The purpose of the study
was to examine how work experiences impacted or influenced participants’ professional lives.
In J. Smith and Joseph’s (2010) study, individuals were asked questions related to race
and ethnicity, specifically how their race and ethnicity may have mattered in their career, how
their workplace experiences in their organizations compared with those of another race, and
whether their education level influenced their success. The study results revealed differences in
how Whites and African Americans in the workplace view race and gender impacting their
employment outcomes (J. Smith & Joseph, 2010). Collectively, Whites attributed their outcomes
to organizational issues of culture when they were inhibited and to their abilities when they are
successful, and they never identified their race and/or gender when encountering organizational
setbacks (J. Smith & Joseph, 2010). Meanwhile, African Americans always considered race and
gender having the dominant impact on their workplace experiences and often viewed them as
barriers because of their minority status within organizations (J. Smith & Joseph, 2010). Themes
that emerged from the study included the impact of organizational culture on the experiences of
individuals in organizations, human capital investments, and workplace discrimination and
stereotyping (J. Smith & Joseph, 2010). The findings demonstrate that diversity-management
practices must consider race, gender, and multiple-group memberships (e.g., African American
women) to (a) identify unique issues to be addressed within organizational contexts, and (b)
provide insight for managers to aid in diversity management and retention across their
organizations (J. Smith & Joseph, 2010). J. Smith and Joseph’s research provides additional
context to the workplace experiences of women and minorities to aid managers in deriving the
maximum benefit in a diverse, well‐qualified labor force.
36
Triana et al. (2015) found that perceived racial discrimination negatively related to job
attitudes, physical and psychological health, organizational citizenship behavior, and perceived
diversity climate, and positively related to coping behavior. The effect of perceived racial
discrimination on job attitudes was stronger in studies published after the Civil Rights Act of
1991 was passed (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016). Future research should explore training programs that
address and combat microaggressions, bullying, racism, bias, and other forms of assault (J. Smith
& Joseph, 2010).
Bias
Sometimes rooted in conscious or unconscious behavior, biases can produce detrimental
effects, including negative feelings, low self-esteem, and distrust among people from different
backgrounds (Dovidio et al., 2002). Dovidio et al. (2002) examined several studies
demonstrating how racism may produce unintentional and/or unconscious bias and negative
attitudes that may be potentially damaging to race relations. The authors found that these
behaviors and reactions may also foster feelings of distrust and miscommunication between
Whites and Blacks (Dovidio et al., 2002).
To understand implicit (unconscious) bias, Holroyd et al. (2017) offered insight into how
bias and discrimination are often unintentional, unendorsed, and perpetrated without awareness.
The authors further posited that the harms of bias and discrimination are particularly damaging
because they are cumulative and collectively perpetrated. Holroyd et al. also explored the
following questions:
• What does it mean to characterize certain biases as implicit?
• What are the grounds for claiming certain attitudes and behaviors are biased?
• What form of cognition is being measured?
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• What mental states underpin these kinds of behavioral responses?
In addition to experiencing institutional racism and racial stereotyping, society often
negatively depicts African American women (Greer, 2011). Ortiz and Roscigno (2009) examined
workplace experiences for over 8,000 African American and White women using archived data
drawn from discrimination cases filed in the Northeast region of the United States. The authors
found that nearly 40% of African American women reported experiencing racial discrimination
only (e.g., few or no promotions, being fired), and 16% of them reported experiencing gender
discrimination only (e.g., sexual harassment). In contrast, 43% of White women reported gender
discrimination only (Ortiz & Roscigno, 2009). For example, African American women’s hair is
often a highly debated issue and leads to bias in the workplace (i.e., what is considered an
accepted and professional hairstyle versus women who choose to wear natural, nonchemically
processed hair styles).
A. Johnson et al. (2017) studied the attitudes toward African American women’s hair in
the workplace. Bias toward processed and natural hair was shown to correlate with
discriminatory behaviors such as rejection, avoidance, and abuse (A. Johnson et al., 2017).
Factors related to certain biases and attitudes toward African American women and their
hairstyles include the following: who holds the bias, what hairstyle choices they are making, and
what social pressure they are navigating (A. Johnson et al., 2017).
Bullying
Akella (2016) studied workplace bullying, which constitutes repeated and persistent
negative actions aimed at one or more individuals that results in the creation of a hostile working
environment. Sedivy-Benton et al. (2015) identified six themes related to workplace bullying: (a)
38
positionality, (b) differences, (c) jealousy, (d) clandestine decision-making, (e)
accountability/leadership, and (f) blaming the victim.
Sedivy-Benton et al. (2015) also found that members of minority populations, including
African American women, are considered targets of bullying because they are perceived as
weak, powerless, and defenseless against nonminority populations. Perceived power imbalances
in the workplace among African American women and other employees is another reason
minority groups are subjected to bullying (Samnani, 2013). Sobre-Denton (2015) examined
White privilege and systemic discrimination based on a White woman encountering workplace
bullying, and this privilege and discrimination was presented and examined on three levels:
workplace bullying, cultural enactments of gender discrimination, and White privilege theory.
White Privilege
Feminist and author Peggy McIntosh (1997) wrote about White privilege, which is
seminal work to better understand the concept and how it shows up in everyday lives,
workplaces, and the experiences of Whites and African Americans. White privilege is defined as
the inherent privileges of a White person based on their race (Bonds & Inwood, 2016). In
considering the history of White privilege, White supremacy and settler colonialism revealed the
enduring social, economic, and political impacts of White supremacy as a materially grounded
set of practices (Bonds & Inwood, 2016). The United States has reinforced the idea that White
supremacy is often seen as part of the nation’s history; however, the correct lens is one that
serves as a foundation for how racist practices systematically persist in 21st-century America
(Bonds & Inwood, 2016). Among other attitudes related to race and racism in the United States,
racial color blindness may go unaddressed, be set aside, or used as justification for how the
country must move on from conversations about systemic racism.
39
Racial Color Blindness
Racial color blindness is a tenet of CRT and relies on an ideal that race is not a
determinant factor in how groups see others, including marginalized groups from diverse
backgrounds. With this logic, there are no differences between groups; therefore, there is no
basis for discrimination, prejudice, or stereotyping of others (Yogeeswaran et al., 2018). In light
of this approach, organizations should be more aware and better poised to identify subtle forms
of microaggressions in the workplace. However, identifying such discrimination can be
challenging because it may be largely in how individuals interpret and choose to name such
offenses (Offermann et al., 2014).
Many individuals in today’s society believe they are living in a postracial, color-blind era
despite ongoing attacks against minority groups. Recently, Asian American, LGTBQ+, and
African American communities have experienced attacks at the hands of police. The killing of
George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer in 2020 and the fatal shooting of Breonna Taylor
by Louisville law enforcement have further intensified public debate that America should look
past race and, instead, focus on alternatives that do not place race at the center of the dialogue.
According to Neville et al. (2013), color blindness is an unrealistic and unattainable
concept that reinforces racial prejudice and inequality. The authors suggest that racial color
blindness introduces a new characterization of racism informed by current social injustices and
division across the United States (Neville et al., 2013). Inequities may not be perceived to the
same extent by people holding color-blind attitudes, posing a challenge for organizations seeking
to promote inclusiveness.
Offermann et al. (2014) also examined individuals’ attitudes and color blindness in the
workplace. The authors discussed three dimensions of racial color-blindness attitudes, including
40
racial privilege, institutional discrimination, and blatant racism, and described vignettes
capturing instances of racial workplace microaggressions (Offermann et al., 2014). Offermann et
al. found racial color blindness to be a potential barrier to the advancement of equality and
fairness within organizations. Furthermore, the study findings highlighted the impact of racial
color-blind attitudes on perceptions of workplace interracial exchanges, showing how different
worldviews may cloud perceptions of discrimination and emphasizing that efforts to build fair,
equitable, and discrimination-free workplaces must continue (Offermann et al., 2014). To
develop effective interventions to reduce or eliminate prejudiced behavior, employees must be
able to recognize discrimination when it occurs and utilize coping strategies to manage it.
Coping Strategies
Coping strategies are efforts used to resolve problems and manage, endure, or alleviate
distress (Greer, 2011). There remains a lack of coping support in the workplace for African
American women who have moved into key roles within their organizations. Additionally,
nonprofit organizations lack strategies to address racial microaggressions. DeCuir-Gunby and
Gunby (2016) found that developing active coping skills and having a strong sense of racial
identity are coping mechanisms because they may provide a sense of support and community.
According to Erskine and Bilmora (2019), Afro-diasporic women have increasingly secured
senior leadership roles across political, civic, and nonprofit sectors in the United States.
However, in corporate roles, the representation of Afro-diasporic women remains low in
comparison to other female groups. Afro-diasporic women are synonymous with African
American women in this literature review. Currently, there are only two African American
female chief executive officers among Fortune 500 companies (Hinchliffe, 2021). In 2017, only
1.3% of executives and senior-level managers in S&P 500 companies were Afro-diasporic
41
women, and that number only rose to 4.7% when including other women of color (Erskine &
Bilmora, 2019).
It is also important to address allyship in the workplace. White counterparts can support
emerging Afro-diasporic women leaders to challenge the status quo of White-dominated
organizational leadership and work to create more equitable organizational systems. Doing so
would help pave the way for more opportunities for Afro-diasporic women to lead nonprofits and
corporations (Erskine & Bilimoria, 2019).
A lack of peer-reviewed research exists to address racial microaggression coping
strategies for African American women in the workplace. However, insight may be gained from
studies involving African American women in higher education settings. Lewis et al. (2013)
explored the strategies that African American women use to cope with racial microaggressions.
In Lewis et al.’s study, a total of 17 Black women undergraduate, graduate, and professional
students participated in one of two semistructured focus-group interviews. The study results
revealed five key coping strategies categorized as follows: (a) two resistance coping strategies
that use one's voice as power and resist Eurocentric standards, (b) one collective coping strategy
(or leaning on one’s support network), and (c) two self-protective coping strategies (becoming a
Black superwoman, and becoming desensitized and escaping; Lewis et al., 2013). The theme of
picking and choosing an individual’s battle was also uncovered as a process whereby participants
made deliberate decisions about when and how to address the microaggressions they experienced
(Lewis et al., 2013). Findings indicated that, depending on contextual factors, Black women used
a combination of coping strategies to cope with racial microaggressions in the workplace (Lewis
et al., 2013).
42
Sue et al. (2019) identified four goals to address microaggressions: make the invisible
visible, disarm the microaggression, educate the perpetrator, and seek external support to reduce
or eliminate them. Organizational training to address bias and racial microaggressions is a
critical and necessary element toward ensuring all employees feel heard and seen. Furthermore,
there is a high likelihood that job satisfaction will decline if racial microaggressions continue.
Boysen (2012) found the most fundamental suggestion for addressing racial microaggressions is
providing a response that is direct and intentional. In addition, self-actualization may reduce
racial microaggressions that impact people of color (Boysen, 2012).
Job Satisfaction, Training, and Organization Costs
In the following section, workplace issues related to African American women and job
satisfaction and training are addressed. Despite the billions of dollars organizations spend
annually on training programs, many fail to eliminate discriminatory behavior. These
management concerns impact all organizations, particularly regarding the financial costs
associated with employee turnover due to job dissatisfaction.
Job Satisfaction
Racial microaggressions can cause harm to more than an individual’s emotional well-
being and work performance; it can also negatively impact job satisfaction. DeCuir-Gunby and
Gunby (2016) found that an organization’s environment and workplace attributes may also affect
employees’ satisfaction levels. Dissatisfaction with workplace attributes has been associated with
treatment discrimination, where African Americans may receive fewer rewards, resources, or
opportunities on the job than they legitimately deserve based on job-related criteria (DeCuir-
Gunby & Gunby, 2016). Researchers suggest that level of satisfaction on the job may be related
to staff morale and the amount of effort employees contribute to their role and the organization
43
(Gephardt et al., 2016). W. Smith et al.’s (2020) study included more than 3,000 African
Americans who participated in the National Survey of American Life. The study results indicated
that experience with racial microaggressions may have led to less general happiness and job
satisfaction despite educational attainment levels. Job satisfaction is one of the many factors
affecting African American women in their workplace, and it is crucial that job satisfaction
remain intact. Workplace training is a key element in reducing or eliminating racial
microaggressions, as described in the next section.
Training
To address issues related to workplace discrimination and racism, many organizations
make significant investments into diversity initiatives to reduce these incidents among
employees. Funding for diversity training has increased exponentially over the years to create an
estimated $8,000,000,000 industry (Hansen, 2003). Despite critical efforts made with time and
money, organizations continue to be challenged with discriminatory behavior among their staff.
One reason for persistent inequalities in the workplace is the tendency to focus on overt forms of
discrimination at the expense of subtle, implicit, and contemporary manifestations of
discrimination (Holder, 2016). Although several organizations have clear policies and procedures
in place for reporting discriminatory practices and protecting against forms of retaliation due to
Equal Employment Opportunity regulations, there are fewer options for employees to report
casual or demeaning occurrences that may be minimized, including racial microaggressions
(Holder, 2016). Holder (2016) provided best practices in two key areas for managing subtle
forms of discrimination: training to address racial microaggressions, and systemic interventions
that can be integrated into organizational practices. Holder outlined the following goals for
workplace diversity training to counter racial microaggressions:
44
• enhance awareness of biases,
• increase knowledge of microaggressions,
• understand the impact of microaggressions on management decisions and
employee performance, and
• explore leadership behaviors that can help reduce microaggressions in the
workplace.
Moreover, systemic interventions such as recruitment, manager accountability, mentoring
programs, and employee resource groups may help disarm racial microaggressions through
workplace training (Holder, 2016).
In addition to specific programs to address microaggressions, Bezrukova et al. (2016)
found that the positive effects of diversity training were greater when training was
complemented by other diversity initiatives; these trainings and initiatives aim to target
awareness and skills development over a significant period of time. Bezrukova et al. postulated
that the proportion of women in a training group was associated with more favorable reactions to
diversity training, which may also aid African American women who are specifically dealing
with racial microaggressions.
Williams et al. (2020) created the racial harmony workshop to reduce racial biases and
microaggressions and promote interracial connection among collegiate students. Using
behavioral science principles, the racial harmony workshop was designed to reduce racism and
microaggressions across campus (Williams et al., 2020; see Appendix B). With additional
research, the racial harmony workshop may also be useful for workplaces across the country
working to reduce racial microaggressions and other forms of bias against people of color
(Williams et al., 2020). The Racial Harmony Workshop Tool is illustrated in Appendix B.
45
Efforts required to sustain this work for the long haul require a significant financial investment, a
major aspect of human resources and people management organizational costs.
Organizational Costs and Turnover
Workplace training is a significant investment that organizations must make to ensure
employees are adapting best practices to reduce or eliminate racial microaggressions. Companies
must also consider the costs of replacing those employees who leave because microaggressions
persist. U.S. companies spend billions in diversity training with more projected in the past 18
months due to racial reckoning and calls for more diverse representation following the killing of
George Floyd. If this training is inadequate or fails to meet the unique needs of an organization,
not only are time and money wasted, but companies are at risk of losing employees, including
African American women.
When studying the significant business costs to replace employees, Boushey and Glynn
(2012) found businesses’ employee-turnover costs varied but remained high regardless of the
level of wages paid to the departing or incoming employees (Boushey & Glynn, 2012). Tracey
and Hinkin (2008) identified the following five major cost categories that contribute to the total
cost of replacing an employee: predeparture, recruitment, selection, orientation and training, and
lost productivity. Thus, nonprofit organizations would be well-served to embrace the importance
of establishing the necessary training and workplace resources to combat racial microaggressions
and other forms of inappropriate behaviors, including those targeted at employees of color.
Nonprofits typically operate on small staffing and operations budgets and cannot afford to
sustain major turnovers or to overspend on workplace training programs.
46
Conclusion
This literature review highlighted the existing research and gaps that exist in the study of
racial microaggressions’ impact on African American women in nonprofit workplaces (C. Bell,
1994; DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2016; Nadal, 2011; Nadal et al., 2016; Pierce, 1978; Sue et al.,
2008). Coping strategies for racial microaggressions were also examined with an emphasis on
voice, power, and individuals’ support networks (Lewis et al., 2013). The extant literature
revealed several interconnected themes—racism, bias, bullying, White privilege, and color
blindness—that help frame racial microaggressions (Berk, 2017; DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2016;
Essed, 1991; Lewis & Neville, 2015; Sue et al., 2008). Additional themes include coping
strategies, job satisfaction, training, and costs associated with staff departures due to ongoing and
unaddressed racial microaggressions (Bezrukova, 2016; Boushey & Glynn, 2012; DeCuir-Gunby
& Gunby, 2016; Gephardt et al., 2016; Greer, 2011; Henson, 2003; Sue et al., 2019).
This literature review section also presented a conceptual framework for this research.
The framework assumed several variables related to the research, including CRT, racial
microaggressions, overall well-being, and coping strategies, which were themed as resistance
and self-protective subcategories.
In the current social environment that includes attacks on communities of color across the
United States, particularly against Asian Americans and African Americans, there has been more
focus placed on how company leadership and employee resource groups are handling
conversations to address and dismantle systemic racism (Brownhill, 2020). Intense debates
across the United States in 2021 about CRT and whether it should be taught in schools
demonstrate the need for more awareness and education about racial microaggressions.
However, before attempts can be made to address the systemic shortcomings that have plagued
47
citizens, organizations, and employees, it is important to first acknowledge the hurtful actions
against African American women and other marginalized groups. With increased knowledge of
how to counter racial microaggressions, nonprofit organizational leaders will become better
equipped to facilitate important discussions to help African American women cope with these
behaviors.
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Chapter Three: Methodology
There is a scarcity of published research on the topic of African American nonprofit
female workers’ perceptions about racial microaggressions’ impact on well-being and work
performance. Additional studies are needed to address racial microaggressions and to explore
coping strategies. This chapter addresses the study’s research questions, study design, research
setting, details on the researcher, and data sources. Other sections include validity and reliability
and ethics.
Research Questions
Through a qualitative, phenomenological research design, this study addressed the
following questions:
1. How do African American female nonprofit workers perceive incidents of racial
microaggressions and the impact on well-being and work performance?
2. What are African American nonprofit female workers’ perceptions about coping
strategies for racial microaggressions?
Overview of Design
I used a qualitative research design in this study. Qualitative research describes an
approach for the researcher to explore the meaning that individuals or groups ascribe to a social
or human problem (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Another key component of the research
framework is the philosophical worldview. The transformative worldview, which involves
African American women, was embedded throughout this study. A transformative worldview is
described as reform among marginalized individuals or groups and addresses themes of
empowerment, suppression, and inequality (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Giorgi (2009)
developed the descriptive phenomenological method based on Husserl’s (1911) work in this field
49
of study. Phenomenological research involves an understanding of individuals’ commonalities
and combined sentiments of small groups of other individuals who have experienced the same
phenomenon (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Phenomenological research is based on lived
experiences within a particular group (Hycner, 1985). Grossoehme (2014) explained
phenomenological research as discovering the meaning of ideas or concepts. The feedback a
researcher may get from an individual or small group of people is germane to this research
approach (Grossoehme, 2014). Jackson et al. (2018) described two types of phenomenological
research: descriptive and interpretive. There are both quantitative method and qualitative
methods of inquiry in educational research (see Figure 4). Under the qualitative method, a
phenomenological approach includes intentionality and individual experiences and reporting
(Creely, 2018).
Figure 4
Methods of Inquiry in Educational Research
50
Creely (2018) described nine types of ontological (nature of being) coding types or
descriptors related to phenomenological research. These descriptors include:
• to act,
• to be,
• to sense,
• to feel,
• to think,
• to connect,
• to learn,
• to create, and
• to imagine.
Creswell and Creswell (2018) described how qualitative research with a transformative
worldview involves narratives, storytelling, and participants’ sharing their personal experiences.
Responses regarding African American women’s perceptions of racial microaggressions and
coping strategies across nonprofit organizations were gathered through online recruiting surveys,
individual interviews, and group interviews. Table 1 provides details on the study’s research
questions and various methods of inquiry.
51
Table 1
Methods for Research Questions
Research question Method 1: Individual interviews Method 2: Group surveys
How do African American
female nonprofit workers
perceive incidents of racial
microaggressions and the
impact on well-being and
work performance?
X X
What are African American
nonprofit female workers’
perceptions about coping
strategies for racial
microaggressions in the
workplace?
X X
Research Participants, Research Setting, and Online Recruiting Tool
According to Patton (2002), purposeful sampling involves the gathering of information
intended to be used for in-depth study, learning, and deeper inquiry. Purposeful sampling also
relates to the phenomenological approach to this study. For each phase of this research, the
following inclusion criteria applied: African American women between the ages of 25–65 years
old, English-speaking, working full-time for a nonprofit organization for a minimum of 1 year,
and holding a minimum of a bachelor’s degree. The study sample included a geographically
diverse set of participants across the United States (Ritter & Sue, 2007). Participants hailed from
regions such as California, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Illinois, and Tennessee. My research did not
take place inside of a specific organization or my workplace. Due to what might be perceived as
disruptions to my work as a member of the senior management team, I conducted the research
outside of my company and recruited participants through methods described in the Data Sources
section below. Appendix C provides an overview of steps in purposive sampling (Tongco, 2007).
52
The first portion of the research study involved an online recruiting tool to attract
research participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Ritter and Sue (2007) stated that online tools
are useful for several reasons, including the time factor (the ability to collect a reasonable
number of responses in a short turnaround time) and budget (keeping research costs down).
Research by Ferrante et al. (2015) indicated that a growing number of researchers now use online
discussion forums to collect and analyze qualitative data. Researchers posit that online
qualitative methods may offer multiple advantages, including the ability to conduct longer-term
studies, whereas the depth of the design and implementation of the study may be a drawback
(Moore et al., 2015).
I recruited participants by sending an email request to several nonprofit groups on
LinkedIn catered to African American women. I also contacted potential participants directly on
LinkedIn through private messaging. I sought participants by contacting membership
organizations such as the National Association of Multi-Ethnicity in Communications and
Women in Film and Video, as several of my professional industry connections are members of
these organizations. The third recruitment group was PhD Divas, a private support group on
Facebook that includes female doctoral students from diverse backgrounds. I am a member of
PhD Divas. This group allows members to post messages that seek participants for dissertation
research. My recruitment language was tailored as a word-of-mouth approach to ensure that I
gained broad interest in my research from non-PhD African American women as well. Appendix
D displays the recruitment message that was posted to various forums to recruit participants.
Ferguson and Wynne (2021) reported that coronavirus 19 (COVID-19) has hampered
attempts to conduct qualitative research in person. Face-to-face meetings have been replaced by
virtual activities such as phone conversations, Zoom or Skype interviews, or focus groups
53
(Ferguson & Wynne, 2021). Weslowski (2014) asserted that the internet and online message
boards can provide meaningful ways to organize recruitment and participants for qualitative
studies. Creswell and Creswell (2018) suggested that the target number of participants in
research depends on the qualitative design being used; for phenomenological research, the range
of participants is three to 10 (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). In the first phase of my research,
which involved an online recruitment survey, my goal was to obtain a minimum of 15–20
responses. From that set, I aimed to select four to six qualified participants for one-on-one
interviews. A total of eight participants were selected to participate in the study. Later, those
participants were invited to take part in the group survey to share their general perceptions about
racial microaggressions and coping strategies. Appendix E represents the online recruiting tool
that was administered. The Qualtrics online recruiting tool remained open for 30 days.
The Researcher
Crenshaw (2016) referred to the importance of a wide lens of issues related to race and
gender in her work on CRT and intersectionality. As a researcher, my identities, including my
race, gender, and place of birth in a rural, underserved area have helped to shape my worldview.
My worldview on problem solving, brainstorming, and handling sensitive conversations and
matters are approached with openness, compassion, and understanding. As a result of these
identities, I understand the difficulties of (a) the challenges I have faced in my own professional
and personal journey of 30-plus years, and (b) the experiences of other African American
women. Because I identify as an African American woman and can relate to the challenges of
racial microaggressions in the workplace, I considered the factors across three areas that are
important to the relationship between the researcher and participants: insider/outsider issues or
who has access or not to participants or the field; positionality as race, gender, or class; and the
54
researcher’s self-reflection on the research topic, also referred to as reflexivity (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016).
Data Sources
Using a combination of an online recruitment tool for study participants, one-one-one
semistructured interviews, and group surveys for my research, I gained a wider scope of data and
information about racial microaggressions and perceptions on a general level as well as details
on participants including the nature of their work, how long they had worked for their current
organization, their age, and other background or demographic information (Patton, 2015). In
addition to demographic inquiry, other qualitative questions included those related to experience
and behavior, opinion and values, feelings, knowledge, and sensory patterns (Patton, 2015).
Method 1: One-on-One Interviews With Research Participants
After I administered the online recruiting tool to attract study participants, I conducted
semistructured one-on-one interviews with eight study participants. I gathered information and
data about the perception of racial microaggressions among African American female nonprofit
workers and their coping strategies. According to Cohen and Crabtree (2006), semistructured
interview protocols provide a clear set of instructions for interviewers and can provide reliable,
comparable qualitative data. The inclusion of open-ended questions and training of interviewers
to follow relevant topics that may stray from the interview guide provides the opportunity for
identifying new ways of seeing and understanding the topic at hand (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006).
Malterud et al. (2016) conducted research on sample size in qualitative interviews and
found that five criteria are used to determine sample size. These include the study’s aim, sample
specificity, use of established theory, quality of dialogue, and the strategy of the analysis. Kallio
et al. (2016) provided a semistructured interview guide that includes five phases: (a) outline the
55
prerequisite for semistructured interviews, (b) retrieve and use previous knowledge, (c)
formulate the preliminary semistructured interview guide, (d) pilot test the guide, and (e) present
the semistructured interview guide. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) described semistructured
interviews as those with the following characteristics: less structured interviews, flexible, and no
specific wording or order of questions. I conducted interviews via a web-based video platform,
Zoom, with recording and transcription capabilities. Before conducting interviews, I obtained
consent from each participant. Questions were designed in a way that provided me with
opportunities to ask probing questions to gain additional information or explanations (Creswell
& Creswell, 2018). Each interview lasted approximately 45 minutes. Appendix F contains the
questions for the semistructured interviews.
Method 2: Group Surveys
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), group surveys foster a constructivist
perspective because of how the feedback is drawn from group interaction. The definition of
constructivism is reflected in how individuals construct their world as opposed to how they
discover it (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Group surveys represent a collective method for
individuals to represent perspectives from a diverse range of experiences, age, and roles within
organizations (Liamputtong, 2011).
For the last phase of research, the plan was to conduct two focus groups with a minimum
of eight to 10 study participants who met the criteria for the study. The initial plan was to split
study participants into two groups (four to five participants per group) and ask participants to
complete surveys on a web-based platform called FocusGroupIt. The study design enabled both
groups to answer the same questions about their perceptions of racial microaggressions’ impact
on well-being and coping strategies for racial microaggressions. According to Chrzanowska
56
(2002), for focus groups in qualitative studies, researchers’ advance work should include the
structure (location and layout), the content (the subjects to be included), and the type and order
of questions and techniques.
I contacted the qualified participants again to determine if they were still willing to take
part in asynchronous focus-group surveys. However, response was low, and just two participants
agreed to participate. Several participants stated that work demands and return to school for their
children while still in the pandemic significantly limited their time and availability for
completion of the asynchronous focus-group surveys. One eligible participant contracted
COVID-19 and was unable to join. Participants completed a brief online registration process.
Each participant was given a username that did not display their actual names, and they advanced
through a series of questions where they responded asynchronously. FocusGroupIt allowed me to
record participants’ responses anonymously and asked probing and follow-up questions. The
program was also set up for open-ended discussions among the participants. Additionally, I
placed the focus group to unbiased mode, which encouraged independent thinking and reflection.
The private mode prevented participants from viewing others’ responses until entry had been
posted, enabling freedom of expression and openness of responses. Full transcripts were made
available to me, and each transcript was exported to a PDF file. Appendix G contains a list of the
survey questions for the last phase of data collection.
Validity and Reliability
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), qualitative research needs to be rooted in
authenticity, trustworthiness, and research data that can be replicated. Descriptive validity for
this study was important; thus, I provided participants an opportunity to review their individual
responses to questions to ensure that information was conveyed accurately and misrepresentation
57
was avoided (Maxwell, 1992). Internal validity or credibility consists of member checks or
soliciting feedback from participants on responses to see if the researcher’s interpretation is
accurate (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I conducted member checks with participants to ensure that
their interview responses were reflected accurately. This method was important for each phase of
the project, particularly during Phase 2 of one-on-one key interviews. Additionally, triangulation
which involves the use of several methods of data collection to establish validity, is also key to
research. In this study, triangulation involved analyzing the survey data from individual and
group interviews conducted in Phases 2 and 3 (Creswell & Creswell, 2018. A third strategy
involves researcher’s position or reflexivity (Merriam & Tisdell, 20116). Reflexivity refers to the
researcher’s process of self-reflection and connection to data gathering and collection (Berger,
2015). Berger (2015) offered an example of reflexivity and the nature of researcher–researched
relationship and how it may affect the information that participants are willing to share. Due to
my own experiences with racial microaggressions as an African American woman in a nonprofit
organization, reflexivity is a strategy that I stayed keenly attuned to during my research
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Reliability is defined as the consistency of the analytical procedures, including
accounting for personal and research biases, that may influence findings (Noble & Smith, 2015).
In other words, reliability refers to whether a study yields the same result if the study is repeated
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Researchers supported the idea that reliability may not be the best
measure for social issues because the study of humans and behavior is fluid and changing
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Like validity, strategies for reliability include triangulation and the
researcher’s position. A third strategy for reliability involves a tool called an audit trail. An audit
trail consists of records that document stages of a research study and the key research
58
methodology decisions (Carcary, 2020). In this study, I maintained an audit trail by keeping a
detailed journal of how I conducted research. Entries were made during the process of the
research taking place (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Ethics
I made several ethical considerations, including obtaining approval for research involving
human subjects from the Institutional Review Board (IRB; Ritchie, 2021). In addition to the IRB
protocols and standards in place, a researcher’s personal values and ethical priorities are critical
in the research process (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Issues related to research consent were
addressed through consent forms reviewed and agreed to by the participants. These consent
forms included information about the purpose of the study, and participants’ rights and role in
the study. All confidentiality protocols were followed to avoid missteps in maintaining privacy.
For the IRB process, I established accounts including iStar (IRB tracking system) and the
Collaborative Institutional Training Initiative (CITI), advanced through the IRB review process
according to University of Southern California’s requirements, completed the application
process, and adhered to all privacy rights of study participants. Confidential data collected from
all study participants were kept in a password-protected file only accessible to me as the
researcher (Schöpfel & Prost, 2013).
The groups whose interests were served in this research include African American
women and other marginalized groups including African American men, Latinos, Asian
Americans, and individuals who identify as LGBTQ+. Organizational leaders and workforce
staff will benefit from this research. Those who may be harmed may include organizational
leaders or human-resources leaders, as they may perceive this research as a negative reflection
on 21st-century workplaces and their efforts towards reducing or eliminating racial
59
microaggressions. The research questions were developed from my perspective as the primary
researcher, and I designed the questions and framed the scope. The study results will be
disseminated in my published dissertation.
60
Chapter Four: Results and Findings
Through a qualitative, phenomenological research design described in Chapter 3, this
study sought to address the following research questions related to racial microaggressions:
1. How do African American female nonprofit workers perceive incidents of racial
microaggressions and the impact on well-being and work performance?
2. What are African American nonprofit female workers’ perceptions about coping
strategies for racial microaggressions?
Following IRB approval by the University of Southern California, I began the first stage
of my research recruitment with an online survey to collect demographic data and to determine
which participants met the participant criteria: African American women with at least a
bachelor’s degree, ages 25–65, and working for a nonprofit organization for at least 1 year.
The survey was administered using Qualtrics and distributed through various methods
and online platforms described in Chapter 3. The second phase of the research involved
scheduling one-on-one Zoom interviews with qualified participants. Respondents were also
invited to participate in an online asynchronous focus group following the one-on-one interview.
In addressing the research questions, this chapter includes an overview of demographic
data of study participants, key narrative themes that emerged from interviews, participants’
responses to racial microaggressions, perceptions of organizational responses to
microaggressions, and, finally, the synthesis section of Chapter 4.
Study Participants’ Demographic and Workplace Data
A total of 27 completed survey responses for the participant recruitment process were
collected. All respondents identified as African American women, represented geographically
diverse regions around the United States, and were from a diverse range of professional
61
backgrounds and in the target age range. Of the total completed survey responses, 21 met the
criteria for the study. After contacting all 21 survey respondents, eight responded to follow-up
communication and confirmed interviews for data collection. The Methodology section of
Chapter 3 describes the aim of the study, which was to include one-one-one interviews with a
minimum of four to six qualified participants. Although that goal was exceeded, several
respondents later chose not to complete the asynchronous focus-group survey, the second phase
of data collection. The recruitment phase of my research took place throughout the Christmas
holiday into the new year. Return to work, remote learning for school-aged children in the
pandemic, COVID-19, and other demands in early 2022 limited participants’ time to further
engage. Due to the low response rates for the asynchronous focus-group surveys, there were no
additional significant data findings to incorporate into the research findings. Themes that these
two participants offered mirrored themes that emerged during the semistructured one-on-one
interviews. These themes are outlined here in this chapter.
Figure 5 provides demographic characteristics of study participants across age and
highest level of education. Figure 6 shows work-related characteristics of the eight participants.
Geographic regions represented include the West Coast, the Northeastern part of the United
States, and the Midwest.
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Figure 5
Demographic Characteristics of Participants (Age and Highest Level of Education)
Figure 6
Participants’ Work-Related Characteristics (Current Level Role and Years with Organization)
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Research Question 1
Research Question 1 asked: How do African American female nonprofit workers
perceive incidents of racial microaggressions and the impact on well-being and work
performance? This section includes overall themes related to Research Question 1 and reflects
research participants’ examples of racial microaggressions. Across each of the interviews
conducted, respondents expressed their sentiments about definitions of racial microaggressions
grounded in their personal narratives and experiences (Hall & Fields, 2015).
Experiences With Racial Microaggressions
Table 2 shows select participants’ examples of racial microaggressions. Also reflected in
Table 2 are themed categories related to racial microaggressions according to research by Sue et
al. (2007) and Freeman and Stewart (2021). Freeman and Stewart developed a set of themed
categories for racial microaggressions that factor in the unique harms that these actions can cause
marginalized individuals or groups. These categories include (a) epistemic microaggressions
(slights made by people in more dominant social positions), (b) emotional microaggressions
(when people in more dominant social positions fail to take the emotional reactions and
experiences of marginalized people seriously or ignore them altogether), and (c) marginalization-
based self-identity microaggressions (an individual who holds social power impairs a
marginalized person the ability to generate and maintain an autonomous sense of one’s own
identity). A full list of study participants’ examples of racial microaggressions is in Appendix H.
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Table 2
Racial Microaggressions and Themes
Participant Racial microaggressions Themes
A “You speak very eloquently.” Ascription of intelligence.
Unusual for someone of color to
be intelligent.
“You have an interesting accent.
Where are you from?”
Alien in own land. You are not an
American.
“I could say something, and it
wouldn’t be heard. But if it was
repeated by a White man, then it
was embraced … that’s a great
idea.”
Second-class citizen. You are a
lesser being.
Slight made by person in more
dominant position.
“A White treasurer of the
organization accused me of
stealing from the organization.
And when I presented
documentation to dispel that, she
accused me of stealing by
paying myself an unauthorized
salary.”
Criminality: assumption of
criminal status.
B “Can I touch your hair? Your hair
is very different.”
Pathologizing cultural values. Hair
on Black women is foreign,
curious, or not professional.
C “Another one that sticks out very
much for me is another African
American woman and me … our
names did not sound the same.
We didn’t look anything alike
… talking nothing alike and she
would still be called my name.
This is by teammates who I
worked with.”
Marginalization-based self-identity
racial microaggression.
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Participant Racial microaggressions Themes
D “What I've experienced is
everything from silencing to
questioning your ability to the
weaponizing in confrontations.
When you learn you’re being
held accountable, then it’s
escalated very quickly. Then we
have to go and speak with
superiors and HR, only to
realize that it is the White
person that doesn't want to be
held accountable.”
Second-class citizen: you are a
lesser being.
Slight made by person in more
dominant position.
Narrative Themes
Participant A is employed by a nonprofit community-services organization. When she
spoke of her current role and being a target of racial microaggressions, the interview evoked
memories of racially motivated experiences and microaggressions. Participant A shared:
And, so, there was a compound factor, because I'm going on interviews to get positions
that I feel I'm very well qualified to keep. However, I didn't get the position and then, by
not getting the position, I started to doubt myself more, and I realized that there's this
pattern. Even in the role that I had, the manager for the contract department that hired me;
despite the director’s comment that I should be a case manager; but once I got on board,
the Director would come in and say what's wrong with this, and it would be a minor
issue. It would be something of a formula on an Excel page that I didn't realize had
updated. … Well, go ask [name removed], a White woman, how to do this.
Participant A described examples of racial microaggressions that demonstrated a myth of
meritocracy theme, which signals that African American women are less competent than her
White counterpart; this finding is supported by Sue et al.’s (2007) research. Participant A further
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commented on her perceptions of racial microaggressions and why she believes that African
American women are on the receiving end of these negative interactions:
I strongly believe I suspected in the past, but now I strongly believe that it is media
framing and narrative. And so, we are already cast in a role before we even open our
mouth before we introduce; and, in some cases, research has shown that it can be our
name on a sheet of paper. And so, I think that that is where it begins, and I think that the
culture of Jim crow. And how that spins and I think, where we are now with social media
where audiences can kind of pick what they hear, which means that those customs and
beliefs can fuel themselves and stagnate and fester.
Participant B shared the following sentiments about her perceptions of racial
microaggressions. As a seasoned professional currently working in administrative services at a
higher education institution, Participant B stated that in her various work settings, she has often
been the only African American female on her job.
I’ve had that happen … great job interview and the person walks in and see me turns
walks out of the room and didn't come back in kind of thing right yes absolutely and
that's very interesting and we definitely share similar experiences. You know work full
time for 30 plus years and so I’ve seen so many different examples and sometimes even
the nonverbal.
Another example of a racial microaggression that Participant B shared was described this way:
And they're [management] like, we have a job for switchboard operator. Well, when I got
there, they saw that I was not a White girl, they were like Okay, well, we need you right
now, so, we have to let you go on the switchboard but you know we're not going to give
it to you.
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Participant B also shared that she believed racial microaggressions reflect an individual’s cultural
values and mindset.
Culture and the mindset … and you can't do that for people; it's hard to change people's
hearts and minds if it's not within them to do to do the work, and when you have people
with that mindset … how I’ve learned that it's a passing down to have that mindset.
Because I can truly say that you know our generation of children were not taught those
microaggressions, those prejudices … those things are taught not born with.
Participant B strongly believed that racial microaggressions are also deeply rooted in
ignorance. She went on to further explain her response to a White person asking to touch her
hair: “I let them touch my hair.” Participant B shared another example of an experience she has
had in her years of working: “I could recount a bazillion times I’ve had you know things happen
great to me right. I've gotten jobs with phone interviews and then, when a person sees me, it's
like oh no.”
Participant C works in the nonprofit digital publishing industry. In her time at her current
organization, Participant C shared that she perceives racial microaggressions as being “constant
and I perceive them as being, unfortunately, a part of my job, which is a very sad perception, but
very true.” Having worked at the organization for over 11 years, Participant C said that she is
one of few African Americans and African American women inside her division. Her narrative
included recounts of several instances where White colleagues’ remarks would not “be about my
work or about what I was doing, but I cannot believe you have this many kids and you still do
this and you still do that.” Participant C shared these statements evoked feelings that her work
contributions are not valued by White coworkers. She further stated that it is presented as “we
don't hurt when someone does something to us, so I just think that we have to be careful with
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those terms.” According to classifications created from research by Sue et al. (2007), that remark
is associated with the theme of how to offend without trying. This remark, which focused on the
Participant C’s family structure, implied an amazement to care for “this many kids” while rarely
commenting on the participant’s work or providing feedback on projects.
Participant D is employed by a nonprofit cultural arts institution in the Midwest. She has
worked for several nonprofits and described the following experience as an African American
woman in a leadership role over the past several years:
I’ve walked into situations where you know my expertise was clearly not [respected]. But
there's a humbling of you. Creative meetings are that kind of vibe and what I was looking
for right? But I did give the feedback and in non-confrontational ways.
Participant D’s example illustrated how many African American women and other women of
color feel may be forced to diminish their outward knowledge and expertise among White
coworkers.
According to research by Dickens et al. (2019), identity shifting is characterized by how
African American women tend to shift their language and/or cultural behaviors to alleviate
negative outcomes. In some cases, women of color ease the display of their knowledge to avoid
becoming subjected to attacks such as secondary racial microaggressions. Participant D also
expressed sentiments about White weaponizing as an example of microaggressions targeted at
African American women in nonprofits. V. Johnson et al. (2021) referred to this concept through
an example of victim blaming in which African American women’s credibility can suffer. Figure
7 outlines the structure of primary microaggressions, victim blaming, and secondary
microaggressions (V. Johnson et al., 2021).
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Figure 7
Primary and Secondary Microaggressions
Note: From “It’s not in your head”: Gaslighting, ‘splaining, victim blaming, and other harmful
reactions to microaggressions” by V.E. Johnson, K.L. Nadal, D. R. G. Sissoko, and R. King.
Perspectives on Psychological Science, 16(5), 1028.
https://doi.org/10.1177/17456916211011963. Copyright 2021 by American Psychological
Association. Reprinted with permission.
Participant D noted that her organization, like many nonprofits and for-profit companies,
is deeply engaged with diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. Like Participant E,
Participant D’s company has also been hosting a series of racial equity workshops or are
currently considering them.
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Participant E works for a nonprofit museum in a major metropolitan city on the East
Coast. She is currently employed as a Fellow and holds a similar advanced degree status as her
current manager, a White male. When asked to share her thoughts on racial microaggressions in
the context of the murder of George Floyd and the Black Lives Matter movement across the
United States, Participant E responded, “ I started this position in summer of 2020 right and so
it's been kind of like the perfect moment to be a person who focuses on the African diaspora or
people or, I guess, I should say African Americans more so.” She added:
In a non-Black [versus museum that highlights all cultures] museum, there's also a lot of
discomfort; overall, to the point where people are uncomfortable saying African
American or Black, I've had to educate the staff about the difference between the terms.
We had to officially, as an institution, agree to capitalize the being Black in our new,
updated anti-racist and inclusive editorial style guide so there's been a lot of discomfort
from folks who are who did want to make sure they don't offend anyone.
Participant E referenced an experience with racial microaggressions that took place
during a DEI workshop with White staff members. She recalled how not everyone was happy
about participating in discussions despite the location of the museum in a city with a high
population of African Americans residents. One of Participant E’s White colleagues tried to “call
her out,” which means to publicly criticize in an attempt to shame, embarrass, or quiet someone.
Her response was “You calm down, sir.” She added those types of racial microaggressions are
common against African American women of a certain educational level such as hers, an
advanced degree, particularly for those working in an educational setting like a prominent
museum. The instance Participant E described was a racial microaggression theme more
apparent on systemic and environmental levels, as described by Sue et al. (2007). This translates
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into a message that an African American woman does not belong because she is African
American and a woman.
Another racial microaggression that Participant E reported that she experienced in her
museum role was that her opinions were not valued by her most vocal White colleagues, and she
further expanded on her feelings in the following comment:
I’ve also been put in this position where I’m kind of like carrying the torch as the only
person on staff who specializes in anything Black and I’m carrying the torch … you all
don't have any Black curators at this gigantic art museum that's one of the most important
ones in the country. And you've got no curators who specialize in black things on
permanent staff so that's a problem, but I keep getting invited into spaces to talk about
that. I've gotten to the point now where I don't want to be that person anymore.
Like many people of color inside the workplace, Participant E’s experiences represented racial
battle fatigue, which is defined as the physical, mental, and emotional manifestation of racial
microaggressions (Chancellor, 2019).
Participant F is employed by a nonprofit membership association. The majority of her
coworkers are White, and she has been the only African American woman on the leadership
team or one of two from a diverse background. This research participant shared that she has
several years of senior-level work experience for two nonprofits, and the environment where she
presently works is among those who have military backgrounds. She commented that many of
her colleagues like to “talk above your head” or do not value her feedback because she is not
military and an African American woman. Participant F shared:
They’re saying stuff thinking that I’m not going to know, because I’ve never served in
the military. So, how can you respond? How can you fit in? How can you help move this
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initiative when you don't you don't know anything about it? That used to happen to me
constantly. And the only thing that I can say that helped me was I showed them that I was
willing to do the work.
Participant G works at a large university in the Midwest. The leadership team is
comprised of all White women. At Participants G’s level in a senior level/Director role, she is the
only woman of color. When prompted, she acknowledged that racial microaggressions tend to
occur for her in team meetings. One example of a racial microaggression included feeling that
her voice, as an African American woman and those of other women of color, are not valued by
White colleagues. She explained “I exert so much energy and trying to make a case for what I
believe to be right and true and best organization, whereas my other colleagues can just have a
great idea and be done with it.”
Like other study participants, Participant G had strong feelings about voice and agency
and threats from White colleagues to attempt to silence them. According to research by Freeman
and Stewart (2021), this is a form of an epistemic microaggression or a harm-based act toward a
marginalized person or group. According to Participant G,
what begins to happen is when you have an opinion you start to hold it back if you if you
express how you feel on or have an opinion or have an idea; it's usually met with lots of
questions and critique and lots of poking holes in everything.
Participant G also shared that being cut off in mid-sentence by White colleagues was a common
occurrence, another common racial microaggression.
Another common example of a racial microaggression given by Participant G was
focused on White colleagues who present the same idea that an African American woman
offered previously. Instead of getting the little to no feedback offered to women of color, Whites
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are praised for the idea. This type of racial microaggression represents a theme of second-class
citizen, according to Sue et al. (2007). Participant G elaborated, “Everybody thinks [the White
colleague’s contribution] it’s a brilliant idea.”
Participant H is a seasoned professional who has worked in her field for more than 25
years. Participant H defined racial microaggressions as negative actions that are more than an
insult and center around racial bias:
When I have heard the phrase about being so articulate, it is crafted as if it is a
compliment, as if I shouldn’t be [articulate]. A second example of a racial
microaggression is when a White colleague has praised me for being so impressive. I was
offended. I did not take that as a compliment. I do not think that person would have said
that to a White colleague in our group.
Other examples that Participant H shared of her perceptions of racial microaggression
included not being given credit for her work or others claiming her work as their own.
Participant H further shared her experiences with microaggressions targeted toward her from
other individuals of color in the workplace built around an expectation from that all African
American women should think alike in the workplace. Phrases like “You need to temper
yourself” came from another Black women. A Hispanic colleague told Participant H that “I was
being too aggressive when I know the tone and sound of my voice had not changed.”
Impact on Well-Being and Work Performance
The following section provides insights into participants’ reactions to Research Question
1 about perceptions of racial microaggressions and the impact on well-being and work
performance. Well-being is defined as a state of feelings, emotions, and opinions related to an
individual’s wellness, self-esteem, resilience, and quality of life (Huppert, 2017).
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Participant A’s exemplars of the impact of racial microaggressions on well-being and
work performance included diminished self-esteem and questioning oneself. She stated, “The
injury and the flashbacks from macro-or microaggressions I experienced, and the damages were
causing me to develop patterns of self-doubt at work and impacting my ability to move forward.”
Participant B emphasized that, growing up in the deep South, she had become accustomed to
racial microaggressions; however, early in her career, they did have an impact on her. Today,
Participant B said she stays focused on her work despite how racial microaggressions perpetuate
ignorance. She recounted growing up in the Jim Crow South, which influenced her opinions and
misperceptions about racism and racial microaggressions targeted towards African American
women.
It [racial microaggressions] was understood in the south. I’ve clipped cotton, but they
[Whites] never said the “N” word. [White] children have their schools; we didn't even go
to school together. We were still segregated. I graduated high school in 1980, okay. And
schools are still segregated. The first time I heard someone say something derogatory,
racial slurs to me, I was living in Los Angeles really freaked me out because here I am
thinking I’m from the South, and that’s the last place I’m thinking they're very diverse
people … all kinds of cultures people live.
Participant C shared that racial microaggressions have had a very negative impact on her
well-being.
I remember, there was a point when I would drive home. And I would just have a panic
attack guaranteed every time … the highway number, when I would take that drive. It
would be like clockwork at this the same time. The same time every day, it would be a
panic attack, and I think and I’m sorry if I get emotional about it. Just being feeling
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disrespected all day at work and having to like flip that switch … now I have to be mom
and wife.
For Participant C, the impact of racial microaggressions was less about her daily tasks and
execution; instead, the social aspects of her job suffered. After being passed over for promotions
and given no feedback on reasons why, Participant C was always mindful of being labeled the
stereotype of an “angry Black woman:”
I just could not be smiling these people's faces, because I was just so upset so I was, I
was. [It was as if] you haven't proven yourself to get a promotion or which your
colleagues are [saying] we're not going to give you that, but you better dance. That's how
it felt to me and I’m thinking this could be a minstrel show … that that's how it felt like
they wanted me to tap dance too.
Participant D put herself through undergraduate and graduate school and has spent the
majority of her career working in nonprofit organizations. When asked about the impact of racial
microaggressions on her well-being and work performance, she described that they had
definitely created challenges, but “I just didn't feel like I had the luxury of response, so I’ve
always had a very controlled measured professional presence.” She also described the challenges
of feeling that she needed to have a job to live, and has had to make “life and death decisions” on
responding to racial microaggressions in the workplace. Participant D stated:
This may sound silly, but I just felt like my ancestors fought too hard for me to have this
opportunity. Yes, I’m [going] to over prepare, and I’m going to show up 20 minutes
early. I’m going to be the person you're coming to because [I’m] the person that can get it
done and that is eventually what happened.
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Houshmand et al. (2017) described this response as cautious deliberation among those who are
the targets of racial microaggressions. More specifically, marginalized individuals may undergo
a deliberate and lengthy process of decision-making to decide if or how they will respond
(Houshmand et al., 2017). Participant D also discussed power dynamics related to race in
nonprofit workplaces. By understanding this relationship among her White colleagues and
leadership, she stated that racial microaggressions have likely had less impact on her well-being
and work performance.
Participant E shared how being constantly challenged by White colleagues when the
same colleagues do not challenge others was frustrating to the point where she began to question
the point of her being in meetings. Although the impact of racial microaggressions on her well-
being and work performance is no longer a major factor for her, Participant E acknowledged that
a fellow African American female leader at the museum and a cochair of the organization’s DEI
committee have invited her to take on more responsibility to lead panel discussions. She felt that
behind the scenes work to get more diverse voices and perspectives in leadership discussions and
decisions does help her to manage the racial microaggressions she experiences in meetings.
Participant F agreed with several other study participants that racial microaggressions
impacted her well-being by making her feel uncomfortable. She described the experience as
“wallowing in it for a couple days and then keep it moving.” Racial microaggressions and
demoralizing feelings fueled Participant F’s desire to work harder to deepen her motivation at
work. She phrased this as “I’m going to show you.” Participant F observed that her early career
experiences helped prepare her to better deal with racial microaggressions in her current role.
As a professional with 20 years of experience, Participant G stated that the impact of
racial microaggressions on her well-being and work performance was rooted in how her voice
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began to be minimized by White colleagues who were senior leaders. As a result, she started to
minimize her own voice: “Because you're like what's the point; and then you internalize it and
then it becomes a point where you think I’m not smart enough.” Participant G further stated that
she often felt that she did not have anything to contribute to the conversation: “Yes, so it just
damages your value as a professional. Then that just sets off a series of different impacts
throughout your career.”
According to research by Freeman and Stewart (2021), Participant G’s example described
above—a feeling that she did not have anything to contribute to conversations—represents an
epistemic racial microaggression. This research study provided further context and definition for
epistemic racial microaggressions, which are instances when an individual perpetrator or group
casts doubt on a marginalized person’s contributions or feedback, which is then internalized and
can result in the speaker questioning their own capacity for knowledge and self-understanding
(Freeman & Stewart, 2021).
Participant H’s response to perceptions about racial microaggressions’ impact on well-
being and work performance reflected feeling very confident in her work in the beginning and
later feelings of insecurity.
Prior to, I was confident. I received promotion offer – felt I was competent and confident;
but at that moment, I started questioning my ability. Acutely aware is the other word of
who I was and the safety I thought I had. It caused me to be a workaholic I had something
to prove. I was turning lights off every morning and spending money on outfits. We have
to be suited and booted. I started working late hours and giving it 100 percent. I made
sure my work was impeccable and labored over every document.
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Participant H says she later developed insomnia. She became overly consumed by work. She
shared, “It was not until I started to think about how all of the dots connected. I saw patterns
happening again and again.”
Research Question 2
Research Question 2 asked: What are African American nonprofit female workers’
perceptions about coping strategies for racial microaggressions? Study participants’ responses
for Research Question 2 were often presented through a lens of the Jim Crow South, the nation’s
current racial climate, and cultural perceptions (Morales, 2014). Three of the study participants,
Participants A, B, and D, referenced the legacy of racism in the South as a motivating factor for
them to continue to push for their voices to be respected and heard. Each talked of how hateful
acts were reminders of how their forefathers, foremothers, and ancestors fought for African
American women to position themselves in ways that equip them to excel across organizational
leadership and teams.
Likewise, the current racial climate and cultural differences in the United States helped to
frame many of the participants’ responses about coping. Several felt that the events after the
murder of George Floyd forced many organizations to quickly develop and implement DEI
initiatives. Participating in DEI committees, for example, have been helpful to some of the study
participants, whereas others feel they are only now being invited to spaces because they are
women of color. In the next section of the dissertation, themes related to organizational change
and ideal workplaces for African American women to thrive will be explored.
Lewis et al. (2013) presented five key coping strategies that reflect resistance coping,
collective coping, and self-protective coping strategies. Coping strategies from study participants
included leaning into one’s own resiliency, acknowledging the hurt that racial microaggressions
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have caused, resisting, pushing back against the perpetrators, or ignoring racial microaggressions
and other negative behavior. Houshmand et al. (2017) suggested the term coping is different
from resilience when referring to racial microaggressions because many individuals of color
reject the notion of coping with these negative behaviors. This is in contrast to relying on one’s
resilience to handle racial microaggressions. For the purpose of this study, coping and resilience
are both referenced in later sections of the dissertation. A list of coping and resilience strategies
from study participants’ responses and themes are listed in Table 3 and Appendix I.
Table 3
Coping Strategies for Racial Microaggressions and Corresponding Themes
Participant Coping strategy Themes
E Sought a support network. Collective coping (leaning on
one’s own support network)
Created opportunities to speak
up more in meetings.
Resistance coping (using one’s
own voice)
Established boundaries in the
workplace, particularly with
individuals who have tried to
silence my voice.
Self-protective (escaping)
F Identified a mentor to support
me.
Collective coping (leaning on
one’s own network)
Remained resilient at work.
Self-protecting (becoming a
Black superwoman)
Equipped myself to speak their
language.
Resistance coping (using one’s
own voice)
Had an attitude of
determination to succeed.
Self-protecting (becoming a
Black superwoman)
G Built strong work relationships
with allies, White and Black
coworkers.
Collective coping (leaning on
one’s own support network
My girlfriends were a great
village of support.
Collective coping (leaning on
one’s own support network.)
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Participant Coping strategy Themes
H Spoke up when I was subjected
to a racial microaggression.
Resistance coping (using one’s
own voice)
Took time to practice self-care. Self-protective (escaping)
Organizational Support to Address Racial Microaggressions
In addition to racial microaggressions and coping strategies, study participants shared
their perspectives on how their respective organizations have responded. Also, the data collected
for this study included participants’ responses regarding (a) how to create more ideal workplaces
for African American women that will foster greater inclusion, and (b) ways to reduce or
eliminate racial microaggressions.
The majority of the participants commented that they feel their organizations do not do
enough to address concerns about racial microaggressions. Their beliefs were centered around
their observations that (a) organizations fold the issue of racial microaggressions under a large
DEI umbrella of work, (b) racial microaggressions are labeled as a human resources issue that
many leaders do not feel it is their problem to solve, and (c) racial microaggressions are
completely ignored by organizations.
During data collection, study participants expressed how companies can create ideal
workplaces for African American women. The following are some suggestions offered:
• Create safer spaces for African American women to gather and discuss issues and
concerns without fear of retribution of being labeled or losing their job.
• Acknowledge that a problem exists and create cultures to welcome tough
conversations without fear.
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• Embrace that employees are unique and different, and that companies can do
better.
• Respect Black women. Respect all women.
• Create a culture and support for African American women in more leadership
positions where they can really effect change.
• When White women buckle under the pressures of work and life, companies
come to their rescue. Offer the same support for African American women.
• Create workplace “communities” for African American women (“double minority
and dealing with colorism”) to talk about these issues in the open.
• Use technology to create blind, facilitated conversations about racial
microaggressions.
• Provide common definitions for racial microaggressions in the workplace.
• Share data from workplace surveys about perceptions of gender and racial bias
more widely with employees so they can better understand the context for the
importance of the work to combat, reduce, or eliminate actions like racial
microaggressions.
Synthesis
Racial microaggressions targeted at African American women in the workplace have
persisted across decades in history. In recent years, the topic has made its way into everyday
public spaces, particularly as the teaching of CRT continues to be challenged across the political
spectrum and be impacted in a range of sectors, including education and nonprofits, and
particularly those that rely on state funding. The research themes presented in Chapter 4 reflect
findings by Sue et al. (2007) and Freeman and Stewart (2019), all of whom described racial
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microaggression themes from the perspective of marginalized groups’ reactions, emotions, and
perceptions of hurtful acts. The perceived impact of racial microaggressions on well-being and
work performance among study participants included feelings of anxiety, self-doubt, distancing
oneself from nonminority groups inside the organization, and second guessing one’s work.
Coping or resilience strategies for racial microaggressions were also examined in Chapter
4. Several themes that emerged included
• Lean on one’s support network, such as friends, mentors, and supportive
coworkers.
• Build resilience and determination.
• Focus on activities outside of the workplace to achieve better balance between
work and personal life. Participant C noted that she teaches fitness classes
because it is something she can “control” outside of work.
• Find ways to call out racial microaggressions; making more people accountable
and aware of them.
The next and final chapter, Chapter 5, includes a summary of the study results. Chapter 5
also included recommendations for future research related to perceptions of the impact of racial
microaggressions among African American women in nonprofit organizations.
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Chapter Five: Recommendations
Chapter 4 summarized the study participant recruitment process, provided a profile of
study participants, and described the data-collection and analysis process. In relation to existing
literature and the conceptual framework informed by CRT and intersectionality theory, this
chapter highlights themes derived from the study findings about perceptions of racial
microaggressions and the impact on African American female nonprofit workers’ well-being,
work performance, and coping strategies. Other themes included how organizations can address
racial microaggressions targeted at African American women in nonprofits. This chapter also
describes how the study findings address the problem of practice, recommendations for practice,
limitations, and future research.
Discussion of Findings
Through a qualitative, phenomenological research design, the aim of this study was to
examine African American women’s perceptions of racial microaggressions and the impact of
microaggressions on their well-being and work performance in nonprofit organizations. Coping
strategies for racial microaggressions were also explored. Prior research indicates that African
American women face a different set of demands in workplace culture than White women,
including lack of comfort to bring one’s authentic self into the workplace, acceptance by their
colleagues, or being valued for their contributions (Linnabery et al., 2014). Prior researchers
have also found that racial microaggressions can lead to lack of job satisfaction, stress, poor
psychological adjustment/well-being, and anxiety (DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2016). The literature
review did not uncover an abundance of peer-reviewed studies that addressed a link between
African American women, racial microaggressions, and perceptions of impact on their work
performance. Holder et al. (2015) conducted a study of racial microaggressions and coping
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strategies of African American women in corporate leadership and found that factors such as
intellectual inferiority, invisibility, and exclusion were common despite the career success
African American women had achieved.
Racial microaggressions and other forms of bias have existed as far back as the U.S.
colonial era of slavery. In this study, the perception of the impact of racial microaggressions
toward African American women in nonprofits aligned with CRT and intersectionality theory.
Both frameworks demonstrate a deep and troubling history of systemic racism and
discrimination against marginalized groups that have permeated workplaces for decades
(Crenshaw, 2011; Vaught & Castagno, 2008). Sule et al. (2017) addressed the impact of
posttraumatic slave syndrome on mental and physical health. The authors revealed how the
devastating impact of slavery or major stress events in minority populations can be
transgenerational and lost to history (Sule et al., 2017).
The conceptual framework outlined in Chapter 2 also informed the research questions for
this study based on how African American women have endured ongoing and consistent
mistreatment throughout their careers. Thus, racial microaggressions become so unyielding that
African American women come to expect such behaviors from some of their White coworkers.
As a result, racial microaggressions will be ongoing and persistent in the workplace if they are
not addressed.
For the first research question involving perceptions of the impact of racial
microaggressions on well-being and work performance, data were collected from a total of eight
participants. Five participants indicated that racial microaggressions negatively impacted their
well-being; this impact ranged from diminished self-esteem to constantly feeling she had to
85
prove herself to others. Table 4 shows the impacts of racial microaggressions on study
participants’ feelings of well-being.
Table 4
Impact of Racial Microaggressions on Well-Being
Impact of racial microaggressions on well-being
Diminished self-esteem Demoralizing feelings
Questioning oneself Minimized own voice
Self-doubt Became a workaholic
Impacted ability to move forward Feeling insecure
Panic attacks Overconsumed with work
Feeling disrespected Feeling devalued
Impacted social relationships at work Felt there was always something to prove
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Despite the majority of study participants reporting that racial microaggressions impacted
their well-being, only one participant said racial microaggressions impacted her work
performance. With a larger study population, it is possible that responses to this portion of the
research question could have resulted in more participants stating racial microaggressions
impacted their work performance.
Study participants believed racial microaggressions actually fueled their resilience and
determination to work harder to prove these actions did not impact their work performance. This
finding was connected to the second research question about perceptions of coping strategies for
racial microaggressions. The conceptual framework for this study included intersectionality
theory and highlighted how African American women relied on coping practices such as
resistance (using one’s own voice, leaning on one’s support network, and being self-protective),
the Black superwoman mentality, and desensitizing/escaping (Lewis et al., 2013). All eight study
participants shared coping strategies to counter racial microaggressions. Several study
participants shared similarly themed responses (see Table 5).
Table 5
Coping Strategies
Resistance Self-protective
Lean on one’s support network Stay active in nonwork activities
Name racial microaggressions Allow yourself time to process the action
Call out racial microaggressions Develop resilience and determination
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This study contained a limited number of eight study participants. However, by
addressing the problem of practice, there is now a better understanding of how racial
microaggressions impact African American women in nonprofit organizations. The study
findings also bore a stronger awareness of African American women who managed racial
microaggressions with coping and resilience strategies while simultaneously performing at high
levels and meeting or exceeding the expectations they set for themselves.
Recommendations for Practice
This section summarizes recommendations for practice based on the study findings and
conceptual framework, which aligned with CRT and intersectionality theory. Organizational
leaders must be held responsible and accountable for ensuring that African American women
feel safe in their places of employment and are protected against the harmful effects of racial
microaggressions. History has demonstrated that organizations are most often led by nonpeople
of color (Mumford, 2022). White power structures and privilege across the workforce must also
be recognized as barriers to supporting African American women fighting against racial
microaggressions (Max, 2005). To better understand organizational change to address these
challenges, this research study yielded three specific recommendations for practice. The
recommendations are based on identifying knowledge gaps that exist with racial
microaggressions, providing leadership and staff motivation to change and enact positive and
intentional practices, and organizational influences that drive behavior and values among staff.
Organizations must (a) develop staff resources and training to define, identify and address racial
microaggressions; (b) create safer spaces for African American women to speak up about racial
microaggressions; and (c) provide support for early career African American women in their
transition from college or other work experiences to nonprofit organizations.
88
Recommendation 1: Employee Resources and Training to Define, Identify, and Address
Racial Microaggressions
Study participants overwhelmingly believed their organizations do not take enough steps
to eliminate racial microaggressions. Participants expressed that their organizations folded racial
microaggressions into larger DEI initiatives. Moreover, participants shared that racial
microaggressions were often perceived as a human-resources issue, or that their organizations
did not want to be accountable for a culture with racial microaggressions. An important step in
addressing racial microaggressions in nonprofit organizations is to create mandatory training for
staff and leaders to understand and apply definitions of racial microaggressions and allyship to
help eliminate these harmful actions.
Staff training and resources must also be included in addressing gaps that exist in
knowledge and awareness among company’s employees, particularly among White leaders.
According to Holder (2016), systemic interventions such as greater accountability and employee
programs may help disarm racial microaggressions through workplace training. Diversity
training is effective if it is mandatory rather than voluntary (DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2016).
Quarterly training sessions led by seasoned DEI practitioners for leadership and staff to address
racial microaggressions are activities that can be implemented along with pre and postevaluation
surveys to define training goals and outcomes success. Continuous feedback among leadership
and employees is essential to the success of engaging in dialogue with a solutions-based
approach for racial microaggressions.
89
Recommendation 2: Create Safer Spaces for African American Women to Speak Openly
Against Racial Microaggressions
A theme that emerged from study participants’ interviews was African American women
tend to cope with racial microaggressions by leaning on their personal networks for support,
including friends or mentors outside of the workplace. Therefore, organizational leaders must
create safer spaces inside the workplace for African American women to feel they have a culture
of support among their White colleagues, empowering them to name and address racial
microaggressions in ways that drive sustainable change. According to research by Mellor (2004),
focusing on self-protection is important after experiencing a hurtful act, such as a racial
microaggression, and requires a safe space to collect one’s thoughts.
In order to create workplaces that are more conducive for African American women to
speak freely about racial microaggressions, companies must align efforts with African American
women so they can share their own perspectives and opinions about what a safe space looks like
to them. Companies must hold listening sessions and convenings on a regular basis, and establish
advisory councils in workplaces that report into the Chief Executive Officer’s office to liaise
directly with leadership. Furthermore, companies must include questions on annual employee
surveys to ensure feedback is provided from all staff about racial microaggressions, safe spaces
in workplaces, and how leadership can improve their efforts to reduce and eliminate these
harmful acts.
Recommendation 3: Resources to Support the College to Work Transition for African
American Women
At the college level, African American women experience adverse feelings, such as lower
self-esteem, due to racial microaggressions (Nadal et al., 2014). Study participants described
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how, early in their careers, they often lacked the knowledge for how to handle racial
microaggressions or even name these verbal and nonverbal harmful attacks. Also, for many
African American women, early career mentorship programs tended to focus on career growth
and development but did not address racial microaggressions in the workplace. When racial
microaggressions lead to feelings of isolation, African American women may not feel
comfortable reaching out to a support system that can aid them in coping with racial
microaggressions (Alabi, 2015). With adequate resources such as programs and tools to help
African American women navigate the transition from college to careers, they will be equipped
earlier in their journey to manage racial microaggressions.
Resources to support the transition from college or other placement to career can include
(a) college internship programs that include a focus on racial microaggressions and coping
sessions; (b) a toolkit of print and digital materials (fact sheets and brochures) about strategies
for handling racial microaggressions, which can be widely distributed to students during college
orientation programs (Harwood et al., 2015); and (c) partnerships between colleges, community
organizations, and stakeholders that offer ongoing virtual and in-person gatherings to address
racial microaggressions against African American women.
College internships are often the first point of entry for African American women and
full-time employment. Many organizations are focused on growing the talents of young, diverse
staff during their internship program experience. This recommendation is focused on how
human-resources staff should work with leadership (chief executive officer, chief diversity
officer/head of DEI, or chief people officer) to establish a series of ongoing sessions during
internship cycles to provide information on how racial microaggressions and coping strategies
are described and displayed in the workplace. Interns’ managers and department heads should
91
also attend these internship sessions on a mandatory basis. This can be a method in which
leadership can become more motivated to address racial microaggressions against African
American women. If leaders claim they are committed to the success of interns, this commitment
must also include ending racial microaggressions in the workplace. Moreover, these efforts can
benefit the organization’s approach to building their own stronger norms, values, and behaviors.
Knowledge and awareness of racial microaggressions takes time and effort. Applying the
knowledge also requires developing ways that information can be shared. This recommendation
involves developing a toolkit of print and digital materials, including fact sheets and brochures
about how to address racial microaggressions and how young African American women coming
into the workplace can adjust. These materials can be widely distributed to African American
women during college orientation programs (Harwood et al., 2015). According to Duma et al.
(2019), training and education must include innovation to help maintain motivation around a
change process. Digital educational toolkits that address racial microaggressions can be shared
across social media or through shared files in easily accessible ways for audiences to share.
DEI partnerships between colleges and nonprofit organizations can provide valuable
opportunities to address racial microaggressions against African American women. Relationships
among key stakeholders—including nonprofit leaders, community organizations, parents,
students, and college advisors—provide meaningful ways to engage, protect, and nurture young
African American women entering the nonprofit work industry. Yull et al. (2014) found that a
model based on community participation was effective in addressing students of color’s concerns
related to isolation, racism, and culture. In order to create sustainable change, it will be important
to engage with influencers in these circles who hold power and status to shine a brighter spotlight
on the harmful effects of racial microaggressions among African American women. Individuals
92
with power and privilege in these settings need to build community conversations and virtual
convenings and work with community organizations to raise awareness. Those in power should
work with allies to implement a plan of action that highlights racial microaggressions, how
individuals are motivated to effect change, and the influence that organizational leadership has in
ensuring the well-being and safety of African American women.
Finally, African American women and girls, use your voice to speak up if a racial
microaggression is directed at you and makes you feel uncomfortable, hurt, or attacked. Also,
seek the support that you need in navigating these actions and bring along allies along so that
you do not have to be alone in pushing back against these harmful actions.
Limitations and Delimitations
Limitations for this study included ongoing challenges of COVID-19, which began to
negatively impact the United States in early 2020. With the initial threat of the pandemic and the
onset of variants such as Delta and Omicron during the data-collection phase, research was
restricted to online and web-based platforms for methods of data collection (Ferguson & Wynne,
2021).
Today, many U.S. organizations have brought difficult CRT discussions into the
workplace (Lee & Tapia, 2021). The second limitation of this study was that some women who
completed the recruiting survey were wary that their responses would be linked back to their
employers.
A third limitation was that interview participants who initially agreed to be interviewed
and also participate in the online, asynchronous focus groups were unable to complete the online
focus group. Several respondents who were contacted after the one-on-one interviews shared that
they were not able to participate further due to limited time and availability following the
93
holidays, and the pressures of the pandemic on their return to work and in-school instruction for
their school-aged students.
Delimitations for this study included my choice to not use an organization or workplace
as the research setting and location. I chose not to use an organization, including my own, as the
research setting because I wanted to avoid false perceptions that (a) the study was a hidden
investigation into my own organization, or (b) that I was using my position and power to
influence individuals’ decisions to participate. I work in a small organization of approximately
500 people, and I am an African American woman on the senior management team.
The second delimitation was the number of qualified participants chosen for
semistructured, one-on-one interviews and group surveys. A total of eight study participants
were chosen. With this number of participants, rich and thick descriptions were collected through
well-crafted interview questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
Recommendations for Future Research
Based on this study of perceptions of racial microaggressions targeted at African
American women in nonprofit organizations, six future research topics emerged and are outlined
in this section. First, a deeper examination of the impact of racial microaggressions on African
American women’s work performance may draw more conclusions about factors that drive their
motivation to prevent distractions and harm caused by racial microaggressions. This study was
conducted on a smaller scale with eight participants who largely reported that racial
microaggressions impacted their well-being but not their work performance. Participants noted
that failure around work performance was not an option due to their motivation, resilience, and
determination to succeed. A second recommendation for future research is to explore the act of
racial microaggressions against other women from marginalized groups in nonprofits, such as
94
those from Hispanic, Native Indigenous, Pacific Islander, and Asian American backgrounds. A
third area of focus is how African American women target racial microaggressions toward other
women of African origins or those who are African American (Dapherede Otusanya & Castle
Bell, 2018). Dapherede Otusanya and Castle Bell (2018) found that West African study
participants labeled communications of African American women as dismissive, derogatory, and
direct attacks.
A fourth area for future research is an examination of the perceptions of the impact of
racial microaggressions among African American women across other industries, including for-
profit organizations, government entities, and volunteerism. Fifth, further researchers can
observe African American women’s perceptions of their experiences as they transition from
predominantly White institutions to early years in nonprofit organizations predominantly led by
nonpeople of color. The goal would be to understand similarities and differences in women’s
experiences with racial microaggressions and coping/resilience strategies at the university level,
and whether those outcomes mirror their early career experiences. A sixth area for potential
research is racial microaggressions classified from the perspective of marginalized groups on the
receiving end of these negative behaviors. Categories of secondary racial microaggressions have
been identified, such as victim blaming, ‘splaining, and gaslighting (V. Johnson et al., 2021).
These themes have become more widely debated across the United States in the wake of cultural
shifts and racial reckoning. For the current and future generation of nonprofit professionals, the
present findings confirm that more research is needed to advance meaningful and positive
impacts for African American women, thus eliminating the harmful effects of racial
microaggressions.
95
Conclusion
This qualitative, phenomenological study provided additional insight for existing research
about the adverse impact of racial microaggressions among African American female nonprofit
workers. Left unaddressed, racial microaggressions will continue to harm and be an ongoing and
persistent threat across all sectors, including nonprofit organizations, which typically operate
with limited resources, smaller staffs, and reduced capacities. Therefore, these organizations in
particular cannot afford to lose valued staff and contributions from their diverse teams because
the company’s culture consistently suffers from negative effects of racial microaggressions.
The creation of safe(r) spaces for African American female nonprofit workers to speak
openly about racial microaggressions is important and necessary. Although coping strategies can
help women from marginalized groups manage racial microaggressions, African American
women must not carry the burden alone. Organizations must also do their part to ensure there is
meaningful change to dismantle racial microaggressions across the workforce. Although coping
strategies are a single aspect of a larger, solutions-oriented approach to eliminating racial
microaggressions, it is not enough. Additionally, these efforts cannot be simply placed under an
organization’s umbrella DEI efforts where conversations about racial microaggressions are
bound to get buried.
A starting place for nonprofit leaders is understanding and acknowledging the origins of
systemic racism targeted against underrepresented groups such as African American women.
This country’s painful history is a prologue for the present day that is still filled with racial
divisiveness and the unfair treatment of marginalized people. The urgency to address the
problem of racial microaggressions has never been greater than today. African American women
and other minority groups working for nonprofits, like their White counterparts, should be able
96
to thrive in their nonprofit positions and maintain their positive well-being without the burdens
caused by racial microaggressions.
97
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Appendix A: ARMS Scale
Acceptability of Racial Microaggressions scale (Mekawi & Todd, 2018). Instructions: Imagine
that you are talking with a racially diverse group of peers about various topics, including race
and ethnicity. Rate how ACCEPTABLE you think it would be for a White group member to
say the following to a racial/ethnic minority group member:1 (totally unacceptable); 6
(perfectly acceptable)
• Lots of people worked their way out of poverty, why can’t Blacks and Latinos do the same?
• African Americans would get more jobs if they dressed more professionally.
• If African Americans spoke less slang, they’d be more likely to get jobs.
• There won’t be racial progress until racial minorities stop relying on handouts from the
government.
• Black people should stop using slavery as an excuse for their problems.
• Minorities are just too sensitive about racism.
• Latinos receive lots of unearned benefits just for being minorities.
• People from your racial group get hired easily because companies need to meet racial quotas.
• If Latinos spoke more English, they’d be more likely to get jobs.
• I don’t see your race; I see you as a person.
• I don’t care if you’re Black, Brown, Purple, Yellow, Green. . . I see all people as the same.
• There is only one race, the human race.
• People shouldn’t see race anymore.
• Even if we look different, we are basically the same.
• I don’t notice race.
• We are all the same.
• People are just people, their race doesn’t matter.
• Everyone is treated the same by the legal system.
• Everyone has the same chance to succeed regardless of their race.
• Everyone gets a fair legal trial regardless of their race.
• Everyone has access to the same resources such as schools and hospitals.
• Race doesn’t play a role in who gets pulled over by the police.
• Race doesn’t matter for who gets sent to prison.
• Everyone has access to the same educational opportunities, regardless of race or ethnicity.
• When people get shot by the police, it is more about what they were doing rather than their
race.
• Everyone in life goes through the same kinds of obstacles, regardless of their race.
• Latinos are just so sexy.
• Native Americans are so fierce.
120
• I just love black women’s butts.
• Latino men are such passionate lovers.
• You are so exotic.
• You’re so beautiful, you’re like a geisha.
• You’re so beautiful, you look like Pocahontas.
• Your skin color is so exotic.
Test Administration Note: In the studies used to determine the psychometric properties of this
measure, the items were randomly presented to participants. We therefore recommend
randomizing the order of the items in future studies.
Subscale Scoring Information
Victim Blaming: Items 1–9
Color Evasion: Items 10–17
Power Evasion: Items 18–26
Exoticizing: Items 27–34
Distribution Note: This measure is freely available solely for research purposes. Please note that
this scale cannot be redistributed or used for non-research purposes without explicit
permission from authors.
121
Appendix B: Racial Harmony Workshop Tool
Category name Description
1 Not a true citizen When a question, statement, or behavior indicates that a person of
color is not a real citizen or a meaningful part of our society
because they are not White.
2 Racial
categorization
and sameness
When a person is compelled to disclose their racial group to
enable others to attach pathological racial stereotypes to the
person; includes the assumption that all people from a particular
group are alike.
3 Assumptions about
intelligence,
competence, or
status
When behavior or statements are based on assumptions about a
person’s intelligence, competence, education, income, social
status derived from racial stereotypes.
4 False color
blindness/
invalidating racial
or ethnic identity
Expressing that individual’s race or ethnic identity should not be
acknowledged, which can be invalidating for people who are
proud of their identity or who have suffered because of it.
5 Criminality or
dangerousness
Demonstrating belief in stereotypes that people of color are
dangerous, untrustworthy, likely to commit crimes or cause
bodily harm.
6 Denial of individual
Racism
When a person tries to make a case that they are not biased, often
by talking about anti-racist things they have done to deflect
perceived scrutiny of their own behaviors.
7 Myth of
meritocracy/race
is irrelevant for
success
When someone makes statements about success being rooted in
personal efforts and denial of the existence of racism or White
privilege.
8 Reverse racism
hostility
Expressions of jealousy or hostility surrounding the notion that
people of color get unfair advantages and benefits due to their
race.
9 Pathologizing
minority culture
or appearance
When people criticize others based on perceived or real cultural
differences in appearance, traditions, behaviors, or preferences.
10 Second class
citizen/ignored
and invisible
When people of color are treated with less respect, consideration,
or care than is normally expected or customary. This may
include being ignored or being unseen/invisible.
11 Tokenism When a person of color is included to promote the illusion of
inclusivity, not for the qualities or talents of the individual,
and/or the expectation that an individual’s views will represent
the views of their perceived group.
122
Category name Description
12 Connecting via
stereotypes
When a person tries to communicate or connect with a person
through use of stereotyped speech or behavior, to be accepted or
understood. Can include racist jokes and epitaphs as terms of
endearment.
13 Exoticization and
eroticization
When a person of color is treated according to sexualized
stereotypes or attention to differences that are characterized as
exotic in some way.
14 Avoidance and
distancing
When people of color are avoided or measures are taken to
prevent physical contact or close proximity.
15 Environmental
exclusion
When someone’s racial identity is minimized or made
insignificant through the exclusion of decorations, literature, or
depictions of people that represent their racial group.
16 Environmental
attacks
When decorations pose a known affront or insult to a person’s
cultural group, history, or heritage.
123
Appendix C: Purposive Sampling
Steps in purposive sampling.
1. Decide on the research problem.
2. Determine the type of information needed.
● Information from every individual in the community is potentially
valuable > use random sampling
o Time and resources are too limited for random sampling > use
purposive sampling with caution
● Information is held by only certain members of the community > use
purposive sampling
o Information needs a high degree of interpretation regarding
cultural significance > use key informants
3. Define the qualities the informant(s) should or should not have.
4. Find your informants based on defined qualities.
● Research about the area and community.
● Ask for help before going to the site and upon arrival at the site.
● Realize finding informants may be a trial and error process. Be patient
and persistent!
5. Keep in mind the importance of reliability and competency in assessing
potential informants.
6. Use appropriate data gathering techniques.
7. In analyzing data and interpreting results, remember that purposive sampling is
an inherently biased method.
124
● Document the bias.
● Do not apply interpretations beyond the sampled population.
125
Appendix D: Recruitment Message for Study Participants
Greetings,
I am Sylvia Bugg, a doctoral student enrolled in the University of Southern California’s Rossier
School of Education. For my dissertation, I am conducting a study about the perception of racial
microaggressions among African American women working for nonprofit organizations
(charitable organizations, educational institutions, or religious organizations given tax exempt
status by the Internal Revenue Service). Racial microaggressions are verbal or non-verbal
messages or actions towards minorities or underrepresented groups. Examples include an African
American woman who is referred to as “articulate” by a White colleague or a white nationalist
symbol on display in the workplace.
If you are willing to participate in the study by completing a brief 12–15-minute survey,
please see the link below. Participants should identify as an African American woman between
the ages of 25-65 years old, working full-time for a nonprofit organization for a minimum of
one-year, and hold at least a Bachelor’s degree. If I can answer any questions about the survey,
please contact me at sbugg@usc.edu.
Thank you for your participation.
Sylvia Bugg
126
Appendix E: Email Message/Online Recruiting Tool for Phase 1 Participants: The
Perception of Racial Microaggressions Among African American Women in Nonprofit
Organizations
This is an online recruiting questionnaire about the perception of racial microaggressions
among African American women working in nonprofits. I am a University of Southern
California doctoral student in the Rossier School of Education and am conducting the study.
Enter Your Email Address: ____________
Consent:
Before filling out this survey, please consent to participating in this study. Your
confidentially will be honored and your identity protected 100% as well as that of your employer
(no names will be identified). No information of any kind will ever be shared with your
employer or fellow employees. Any information collected as part of this study will be stored in a
password protected file according to the university’s requirements.
If you have additional questions, please contact Sylvia Bugg at sbugg@usc.edu.
I agree to participate in this study as described above and understand if I have any questions, I
can contact the researcher. (Please type your name and the date below.)
Name _________________ Date ________________
Demographic Profile
1. What is your race? (If you identify as more than one race, choose the 'other'
option and enter that information.)
African American/Black___Non-Hispanic___White___Other
2. What is your age?
20-24___25-34___35-44___45-54___55-65
127
3. What is your highest level of degree earned?
Some college___Bachelor’s degree___Master’s Degree___Doctoral
degree/MD/JD ___No college___
4. List the state where you currently are employed. If outside the U.S., list your
country.
____________
5. Describe the nonprofit where you work? (ex. Education, Community/Service,
Nonprofit Media, Religious, Social Work, etc.)
_________________
6. What is your profession? (ex. Finance, HR, Marketing, Operations,
Administration, Sales)
_________________
7. What is your current role at your organization?
Entry-level___Mid-level___Senior-level/Director___Executive
director/Owner/CEO
8. What is the racial demographic of your workplace?
Mostly White employees___Mostly African American employees___A
mix of multiple races___
Very few African American employees___I am the only African
American employee___ Other/please describe: ______
9. Estimate the gender demographic profile of your workplace.
Mostly men___Mostly women___Mix of men and women___Non-binary
gender___Other/please describe: _____
128
10. How long have you been employed full-time at your organization?
0-1 year ___1-3 years___4-7 years ___8-10 years ___10+ years
11. Enter the number of promotions you have had since being employed at your
current company.
None___1-2 ___3 or more ___
Online Recruiting Tool for Survey Participants
Please complete the following questions related to your perceptions about racial
microaggressions. The definition of racial microaggressions is offensive or harmful verbal or
non-verbal messages or actions towards marginalized or underrepresented groups. Examples
include an African American woman who is referred to as “articulate.” Other examples may be
an employee asks an African American woman if she/he can touch her hair or a confederate
symbol on display in the office.
1. Have you ever experienced racial microaggressions in your workplace?
Yes___ No___ Unsure___
2. If you answered yes to question 1, is your perception that racial microaggressions
impact(ed) your well-being?
Yes___No___Unsure___
3. If you answered yes to question 1, is your perception that racial microaggressions
impact(ed) your work performance?
Yes___No___Unsure___
4. Would you be willing to share the details of your experiences in a study
(confidential one-on-one interview and/or group study)?
Yes___No___Unsure___
129
Thank you for participating in this online survey.
130
Appendix F: List of Questions for One-On-One Interviews With Phase 1 Participants
The definition of racial microaggressions is offensive or harmful verbal or non-verbal
messages or actions towards marginalized or underrepresented groups. Examples include an
African American woman who is referred to as “articulate.” Other examples of racial
microaggressions may be an employee asks an African American woman if she/he can touch her
hair or a confederate symbol on display in the office.
1. Describe how you perceive racial microaggressions in your workplace?
2. In your perceptions about experiences with racial microaggressions, do you
believe they affected your well-being? If yes, explain how.
3. Provide detail on why you think you (or another African American female) were
on the receiving end of a racial microaggression.
4. Did racial microaggressions impact your work performance? If the answer is yes,
explain how.
5. Does your organization respond to racial microaggressions in the workplace? If
yes, describe your perception of how effectively your organization responds to
racial microaggressions in the workplace.
6. Did you take an action after you experienced a racial microaggression? If yes,
what action was that?
7. If you took action after you experienced a racial microaggression, what was the
result of it?
8. Do you perceive there to be a link between working for a nonprofit organization
and racial microaggressions against African American women? If so, explain the
link in more detail.
131
9. Have you used coping techniques to manage racial microaggressions you have
experienced in your organization? If yes, describe what those coping strategies
were and how these coping techniques may have helped you.
10. Has your organization taken steps to eliminate racial microaggressions in the
workplace? If yes, describe these steps.
11. Describe an ideal workplace culture would like to you in relation to racial
microaggressions?
132
Appendix G: Group Survey Questions With Phase 2 Participants
The definition of racial microaggressions is offensive or harmful verbal or non-verbal
messages or actions towards marginalized or underrepresented groups. Examples include an
African American woman who is referred to as “articulate.” Other examples may be an
employee asks an African American woman if she/he can touch her hair or a confederate symbol
on display in the office.
Group 1: Racial Microaggressions - Well-Being and Coping Strategies
1. Please tell me about your professional industry and your role.
2. What is an example of a racial microaggression – either verbal or non-verbal?
3. What are examples of bias against African American women in your
organization?
4. Do you think racial microaggressions have an impact on the well-being of African
American women? If yes, please describe.
5. Have you had a personal experience with a racial microaggression? If so, can you
describe it.
6. When you personally experienced a racial microaggression, can you describe how
it may have personally affected your well-being?
7. If you experienced a racial microaggression, did you respond? If so, please
describe how you responded.
• Probing Question: Following your response to a racial microaggression,
how did the perpetrator react?
133
8. Has your nonprofit organization taken steps to better understand and address the
challenges that African American women face with racial microaggressions? And
coping strategies? If so, please explain.
9. Please describe what might be an ideal workplace culture in relation to African
American women working in nonprofit organizations and racial
microaggressions.
Group 2: Racial Microaggressions - Well-Being and Coping Strategies
1. Please tell me about your professional industry and your role.
2. What is an example of a racial microaggression – either verbal or non-verbal?
3. What are examples of bias against African American women in your
organization?
4. Do you think racial microaggressions have an impact on the well-being of African
American women? If yes, please describe.
5. Have you had a personal experience with a racial microaggression? If so, can you
describe it.
6. When you personally experienced a racial microaggression, can you describe how
it may have personally affected your well-being?
7. If you experienced a racial microaggression, did you respond? If so, please
describe how you responded.
• Probing Question: Following your response to a racial microaggression,
how did the perpetrator react?
134
8. Has your nonprofit organization taken steps to better understand and address the
challenges that African American women face with racial microaggressions? And
coping strategies? If so, please explain.
9. Please describe what might be an ideal workplace culture in relation to African
American women working in nonprofit organizations and racial
microaggressions.
135
Appendix H: Study Participants’ Examples of Racial Microaggressions
Participant Racial microaggressions Theme
A “You speak very eloquently.”
Ascription of intelligence.
Unusual for someone of color to be
intelligent.
“You have an interesting accent.
Where are you from?”
Alien in own land. You are not an
American.
“I could say something and it
wouldn’t be heard. But if it was
repeated by a White man, then it
was embraced … that’s a great
idea.”
Second class citizen.
You are a lesser being.
Slight made by person in more
dominant position.
“A White treasurer of the
organization accused me of
stealing from the organization.
And when I presented
documentation to dispel that, she
accused me of stealing by paying
myself an unauthorized salary.”
Criminality: assumption of criminal
status.
B “Can I touch your hair? Your hair is
different.”
Pathologizing cultural values. Hair
on Black women is foreign,
curious, or not professional.
C “Another one that sticks out very
much is that another African
American woman and me … our
names did not sound the same; we
didn't look anything like I'm
talking about not at all. We look
nothing alike … at all, and she
still would be called my name.
This is by teammates who I
worked with.”
Marginalization-based self-identify
racial microaggression.
D “What I've experienced is everything
from silencing to questioning
your ability to the weaponizing in
confrontations. When you learn
you’re being held accountable,
then it's escalated very quickly,
and then we have to go. Speak
with superiors and HR only to
realize that it is the White person
Slight made by person in more
dominant position. Second-class
citizen. You are a lesser being.
136
Participant Racial microaggressions Theme
that doesn't want to be held
accountable.”
E “A White man in a meeting would
try to
call me out, and I had to say you
calm
down sir.”
Second class citizen. You are a
lesser being.
Slight made by person in more
dominant position.
“Opinions are not valued by my
most
vocal White colleagues .”
Second class citizen. You are a
lesser being.
Slight made by person in more
dominant position.
F “Those colleagues like to try to talk
above your head.”
Ascription of intelligence. Unusual
for someone
of color to be intelligent.
“My feedback is not valued because
I am
an African American woman and
not military.”
Gender and race based
microaggression
137
Participant Racial microaggressions Theme
G “White colleagues will give the same
idea that an African American
woman offered previously.
Instead of getting like … no
feedback as a woman of color,
Whites are praised for the idea.”
Second-class citizen. You are a
lesser being.
Slight made by person in more
dominant position.
“I am constantly feeling that my
voice, as
an African American woman and
those of other women of color, are
not valued by White colleagues.”
Second class citizen. You are a
lesser being.
Slight made by person in more
dominant position.
H “White colleagues have described
me as being so articulate. It is
crafted as if it is a compliment, as
if I shouldn’t be [articulate].”
Ascription of intelligence. Unusual
for someone of color to be
intelligent.
“A second example is when a White
colleague has praised me for
being so impressive. I was
offended. I did not take that as a
compliment.”
Ascription of intelligence. Unusual
for someone of color to be
intelligent.
“I was not being given credit for my
work while others were claiming
my work for their own.”
Second class citizen. You are a
lesser being.
Slight made by person in more
dominant position.
138
Appendix I: Participants Coping Strategies for Racial Microaggressions With
Corresponding Themes
Participant Coping strategies Theme
A Understanding how racial
microaggressions have made me feel.
Resistance coping (using one’s own
voice as power)
Acknowledging that racial
microaggressions exist and to not
suppress them.
Resistance coping (using one’s own
voice as power)
Dismissing racial microaggressions as
ignorance.
Resistance coping (using one’s own
voice as power)
B
Leaning on close circle of friends Collective coping (leaning on one’s
own support network)
C
Getting involved in outside activities to
take my mind of workplace racial
microaggressions.
Self-protective (escaping)
D
Leaning on network of mentors and
trusted leaders.
Collective coping (leaning on one’s
own support network)
E
Seeking a support network. Collective coping (leaning on one’s
own support network)
Creating opportunities to speak up more
in meetings.
Resistance coping (using one’s own
voice as power)
Establishing boundaries in the workplace
– particularly with individuals who
have tried to silence my voice
Self-protective (escaping)
F
Identified a mentor to support me. Collective coping (leaning on one’s
own support network)
Remained resilient at work. Self-protective (becoming a Black
Superwoman).
Equipped myself to speak their language. Resistance coping (using one’s own
voice as power)
Have an attitude of determination to
succeed.
Self-protective (becoming a Black
Superwoman).
G
Build strong working relationship with
allies – White and Black co-workers.
Collective coping (leaning on one’s
own support network)
Girlfriends are a great village. Collective coping (leaning on one’s
own support network)
H
Speak up when subjected to a racial
microaggression.
Resistance coping (using one’s own
voice as power)
Take time to practice self-care. Self-protective (escaping)
Abstract (if available)
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Bugg, Sylvia M.
(author)
Core Title
The perceived impact of racial microaggressions on the well-being of African American female workers in nonprofit organizations
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)
Degree Conferral Date
2022-05
Publication Date
05/05/2024
Defense Date
03/08/2022
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
critical race theory,intersectionality,OAI-PMH Harvest,racial microaggressions
Format
application/pdf
(imt)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Hyde, Corinne (
committee chair
), Hinga, Briana (
committee member
), Phillips, Jennifer (
committee member
)
Creator Email
sylbugg@me.com,sylviabugg@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111271659
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Tags
critical race theory
intersectionality
racial microaggressions