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Perceptions of employment nationalization policies in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries

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Perceptions of Employment Nationalization Policies in the Gulf Cooperation Council
Countries
by
Sultan A. Al-Thani

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2022

© Copyright by Sultan A. Al-Thani 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Sultan Al-Thani certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Eric Canny
Cathy Sloane Krop
Patricia Elaine Tobey, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
The Gulf Corporation Council (GCC) countries’ sustained economic growth has attracted
significant numbers of expatriate workers in the past two decades. Despite the many foreign
workers in countries such as Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, government backed
employment nationalization policies (ENPs) have been implemented with the aim to increase the
number of GCC nationals in the private sector. The problem, however, is that these programs’
focus has been on the public sector. For instance, in most GCC countries, over 75% of
employees work in the private sector. In Qatar, only 34% of nationals are employed in the
private sector. The remaining 76% had yet to gain private-sector employment as of 2017,
indicating that the GCC employment nationalization programs (ENP) have not been effective.
Further, these programs have shifted their attention towards diversity, gender inclusivity, and
equality, detracting from getting more nationals into the private sector labor force. This
dissertation, therefore, sought to explore strategies to change current ENPs and ensure that more
nationals are employed in the private sector. Specifically, the study sought to explore Qatari and
Emirati people’s perceptions on how their governments could develop and implement more
efficient ENPs, the extent to which GCC nationals value workplace diversity, the influence of
culture on the development of ENPS, and what strategies the GCC governments are currently
using to incentivize nationals’ participation in the private sector. The study employed a
qualitative research design. A narrative inquiry method was used to gather data from ten
interview respondents. This approach allowed participants to tell their story, perspective, and
experience regarding the research questions. An online survey was also sent out to a total of 100
Qatari and Emirati nationals and provided more valuable data on the problem of practice.
Framework and grounded theory analysis techniques were used to analyze the data and involved

v
coding the data obtained from different narratives in interview transcripts by various
respondents. Triangulation was also used to complement the primary data sources from both
interviewees and survey respondents. Due to Covid-19 restrictions, interviews were conducted
virtually over ZOOM to protect both the interviewer and the participants.

Keywords: employment nationalization policies, GCC, Qatarization, Emiratization, Qatar, United
Arab Emirates, workforce nationalization

vi
Dedication
To my daughter, Layla Al-Thani, my sister Sara, to my partner in life Tess, to my family, and to
my friends who love and support me every day and have had to deal with me for the past three
years. To my father and my stepmother who provided me with the best possible educational
experiences and supported me in learning as many languages so that I would be able to immerse
myself in many different cultures.

In loving memory of my mother who I know is looking down from heaven and is proud to see
what I have accomplished.

vii
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge the following people and institutions for being a part of this
challenging yet rewarding journey. I would like to first thank my family for always being by my
side. I would also like to thank my friends who always expressed interest in my research and
rooted me on.
Thank you, Qatar, for always supporting me in my pursuit of lifelong learning. I hope
that my time at USC will add value to everything we are trying to achieve.
Thank you Dr. Eric Canny. You were the first professor I had class with and one of the
few I met in person a few years ago in LA. You have been an inspirational role model and
mentor.
All of this would not be possible without my dissertation chair, Dr. Patricia Tobey, and
doctoral committee members Dr. Eric Canny, Dr. Cathy Sloane Krop, and doctoral advisor
Susan Huynh. Your guidance was invaluable.
Thank you to my student success advisor, Reginald Ryder, who always called me to see
how I was doing, no matter what part of the world I was in.
Thank you to all participants who took time off their busy schedules to help me in my
research study. You don’t know how much your participation means to me.
Finally, thank you to my entire cohort for teaching me so much about what leadership
looks like. Many of you juggled your personal and professional lives while also facing many
challenges throughout the dissertation process. Your courage and dedication are truly
inspirational.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................... xiii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study ...............................................................................................1
Background of the Problem .................................................................................................1
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................3
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................3
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .....................................................4
Definition of the Terms ........................................................................................................5
Organization of the Study ....................................................................................................7
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ...........................................................................................8
Globalization and the Economy ...........................................................................................9
Effect of Globalization in the GCC ...................................................................................15
Employment Nationalization Policies ................................................................................21
Challenges Facing Employment Nationalization Programs ..............................................25
The Role of Culture ...........................................................................................................29
Attitudes Towards Diversity ..............................................................................................36
Social Cognitive Theory ....................................................................................................40
Conceptual Framework ......................................................................................................49
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................51

ix
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................53
Research Questions ............................................................................................................53
Overview of Design ...........................................................................................................53
Research Setting .................................................................................................................56
The Researcher ...................................................................................................................58
Data Sources ......................................................................................................................58
Data Collection Procedures ................................................................................................63
Data Analysis .....................................................................................................................64
Limitations and Delimitations ............................................................................................67
Chapter Four: Findings and Results ...............................................................................................69
Description of the Participants ...........................................................................................69
Interview Findings .............................................................................................................80
Survey Results ...................................................................................................................72
Summary ..........................................................................................................................102
Chapter Five: Discussion of Findings ..........................................................................................105
Overview of Study ...........................................................................................................105
Discussion of Findings .....................................................................................................106
Implications of the Study .................................................................................................112
Recommendations for Practice ........................................................................................112
Future Research ...............................................................................................................117
References ....................................................................................................................................120
Appendix A: Survey Questions ...................................................................................................135
Appendix B: Interview Protocol ..................................................................................................137
Appendix E: Informed Consent for Research ..............................................................................143
Introduction ......................................................................................................................143

x
Detailed Information ........................................................................................................143
Statement of Consent .......................................................................................................147

xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Data Sources 59
Table 2: Demographics of Interview Participants 70
Table 3: Demographics of Survey Respondents 70
Table 4: Participants’ Place of Work 73
Table 5: Factor That Led to Participants Job Preference 74
Table 6: Response to Question 6: How Effective Has Your Government Been in Increasing
Nationals’ Participation in the Private Sector? 74
Table 7: Response to Question 10: Have Employment Nationalization Policies Had Any
Impact on your Job Selection Process? 75
Table 8: Question 7: Has the Government Clearly Communicated to Its People the
Importance of Nationals Joining the Private Sector? 75
Table 9: Responses for Question 23: In Your Opinion, How Could GCC Governments
Create More Effective Employment Nationalization Policies? 76
Table 10: Responses to Survey Questions 8 and 9 77
Table 11: Responses to Questions 12, 13 and 14 79
Table 12: Responses to Questions 15, 16 and 17 79
Table B1: Interview Questions 138
Appendix C: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix (Interviews) 141
Appendix D: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix (Survey) 142

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Map of the GCC 8
Figure 2: Job Nationalization Policies in the GCC 23
Figure 3: A Conceptual Framework Based on Badura’s Social Cognitive Theory Illustrating the
Challenges to GCC’s Nationalization Policies 50
Figure 4: ADKAR Model Diagram 114

xiii
List of Abbreviations
ADKAR Awareness, Desire, Knowledge, Ability and Reinforcement
ENPs Employment Nationalization Policies.
GCC Gulf Cooperation Council.
UAE United Arab Emirates

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have implemented employment
nationalization policies (ENPs) to increase GCC nationals’ participation in the private sector and
create a knowledge-based economy less reliant on foreign workers. In Qatar, nationals accounted
for only 10% of private-sector employment in 2019 despite the desire of 32% of unemployed
Qataris to work in the private sector (Qatar Planning and Statistics Authority, 2020). Although
these employment nationalization programs have attempted to increase nationals’ participation in
the private sector, they have exacerbated existing issues in diversity and equity in the workplace.
The ENPs have maintained public sector employment policies that attract and favor nationals
over expatriates. In several GCC countries, nationals account for 75% of public sector
employment as these jobs provide higher salaries, shorter work hours, and better job security
(Shayah & Sun, 2019).
Background of the Problem
In the past two decades, the GCC’s rapid economic growth led to a large influx of foreign
workers to the region to meet the labor market’s demand. The local population was limited in
both size and skills. Most immigrant workers were employed in the private sector, as the national
workforce did not have the right qualifications at the time. Although this lack of qualifications
somewhat remains today, nationals still prefer public sector employment (Buttorff, et al., 2019).
With the increasing number of recent graduates, the national workforce is quickly becoming too
large for the public sector to absorb (Harry, 2007). A change was needed, and governments
developed workforce nationalization initiatives to tackle their existing challenges.
The GCC, a culturally homogenous region, is dictated by a traditional culture heavily
influenced by Islamic traditions. The most important ecological environment in many
2

individuals’ lives is the home environment. In that environment, an individual is taught how to
behave, what to value, how to approach relationships with others, and what type of employment
is encouraged. Nationalization programs are, in fact, a byproduct of the social environment
where many nationals feel a sense of entitlement over others when it comes to social benefits and
public sector employment. The work culture in public sector organizations often mirrors the local
culture. Private-sector employment is viewed as less attractive and reserved for non-nationals
(Al-Waqfi & Forstenlechner, 2012).
Expatriates employed in public sector organizations are usually demotivated due to the
lack of diversity in their work environment, including language barriers, which makes them feel
they do not belong. They also encounter barriers to their career growth, as all senior-level
positions are reserved for nationals. Nationalization programs have also created a social
environment where nationals’ interests take precedence over all others. Many government-
supported national employment programs’ policies, such as training opportunities and rewards,
are made available more easily through wasta, which is a form of social capital to which
expatriates do not have access (Gold & Naufal, 2012).
This study evaluated the GCC’s current ENPs strategy by exploring Qatari and Emirati
nationals’ perceptions of the efficiency of these programs in increasing the number of nationals
employed in the private sector. For over a decade, GCC governments have sought to develop and
implement ENPs to address two main problems. The first is a fragmented workforce with a
disproportionate number of nationals in the private sector as compared to the public sector, and
the second is globalization’s effects and a need to increase the region’s economic
competitiveness. Instead of addressing these challenges, ENPs have maintained the existing
division within the GCCs’ labor markets (Harry, 2007).
3

Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to evaluate GCC governments’ ENPs efforts by exploring
Qatari and Emirati nationals’ perceptions of their efficiency in influencing GCC nationals’ job
selection decision-making process. The goal of this study was to use the findings to recommend
possible solutions that could help GCC governments develop and implement more efficient
ENPs strategies. Three research questions guided this study:
1. How do current ENPs impact an individuals’ job selection behavior?
2. What divisions do ENPs create in the local job market?
3. To what extent does the local culture influence an individual’s career choice?
Significance of the Study
Failure to examine this problem implies that low participation by nationals in the private
sector will persist (Qatar Planning and Statistics Authority, 2017). Inefficient ENPs affect both
nationals and non-nationals alike as both groups face issues of equality when it comes to
employment opportunities. Furthermore, ENPs have done little to minimize existing issues in
diversity within public and private organizations (Al-Jenaibi, 2011). The number of recent GCC
university graduates seeking employment is ever-increasing, and continuously expanding the
public sector is no longer economically feasible. The consequence of inaction will be higher
unemployment rates and decreased competitiveness (Shayah & Sun, 2019).
This study also provides insight for GCC private sector organizations on how to value
diversity, implement healthier work environments, and address important issues such as salaries,
working hours, and job security, which Shayah and Sun (2019) cited as reasons most nationals
prefer the public sector over the private sector. Additionally, the aim is to generate information
that contributes to bridging gaps in the literature.
4

The study is important to academicians and researchers. Researchers conducting similar
studies will benefit from the study’s findings and may use this study’s results in future work.
Although research on the impact of ENPs exists, the literature review suggests that research is
still in its infancy, and there is a need for more.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
To help guide this inquiry, I used Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory (SCT) as a
theoretical framework. A theoretical framework is like a blueprint in that it provides a clear
direction and guidelines for approaching the study and explaining the different phenomena and
relationships (Grant & Osanloo, 2014).
Examining this problem of practice through the lens of SCT provides an understanding of
ENPs’ development and implementation. Social cognitive theory argues that the environment
does not influence people’s behavior (Bandura, 1986). Rather, observing others functioning
within an environment forms people’s behavior (Bandura, 1986). Observing others is called
social modeling and has four main components: attention, retention, reproduction, and
motivation. Bandura (2005) asserted that it is knowledge of modeling processes that leads to
personal, organizational, and social changes, as models influence persons’ beliefs in their self-
efficacy, which increases motivation to improve standards and goals.
Local culture has a strong influence on the policies and practices implemented in the
GCC, which is true with government-backed nationalization programs. This research aims to
evaluate these programs’ efficiency and explore barriers to their implementation. Effecting
positive change requires understanding how nationalization programs influence individuals, their
behavior, and their environment. Tuck and Yang (2013) defined theory of change as “a belief or
perspective about how a situation can be adjusted, corrected, or improved” (p. 10). They also
5

write that “research is useful and that it can compel needed change” (p. 236). Culture is complex
and experienced differently. In the GCC, nationalization policies prioritize nationals over others,
which is the value taught. Examining these policies through the lens of SCT revealed the extent
to which this value is embedded in Qatari and Emirati nationals and how it affects decision-
making when developing ENPs.
The research design is qualitative. Qualitative research seeks to determine the meaning of
phenomena from the participants in their natural setting (Creswell, 2014). This design aligns well
with the research topic, as I aimed to explore how ENPSs have impacted GCC nationals’
behavior throughout their job selection. I used a narrative method of inquiry by conducting
interviews where participants were free to describe their experiences. Narrative inquiry involves
the reconstruction of a person’s experience in relationship both to the other and to a social milieu
(Clandinin, 2007). Overall, ENPs impact organizations and their employees in various ways. A
qualitative online survey helped gather more data from a slightly larger sample to provide more
information as to people’s attitudes towards ENPs. According to Ahmad (2019), a survey is
qualitative when it includes open-ended questions and seeks to explore and discover thoughts
and opinions on a certain topic. The survey developed for this study was qualitative in nature as
it included a few open-ended questions and thought to explore respondents’ opinions and views
regarding the efficiency of ENPs. A qualitative research method provides a deeper understanding
of the complex interaction between local culture and employees’ challenges in the workplace.
Definition of the Terms
The following definitions provide clarity for the use of various terms throughout this
study.
6

• DEI: Diversity, equity, and inclusion. When discussing diversity, this study refers to
nationalities. When discussing equity, I refer to equal employment opportunities. Finally,
when discussing inclusion, I focus on decision-making and the people excluded from the
process.
• Expats: Expatriates are professionals and skilled workers who are GCC residents but not
citizens. An Arab who is not a GCC citizen is also considered an expat.
• Expectancy-value theory: a theory of motivation founded on the tenet that expectancy
and value are the main factors that determine a given behavior or action.
• GCC: this term refers to the six countries that make up the Gulf Cooperation Council.
This includes Kuwait, Qatar, UAE, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Oman. The GCC was
established in 1981 to create a political and economic union amongst the six nations that
share very similar traditions, values, beliefs, and history.
• Emiratization: A term that refers to the United Arab Emirate’s employment
nationalization policies initiatives.
• Employment Nationalization Policies: Although there are many facets of GCC nations’
nationalization efforts, the paper will focus on nationalization policies as they pertain to
nationals’ employment in the workforce. This paper discusses current employment
nationalization policies that aim to increase nationals’ participation in the private sector.
• Nationals: Anyone who holds a passport from one of the six GCC countries. In this
study, nationals are mainly from Qatar or the United Arab Emirates.
• Non-Nationals: “Non-nationals” or “expatriates” are terms used interchangeably in this
study and share the same meaning. They include anyone who does not hold a passport
from one of the GCC countries.
7

• Qatarization: A term used to express Qatar’s employment nationalization policies
initiatives.
• Wasta: A form of social capital used in the Arab culture. It means using one’s personal
connections and/or influence to receive a favor. In this study, the focus is on its use
within an organizational context (Harry, 2007).
Organization of the Study
The dissertation follows a traditional five-chapter model. Chapter One introduces the
problem of practice and gives a brief background of the problem. It provides information on the
importance of this study and the research questions the study addressed. It also provides a brief
overview of the study’s theoretical framework and methodology. Chapter Two provides a
summary of the literature on this topic and introduces the conceptual framework that helps to
examine this problem. Chapter Three provides a detailed explanation of the study’s
methodology. It includes the research questions that guide this study, an overview of the study’s
design, and the research setting. Chapter Three provides information on the population, sample,
and instrumentation, as well as data collection and analysis methods. Chapter Four presents the
results of the study and includes a summary of what they mean to the study. Finally, Chapter
Five provides a discussion of the findings and their implications in this field. The chapter will
also include a section on the future research is needed to better understand the findings.

8

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This chapter covers five topic areas that emerged from the literature review. The five
topics are globalization and the economy, nationalization policies, the role of culture, attitudes
towards diversity, and SCT. Most countries in the GCC (Figure 1) face similar experiences in
implementing employment nationalization policies. The study examined the pressures brought
on by globalization on organizational change and how attitudes towards diversity within the local
cultural context influenced the development of government-backed employment nationalization
policies that have not achieved increased nationals’ participation in the private sector.

Figure 1
Map of the GCC

Note. From Gulf Cooperation Council by The Editors of the Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d.
(https://www.britannica.com/topic/gulf-cooperation-council)
9

Globalization and the Economy
Oil and Gas
A review of existing scholarly studies indicates that, historically, the GCC oil and gas
sector has accounted for a substantial percentage of the worldwide energy supply capacity and
continues to contribute significantly towards meeting global oil and gas demand. Moreover, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF, 2016) indicates that the oil and gas industry has provided the
GCC economies’ lifeblood since its inception in the 1950s. The IMF explained that the
consequent affluence has been redistributed to the region’s citizens in the form of various
benefits and subsidies and an open-door strategy for those looking for public sector employment.
As such, it is arguable that social cohesion in the region may be significantly attributed to this
social contract between the citizens and the region’s leadership. Besides echoing the IMF report,
Mina (2009) contended that the accessibility of a low-cost foreign workforce ready to take up the
blue-collar sector, alongside lucrative public sector employment opportunities, permitted the
region’s citizens to confine their job preferences to the private sector or the apt opportunities
within the sector. Consequently, as indicated in another IMF (2018) report, there is lower GCC
nationals’ representation in the private sector, a trend that also occurred among the region’s
general population.
This latter report stated that protracted policy efforts to diversify the GCC’s economy and
labor market from overdependence on oil and natural gas revenue generated little success (IMF,
2018). This lack of success is probably due to policy strategies that have not sufficiently
considered the prevailing social contract. The social contract awards nationals well-paid jobs in
the public sector and avails high-class government contracts. As such, the tendency to pass along
fiscal rents in such means may have generated market distortions, hindering the attainment of a
10

dynamic private sector that can generate sustainable employment and economic development in
a post-oil and gas future. Understandably, oil and gas reserves cannot last eternally. According to
the IMF (2016), some GCC countries (like Oman and Bahrain) may run out of oil and gas
reserves in the next 3 decades. Mirzoev et al. (2020) backed this sentiment in their work, adding
that in the long-term, experts predict oil and gas revenues may decline following a projected
decrease in global demand, starting in the next 2 decades. According to Mirzoev et al., the main
reason for this development is the increasing renewable energy demand and improving energy
storage and efficiency. In the short term and due to the pandemic, the region is currently utilizing
its accumulated financial assets and sovereign fund investments totaling about $2 trillion
(Mirzoev et al., 2020).
In response to such hypothesized developments, Kabbani and Mimoune (2021) explained
that GCC countries’ future generations face an imminent challenge if the region continues to
depend on oil and gas exclusively. According to Kabbani and Mimoune (2021), the IMF
predicted even before the pandemic that failure to implement adequate fiscal reforms may mean
the GCC’s conserved wealth is exhausted in less than 2 decades. Kabbani and Mimoune (2021)
also detailed how the projected decline in the oil and gas industry inspired the region’s economic
diversification through additional prolific industries’ development. Inopportunely, as the two
IMF reports suggest, the GCC’s private-sector practices still depend largely on government-
sponsored programs and intakes that also depend on revenues from oil and gas (IMF, 2016,
2018). The development of the oil and gas sectors in the GCC led to an increase in foreign direct
investment (FDI), which further expanded the private sector.
11

Foreign Direct Investment and the Private Sector
Although foreign trade has grown considerably in the GCC economies, research indicates
that diversification and export quality remain comparatively low. Additionally, as Aziz and
Mishra (2016) described, FDI inflows in the region have focused on a restricted number of
sectors and countries and recently stalled. The IMF (2018) reflected this view in explaining that
the region’s trade in goods and services increased at a mean of 7.5% since 2000, nearly twice the
mean growth of the region’s GDP, compared with global means of 4.8% and 3.8%, respectively
(IMF, 2018). Mina (2009) explained that between 2003 and 2008, oil prices in the region
heightened, leading to a dramatic rise in oil export revenues, which expanded import trade in
both goods and services. According to Mina, while the global economic crisis distressed this
increase in trade to some extent, the growth has bounced back considerably since then,
significantly propelled by a resolute demand locally and advances in the global trade
environment.
Nonetheless, as Aziz and Mishra (2016) contended, after increasing at the beginning of
the 2000s, FDI influxes in the region slowed, playing at a mean of 2% of the region’s GDP.
Elheddad (2018) elaborated that despite efforts to save the weakening FDI inflows, especially
focused on attracting foreign investment, the reforms have been challenged by the enduring
impact of the global financial crisis and ever-increasing geopolitical tensions and uncertainties in
the Middle East. A World Bank report also conveyed similar sentiments, positing that although
GCC countries are wealthy capital-wise, inviting FDI can further open the region to foreign
markets and improve management approaches, in addition to practical proficiency to address the
local economy, subsequently expanding productivity and augmenting workforce skills (The
World Bank, 2013).
12

Elheddad (2018) explained that FDI inflows in the GCC have been predisposed toward
particular industries and focused on two of the region’s countries. The UAE and Saudi Arabia
attract about 80% of the GCC’s total FDI inflows. According to Elheddad, the inflows have
significantly sponsored greenfield investments, where approximately 60% of the inflows go to
three industries: petroleum, chemicals, and real estate. Despite the geographical diversification of
FDI sources in the GCC, most of the sources are attributable to a few countries (Elheddad,
2018). To exemplify this statement, Elheddad noted that recently, India and the United States
have accounted for over 25% of FDI inflows, while the UAE accounts for a substantial
percentage of FDI influxes into fellow GCC nations. These statistics reveal that between 2003
and 2016, the hydrocarbon, tourism, and real estate sectors took up intra-GCC FDI influxes
(Elheddad, 2018). As Elheddad illustrated, FDI has been less appealing to other sectors like
service and manufacturing due to their comparatively lower competitiveness in the global
market.
In addition, Kabbani and Mimoune (2021) contended that the GCC’s private sector is
overregulated and controlled by a deep-rooted system of connections and clientelism. According
to Kabbani and Mimoune, the issue is further aggravated by the fact that most private-sector
practices operate through quasi-public or fully public enterprises, depend on government
contracts, and are sponsored by public financial agencies in addition to being backed by
government handouts and subsidies (Kabbani & Mimoune, 2021). Such aspects hinder the
private sector from undertaking organic growth, especially for individuals lacking the political
connections to establish and grow productive businesses. The possibility is that these restrictive
factors are rooted in the GCC’s political economy and the governing social contract (Elbadawi,
13

2004). The expanding private sector, due to the impact of increased FDI, attracted a large influx
of foreign workers to meet the growing demands of the local labor market.
Population Imbalance
A further look at scholarly research indicates that migration in the GCC region is unique
and encompasses a stark peculiarity, setting the territory apart from most regional and national
polities worldwide (Fagotto, 2013). The literature showed that the GCC’s aggregate population
increased significantly in less than 70 years. As indicated in a study by Kapiszewski (2006),
between 1940 and 2005, the region’s population increased from four million to 40 million, with
most scholars terming it the most rapid population growth globally during that period. The rapid
population growth is largely due to immigration as people from different global regions seek
investment and employment opportunities in the oil-rich region. This immigration resulted in an
overarching population imbalance due to the disproportionate ratio of nationals (native citizens)
to non-nationals (mostly expatriate workers and their dependents).
As Kapiszewski (2006) explained, the demographic imbalance is most noticeable in the
UAE and Qatar, probably because the two nations are the wealthiest per capita and undertook the
most expansive economic-diversification strategies with long-term strategic financial goals
aimed at converting resource-dependent state systems into innovative and knowledge-based
structures. In reaction to these developments, according to Kapiszewski, the UAE and Qatar have
persistently necessitated a disproportionately large externally sourced workforce. In the Emirates
and Qatar, the native labor force is relatively small and lacks sufficient skills in some areas
(Kapiszewski, 2006). Considering the information in the literature, such developments will
continue requiring large populations of highly skilled expatriates including scientists, architects,
university professors, and engineers as well as less-skilled ones such as construction laborers.
14

Ironically, the overarching necessity for more skilled expatriates means that none of the
region’s countries has reached full employment, as evident in a study by Knickmeyer (2011),
who explained that across the region, unemployment remains acute, especially for the indigenous
youth population and should not be underestimated. Similarly, Rutledge et al. (2011) added that
the GCC’s public sector can no longer realistically absorb most of the indigenous unemployed
youth, particularly female jobseekers. Indeed, work by Forstenlechner and Rutledge (2011)
revealed that the UAE admitted in 2011 that its public sector had approached “employment
saturation,” with the labor ministry terming the incorporation of nationals into the private sector
as the most challenging economic undertaking. Hamdan (2011) informed that the joblessness
issue has previously prevailed in open protest and popular opinion, especially in Saudi Arabia
and Oman. In Oman, protests were addressed by a declaration of tens of thousands of new
employment opportunities, government handouts, and unemployment subsidies.
Further, Ghafour (2011) narrated that shortly following the Arab Spring, the Saudi
Arabian government responded to the unemployment issue by entrenching public sector workers,
increasing wages in the sector, and announcing substantial cash handouts and social benefits
(Abouraia, 2014). Unfortunately, while these approaches may be essential in the short term, their
long-term effect damages labor markets by distorting them further, alongside various other
repercussions. For example, Sleiman-Haidar (2014) claimed that a considerable population of
Omanis abandoned private-sector employment to exploit unemployment benefits probably
because Omani minimum wage differs only slightly from the amount provided by these benefits.
A review of the literature also indicates that recent events across the GCC region
exhibited the complex links among labor markets, demography, and the more intangible
citizenship and identity concepts. For example, Sleiman-Haidar (2014) narrated that Kuwait and
15

Saudi Arabia undertook extensive deportations of expats and rejuvenated reforms to increase the
nationals’ proportion in the countries’ labor markets. According to Sleiman-Haidar (2014),
amidst the broader regional upheaval from the Arab Spring, predicaments related to identity and
security have dominated both public and decision-making discourses. Therefore, as the author
added, population imbalance across the region has become a weighty reference frame, which has
recently gained popular currency across the member states. Sleiman-Haidar (2014) concluded
that besides encompassing labor market and orthodox political-security issues, the demographic
imbalance also threatens the national populations social-culturally. Although ENPs initiatives
sought to resolve the population imbalance issue, the effect of globalization introduced further
challenges to increasing the participation of nationals in the private sector employment.
Effect of Globalization in the GCC
As the world gets smaller, people can experience other cultures from the comfort of their
own homes. According to Ulrichsen (2010), GCC states emerged as strong international players
during the first decade of the 21st century. Led by UAE, Saudi, Arabia, and Qatar, GCC
countries substantially augmented their participation in global issues, ranging from global energy
regulation to climate change politics and global financial structure reforms. According to
Ulrichsen (2010), this is happening within a swiftly globalizing and progressively multipolar
structure, where global power is increasingly diffusing and refracting via overlapping layers of
regional, national, and global governance. Central to this development is a global geo-economic
and geopolitical power rebalancing from West to East, revolving around the fundamental
strategic and commercial status of oil-rich nations in the GCC region (Ulrichsen, 2010).
Ulrichsen (2010) explained that these interconnected processes have powerful
implications for the GCC’s international and interregional relations, consequently establishing
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intricate novel independencies that tie the region to global structures and institute their
parameters for participating in the global community. Concurrently, the GCC region’s increased
preparedness to take proactive strategies in reforming the institutional structure of global
governance frameworks have generated progressive and multidimensional measures intended to
manage the globalization process’s impact (Ulrichsen, 2010). These sentiments echo those of Al-
Yousif (2004), who argued that recent decades have seen the rising incorporation of GCC
economies into the global economy. According to Al-Yousif (2004), the increased foreign trade
share in the GCC countries’ GDP indicates that the region exports oil to other regions in
exchange for capital and consumer goods, among other inputs.
According to Al Qudah et al. (2016), GCC countries have increasingly devised policies
and strategies to ensure their natural resources remain regionally and globally competitive.
Subsequently, the region’s economies have diversified, and oil is the key traded commodity (Al
Qudah et al., 2016). The authors explained that other GCC countries expanded public
expenditures in other economic domains to distribute oil-based windfalls and safeguard future
sustainability. Like most developing countries, globalization has forced GCC nations to
modernize labor laws and regulations and increase standards (Jreisat, 2008). As such, it is
worthwhile to consider how globalization impacted the region, especially in spheres related to
this study. Particularly, this study explored how globalization influenced GCC countries in terms
of updating their governance systems and reforming their human resource management (HRM)
policies and practices.
Updated Governance Systems
Considering the increasing trends in globalization, the GCC regions, like all others,
necessitate updating their corporate governance to enhance their economies’ global
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competitiveness while augmenting and attracting domestic and local investments and developing
local capital and financial markets. According to Shehata (2015), GCC countries already devise
strategies to develop and improve national and regional corporate governance systems. In 2005,
The Institute for Corporate Governance (Hawkamah) was instituted in the MENA region to
address the persistent governance gap by creating and executing well-integrated corporate
governance structures in the territory’s countries and firms (Shehata, 2015). Hawkamah’s goal is
to shape corporate governance across the MENA region by endorsing the central values of
accountability, transparency, equality, responsibility, and disclosure (Shehata, 2015).
Additionally, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
backed MENA’s initiatives to develop public investment and governance via a joint program
(MENA-OECD) launched in 2003. The program’s sponsors developed reforms to improve the
investment environment, modernize governance practices and structures, reinforce international
and regional partnerships, and promote economic development across the region (Shehata,
2015). Additionally, as Shehata (2015) reported, one of the initiatives contributing to the
development of the GCC codes of corporate governance is a forum cofounded by the OECD and
World Bank called The Global Corporate Governance Forum (GCGF). Shehata added that in
2006, the GCGF generated a toolkit for crafting, developing, and implementing corporate
governance policies, availing it in Arabic. International agencies’ efforts are evident in GCC
codes’ initiations. For instance, the GCGF and the International Finance Corporation revised the
Bahraini code of corporate governance (Shehata, 2015). Below is a brief discussion of the
development of corporate governance policies in the various GCC nations.
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Oman
According to Shehata (2015), Oman’s corporate governance code, Code of Corporate
Governance for Muscat Securities Market (MSM) Listed Companies, was issued in 2002 and
was the region’s first. The code was consequently amended and replaced the following year. The
Omani Capital Market Authority delivered the code, which applies to all MSM-listed firms on a
comply/explain basis. The Omani code necessitates all listed firms’ annual reports to contain a
separate segment on corporate governance (Shehata, 2015). The code adequately covers the
primary disclosure concerns relevant to a market characterized by a “nascent disclosure culture”
(Oyelere & Al-Jifri, 2011).
Saudi Arabia
Shehata (2015) found that the Saudi Arabian Capital Market Authority (SACMA)
delivered the Saudi code of corporate governance in 2006. Dubbed the “Corporate Governance
Regulations in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,” the code’s first amendment occurred in 2009 and
applies to all listed firms on a comply/explain basis. According to Shehata, the code endorses
corporate governance’s disclosure by all listed firms, whereby the reasons for non-compliance
should be reported to SACMA. Further illuminating the code, Hussainey and Al-Nodel (2008)
added that it partially indicates SACMA’s commitment to overcoming the losses the market
experienced in 2006. In addition to this code was the “Principles of Corporate Governance for
Banks Operating in Saudi Arabia,” a six-principled code issued by the Saudi Arabian Monetary
Agency (SAMA) in 2012 (Shehata, 2015).
The UAE
Foster (2007) reported that the UAE’s efforts to develop codes of corporate governance
began in 2004 when the Abu Dhabi Securities Market released drafts before their refinement the
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following year. Foster also explained that, in 2006, the Emirates Securities and Commodities
Authority (SCA) drafted the code of corporate governance issued in 2007. Starting in early 2010,
SCA issued the code on a comply/penalize basis, which, according to Shehata, is essential for
promoting shareholder rights and transparency.
Nonetheless, Hassan (2009) reported that the 2007 code was replaced by the SCA’s new
code issued in 2009: “Governance Rules and Corporate Discipline Standards.” Besides covering
novel issues associated with board structure and directors’ roles, the code instructs the separation
of CEO and chairman role, the board’s appointment of remuneration and nomination committees,
the implementation of internal controls, external auditors’ adherence to restrictions, and firms’
provision of governance reports to the shareholders and the SCA (Shehata, 2015). The code
applies to local Emirati non-financial organizations listed on the nation’s securities market.
In addition to this code are the 2009 “Corporate Governance Guidelines,” which the UAE
Central Bank issues for Emirati bank directors. Since the code is based on a comply/penalize
base, penalties may involve issuing warning notices, financial penalty imposition, suspension
from the securities list, or delisting altogether (Shehata, 2015).
Kuwait
Per Shehata (2015), Kuwait’s code of corporate governance’s drafting started in 2006,
with anticipated implementation in the following year. In 2010, the Kuwaiti Capital Standards
Rating Agency issued the “CSR’s Corporate Governance Code: Principles and Recommended
Best Practices for Public Companies.” Al-Shammari and Al-Sultan (2010) expanded this
information by adding that the code requires firms’ annual reports to divulge corporate
governance in a separate segment. The authors explained that prior to this comply/explain-based
code, the Company Law’s 12 provisions provided corporate governance guidance.
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Bahrain
Similar to the Kuwaiti code, the Bahraini code of corporate governance drafting started in
2007, with expected implementation in 2007. Conversely, the country waited until 2010, when
the Ministry of Industry and Commerce (alongside the Central Bank of Bahrain) formulated the
corporate governance code on a comply/explain basis (Shehata, 2015). While governing all listed
firms and financial agencies, the code requires detailing corporate governance in a separate
segment in the annual report. Hussain and Mallin (2003) explained that prior to this code’s
issuance, the Commercial Companies Law was amended to address corporate governance
concerns like isolating the board’s role, structure, and voting rights.
Qatar
The Qatari code of corporate governance’s drafting started in 2006. Despite its expected
implementation in 2007, the Qatar Financial Markets Authority waited until 2009 to formulate
the “Corporate Governance Code for Companies Listed in Markets Regulated by the Qatar
Financial Markets Authority” (Shehata, 2015). The code applies to listed firms and adheres to a
comply/explain basis. Besides this code is the 2008 “Corporate Governance Guidelines for
Banks and Financial Institutions” formulated by the Qatar Central Bank.
Human Resource Management Policies and Practices Reforms
Understanding the dynamics between national cultural behaviors and their influence on
organizations’ management is necessary to implement needed HRM reforms. According to
Budhwar and Sparrow (2002), integrating HRM in an organizational strategy has not been
approached professionally in the Middle East. To overcome this challenge, their research
suggests that understanding managerial cognition helps with implementing new HRM practices
(Budhwar & Sparrow, 2002). Their approach would lessen the divergence between senior
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managers and lower-level employees and increase motivation to implement necessary changes as
it would create a more cooperative work environment built on mutual trust between managers
and their teams. As HRM is a relatively new practice in the Middle East, a lack of knowledge
prevents long-standing change. Pramila (2013) argued that a better understanding of the local
environment is important when approaching HRM reforms and that existing theories like
Hofstede’s cultural dimensions are not always the right approach. This argument is further
supported by research by Rizescu and Tileaga (2017), who explained that organizational
transformation pushed by globalization has echoes in cultural layers. Globalization comprises
two contradictory processes and creates a strong resistance between globalization and localism.
Rizescu and Tileaga argued that one cannot implement Western practices in the Middle East, as
cultural inadequacy and its conservation are opponents of organizational reforms.
Employment Nationalization Policies
Assessing the GCC region’s ENPs, Hertog (2014) argued that integrating nationals into
domestic labor markets is the most significant socioeconomic challenge. The problem, according
to Hertog, is connected to challenges in fiscal sustainability. The author explained that two
significant characteristics of GCC nations’ political economy hinder increasing nationals’
employment share in the private sector: a migration regime that allows the domestic private
sector restrained access to cheap and easily regulated international migrant workforce and
distortive trends in local rent allocation, particularly through public employment of GCC
nationals (Hertog, 2014). Hertog added that these two characteristics create a gap in labor costs
and labor rights between locals (who undermine employment in the private sector) and expats.
The author explained that all labor markets across GCC share significant results: private labor
markets predominated by expats and the government’s outsized role in nationals’ employment.
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Hertog (2014) further explicated that the historical origins of the region’s employment
trends are rooted in the oil-triggered state development and labor migration that began after the
Second World War and augmented following the 1973 oil boom. Considering that the region’s
national populations were small and inadequately skilled to serve the rising demand to expand
public and private services and infrastructure, its economies depended on labor imported from
the broader Arab region and, increasingly, South Asia (Hertog, 2014). Starting from the 1960s,
GCC governments delegated part of the migrant workforce’s control to the domestic private
sector and abridged imported labor’s market mobility via sponsorship policies binding them to
their local employers (Hertog, 2014). Hertog further explains that as cheap foreign labor flooded
the private sector, oil rents enabled the region’s national governments to absorb large populations
of nationals in the domestic public employment sector, some with questionable productivity but
generally expedient work settings and significantly more wages compared to the private sector’s
employment.
Erumban and Al-Mejren (2021) claimed that increasing concerns regarding the
constrained success in employment creation for nationals, particularly in the private sector,
caused the region to shift its orientation since the 1990s migration policies. Rather than
attempting to increase nationals’ employment in the private sector, several stringent reforms were
implemented to regulate the flow of expats (Erumban & Al-Mejren, 2021). The report explained
that the most protuberant comprised setting quotas for expats, training, upskilling nationals, and
generating more appealing white-collar jobs for employment. Erumban and Al-Mejren (2021)
summarized the GCC countries’ job nationalization policies as illustrated in Figure 2.

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Figure 2
Job Nationalization Policies in the GCC

Note. Adapted from GCC Job Nationalization Policies: A trade-off between productivity and
employment by A. Erumban and A Al-Mejren, 2021. Gulf Centre for Economics and Business
Research. (https://conference-board.org/publications/TCB-GCC-Job-Nationalization-Policies)

Existing Barriers
Scholars like Randeree (2014) and Hertog (2014) have analyzed GCC’s job
nationalization policies. Erumban and Al-Mejren (2021) contended that from their introduction,
the policies encountered implementation impediments like public versus private sector
predilections, women’s role in society, dependence on expats, high joblessness rates among
inadequately skilled nationals, and the increasing demand for sustainability and effective human
capital governance. The authors reported that GCC’s job nationalization policies have not
effectively created private-sector employment for nationals and present the financial sector as an
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example. At this point, Hertog (2014) added that since most job nationalization policies in the
region transpired by fiat via restrictions and quotas, they have resulted in rule circumvention and
illegal activities instead of genuinely increasing employment for nationals. The IMF (2016)
supported these sentiments by adding that such policies have proven to cause severe
macroeconomic impacts, especially due to the increased inflation and upward income pressure
caused by job nationalization. According to Erumban and Al-Mejren (2021), state-specific
concerns like the nationals’ stigmatized aversion to specific jobs prevented the region’s
nationalization policies’ effectiveness. Randeree (2012) backed this opinion by exemplifying that
although it was practical for the Saudi government to implement quotas for various skilled and
unskilled activities, fellow GCC members experienced challenges trying to emulate Saudi
Arabia.
According to Erumban and Al-Mejren (2021), research indicates that employers in the
region’s private sector characteristically do not actively support job nationalization policies.
According to Randeree (2012), governments’ insufficient guidance on implementing such
policies, concerns regarding productivity loss by hiring nationals, and skepticism regarding
governments’ accountability for the private sector development are among the private sectors’
major concerns. The author also added that sociocultural aspects, particularly nationals’ negative
attitude toward private-sector jobs, desire for executive positions, and insufficient skills,
significantly impede the private sectors’ capacity to expand domestic employment (Randeree,
2012).
Nonetheless, as Randeree indicated (2012), ENPs have yielded noteworthy
improvements, including the increasing female contribution enabled by increased female
education and lower fertility rates. According to Erumban and Al-Mejren (2021), in Saudi
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Arabia, job nationalization policies promoted female participation and helped alleviate the wage
gap between expats and nationals. Still, while some women have attained more education
compared to their male counterparts, GCC’s local females have yet to wholly profit from job
nationalization, which has only slightly increased women’s participation across the region’s
employment sector (Erumban & Al-Mejren, 2021). Besides the above mentioned barriers in
increasing nationals’ participation in the private sector, GCC governments are facing other
significant challenges in the successfully meeting their workforce nationalization goals.
Challenges Facing Employment Nationalization Programs
The GCC’s population is a direct result of pressures brought on by globalization. The
GCC has one of the highest net migration rates, which created a society where people with
diverse languages, traditions, and ethnic backgrounds interact (Al-Jenaibi, 2011). For many in
the GCC, the workplace is often the only environment where different nationalities come
together to achieve common goals. Thus, an effective means of communicating the importance
of diversity to employees within the organizational structure becomes important (Muir, 2007).
GCC governments introduced nationalization programs to help increase nationals’ participation
in the private sector as well as protect their employment opportunities in the public sector.
Throughout the GCC, on average, nationals account for only 26% of the overall workforce
population, the rest being foreign nationals (Forstenlechner & Baruch, 2013). A quick analysis of
the GCC workforce shows a lack of diversity in both the private and the public sectors. Nationals
account for 75% of public sector employment as these jobs provide higher salaries, fewer work
hours, and better job security (Shayah & Sun, 2019). The opposite is true in the private sector,
where nationals account for only 10% of employees (Wiseman et al., 2014).
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Despite nationalization programs, several factors have contributed to failed efforts to
increase national participation in the private sector. The first factor is nationals’ attitudes towards
working long hours, increased duties, and their sense of entitlement due to their culture
(Hodgson & Hanson, 2014). Nationals prefer comfortable government jobs, which provide better
pay and fewer working hours. Some view private sector employment as culturally inappropriate
(Harry, 2007). The second factor is private organizations’ reluctance to hire nationals due to poor
work ethic, lack of skills and knowledge, and difficulty firing them (Al-Ali, 2008). To remain
competitive, private companies operate like anywhere else in the world. They seek people with
experience, strong skills, and a strong work ethic. The third factor, which does not count the two
prior ones, is that current nationalization policies do not equip nationals with the skills to take on
opportunities in the private sector (Jabeen et al., 2017).
Nationalization Quotas
Peck (2014) observed that several countries use quotas and affirmative action policies to
provide equitable opportunities for disadvantaged or unrepresented populations. Although
scarcely researched, nationalization quotas remain a challenge facing the process of ENPs.
Nationalization quotas involve setting minimum requirements for companies on the number of
nationals they can hire and place in positions, including elective posts, employment, and
education (Fryer & Loury, 2013). There are serious legal penalties for companies that fail to
meet the preset quotas. Furthermore, companies that do not meet these quotas do not qualify for
government projects. Nationalization quotas are widely evident in the Saudi environment and
remain the approaches that the government believes could help address the unemployment
problems for nationals. However, available evidence negates the effectiveness of the
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nationalization quotas for achieving nationalization in Qatar (Peck, 2017). This ineffectiveness
could explain why nationalization quota initiatives are not popular in the Gulf.
The nationalization quotas have been blamed for imposing unfavorable trade-offs
between the benefits they create for targeted groups and the costs to firms and other workers
(Peck, 2017). One of the most notable programs that imposed quotas for hiring firms is the
Nitaqat program. The program is based on the Saudization philosophy, and it aims to increase
the proportion of Saudis securing jobs in the private sector. Under the Nitaqat system, private
sector organizations with 10 or more employees are required to hire a certain percentage of Saudi
nationals. The percentage varies by industry and the number of employees in the organization.
Peck (2017) sought to examine how quota-based labor regulations affect Saudi Arabia’s Nitaqat
program. The results from a comprehensive firm-level administrative dataset backed by kinks in
hiring incentives that the quotas generated revealed that the program had an expansive effect on
native employment, albeit at a substantial cost to firms due to high employee turnover rates and
decreased total employment at firms that were struggling to survive. As per Peck (2017), firms
that did not initially have any Saudi employees at the start of the program were most affected by
the costs.
The ENPs’ success has been hampered by low numbers of skilled and experienced
nationals. Although most of the employers in Qatar are willing to hire nationals, Ramady (2013)
revealed that most nationals may be not only unskilled but also unwilling to take up jobs with the
desired level of caution and seriousness. To satisfy the constitutional requirement of hiring a
certain number of employees, some companies alter employee records by keeping nationals
within their premises despite not offering much value to the organization. The Nitaqat system
created a scenario of hiring Saudis who do no actual work because of employers’ attempts to
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meet the Saudization targets (Sadi, 2013). This situation has been caused by the legal demands to
hire a certain percentage of nationals with little willingness to show up for work, a lack of care,
and limited chances of being fired. The stringent firing regulations also scare employers away
from hiring nationals because it is difficult to fire them regardless of misconduct.
An Expanding Public Sector
The continued expansion of the public sector to take in recent graduates, mainly
nationals, ensures governments maintain the status quo in public organizations. Iles et al. (2012)
described that Arabization programs do not allow for full utilization of the local workforce.
These nationalization programs make it difficult to overcome challenges within the Middle
East’s public sector, such as declining real incomes, political interference, corruption, and
poverty. Better implementing HRM reforms in the public sector requires a new Arab
management paradigm heavily based on national culture and its influences (Iles et al., 2012).
Jreisat (2008) wrote that Arab governance systems lack healthy competition compared to those
of the Western world, as senior managers are reluctant to democratize decision-making. Rigid
and hierarchical systems need to be replaced by ones that favor more accountability and
transparency. Furthermore, the lack of investment in education in certain Middle Eastern nations
supports HRM practices that favor the social elite, the country’s top influencers, and decision-
makers. These practices result in less cooperative work environments where employees mistrust
senior managers and their commitment to change (Khilji, 2003). Due to the lack of motivation
from senior managers to share decision-making power and their reluctance to create a more
cooperative work environment, changes introduced by globalization are often side-stepped.
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Issues in Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
ENPs have not only failed to achieve their desired goal of increasing national
participation in the private sector but have also failed to increase diversity and equity in public-
sector organizations. Nationalization programs implemented public sector employment policies
that favor nationals over non-nationals. Nationals account for 75% of public sector employment
as these jobs provide higher salaries, fewer work hours, and better job security (Shayah & Sun,
2019). Nationalization programs are a by-product of the social environment where many
nationals feel a sense of entitlement over others when it comes to social benefits and public
sector employment. When viewed through the lens of SCT, the environment, the individual, and
their behaviors reinforce nationals’ sense of entitlement. The work culture in public sector
organizations often mirrors the local culture. They are often rigid, hierarchical, predominantly
male-ed, and experience challenges in diversity and equity. Communication is often unclear, and
HRM policies are unfairly enforced for some and not for others. Non-nationals in public sector
organizations are especially demotivated due to the lack of diversity in their work environment,
which makes them feel a sense of not belonging. They also encounter barriers in their career
growth, as all senior-level positions are reserved for nationals. These nationalization programs
are created in a social environment where national interest comes first. Many government-
supported national employment programs’ policies, such as training opportunities and rewards,
are more easily made available through the cultural use of wasta, which is a form of social
capital.
The Role of Culture
Local culture plays a significant role in creating an organization’s work culture and
environment. Social cognitive theory (SCT) explains that an individual decides how to behave in
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a specific environment through self-efficacy, expectations, observational learning, and
reinforcement. In the traditional Islamic society of the GCC, men and women interact separately
and are assigned clear gender roles. The homogenous characteristic of the GCC’s national
population also emphasizes local cultural beliefs and values over those of others. These two
characteristics are constantly reinforced by the older generation and by both social and
traditional media. In the 1960s, Albert Bandura introduced his Bobo doll experiments, that
proved that audience members were able to learn models of behavior as effectively from
television characters as from people in real-life. This is called symbolic modeling and was
successfully used by the Mexican national television network, Televisa. Televisa created a
telenovela called Ven Conmigo with the aim of increasing Mexico’s adult literacy. The show led
to 839,943 illiterate Mexicans to enroll in adult literacy classes (Singhal, 2007). Unlike
Bandura’s example of the Mexican teledrama series that describes where the creator used
symbolic modeling to improve a group’s behavior, in the GCC, symbolic modeling often
maintains the group’s current behavior.
GCC’s Tribal Culture
Daleure (2019) recounted that indigenous Arabs retained their tribal social structure and
cultural identity regardless of mixing with people from diverse cultures during the periods of
trade and exchange. Every tribe has its learned, acquired, and cultivated ways of doing things.
Indigenous people view traditional knowledge as a cultural resource that belongs to or is
associated with specific individuals or groups. The knowledge may not be a common or public
resource that people outside the tribe share. When considering nationalization policies and
programs, it is important to consider the disposition of information regarding tribes in relation to
their past and present ways of life (Bellingham & Gibson, 2016). Moreover, it is crucial to
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evaluate their cultural practices when negotiating contracts, making consultations, and creating
project protocols. For example, for each tribe in Qatar, its past and present ways of life influence
how its members take on job opportunities as part of the nationalization processes. Various
locations in Qatar are associated with varied traditional beliefs that define their approaches and
attitudes towards work.
Rutledge et al. (2011) found that most nationals tend to hold out of private-sector jobs,
which exposes them to interim unemployment due to a lack of connections within the private
sector. These connections are mostly dependent on tribal affiliations to have access to unmerited
favor. Based on Hofstede’s national cultures, the Gulf is classified as neither masculine nor
feminine because it scores 50 on the dimension of masculinity versus femininity (Alkailani et al.,
2012). Thus, nationals neither display competition, achievement, and success (a masculine
society) nor the heightened desire for others to have an improved quality of life (a feminine
society). This implies that nationals may neither be aggressive in developing their skills and
becoming the best in class nor demonstrate caring for others and making efforts to improve their
quality of life. Ramady (2013) revealed that companies do not prefer to hire locals because of
their belief in existing stereotypes about nationals lacking the required skills and having a poor
work ethic. A high score in the dimension of uncertainty avoidance (80) also implies that Gulf
nationals have a high preference for avoiding uncertainty. One of the facets of high uncertainty
avoidance is resistance to innovation, which means a lack of motivation to advance in skills and
knowledge.
Part of the reason most GCC nationals prefer to work in the public sector is
dissatisfaction with private sector working conditions. According to Daleure (2019), the primary
reason for dissatisfaction is that most private sector organizations’ Western-based business
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practices are neither consistent nor sensitive to GCC countries’ cultural orientations and
practices. Using Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, GCC countries are predominantly collectivist
nations, while the Western countries that run the private sector are individualistic nations. It
proves difficult for collectivists to work in individualistic environments because of these
practices and working conditions. The tensions that result from working in an environment with
a diverse cultural orientation led to most nationals shying away from private sector employment.
On the other hand, those in the private sector believe that nationals are lazy, not caring, and
difficult to fire, making it a challenge to hire them (Ramady, 2013). According to Forstenlechner
(2008), the tribal characteristic of the GCC can sometimes lead to private sector organizations
feeling pressured to hire nationals or risk penalties for failing to meet ENPs quotas.
The Use of Social Capital
The social capital concept provides a theoretical angle to look beyond the individual,
durable cognitive, and overall cultural aspects while explaining people’s behavior in a particular
society or community. Kumar (2017) described social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or
potential resources which are linked to possession of a network of the more or less institutional
relationship of mutual acquaintance or recognition” (p. 2). In their work, Nahapiet and Ghoshal
(1998) theorized the social capital concept in three varied aspects: structural, relational, and
cognitive. According to Kumar, while the structural aspect defines the broad relationships
between people and entities, the relational aspect describes personal interactions’ history. On the
other hand, the cognitive aspect relates to collective understandings, demonstration, and meaning
structures among agents (Kumar, 2017). As Nahapiet and Ghoshal contended, social capital
analysts focus on the importance of relationships as a social action resource.
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Wasta is a cultural practice still used throughout Arab society. Wasta is generally viewed
“as key form of social capital and potentially even an underlying cultural glue that helps to
cement social ties, potentially suggesting that the provision of wasta could be conceptualized as
a helping behavior” (Alwerthan et al., 2018). When used in organizational settings, wasta is less
accepted, as it increases concerns over fairness and can increase corruption (Tlaiss & Kauser,
2011). Despite being detrimental, it continues to be used in organizations.
In a comprehensive work on the political economy of wasta application, Ramady (2016)
likened the issue to the proverbial elephant in the room. The author argued that while everyone is
cognizant of wasta’ s existence, they avoid the topic altogether due it its sensitivity. Ramady
explained that the term is predominantly utilized across the Arab world and originates from the
Arabic root for “medium” or “middle.” Wasta indicates a connection or middleman between an
individual seeking employment, a government service, or license and the one capable of
providing it (Ramady, 2016). According to Ramady, wasta defines the phenomenon of exploiting
connections to obtain government services and find jobs as well as degrees or licenses that would
be otherwise inaccessible or would require much effort or time to access.
Ramady (2016) explained that while wasta’ s impacts may also generate positive
outcomes, they are generally perceived negatively and impact decision-making across all spheres
of GCC societies. Wasta application propagates disparity and inefficiency when individuals
lacking the required skills are employed or promoted, especially when their incompetence
becomes obvious (Ramady, 2016). As Ramady argued, while wasta and corruption are not
necessarily interchangeable terms, a Western outlook would perceive it as misusing power to
meet personal ends. Nonetheless, in traditional Arab communities, helping fellow tribal, familial,
or regional members may be perceived as normal.
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Further, Ramady (2016) posited that wasta has benefits and can be perceived, in its
optimality and innocence, with a profound consideration of how certain commitments are linked
to mutual obligation and honor. According to Ramady, in more atomized communities where
associations are particularly transactional among alienated individuals, connections may be one-
dimensional and exclusively enforceable via litigation. He elucidated that wasta does not rely on
bribes but is based on reciprocity. Consequently, wasta becomes difficult to measure, which
probably contributes to the GCC region’s relatively good performance in widely employed
corruption rankings like the Corruption Perceptions Index (Ramady, 2016). Ramady also noted
that the positive ratings conflict with qualitative surveys that depict wasta as prevalent in the
GCC region. Across many states, wasta is often associated with oil-based affluence and the fact
that some national administrations can afford the wasta-caused inadequacy, unlike others.
Besides, the phenomenon significantly depends on tribal connections and may quite possibly
fortify them to the detriment of a national identity’s emergence (Ramady, 2016).
Family, tribal, and regional affiliations significantly promote wasta, with the deficiency
of countrywide, transparent, and readily accessible employment data challenging the efforts to
curb the issue (Ramady, 2016). Although there has been positive wasta evidence across the GCC
region, like using personal connections and authority to enroll exceptional students in training
programs or presenting them to firms after graduation, the general application of wasta has been
unconstructive. As Ramady (2016) explained, without its application, good students are afraid
that their careers may be unsuccessful. Therefore, wasta has had a corrosive impact in Arab
societies, where its employment is acknowledged as a normal way of life and the sole means of
achieving desired objectives (Ramady, 2016).
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When wasta is combined with existing nationalization programs, non-nationals face even
greater unequal employment opportunities. Individuals with wasta typically receive preferential
treatment over others who remain left out of the decision-making process. To successfully tackle
issues in DEI, one needs to better understand the current employment climate and employees’
attitudes towards diversity.
Gender Gap Issues
In the GCC, more women graduate from higher education institutions than men. In Qatar,
54% of university-age women were enrolled compared to only 28% of their male counterparts
(Qatar Planning and Statistics Authority, 2017). In 2018, there were 4,051 female university
graduates, compared to only 1,972 male university graduates (Qatar Planning and Statistics
Authority, 2017). Yet, women are underrepresented in the workforce. In 2013, women made up
10.7% of the workforce in Saudi Arabia (Al-Asfour & Khan, 2014). Countries such as Qatar and
the UAE are among the few that have had significant achievements in women’s participation in
the workforce; Qatar has 51%, and the UAE has 46% (Shayah & Sun, 2019). Part of the reason
women are underrepresented in the workforce is that the GCC, a traditionally Muslim society,
maintains gender roles through cultural values and traditions. Culture influences how people
interact and how policy is made, thus affecting how organizations are run.
The cultural landscape across the GCC is largely responsible for the prevailing gender
inequality in the region. When it comes to gender equality, out of 153 nations, the UAE places at
120, Kuwait at 122, Bahrain at 133, Qatar at 135, Oman at 144, and Saudi Arabia at 146 (World
Economic Forum, 2020). The underemployment of qualified women reduces the labor market’s
potential and increases national economic losses (Kemp & Madsen, 2014). Facing unequal
employment opportunities, women have been motivated by their educational achievements to
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look elsewhere. Entrepreneurship among women has risen in recent years (Zeidan & Bahrami,
2014). However, despite women’s efforts, they still encounter challenges. Access to social capital
is facilitated through a person’s capacity to network. In the GCC, where men hold most
executive positions, it is often difficult for a woman to establish relationships with men outside
of their immediate families (McIntosh & Islam, 2010). Women also have responsibilities at
home, which could constrain their time availability and spatial mobility (Zeidan & Bahrami,
2014). Although the number of female entrepreneurs is increasing in the GCC, women still face
challenges when trying to join private sector employment (Zeidan & Bahrami, 2011). To
successfully overcome this challenge, one needs a better understanding of the attitudes towards
diversity in the GCC.
Attitudes Towards Diversity
The Education System
The education system in the Gulf is believed to provide a solid foundation for nationals to
take up roles in the job market. Weber and City (2012) identified that the higher education sector
in Oman exhibits unprecedented growth in addition to making significant developments. As part
of the government’s efforts to ensure the education system prepares nationals for nationalization
endeavors, it invested heavily in infrastructure, increasing educational opportunities, and
ensuring equity and equality prevail when distributing opportunities to citizens. The role of
education is to impart the knowledge and skills for effective job task execution to ensure an
organization succeeds and achieves sustainability. Contrary to this conventional expectation,
Peck (2017) decried that although nationalization programs such as the Nitaqat may succeed in
increasing nationals’ employment, the chance of survival for firms that comply with the
nationalization requirements is extremely low. Thus, the role of the education system in
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preparing the nationals for the job tasks remains questionable at a time when the government is
making significant investments to improve the quality of education offered to Qataris.
Al-Bashir (2016) argued that the quality of human power plays a key role in modern
societies’ growth and development. However, the quality of human powers must be enriched
with an education system that meets the desired quality standards at all levels. Achieving this has
been a motivating factor for higher education institutions of all types and diverse programs that
are consistent with the needs of the 21st century (Al-Bashir, 2016; Weber & City, 2012). Higher
education’s rapid expansion in the Arab countries is caused by an increase in social demand for
education and the governments’ priorities to enhance human resources’ efficiency and
effectiveness based on economic demands. Thus, there is an unprecedented increase in education
as a social good, and the governments are positively responding by ensuring that infrastructural
facilities and programs meet the needs of the people.
Different local bodies have been established to provide career advice and ensure that
recent graduates are well-coached, trained, and developed to accelerate their absorption into the
private sector. This development is consistent with the recommendation by Hodgson and Hanson
(2014), who emphasized the need for new educational and economic reform policies backed by
effective HRM job skills training programs for nationals. These programs could help prepare
nationals for the private sector to minimize costs to companies caused by hiring unskilled
workers. Programs that enlighten nationals on the new nationalization initiative could motivate
private firms to put more effort into meeting their quotas while motivating nationals to enhance
their human capital through skills training and higher education in technical areas such as
information technology and computer science. Enhancing the nationalization programs’
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effectiveness requires a concerted effort by the private sector, public sector, and institutions of
learning.
Resistance to Change
The constant strive for improvement often leads organizations to implement positive
changes. However, change within organizations is often met with resistance as it could threaten
the status quo (Dent & Goldberg, 1999). In order to achieve sustainable change, ENPs need to
convince managers within private organizations must be convinced that these changes will
improve their organization’s well-being without threatening their position within their
organization.
Several controversies emerge throughout the research relating to managing workplace
diversity in the GCC. The first controversy has to do with the fairness of government-run
nationalization programs. These programs’ objective is to increase nationals’ participation in the
private sector, thus are concerned only with nationals’ employment, ignoring the majority of the
local workforce who are non-nationals. This focus leads to unequal employment opportunities
for non-nationals as well as negative work environments. The second controversy is the use of
wasta as a cultural practice. The third controversy around efforts to increase workplace diversity
is the belief that men and women should be separated. GCC nations are traditionally Islamic
societies, where nationals often resist mixing genders and people from different religions. These
three controversies could negatively impact organizations’ DEI reforms implementation.
The literature supports the idea that a culturally diverse workforce leads to better
organizational outcomes due to associated diversity bonuses. Despite the economic advantages
of having a diverse workforce, these are not always sufficient to change people’s perceptions and
attitudes towards diversity management (Page, 2017). The GCC’s population’s diversity, mainly
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due to immigration policies, forced organizations to introduce workplace diversity management
strategies. If not properly managed, people with different ethnicities, religions, values, and
traditions interacting in the workplace can lead to societal pressures and negative organizational
outcomes.
For an organization, diversity also leads to added coordination and control costs (Dadfar
& Gustavsson, 1992). These additional pressures are a reason some organizations have been slow
to increase diversity in the workplace. Organizations must be taught about the benefits of
increased diversity. If diversity is managed well, it can lead to greater performance, reduced
absenteeism, and lower turnover costs (Taylor & Blake, 1991). For reform efforts to succeed,
people’s attitudes towards diversity need to be further explored so that a more effective strategy
that reflects the entire make-up of the population can be implemented. In GCC workplaces
especially, understanding the impact of cultural differences and theories such as intersectionality
and interest convergence is important due to their implications on HRM policies (Neal, 2010).
For GCC nations to succeed in diversity management, they will need to rethink their
efforts to nationalize the workforce. A more efficient strategy needs to be developed that does not
exclude the majority expatriate community. This new strategy will need to include an educational
component that elevates nationals’ skills and knowledge so that they are better prepared for
private sector employment. It will also need to educate the population on the importance of
diversity for organizations, as this is a new issue that is not openly discussed in GCC society.
Prior to implementing these new efficient strategies, it is important to understand how the current
education system influences people’s behavior and prepares students for future employment.
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Social Cognitive Theory
Social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986) explains that the environment does not influence
people’s behavior. Rather, people form their behaviors by observing others functioning within an
environment. This is called social modeling and has four main components: attention, retention,
reproduction, and motivation (Wood & Bandura, 1989). Bandura (2005) explains that knowledge
of modeling processes leads to personal, organizational, and social changes. Models influence a
person’s belief in their self-efficacy, which leads to increased motivation to improve one’s
standards and goals.
The triadic reciprocity model illustrates how the environment and the agent interact and
how that interaction influences an individual’s or a group’s behavior. The opposite is true as well,
as an individual’s or a group’s behavior can influence the environment and others. All three
components influence each other. Bandura (1986) explained the triadic reciprocity model by
describing a case study of a Mexican television drama series in the 1980s. The show, an example
of symbolic modeling, led to increased literacy rates in Mexico and throughout Latin America.
By watching famous actors valuing literacy, viewers were motivated to change their behavior,
ultimately creating a healthier environment. Combining the theoretical model, the translational
and implementation model, and the social diffusion model makes it possible to change people’s
behaviors and environment globally. Electronic media provides the tool to do so.
When it comes to modeling, SCT corrects misconceptions. The first one is that modeling
hinders creativity as “imitation can only lead to mimicry” (Bandura, 2005, p.13). This is proven
false by demonstrating how people use selective modeling to innovate. Through self-regulation,
agents motivate themselves and increase their self-efficacy. Another misconception about
modeling is that it cannot increase cognitive skills. Again, SCT proves this false by
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demonstrating that individuals self-regulate and increase their cognitive abilities through verbal
models
To make healthier choices and improve as individuals, people set goals. These goals are
met through self-regulation. Metacognition makes it possible for an individual to determine how
best to fulfill their goals and to adjust their efforts through the process to achieve their goals
(Bandura, 2005). As goals are achieved, an individual increases their self-efficacy. With
increased self-efficacy, an agent sets higher goals and standards. An agent’s goals and standards
are based on their moral standards and motivated by self-satisfaction and sense of self-worth
(Bandura, 2005).
People
Three ideas are central to the theory of social learning. The first is that people learn
through observation. The second is that a person’s internal mental state is a fundamental part of
the social learning process. Third, SCT contends that behavioral change does necessarily occur
because someone has learned something (Bandura, 2002). Bandura (1977) explained that
“learning would be exceedingly laborious, not to mention hazardous if people had to rely solely
on the effects of their own actions to inform them what to do” (p. 22). Further, the theorist
particularized that people learn their behavior observationally via modeling. When an individual
observes others, they develop an idea of how novel behaviors transpire, and the coded
information directs action on later occasions. As such, it is expected that the majority of the
GCC’s nationals will imitate what they observe from the larger social-cultural setting, implying
that most of their choices will be predisposed to align with the setting.
This expectation is further heightened by the idea that cultural and religious aspects
influence most of what transpires within the larger society, particularly in the GCC region’s
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predominantly Arabic and Muslim indigenous population. When new generations of people
emerge in the region, they tend to continue most of their antecedents’ practices, considering that
social-cultural and religious aspects do not experience significant transformation over time.
Bandura (1977) also noted that an individual’s mental state and motivation significantly
influence the learning (or not) of a certain behavior, a view that Fryling et al. (2011) discussed
elaborately. According to Cook and Artino (2016), Bandura defined “intrinsic reinforcement” as
a type of internal reward, including satisfaction, a sense of achievement, and satisfaction. As
such, these are also some of the potential factors influencing decision-making and public
orientation across the GCC’s labor markets.
It is important to discuss how people function in cultural settings from the SCT’s agentic
outlook. Bandura (2002) explained that being an “agent” describes the capacity to influence an
individual’s life situations and functioning. Three different kinds of agency stand out in SCT:
direct individual agency, proxy agency dependent on others to act on an individual’s directive to
accomplish the ultimate goals, and communal agency occurring via group action. Personal
agency transpires independently, where people allow their influence to directly dictate how they
manage their lives in a certain environment (Bandura, 2002). Numerous life spheres do not allow
people to directly regulate their surroundings’ social circumstances and institutional practices
influencing their daily existence. Accordingly, people are compelled to pursue their valued
objectives and well-being by exercising proxy agency. In such a socially facilitated agency
mode, individuals strive to utilize those with access to resources, knowhow, or power and
influence as bridges to achieve their desired outcomes. Since it is impossible to live
autonomously, many people’s desires are attainable via social interdependence. Therefore,
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people resort to pooling their resources, skills, and expertise to create alliances and generate
mutual support, and unite to secure what cannot be accomplished individually.
Effective human functioning necessitates an agentic amalgamation of these agency
modes. While the personal, proxy, and collective agencies’ relative contributions may differ
across cultures, all the agencies necessitate deployment for everyday survival, irrespective of the
surrounding cultural setting. An individual’s actions to manage daily life cannot be restricted to
polarities that subjectively separate human agency individually and collectively. Variations
across cultures guide the discrepancies agentic patterning’s relative focus instead of an agency’s
cultural exceptionality to collective or individual modes (Bandura, 2002). Bandura (1997)
posited that none of the human agency mechanisms is more pervasive or central than personal
efficacy beliefs. Any other aspects play guiding and motivating roles and are entrenched in the
principal belief that a person’s actions are sufficiently powerful to secure the desired outcomes.
Else, an individual has diminutive motivation to handle or persevere given situations. Self-
efficacy beliefs direct human actions through affective, cognitive, decisional, and motivational
processes, consequently affecting how people think in self-serving or self-improving ways
(Bandura, 2002). This effect means that self-efficacy beliefs define people’s self-motivation and
perseverance, emotional life, and important decision-making, subsequently setting the course
taken in life.
According to Bandura (2002), while collective efficacy beliefs’ focus is socio-centric,
they serve similar functions to personal efficacy beliefs and manifest via identical processes.
People’s collective beliefs in collective efficacy impact the kind of futures they pursue through
cooperative effort, how suitably they utilize their resources, how committed they are to their
shared undertakings, their persistence when shared efforts do not generate speedy outcomes or
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encounter forcible resistance, and their susceptibility to discouragement when encountering
social problems (Bandura, 2002). Bandura (2002) added that field and laboratory studies’
metanalysis substantiates that supposed collective efficacy facilitates group functioning the same
way personal efficacy facilitates individual functioning.
As Bandura (2002) indicated, due to the extended human agency conception, SCT can
suitably explicate human’s personal development, adaptation, and shift in various cultural
environments. Bandura also proposed that cultural assessments should address the fundamental
concern of whether a universal human nature exists or if there are multiple natures originating
from different cultural settings. When approached from a socio-cognitive angle, a broad
potentiality characterizes human nature. Bandura explained that direct and indirect experience
can fashion this vast potentiality into various forms within biological restraints. While biology
generates potentialities and regulates constraints, in most functioning spheres, biology allows a
wide range of cultural potentialities (Bandura, 2002). This view aligns with Gould’s (1988)
argument that sufficient evidence supports biology’s potentialist perception as opposed to its
determinist perception. Bandura explained that the primary explanatory conflict is not between
nurture and nature as most people suppose. Rather, the conflict is based on whether nature
functions as a determinist that tightly regulates culture or a potentialist that loosely manages
culture. One example Bandura offered is that although humans have a biological aggression
potentiality, cultural variation in aggression can be explained more through ideology than
biology. Moerk (1995) and Alland (1972) backed this perception by positing that aggression
possesses a broad intracultural and intercultural diversity, with whole nations like Switzerland
and Sweden transforming from warring nations to pacifist ones.
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Bandura (2002) argued that while humans have not transformed much genetically in
recent decades, they have transitioned substantially through swift cultural and technological
evolution in behavioral styles, values, beliefs, and social roles. At this point, Bandura referenced
Dobzhansky (1972), who contended that the human species was chosen for behavior adaptive’s
plasticity and learnability in a significantly different habitat rather than for behavioral fixedness
(Bandura, 2002). Further, Bandura elucidated that plasticity, which is inherent to human nature,
is dependent on particular neurophysiological mechanisms and structures that have gradually
evolved. The neural structures specialize in directing attention and detecting the surrounding
world’s causal structures as well as converting that information abstractly, integrating it, and
utilizing it for adaptive reasons. According to Bandura, the information processing and
morphology structures generate that capacity for distinctly human characteristics, including
forethought, generative symbolization, reflective self-consciousness, symbolic communication,
and evaluative self-regulation.
Agentic action allows people to formulate the means for adapting flexibility to
substantially different milieus (Bandura, 2002). Additionally, people employ their
resourcefulness in shielding themselves from selective pressures. Bandura (2002) added that
people develop devices that compensate for their physical and sensory constraints, sidestep
environmental limitations, construct and redesign environments to suit their needs, establish
behavioral styles that allow them to accomplish the desired results, and pass on the successful
ones to others through experiential means and social modeling. As Bandura posited, the fast-
tracked knowledge advancement is immensely refining human capacity to regulate, change, and
generate increasingly complex environments and mold their social futures.
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Bandura (2002) argued that while the collective human nature is at the basic capacities
level and the systems through which they function, cultures mold these potentialities into
different forms. Here, Bandura exemplified that people have progressed their observational
learning capacity, which allows the acquisition of respective values, attitudes, knowledge,
competencies, and emotional proclivities via the immense information gained through both
symbolic and actual modeling. Bandura explained that it is impossible to visualize how cultural
development and replication could transpire if customs, mores, social practices, and language
had to be gradually molded in every new member through direct results of individual trial-and-
error actions without the benefit of the models displaying their cultural patterns. Bandura added
that while modeling is a universalized capacity among humans, its application varies across
different cultural environments.
Behavior
As previously observed, SCT explains that behaviors are created through social
modeling, which is observing how others interact and behave in a specific environment. Bandura
et al.’s (1961) Bobo Doll experiment demonstrated this theory by noting how children who
observe people’s aggressive behavior towards the doll model that behavior of aggression when
they feel frustrated. The individuals observed in the social modeling process are defined as
“models.” Social cognitive theory states that social learning’s second and third phases (imitation
and behavior modeling) transpire as an individual observes positive, desired results during the
first phase. According to Bandura, multiple behaviors can be learned through modeling. For
example, the theorist exemplified that students can observe parents read, observe demonstrations
of math problems, or observe someone approaching a fearful situation courageously (Bandura,
2005). Accordingly, aggressive behaviors can be learned via social models. Research indicates
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that children’s aggressive behavior may intensify after observing violent or aggressive models.
Consequently, learning through social modeling includes moral verdicts on wrongful or rightful
deeds, which can partially arise via modeling. Therefore, one may argue that most public sector
organizations in the GCC are led by nationals. The organizational settings are nearly identical,
and most are culturally homogenous, as HRM practices are heavily influenced by their shared
local culture (Iles et al., 2012).
Environment
Bandura (2002) argued that people exist in sociocultural environments with divergent
collective social practices, customs, values, and institutional limitations, as well as opportunity
structures. For example, the culturally homogenous environment of Qatar reinforces the existing
environment and individuals’ behavior. Therefore, a positive shift in behavior is difficult as the
status quo is maintained through different types of rewards. On a broad basis, the environment
comprises three main factors: include social norms, access in community, and influence on
others (Schunk & DiBenedetto, 2020). Social norms defined the cultural orientations of the
Qataris and their attitudes towards work. As identified by Alkailani et al. (2012), the Gulf scores
low (50) in the dimension of masculinity, which implies that nationals are not aggressive in
advancing their skills and innovating. However, the people have access to unprecedented
opportunities such as education and technology to advance their skills. Although being a
collectivist country could imply that nationals easily influence others to advance their skills and
develop their work ethic, studies show that Qataris exhibit limited interdependence in decision
processes (Sadi, 2013).
The dominant factors that come into play in the environment are the incentives the
government offers to companies to hire nationals, the element of globalization that is currently
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taking center stage in the Gulf world, the education system’s ability to prepare nationals for local
jobs and the nature of the home environment. Consistent with the elements of SCT’s
environmental factors, Carson (2013) noted there are several benefits for companies that comply
with the highest nationalization standards. These benefits come in the form of incentives to
encourage the private sector to hire and retain nationals as part of their workforce. The
government prioritizes nationalization, as evidenced by its commitment to realizing effective
HRM job skills training programs (Hodgson & Hanson, 2014). Collaboration with the private
sector and universities to offer on-the-job work experience are indicators of government
incentives towards improving the foundation of knowledge and skills for nationals to be
absorbed into the private sector.
Increased globalization results in most GCC nations’ private sector markets harboring up
to 88% foreign expatriate workers (Hodgson & Hanson, 2014). Thus, GCC nationalization may
require a strategy comprehensive enough to prepare nationals for recruitment in the private
sector. One way to address this challenge is by companies overcoming significant social, legal,
and cultural issues. Addressing the issues related to environmental influences is a crucial step in
SCT to create an environment that motivates the private sector to hire nationals and provides an
impetus for nationals to continuously advance their skills and knowledge for Qatar’s workplace
demands.
Based on the assertion by Schunk (2012), environmental influences can affect Qataris’
outcomes and processes in relation to willingness to work and remain disciplined in the
workplace. People are motivated to attempt to learn the modeled actions they believe will lead to
outcomes they desire and eventually enable them to realize their goals (Schunk & DiBenedetto,
2020). The social cognitive model can further be used to explain children’s motivation to attain
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education. For example, Schunk and Usher (2019) argued that several instructional and social
influences affect learners’ personal processes and motivational outcomes. However, not all
nationals can take advantage of these opportunities to enhance their skills, which is why
Hodgson and Hanson (2014) lamented that several nationals with bachelor’s, master’s, and Ph.D.
degrees in the Gulf lack workplace knowledge and have little or no job skills or workplace
experience. Given the observation, the education system requires further scrutiny regarding its
effectiveness to impart practical skills and experience among graduates to make them suitable for
the Gulf’s job market’s demands. In relation to this study, the theory seeks to explain the extent
to which education systems, as part of the environmental influences, affect Qatar’s
nationalization programs.
Conceptual Framework
A conceptual framework is needed to better understand the interactions among
individuals, behavior, and environment. According to Grant and Osanloo (2014), the conceptual
framework provides a structure that helps determine how concepts and ideas are connected.
Existing theories, past research, and personal experiences all help build the conceptual
framework (Maxwell, 2013). Once a study’s conceptual framework has been developed, a
researcher can move forward with researching their problem of practice (Grant & Osanloo,
2014). The conceptual framework for this study (Figure 3) was developed around Albert
Bandura’s SCT. The conceptual framework has categorized factors that influence the job
selection process of GCC nationals based on the three main influencers that makeup the SCT’s
triadic reciprocity.

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Figure 3
A Conceptual Framework Based on Badura’s Social Cognitive Theory Illustrating the
Challenges to GCC’s Nationalization Policies

Wasta, as a cultural practice, is frequently used to strengthen relationships between
family members and friends. Nationals use it more than foreigners as laws and policies are often
implemented with the goal of prioritizing nationals. This mindset leads to policies such as the
current nationalization programs, whose main goals are to increase nationals’ participation in the
private sector and to create employment opportunities for them in the public sector.
Expectancy-value theory (EVT) is used as a supportive lens to the study’s social
cognitive theoretical framework. EVT will help further determine the extent to which local
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cultural beliefs and values affect employees’ motivation within an organization. Expectancy-
value theory explains that a goal’s subject value and the expectancies for its successful
attainment are the basis for an individual’s motivation (Ambrose et al., 2010). Theorists in this
tradition argue that individuals’ beliefs about how well they will do on the activity and the extent
to which they value the activity explain their choice, persistence, and performance (Atkinson,
1957). Furthermore, an individual’s belief in their ability to tackle a specific task (efficacy
expectation) has an important influence on their motivation. The expectancy portion of EVT
explains that individuals tend to choose goals they can achieve based on their beliefs regarding
their self-worth. When the task is more complicated, individuals who believe they have higher
abilities will be more motivated to achieve them, while the individuals who believe they have
lesser abilities will value that goal less. The value portion of EVT is defined by four components:
attainment value, intrinsic value, utility value, and cost (Wigfield & Eccles, 2000). These four
components influence an individual’s motivation to complete tasks in different ways. Attainment
value and intrinsic value are both related to intrinsic motivation, while utility value and cost are
related to extrinsic motivation. Individuals’ experiences shape their perceived values of
achieving certain goals.
Conclusion
The literature review clarified that the present segmentation in GCC’s labor markets has
made successful implementation of employment nationalization unrealistic, as higher
employment mobility and amplified labor rights for the local population make them unfavorite
candidates for private sector employment. Additionally, the substantial wage gap challenges the
direct replacement of expats with natives, as doing so increases the production cost for private
sector companies and reduces their competitiveness and profitability. If efforts to increase
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productivity do not accompany employment nationalization policies towards compensating for
increased wages, the prevalent employment offshoring could increase. On the other hand, the
increased wage pressure that stringent restrictions on expatriate labor endorses may escalate
pressure to automate applicable employment sectors. Employment nationalization policies
should emphasize boosting nationals’ productivity to facilitate feasible diversification and
compensate for the increased labor costs. The policies may involve shifting financial activities
towards higher-value-added industries, increasing tech-oriented production, improving and
diversifying exports’ quality, upskilling nationals, and refining immigration policies (Erumban,
& Al-Mejren, 2021).
The conceptual framework used in this literature review, which is based on SCT
(Bandura, 1986), has shown that the problem facing employment nationalization policies in the
region are deeply entrenched in the region’s socioeconomic and cultural aspects. Therefore, for
ENPs to succeed in the region, GCC countries are tasked with motivating nationals and the
private sector to proactively contribute to the national economies, improve skills among
nationals, offer a suitable work environment, and facilitate nationals’ recognition and application
of their respective potentials. Additionally, reforms should center on increasing the private
sectors’ attractiveness as a feasible job provider for GCC nationals. In the meantime, expats’
demand can only be expected to increase across various skills.

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Chapter Three: Methodology
This study’s purpose was to examine participants’ perceptions of the efficiency of ENPs
in Qatar and the UAE in increasing nationals’ participation in the private sector. The study
explored this problem of practice through the SCT lens and aimed to examine how the
interactions between the individual, their behavior, and their environment influenced GCC
nationals’ job selection process. With GCC nations pushing to become less dependent on
expatriates to fill private-sector jobs, the project is relevant to the region and relevant and
generalizable to other developing nations. However, the GCC is a region experiencing unique
challenges, which are addressed in the study’s research design, methodology, data collection, and
analysis. Thus, the research-based recommendations are targeted to the GCC region. The
research provides insight into the GCC and how the region has been working to ensure
nationalization programs are implemented to engage workers from both the private and public
sectors.
Research Questions
Three research questions guided this study:
1. How do current ENPs impact an individuals’ job selection behavior?
2. What divisions do ENPs create in the local job market?
3. To what extent does the local culture influence an individual’s career choice?
Overview of Design
The research design is qualitative. Ideally, qualitative research seeks to determine the
meaning of phenomena from the participants in their natural setting (Creswell, 2014). This aligns
well with the research topic, as the aim was to explore people’s perceptions of ENPs through the
SCT lens and understand what barriers prevent ENPs from achieving their objectives. In
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qualitative research, the researcher is usually pleased with the results discovered and deliberately
works to avoid approaching the issue with many expectations (Pandey & Patnaik, 2014).
Qualitative research provides a detailed understanding of the way people come to act and
manage their day-to-day situations. The method is flexible and adaptable to changes in the
research environment (Pandey & Patnaik, 2014). Its use can also help explain how the social
order influences everyday life. In the context of the topic, different aspects were brought into
perspective, including how GCC nations develop and implement ENPs and the extent to which
diversity is valued in GCC organizations. Since the data were collected online, inferences were
drawn quite easily from the data obtained.
I used a narrative method of inquiry where participants were free to describe their own
experiences. Narrative inquiry involves reconstructing a person’s experience in relationship both
to the other and to a social milieu. Here, the data were viewed from an objective stance to
develop “laws” that serve as a primary means for understanding the pattern of an individual life.
This means that the data collection approaches involved direct interaction with people one-on-
one or direct interaction with people in a group setting. This allows the researcher and
participants to have the opportunity to negotiate the meaning of the stories by providing
validation checks throughout data analysis and collection (Jamshed, 2014). As such, it was easier
to develop a deeper understanding of the diverse contexts evident in a participant's life.
Participants should be encouraged to answer questions with utmost honesty. They should be
guided on how to approach difficult questions and how best to engage the interviewer.
The way the questions were framed also helped the interviewee to understand what was
required. I interpreted and made sense of data that is packed with the thoughts and behaviors of
participants. Since this is a descriptive narrative, emphasis was on the whys and wherefores of
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participants’ experiences. The interviewee had a platform to self-assess and interpret their
experiences. Nationalization policies apply across the board. Organizations across the wider
GCC region understand the need to establish a policy framework to ensure every employee is
engaged (Palik & Shah, 2018). For the research, the objective dictated what and how much is
asked of the participant. Here, I am interested in the perception of people about the efficiency of
ENPs in increasing nationals’ participation in the private sector.
Other than narrative analysis, data analysis was also based on other methods such as
framework analysis and grounded theory. Framework analysis consists of different stages such
as familiarization, mapping, and interpretation. The grounded theory involves analyzing one case
and formulating a theory from the case. The study design is dependent on the nature of the
research question. The research attempted to qualify the relationship between two factors, effects
based on exposure and outcome. To qualify the effect, I had to know the rate of outcomes in a
certain group as well as the interventions. Since the research is more like an analytical
observation, emphasis was on record exposures. Participants were compelled to give their views
based on their experiences. Here, clarity is very important.
The research incorporates selective coding in which responses were formulated by
connecting the existing categories with known variables. Since data analysis and collection
processes tend to be concurrent, emphasis was on analytical processes that influence the data.
Inasmuch as the design of qualitative data is the most flexible of the various experimental
techniques, there is no standardized structure. Hence, the study needed to be carefully
constructed and designed. The data analysis focused on concept formation, concept development,
and concept integration or modification. The outcomes were supported by the existing theories.
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The form of the analysis employed depended on the specific qualitative approach taken and the
form of data.
ENPs impact organizational performance differently depending on what country and
sectors are examined. They also impact employees differently as it relates to the job selection
process. A qualitative research method allows me to gain a deeper understanding of the complex
relationship between ENPs and employees’ job selection and workplace experience.
Research Setting
COVID-19 has changed many facets of our daily lives. One of the important changes is
the increased difficulty for researchers to conduct in-person interviews. For this reason,
interviews were held virtually via Zoom. Ten adult GCC currently employed or seeking
employment in either the private or public sector were interviewed. Half were Qatari nationals,
while the other half were Emirati nationals. The reason for this population is due to the
similarities that the job marketplace in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates share. The
interviewees’ ages ranged from 18 to 30. The age range was chosen, because it represented
people who are in their most productive phase of life and are still open to switching jobs. This
population is the most affected by ENPs. Because of the dynamics of GCC nations, the
respondents were encouraged to work on a response framework that would ensure that every
question was covered adequately. Cross-institutional linkages provide better grounds for
sustainability, and such institutions are already established in GCC communities.
The GCC is a culturally homogenous region. The traditional predominantly Islamic
culture dictates the way of life. The most important ecological environment in many individuals’
lives is the home environment. In this personal environment, people get to learn and know things
in certain ways, what to value and love, how to approach relationships with others, and even the
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type of employment that is encouraged. The ENPs are a by-product of the social environment
where many nationals feel a sense of entitlement over others when it comes to social benefits and
public sector employment. In the region, people employed in public sector organizations are not
properly remunerated because of the lack of diversity in their work environment. Language
barriers also make a good number of employees feel that they do not belong. In an environment
where employees feel neglected, decision-making becomes a challenge. It becomes difficult to
initiate policies that better define the aspirations and ideals of the majority. Overall, GCC
countries have been working on a framework that ensures that everyone gains a sense of
belonging. These efforts inform the creation of nationalization programs across the region.
The setting informs the desire to understand how the GCC community works to ensure
inclusivity, equity, and equality. Workers in public-sector entities encounter barriers in their
career growth as all senior-level positions are reserved for nationals (Palik & Shah, 2018). In this
regard, ENPs have created a social environment where nationals’ interests take precedence over
all others. One hundred participants from both Qatar and the UAE also answered an online
survey consisting of 24 questions related to workplace diversity and the local culture’s influence
on the GCC’s job landscape and the efficiency of ENPs in increasing the participation of
nationals in the private sector.
The research participants included nationals who are employees from the private and
public sectors. The invitation for participation was drafted, sent out, and countersigned by a
community leader. Some of the invited participants had the liberty to invite their friends and
close family members. Since people have different perceptions about nationalization programs in
GCC, there is a greater need to engage as many skilled people as possible.
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The results of the study could be influenced by gender, age, work experience, and
economic situation. The survey was administered in English. The data were analyzed
qualitatively with a focus on concepts and opinions. An explanation was derived for a specific
phenomenon. Ideally, qualitative data analysis gives the researcher an understanding of the
research objective by revealing patterns and themes in the data (Johnson et al., 2020). The results
were critical in identifying the relationships between various elements or variables in the study.
The Researcher
The GCC is a traditionally Muslim region, and my being a middle-aged Qatari male
could limit access to interviews with women. Access to organizational data is also difficult in the
GCC, especially in countries like Qatar. I am a member of Qatar’s ruling family and am
currently working for an important public-sector organization, which could influence
interviewees’ willingness to respond openly and honestly. For this reason, a proxy was used to
conduct all interviews to eliminate possible coercion. I have also never been employed in the
private sector, which could make my perception of foreign nationals who occupy top-level
management positions biased. Having grown up in a culturally diverse setting could potentially
influence my perception of organizations that do not reflect diversity in the workplace. I grew up
in what is considered a liberal city, San Francisco, California. I have also spent a lot of in
Europe. Finally, as a father of a daughter, I value equal employment opportunities for everyone.
This could bias my views on local human resources and recruitment practices.
Data Sources
Multiple data sources were used in this study to answer the research questions that
guided this study, as shown in Table 1. An online survey was administered to 100 adult nationals
from Qatar and the UAE who are either currently employed or seeking employment in either the
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private or public sectors. Besides completing the online survey, ten additional respondents were
interviewed to provide this study with rich data from storytelling. The interviews form the basis
of the study.

Table 1
Data Sources
Research questions Method 1 Method 2
How effective have GCC
governments been in
communicating the importance of
employment nationalization
policies?

Survey Interviews
What divisions do ENPs create in the
local job market?

Survey Interviews
To what extent does the local culture
influence their job preference?

Survey Interviews

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Sources used for recruiting research participants were local universities and the popular
social media platform Instagram. To recruit participants for the online survey, I contacted the HR
manager of Qatar Foundation and asked for help in recruiting recent graduates for my research
study. I provided him with direct link to my online survey. The HR manager forwarded my email
to the deans of eight universities. Out of the eight universities, five universities responded that
they had sent out an email to their alumni mailing list. To recruit interviewees, I contacted a total
of 20 individuals using Instagram. In the GCC, Instagram is the most common method of
contacting people. I asked for their emails and forwarded their emails to the proxy. The proxy
contacted all 20 individuals and the first five Qataris and first five Emiratis who sent back the
signed consent form were interviewed. Recruitment choices depend on the purpose of the study
and the method employed in the analysis (Locke et al., 2010). For instance, if the purpose of an
evaluation is to increase the effectiveness of a particular program, there is a greater need to focus
deeply on the needs, interests, and incentives of a specific population. In this case, the number of
participants to be engaged in the entire exercise was 110. Participants were tasked to identify the
extent of workplace diversity, the effect of culture on GCC’s job landscape, and the efficiency of
ENPs in reaching their intended goals. This provided me with a new dimension in the sense that
it brought to light an ideological stance, highlighting an array of search and discovery.
Method 1: Online Survey
An online survey consisting of 25 questions was administered to 100 respondents. I used
Qualtrics to create and distribute the survey. The significance of using this instrument for data
collection is that the respondents would provide broader information regarding their perception
of the effectiveness of ENPs. The tool provides room for the respondents to exhaustively provide
their answers regarding the challenges that Qatari and Emirati nationals experience in their quest
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to actively take part in ENPs’ goals (Kumar et al., 2019). Several questions were open-ended.
The responses were cleaned before they were coded to ensure the essential data analysis
technique was used to present the most accurate results. The link to the online survey was
emailed to the respondents who were interested in participating in the study. Participants had 14
days to go through the research instrument and complete the survey. The survey questions are
described in Appendix A.
Method 2: Interviews
Apart from the survey, I developed an interview protocol and used a proxy to recruit 10
respondents from Qatar and the UAE. Again, due to the COVID-19 global pandemic, the
interviews were conducted online via Zoom to respect social distancing protocols. Due to the
power relations between the principal investigator and the participants, a proxy was used to
conduct the interviews to eliminate any possible coercion. The questions that formed the
interview protocol were developed with the aim of answering the four research questions that
guide the study. Each respondent had a minimum of 60 minutes to respond to 15 interview
questions (Appendix B). The respondents were at liberty to take time as much time as they
needed to ensure that they provided the most informed answers. Conducting interviews took two
weeks as only two respondents were interviewed per day. As all participants were living in the
same time zone, interviews took place between 10 am and 8 pm Arabian Central Time.
Interviews were conducted between Sundays and Thursdays as that is the official work week in
Qatar and the UAE. Prior to conducting the interview, each of the participants received and
signed an informed consent sheet that included details of the study (Appendix C).
Interviews are appropriate when there is a need to collect more detailed information on an
individual’s opinion, experiences, feelings, or thoughts (Alkin, 2011). Ideally, interviews allow
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greater interaction between the interviewer and the respondent (Saunders, 2019). Also, it is the
best way to discover how people think and feel about the topic and why they hold certain
opinions. By conducting interviews, it was possible to add a human dimension to the data and
investigate certain research materials’ use, effectiveness, and usefulness. Normally, this
qualitative research method allows more detailed questions to be asked and gives the interviewer
a high response rate. Ambiguities were easily clarified, and incomplete answers were followed
up. Informational interviews were recommended for the research to allow interviewees a chance
to compare their expectations. Here, the output solely depended on the interviewee’s willingness
to answer all the questions. The interviews were carried out in a semi-structured manner.
Participants
In recruiting and selecting participants for this study, I used purposive or selective
sampling. This strategy infers that the non-probability sampling mechanism was adopted to
select the most relevant respondents for this study. Purposive sampling helps identify and select
participants most relevant to the study (Zaidan et al., 2019). This technique also helps in the
effective use of the limited resources to yield high-quality findings. It is for this purpose that
selective sampling was an effective choice for this study. It is also often used to access a specific
subset of individuals (Palik & Shah, 2018). Participants in this study were selected because they
fit the specific profile that the study was seeking. The total number of individuals who took part
in the study was 110. Participants were adults between the ages of 18 and 30 who were currently
employed or seeking employment in Qatar and the UAE. Participants had to have less than ten
years of total work experience at the time of this study. Half of the participants were Qatari
nationals, while the other half were Emirati nationals. The participants’ demographics provided
the study with multiple lenses when examining the people’s perceptions of ENPs.
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Instrumentation
Two main instruments were used for data collection. First, an open-ended survey using
Qualtrics was administered to 100 respondents. Including open-ended questions allow
participants to provide a wide range of information about the subject matter as opposed to
limiting them to specific answers, as is the case with a close-ended survey (Kumar et al., 2019).
The rationale for selecting this instrument is that it helped with gathering valuable insight and
yielded more relevant findings from a wider pool of participants.
Second, an interview protocol was applied to collect data from ten additional individuals
from Qatar and the UAE. The information gathered from interviews provides more in-depth data
to help answer the four research questions that guide this study. The interview protocol guided
the interview and ensured respondents had a minimum of 60 minutes to respond to the 15
questions to the best of their ability. Following the interview protocol also guarantees that the
responses provided are in tandem with the research questions. Using interviews as a qualitative
instrument provided the study with richer data from the participants’ narratives.
Data Collection Procedures
Logistical procedures were applied to collect data during this research. For instance,
when administering the survey, each of the 100 participants had a maximum of 14 days to
complete them. The entire data collection process was carried out online due to the global
coronavirus pandemic. All respondents were asked to complete the online survey within two
weeks, which is ample time for one to take part in the research exercise (Zaidan et al., 2019). The
data collection locations were different as the respondents were working in either the public or
private sector in Qatar and the UAE. The specific data were captured using Qualtrics. The
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rationale for choosing this method was that it was both time-effective and convenient for the
respondents.
Zoom interviews were conducted via a proxy to remove the possibility of coercion due to
my social status. A pseudonym was used for each of the ten interviewees. ZOOM transcripts
were then professionally re-transcribed and were then sent to me. The reason for this step is it
ensured that I would not be able to identify the identities of the interviewees. Interviews were
recorded with the interviewees’ consent. The proxy took notes throughout the interviews for
clarity purposes.
Data Security
Participants’ responses, also called data, were encrypted with a strong password and
stored on my laptop computer. ZOOM transcripts were deleted once they were professionally re-
transcribed. Accessing my laptop requires a login with a strong password and second-factor
authentication. In addition, my laptop has anti-virus software installed and is protected by a
firewall. All data were deleted and destroyed no later than June 2022, two months after
completion of this study.
Data Analysis
Two main methods were used to analyze the data collected from the online survey and
interviews.
Method 1
The first method applied SPSS analysis of the qualitative data. This involved applying
special software to yield relevant findings. Before the analysis was undertaken, the data was
cleaned, and then the participants’ responses were coded to facilitate data analysis (Kumar et al.,
2019).
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Method 2
A Microsoft Excel spreadsheet was employed to analyze the data. The data was
synchronized after it had been collected, cleaned, and coded to reveal the most critical themes.
This method of analysis helped gauge the accuracy of the other methods of analysis to ascertain
the study’s findings (Waxin et al., 2018). The rationale for choosing this method of data analysis
is that it was easier to use and enabled interpretation of the findings.
Validity and Reliability
I triangulated two methods of data collection as a strategy to confirm the emerging
findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The online survey and one-on-one interviews helped
increase the accuracy of the information gathered. This instrumentation also ensured that the
information collected was aligned with the research questions. The alignment also increased the
study’s validity in terms of results that correspond to the variations within the two GCC nations,
as detailed by the 110 research participants from Qatar and the UAE (Zaidan et al., 2019). To
further increase internal validity and data reliability, I asked the proxy to conduct member
checks, which is a common strategy used to avoid incorrect assumptions (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). I made sure to have ample time to review the interview transcripts and survey responses,
which provided me with adequate engagement in data collection. By using an audit trail, the
researcher was able to vividly present convincing evidence of the process that led to the study’s
findings.
The selected strategies were employed to guarantee that the study’s goals were both
feasible and realistic and to ensure that the data was in line with the research questions as well as
the conceptual framework (Morgan, 2014). These strategies maximize both the reliability and
internal validity of the qualitative methods applied.
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Ethics
As a researcher, I must observe all the ethical guidelines regarding the conduct of
academic research. The first point of focus is to ensure that the raw data is cleaned, coded, and
analyzed to reveal the findings of the study. This protects the empirical data from distortion,
ensuring their reliability and authenticity. Distorting data is an unethical research practice. In this
regard, I considered this factor to guarantee that the data were the actual data collected from the
field (Kumar et al., 2019). Another factor I considered was seeking the consent of all participants
who took part in this study. Seeking the respondents’ consent is critical in ensuring that they are
willing and ready to take part in the study and amicably provide their most informed responses.
Moreover, their consent was vital, especially when it comes to guaranteeing that participation in
the whole process is voluntary. Forcing people to take part in a research exercise is unethical and
could impact the study’s results. For this reason, it is important to create rapport and explain to
the participants the significance of the study and the freedom they have in deciding to participate
(Palik & Shah, 2018). Making an informed decision to take part in the exercise ensures that
participants provide relevant responses based on their experiences and to the best of their ability.
Informed decisions increase the quality of the data.
Guaranteeing participants’ confidentiality is crucial for this study. I understood that
although risks to participants are minimal, protecting their anonymity was of utmost importance
to ensure the quality of the data. Thus, the data collection procedures mentioned previously were
strictly adhered to. Survey responses and interview transcripts were kept on the researcher’s
laptop and destroyed upon completion of this study. The names of participants were not used in
the data analysis. A proxy was used to conduct interviews and participants' names were removed
prior to the researcher receiving the interview transcripts and given a pseudonym.
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The data were solely used to undertake this study and not for any other purpose. A
confidentiality agreement was signed by the proxy and sent to all interview participants prior to
conducting the interviews. This agreement reassures participants, thus improving the quality of
the research findings (Waxin et al., 2018). Again, the proxy asked for the participants’ consent to
record interviews and provided them with the option not to be recorded on video.
When conducting research, it is important that the researcher remains neutral and avoids
swaying the responses. Other than guiding the interviews, participants have been given the
freedom to answer questions however they deemed fit.
Finally, although I have chosen this topic due to my interest in it, there is no conflict of
interest. I selected the topic of this study to get a better understanding of an issue that impacts all
GCC employees with the hope of providing valuable insight and possible solutions to a subject
that needs more extensive research.
Limitations and Delimitations
For a study to be well understood, it is important to know its limitations. Limitations are
components of a study that are not under the researcher’s control. In this study, there have been
several. First, the time difference between where participants lived and the proxy interviewer
may have caused some scheduling conflict. For example, a few individuals who requested to be
interviewed had to cancel, and interviews were not successfully rescheduled. Second, due to my
position in the government, it was necessary to use a proxy to conduct interviews, and they may
not have asked important follow-up questions. For example, while the interview transcripts
offered rich data, more valuable insight could have been captured had the proxy understood the
social dynamics of the GCC. Third, due to the distance, between the proxy and the interviewer,
all interviews were conducted over Zoom. Although Zoom is an easy-to-use platform,
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connection issues could impact interviewees’ train of thought. While discussing with the proxy
their experience in interviewing participants, she said that she encountered several connection
issues during several interviews. Connection issues could possibly impact participants’ answers
due to the frustration that it creates. Finally, there may have been concerns with privacy and
confidentiality, as sensitive topics, including government initiatives when working for a
government entity, could be difficult to discuss.
In terms of delimitations, time constraint was a factor that controlled the range of the
population. First, this research involved 18- to 30-year-old Qatari and Emirati nationals. Other
GCC nationals and age groups were not considered. Second, the central focus of this study was
on nationals and did not include non-nationals, who play a significant role in shaping the GCC
labor markets. Third, all participants spoke English, it did not consider potential participants who
only spoke Arabic. Finally, due to the lengthy IRB process, I was not able to spend more time in
recruiting and selecting interview participants.

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Chapter Four: Findings and Results
The purpose of this narrative research study was to better understand the perceptions of
Qataris and Emiratis aged 18 to 30 about the efficiency of ENPs in increasing the level of
participation of GCC nationals in the private sector. I used one-on-one interviews as well as an
online survey to gain valuable insight into this topic. The conceptual framework identified the
factors of culture, nationality, and individuals’ employment preferences as important
characteristics to understand why ENPs have been facing challenges in achieving their goals.
The conceptual framework helped shape the following research questions:
1. How do current ENPs impact an individual’s job selection behavior?
2. What divisions do ENPs create in the local job market?
3. To what extent does the local culture influence an individual’s career choice?
Description of the Participants
The total number of individuals who took part in the study was 110. Five Emiratis and
five Qataris were interviewed on Zoom, and another 100 participants completed an online
Qualtrics survey in February 2022. Participants were employed or seeking employment in the
GCC and had less than 10 years of total work experience. Half of the survey respondents were
Qatari, while the other half were Emirati. Table 2 shows interview participants’ demographics.
Pseudonyms replaced their real names to protect their identities. Table 3 describes survey
respondents’ demographics.

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Table 2
Demographics of Interview Participants
Pseudonym Gender Nationality Employment sector
Ali Male Qatari Private
Amina Female Emirati Public
Khadija Female Qatari Public
Khaled Male Emirati Public
Layla Female Emirati Public
Mansoor Male Qatari Public
Mo Male Qatari Both
Najla Female Emirati Public
Noor Female Qatari Public
Rached Male Emirati Private

Table 3
Demographics of Survey Respondents
Male Female
Nationality n % n %
Qatari 23 23 27 27
Emirati 15 15 35 35

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Qatari Interview Participants
Ali is a Qatari male who currently works in the private sector managing his family’s
business. He attended university in England and, soon after graduating, worked for a semi-
governmental institution. He is unmarried.
Khadija is a Qatari female who currently works in the public sector. She graduated from a
top university in Qatar and recently married a Qatari. Despite growing up in a traditional
household, she surrounds herself with both Qataris and expats. She is a big proponent of
women’s equality in employment.
Noor is a Qatari female who works for an important ministry. Her focus is on
implementing ENPs initiatives. She is married and has children. She previously worked in the
private sector, but when becoming a new mother, she found it difficult not to have fixed work
hours.
Mansoor is a Qatari male and a member of the Qatari royal family. He earned an
economics degree from a top university in London. Mansoor currently works in the oil and gas
industry.
Mo is a Qatari entrepreneur who currently runs a business and works for a public sector
organization. He spent most of his time growing up outside of Qatar. He graduated from a
university in England. Out of all participants, Mo’s interview provided the richest data due to his
experiences working in both the public and private sectors.
Emirati Interview Participants
Khaled is an Emirati who currently works in the public sector. He comes from a
traditional family and has never left the GCC area. He is a devout Muslim, a husband, and a
father to three children. Khaled, being 30 years old, was also the oldest interviewee.
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Rached is an Emirati who currently works in the public sector. He graduated from a
renowned university in the United States and earned a degree in finance. Rached expressed that
he preferred working in the private sector but decided against it when he received lower salary
offers than he was expecting.
Amina is an Emirati female who is currently working in the public sector. She comes
from a traditional family that respects local cultural values and traditions. She is the most
religious participant and provided rich data on how her beliefs and values impacted her job
selection decision-making process.
Layla is an Emirati female and a fresh graduate from the American University of Sharjah.
She is the youngest interview participant at 18 years of age and has the least work experience.
She loves fashion and enjoys spending time with her friends. She is unmarried. She is well
educated and views work as a way to support her lifestyle.
Najla is a young Emirati female entrepreneur who grew up with a passion for making
jewelry. She went against her parents and began her own jewelry business. She spends most of
her time juggling her business and being a good mother to her child.
Survey Results
Descriptive analysis from the survey data served to answer the three research questions
that guided this study.
Results Pertaining to Research Question 1
Several of the survey questions focused on answering Research Question 1. Research
Question 1 examined ENPs’ impact on participants’ job selection process. Despite GCC
governments’ efforts in implementing ENPs over the past few decades, 82% of survey
respondents still chose to work in the public sector (Table 4). Table 5 displays factors
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influencing participants’ job selection decision-making process. Eighty percent of survey
respondents also felt that their government’s efforts had been ineffective in increasing nationals'
participation in the private sector (Table 6). When asked if ENPs influenced their job selection
process (Table 7), 74% of respondents answered that ENPs had no impact. However, ENPs did
have more of an impact on participants’ job selection process who are currently working in the
private sector (57%) more than those who are currently working in the public sector (14%).

Table 4
Participants’ Place of Work
Country Public Private Both
n % n % n %
Qatar 40 80 7 14 3 6
UAE 42 84 8 16 0 0
Total 82 82 15 15 3 3

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Table 5
Factor That Led to Participants Job Preference
Factor
n %
Better incentives 59 59
Better opportunities 31 31
Family obligation 10 10

Table 6
Response to Question 6: How Effective Has Your Government Been in Increasing Nationals’
Participation in the Private Sector?
Country Effective Unsure Ineffective
n % n % n %
Qatar 5 10 3 6 42 84
UAE 6 12 6 12 38 76
Total 11 11 9 9 80 80

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Table 7
Response to Question 10: Have Employment Nationalization Policies Had Any Impact on your
Job Selection Process?
Country Yes No
n % n %
Qatar 16 32 34 68
UAE 10 20 40 80
Total 26 26 74 74

Ineffective communication regarding the objective of ENPs was a reason many interview
participants felt uninformed on how they could benefit from them. When asked how effective the
government has been in communicating the importance of nationals joining the private sector,
41% percent of participants answered that their government had been somewhat clear, 46% felt
that communication was unclear, and only 13% responded that their government’s
communication strategy was effective (Table 8).

Table 8
Question 7: Has the Government Clearly Communicated to Its People the Importance of
Nationals Joining the Private Sector?
Country Yes Somewhat No
n % n % n %
Qatar 7 14 19 38 24 48
UAE 6 12 22 44 22 44
Total 13 13 41 41 46 46

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To better understand why ENPs have had such little effect on participants’ job selection
process, Table 9 presents the results for Question 23, which asked participants their opinion on
how GCC governments could create more effective ENPs. Besides more effective government
communication, 40% of participants suggested a need to incentivize nationals to join the private
sector. The lack of incentives for nationals to join the private sector explains why most
participants chose to work in the public sector. Better incentives and opportunities were the two
main factors that impacted 78% of participants’ career choices.

Table 9
Responses for Question 23: In Your Opinion, How Could GCC Governments Create More
Effective Employment Nationalization Policies?
Suggestion
n %
Better incentive policies for nationals 40 40
More effective communication 34 34
Working closer with private sector organizations 17 17
Working closer with educational institutions 9 9

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Results Pertaining to Research Question 2
Survey questions 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, and 14 aimed to answer Research Question 2 by
investigating what divisions ENPs create in the GCC labor markets. The survey results show that
77% of participants agreed that public-sector work was more attractive to GCC nationals, and
88% agreed that they faced more challenges when applying for private sector work (Table 10).

Table 10
Responses to Survey Questions 8 and 9
Question Agree Disagree
n % n %
The public sector is more attractive
to GCC nationals
77 77 23 23
GCC nationals face more challenges
when applying for work in the
private sector
88 88 12 12

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Question 11 was an open-ended question asking respondents to describe what divisions
ENPs created. Respondents felt that ENPs created issues in diversity as they continue to support
existing divisions within GCC labor markets. One respondent said,
It creates two kinds of divisions. The locals feel that they have no access to good jobs in
the private sector because of expats, and expats feel that they are treated unfairly as they
don’t have access to private-sector jobs.
Another respondent felt ENPs created resentment between nationals and non-nationals:
Expats feel like they will eventually be forced to be replaced by locals. This happens
everywhere and what happens is that expats refuse to train the locals because they want
to keep their position as long as they can. Locals feel that expats don’t want them to learn
and be successful. It builds a lot of resentment.
Respondents also discussed the salary imbalance between nationals and non-nationals
One respondent said, “The salaries of nationals are much higher than that of expats. It’s tough for
private-sector organizations to hire nationals because they ask for high salaries.” Another
respondent wrote, “The difference in salaries for nationals between the public sector and the
private sector is why most of us are working in the public sector.”
Table 11 presents responses to questions 12, 13, and 14. Survey responses demonstrated
that most participants agreed that expatriates were an important component of their country’s
future success, yet many also agreed that GCC nationals should be prioritized when seeking
employment and that it was important for GCC countries to become less dependent on foreign
workers.

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Table 11
Responses to Questions 12, 13 and 14
Question Agree Disagree
n % n %
It is important for GCC countries to
become less reliant on foreign
workers.
92 92 8 8
Expatriates are an important
component to your country’s
future.
82 82 18 18
GCC nationals and expats should
have equal work opportunities in
both sectors
85 85 15 15

Results Pertaining to Research Question 3
Research Question 3 explored the role of local culture in an individual’s career choice. In
the surveys, 89% of participants said the local culture had a strong influence on their
organization’s work culture and environment. Even though 91% of participants valued diversity
in the workplace, 67% felt more comfortable working in an environment that was similar to their
own culture (Table 12).

Table 12
Responses to Questions 15, 16 and 17
Question Agree Disagree
n % n %
Diversity in the workplace is important. 91 91 9 9
I feel more comfortable working in an
environment similar to my own culture.
67 67 33 33
The local culture has a strong influence on my
organization’s culture and environment.
89 89 11 11
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Interview Findings
Research Findings Pertaining to Research 1
Four major themes emerged from the data collection process to address Research
Question 1: poor communication, lack of incentives, a system that does not work, and weak
enforcement mechanisms
Poor Communication
Interviewees spoke about how ineffective the government’s communication has been
regarding ENPs. Several participants mentioned they heard about nationalization initiatives but
that ENPs were never specifically discussed in school. Ali is a Qatari who began his career in the
public sector and switched to working for his family business. He stated that ENPs had no
impact on his job selection process because he was not well informed. He described the first time
he saw ENPs:
The first time I saw the word “nationalization” was for a Qatar Airways advert. We all
knew it's a nationwide strategy and that it’s something that was implemented as part of the
2030 Vision strategy to have more nationals in the private sector, but I never actually seen
it in text until Qatar Airways started their campaign.
Khadija, also a Qatari, is a recent graduate from a top university in Qatar and is currently
working in the public sector. She stated, “ENPs were never mentioned in high school and rarely
in college.” Although she was aware that the government setup an online portal where nationals
can apply for work, she felt it was easier for her to reach out to friends who worked in a ministry:
After I graduated, I was only cared about finding a job. I heard about “Qatarization” and
that the government is helping Qataris with finding jobs, but it was easier for me to ask
my friends to help me with getting a job. Most of the people I know found their job this
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way. I know there’s a system where you can apply for jobs online, but it wasn’t clear to
me how to find it. I wanted to work with people I know.
Both Ali and Khadija were aware of the existence of ENPs but had little information
about how they could benefit from them. Noor, who works for the ministry that oversees Qatar’s
ENPs strategy, explained that the online job application portal is called Kawader and is “very
easy” to use. She mentioned that Kawader is a system developed and implemented by the
government to provide nationals with an efficient way to apply for jobs. Noor said she used
Kawader to apply for 10 jobs and got four responses. She was surprised that people were having
a difficult time finding a job in Qatar:
It’s very easy here in Qatar if people are serious about working. All you have to do is just
say that you want to work in this place, and you just go and apply in the system. If the
people say it’s hard to work in Qatar, it’s just because they didn’t apply properly or are
lazy. It’s easy for them to work. It’s just what I said before. It’s just the communication.
Most participants referenced poor communication by the government as a reason ENPs
had no impact on their job selection process. Despite the efforts made by the ministry in which
Noor works, she understood there was a need for better communication: “I think there is a
misunderstanding between the people and the government and that maybe the communication
wasn’t clear.” According to Mo, a respected Qatari entrepreneur, the government could do a
better job in communicating efforts: “Just let us know what the end goal is. Develop a simple-to-
use website, and advertise it everywhere.” Mo further explained that the government seems to be
wasting valuable resources as their strategy has been ineffective in changing the status quo:
When visiting countries such as Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, you see nationals working in
all levels of society, but not in Qatar. You wouldn't see a Qatari taxi driver today,
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whereas you would have seen it 20 years ago. There are a lot of individuals in Qatar who
are all pursuing the same type of high-profile jobs. That worries me because the
economy, society can’t survive with a million managers. You need to have a hierarchy
structure. The government needs to find better ways to motivate nationals to work in
different industries.
Lack of Incentives
Most interviewees chose to work in the public sector. Those who work in the private
sector work either for themselves or their family businesses. Participants explained that they
prefer working in the public sector because it is much more attractive. According to the survey
data, 60% of respondents agreed that the public sector is more attractive to GCC nationals. The
public sector offers more flexibility and better pay. Lack of government incentives makes it
challenging to increase the number of nationals participating in the private sector. Mo explained
that human nature dictates that most individuals would choose the easy route: “Why wouldn’t
you take the job in the public sector if your alternative is to work in a private company and grind,
and grind, and grind for the same salary.” Rached supported this belief. He has been working for
an Emirati government organization for 6 years. He earned a bachelor’s degree in finance and
hoped to work in the private sector. When receiving job offers, he chose to work in the public
sector: “When I compared job offers, the private sector jobs paid half of what the public sector
jobs paid.” Layla further discussed the experience of receiving better offers from the public
sector:
When you go to school, you expect to graduate and find a job that pays well so that you
can live a good life. Here in the UAE, status is important, and having nice things is a way
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to show success. There’s no way I could do that with the salary from a private-sector job.
It’s also much easier finding a job in the public sector, and it pays a lot more.
Several female participants shared how their job selection was influenced by their
becoming mothers. Both the UAE and Qatar cultures value motherhood, and this is truer in
public sector organizations than in private sector organizations. When asked what made her
switch from the private sector to the public sector, Noor explained the importance of having
quality time with her children:
I used to work in the private sector. I enjoyed it very much; however, it wasn’t suitable
for a mother. The working hours were long, and the task would continue even after
working hours. In the public sector, I would still be very busy, but work would end at 2
pm. The public sector also offers longer maternity leaves without any salary reduction.
The private sector doesn’t support mothers as much.
Some participants also mentioned the flexibility of selecting vacation days as an
important factor in their job selection process. Public sector employees receive more vacation
days and flexibility in choosing when they go on vacation, including longer days off during the
two most important Islamic holidays: Eid al Fitr and Eid al Adha. Amina said that she loves her
work but also loves to travel:
Traveling is a big part of my life. Since I was a child, my parents would travel with us to
Europe, the U.S., and Asia. I love traveling. It feels so good to get out and come back
feeling fresh. There’s no way I could do that working in the private sector. I have friends
who I would love to travel with but can’t because their boss wouldn’t allow them to take
leave whenever they wanted. In the public sector, you are given more freedom to travel
when you want.
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Layla also spoke about how she prefers the shorter work hours in the public sector:
“Work isn’t the most important thing in my life. There are other things that I like doing.” Khaled
discussed how the government should be doing more to motivate nationals to take on private
sector work:
If the government is serious about wanting more nationals in the private sector, then help
support nationals more. It’s human nature to want a higher-paying job. Not many people
would want to work longer hours for less money. Expats even say how lucky we are as
nationals to be able to get these types of jobs.
The System Does Not Work
Participants spoke about their mistrust of online job portals and how ineffective they are.
Although GCC governments developed these systems to support nationals seeking employment,
the systems lack efficiency and are filled with errors. Mansoor discussed his experience with
using Kawader, Qatar’s online employment website, to search for work:
The system looks good, but it just doesn’t work well. I heard about it through my cousin
and decided to test it to apply for jobs. I followed the instructions and was excited about
jobs I would be offered. A few days later, I was completely shocked. Some of the offers I
got were for driver positions for companies. I showed my dad, and we laughed. The
system doesn’t really work, and I can tell you that I’m not the only one who had this
experience when using the system.
While Mansoor described his experience using Kawader, other participants pointed to the
difficulty in finding and using it and how they hoped for an easier-to-use system. Mo spoke
about how the system was not as easy as the government assumes it does:
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Kawader was just recently put in place. I had no clue what it was called at first. I finally
found it on Hukoomi, our online government services portal. When I clicked the link, it
didn’t load. After a few minutes I finally got to it. You create your CV, upload it, and job
offers pop up. I honestly don’t see this system as the answer to increasing the number of
Qataris working in the private sector. Many of the available jobs I saw were in the public
sector, and the ones that weren’t had ridiculous salaries.
Although GCC governments are trying their best to put the right mechanisms in place, initiatives
like Kawader will face many challenges without proper enforcement.
Weak Enforcement Mechanisms
Interviewees voiced concerns over the enforcement of ENPs. They felt a sense of mistrust
towards their government’s efforts as not much data regarding the effectiveness of ENPs is made
available to the public. Amina described how she found it strange that no information on the
effectiveness of the policies has been provided to the public:
I hear the government mentioning Emiratization all of the time. There are career fairs
where you can go and learn about the companies that are searching for locals, but there
are many people competing for jobs. There are also a few websites where nationals can
apply for jobs, but it’s rare to hear someone say, “I found my job by using a website.” I
don’t know many Emiratis not working in the government sector, and that makes it hard
for me to believe that it's easy for us to find jobs in the private sector.
Amina described what many of the participants expressed, which is that ENPs have had
little or no effect on their job selection process. Despite GCC governments’ efforts to increase
nationals’ participation in the private sector, most participants still felt it is challenging for
nationals to enter the private sector. Eighty-nine percent of survey respondents agreed that GCC
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nationals often face challenges when applying for private sector work. Stereotypes about
nationals and their work ethic were a challenge that many participants experienced when
applying for jobs in the private sector. Mo experienced this challenge when he first applied for a
job in a bank:
Most of the private companies are managed and run by non-nationals. For them, the aim
is to hire the most qualified individuals, yet when they see a Qatari applying, they
automatically assume that he’s not qualified. When I first applied for a job, I had to get
my dad involved. I finally got an interview after several months. During the interview,
the manager kept telling me how I was different than the “typical Qatari.” I was lucky to
be hired, but I’ve seen many resumes pushed aside. It sucks that people have these
stereotypes about us and don’t even give us a chance.
Weak enforcement mechanisms lead to poor accountability in private sector
organizations as it pertains to the recruitment of nationals. Ali spoke about how the organization
in which he previously worked took advantage of a loophole in the country’s recruitment system:
There were loopholes with semi-governmental entities. I’m not going to mention their
names but have the same CEO right now. A lot of the consultants and a lot of the expats
that are now working in one are on the contracts of the other entity. Some loophole that
they found out that because they have a lot of international offices, they can hire them
through the international offices, get them on business visas, and keep them in Qatar
working. Those are the types of loopholes that should definitely be challenged and
looked at.
Mansoor explained that he had doubts regarding the efficiency of ENPs:
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I don’t think the current Qatarization strategy is working as well as the government
hoped. They’re doing a great job in training and educating Qataris, but when you look at
the amount of Qataris working in the public sector versus how many are working in the
private sector, not much has changed. Qataris hire Qataris and expats hire expats. This is
what the government needs to change.
Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question 2
Four major themes emerged from Research Question 2: the expense involved in hiring
nationals, forced quotas, a sense of entitlement, and diversity issues.
Nationals Are Expensive
Interview participants discussed that nationals’ salary expectations and the minimum
salary requirements of GCC nationals make it challenging for private sector organizations to hire
them. Mo stated that as a business owner, “I can’t afford to hire nationals because it’s just too
expensive.” Another participant, Najla, owns a jewelry business and explained the challenges of
recruiting nationals in greater detail:
It's expensive to run a business in Abu Dhabi. The rent is expensive. The fit out is
expensive. When it was time for me to recruit employees, the last thing I wanted was
spend money on salaries. I needed a qualified team, and non-nationals are more
affordable. My business would not succeed if I hired nationals because of their minimum
salary requirement.
The ENPs are having a hard time achieving their goals because they have not addressed the
salary imbalance between nationals and non-nationals. Ali spoke about running his family
business and how frustrating it is for a Qatari company not to be able to employ Qataris:
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After leaving the public sector and moving into the family business, I felt happier
because I was my own boss. I knew how much I had to offer, yet I was never given an
opportunity to shine. The organization I used to work for did not truly appreciate Qatari
employees. They trusted Europeans and Americans more. When I was put in charge, I
wanted to bring Qataris into my business, and although I hired a few and wanted to hire
more, it makes no financial sense to especially when I can hire a qualified Asian for half
of the Qatari’s salary.
Participants spoke about ways in which the government could solve this issue. Most
public sector organizations offer incentives in the form of bonuses to their employees. Mansoor
found that giving bonuses to most government employees was counterproductive: “The whole
point of being a government employee is to serve your country, so why should you be paid
bonuses for doing your job?” Amina also spoke about the importance of addressing the salary
imbalance for ENPs to succeed:
As Emiratis, we are blessed as the government takes good care of us. Everyone wants to
work in the public sector because the salaries are so good. If the government wants more
nationals to work in the private sector, why don’t they remove some of the bonuses they
offer employees and give that money to private companies that hire nationals? We aren’t
that many, and it would help motivate companies to hire nationals.
Forced Quotas
Although participants believed that nationals should be prioritized for recruitment,
several interview participants expressed that quotas should not simply be forced onto
organizations but rather the government should help private organizations recruit nationals. Mo
spoke about one experience where he was forced to replace an expat employee with a national:
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I remember again one organization I worked for. Because of the categorization we were
in, we were forced to hire a Qatari secretary and had to replace our existing secretary. I
think she was from Syria, and she was fantastic at her job. My argument was okay, let's
find the replacement and then swap over the role. They refused and said that we cannot
continue to have this person in that role, so we ended up having no secretary for six
months. That’s an example of how I think it’s the wrong way of doing it. You’re not only
ruining a person’s livelihood but also affecting a business.
Participants stated forced quotas hurt businesses rather than help nationals. Rached explained
that penalizing small businesses for not meeting employment quotas was unfair:
A friend of mine moved from the UK and now lives in the UAE. He opened a car repair
business and was told by the government that he needs to hire several UAE nationals or
pay a fine. I don’t know a single UAE national that would accept to work in a repair
shop. Nationals either run their own businesses, work in the government, or work for a
large company. The government knows this, and it makes us look bad.
Najla explained how she met with someone at the ministry to explain why she had no UAE
nationals as employees:
My family is well connected, and that helped me get a meeting with a person who was
high in the ministry. I told him that I am being asked to hire nationals and that I might be
penalized if I don’t. I asked him: “Do you know of any nationals who would accept a
salary of a few thousand dirhams to work in a jewelry shop?” They force quotas on
people without thinking.
Noor also said that the government penalizes organizations that reject nationals but did not see it
as an issue: “There are specific penalties for the entity if the person didn’t get the job that they
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wanted. What more can they ask for?” Although penalizing entities not willing to hire nationals
is a valid strategy, according to Rached: “The way in which the GCC governments are forcing
quotas is doing more harm than good.”
A Sense of Entitlement
A sense of entitlement refers to personalities and characters based on the belief that an
individual or group of people deserves special treatment and recognition. Participants explained
ENPs created a sense of entitlement among some nationals. Mo said he supports nationalization
efforts, but it makes it harder for nationals to be employed by the private sector: “Qatarization
should be about developing locals to be the best they can be and not giving them that ego that
they are entitled.” Noor also discussed this sense of entitlement in some nationals:
I believe that people are lazy, and they apply in one place and say, “I’m Qatari.” They’re
super entitled, and from what I’m seeing, the government is doing their best. To be
honest, I’ve seen the work our government leaders are putting in and I think it’s not fair
how we’re being betrayed by a specific group of people.
Layla expressed that nationals should be prioritized when recruiting people in the UAE:
If I applied for work and an expat took the job that I wanted, it would make me angry.
What if I went to the US and I took the job of an American? That wouldn’t be fair. I
shouldn’t have to compete with someone who is not Emirati. Nationals should be
prioritized over others. Where else would we work?
Although 82% of survey respondents believe that non-nationals play a significant role in
their country’s future, 91% also believe that their country should become less dependent on
foreign workers. The results help explain this sense of entitlement expressed by some nationals.
Mansoor spoke about this in greater detail when describing the current generation of nationals:
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Back in the days, we needed the help of foreigners because our population was missing a
lot of skills and experience. You had new industries popping up, and no one had the
experience, but today we are more educated. We have people who can fill positions not
just in the public sector but also in the private sector. I don’t mind expats working in high
positions, especially if they are more experienced, but what happens is that many locals
see expats in high-level positions being paid very high salaries that are less qualified than
some nationals and don’t feel it’s fair. They resent that. They feel that these positions
should be reserved for nationals.
Some participants explained the implementation strategy employed by the government
regarding ENPs leads to a fear in private organizations to hire nationals. Khaled said it is
difficult for private organizations to fire nationals:
A lot of us work hard, have college degrees, and want to do our best. But you have those
who are not qualified or who are lazy. Those are the ones who are destroying our image.
They are hired by a company and don’t put in the effort. It’s also difficult for private
organizations to fire nationals here in the UAE as it’s a complicated process. Some
organizations got in trouble when they did because the person they fired went to a person
they knew in the government and complained.
Ali said some nationals used social media as a tool for public support when being fired by a
private organization:
People in our society love to complain. If something doesn’t go their way, they just want
to scream and shout and blame everyone. Some people even go on the radio or use social
media to degrade organizations that fired them. They say that they’re anti-Qatari, and
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how could an expat be allowed to fire them. Expats don’t want to hire Qataris because
they’re afraid of what would happen to them if they fired them.
Participants explained that the current strategy used by GCC governments in enforcing
quotas on private sector organizations does not help solve the problem of low participation of
nationals in private sector employment, as some private sector organizations found ways of
cheating the system. Rached said, “To look good on paper, some companies hire Emiratis and
give them a small salary, but they’re not actually working. They just use them to fill quotas.” Mo
stated that his previous organization left him on their list of active employees for months even
after he had left the organization:
One of the things we heard was that Qatarization imposed certain minimum percentage of
employees being Qatari, and it really did put a lot of pressure on the businesses because
they were panicking, and they were basically more focused on filling the quota than
finding the right people that would benefit their business. I know some businesses
because they had that quota applied, they were trying to figure out any loophole to have a
headcount considered, you know Qatari, so that they can hit that number or hit that
percentage to the point where I remember when I left my company, they actually left my
name on the list of employees, for a good couple of months, just so that their number
wasn't affected. It affected me personally because, obviously, I didn't want to be marked
as having multiple jobs, which is illegal.
Issues in Diversity
Participants valued diversity in the workplace and considered it an important factor in
organizational performance. Interview participants emphasized the importance of diversity in the
workplace. Noor stated, “Diversity is very important. You wouldn’t learn anything without
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diversity. Diversity allows people to view things from different perspectives.” For Ali: “You
need diversity to create intercultural understanding. In the end, it creates tolerance, it creates
acceptance, and it creates understanding with one another.” The survey results also reflected
valuing diversity, as 83% of respondents felt comfortable working with people from different
cultural backgrounds. Mo understood the importance of diversity to an organization and spoke
about how diverse his team of employees is:
In my company, most of my staff are women. It was a conscious decision and didn’t just
happen. With regards to their nationality, they come from all over the world. Korea,
Germany, Pakistan, India, Canada, Philippines. We got all the nationalities you can think
of. It’s a beautiful thing. All of them are contributing to our country’s mission.
Interviewees explained that although the GCC is diverse, there still exist issues in
diversity when looking at how divided the labor market is. Amina said the public sector is mostly
comprised of nationals:
To work in the public sector, you must be a citizen. It’s not easy for anyone to become a
citizen, so the public sector is diverse from a gender perspective but not from a
nationality perspective. I do want to see more diversity, but hiring a non-national is
usually not allowed.
Khadija shared a similar experience: “I knew a few expats that were searching for a job, and they
were perfect for the project I was working on at the time. When I asked HR if I could hire them,
they told me only Qataris.” The homogeneous nature of the public sector was a concern voiced
by many other participants.
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Participants understood the positive influence that diversity has on organizational
performance. Mansoor spoke about the lack of diversity in public sector organizations made it
more challenging to modernize the work culture:
In the public sector, your bosses are nationals. Your coworkers are nationals. Almost all
non-nationals are what we call tea boys or Mandoobs. The tea boys serve you drinks and
food. The Mandoobs are kind of like messengers. They are usually from countries like
India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, or Pakistan. You rarely see other nationalities.
When you work with people who all come from a similar cultural background, nothing
changes. Things are done the same way they were done for years, and introducing new
ideas is difficult. People just tend to agree with the boss, and there’s not much room for
innovation.
Amina said that local customs create a distant interaction between men and women in public
sector organizations:
Our culture is traditional, and some locals don’t feel comfortable interacting with people
from the opposite sex. In my organization, men often hang out with men, and women
hang out with women. Some men don’t shake a woman’s hand, and some women don’t
shake a man’s hand out of respect. Not everyone is like this. This isn’t true in private
organizations because it’s more of an international work environment, and I think that’s a
reason why some nationals don’t want to work in the private sector.
Several participants discussed that having a public sector being dominated by nationals
leads to challenges nationals face when applying for jobs in the private sector. Mo experienced
this firsthand in several discussions he had with his expat friends:
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When I speak to expats, they feel that they have no choice but to work in the private
sector. They see that most nationals work in the public sector, and that’s true, so they feel
that it’s only fair for them to help other expats to find a job in the private sector. This is
wrong and makes it difficult for nationals to be hired as they are discriminated against.
They feel that nationals can always find a job in the government.
Ali spoke about employees who share the same nationality tending to group together:
There are cliques in every organization. They stick together and help each other out. They
also hire people from the same nationality. They use it as a protective mechanism. You
see it with Europeans just as much as you see it with Indians. I saw this happen many
times in my previous organization, and that’s why it’s difficult for Qataris to be
employed there.
Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question 3
Four major themes emerged from Research Question 3: family obligations, Islam, wasta,
and prestige.
Family Obligations
Family is at the heart of the GCC’s culture. Many participants mentioned public sector
organizations reflect these values more than private-sector organizations. Participants described
that family obligations sometimes get in the way of work. Layla explained her parents expect her
home at a certain hour:
Every day I leave home at the same time and come back at the same time. I have lunch
with my family, and then we hang out. Family and friends come over, or we go visit
them. This is our life. My parents didn’t want me to work in a company that didn’t have
specific work hours. I wouldn’t want that either.
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Rached mentioned social obligations are important when it comes to a person’s career success:
Relationships are important. You have your family, your coworkers, and your friends. In
our culture, you dedicate a lot of time for others, whether it’s going to a majlis or inviting
people for dinner. The Arab culture focuses on family. You also have weddings and
funerals that you have to attend. This is besides the time you spend with your direct
family. It’s much easier doing these things when you work for the government.
Female participants spoke about the importance of being a mother and said the public
sector is more attractive for mothers. Noor mentioned, “There are more candidates of mothers in
the public sector because they don’t remove benefits.” When discussing motherhood, Najla
spoke about pressures brought on by her family:
I like to design jewelry, and that’s why I chose to start my own business. It’s a lot harder
now since being a new mother, but it’s my passion. My mother wants me to focus on my
family and keeps telling me to sell my business and work in the public sector so that I can
have more time at home. That’s her mentality. You have more flexibility and time off in
the public sector, but I love being an entrepreneur.
In addition, individuals discussed that HRM practices in public sector organizations are more
aligned with this value. Ali explained that public sector organizations’ culture is built on the
local culture’s values and beliefs: “Qatari organizations’ work culture is directly linked with our
own culture. You have social allowances. You get time off when you get married. You get time
off when you have a child.” Khadija spoke about not needing to explain leaving work for family
emergencies:
If something happens at home, you can just leave and not worry about getting in trouble.
A few months ago, my husband was sick, and I wanted to be home and take care of him. I
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took a week off and called my boss. He told me not to worry and to come back to work
when my husband felt better. I wouldn’t be able to do that working for a private
company. Our culture is about family, and in the public sector, organizations are created
around our culture.
Islam
Islam and its influence can be felt and witnessed throughout the GCC. Islam is the central
pillar of people’s lives. In Islam, Ramadan is the holiest month of the year. Muslims fast from
sunrise to sunset and dedicate most of their time to their faith. In the public sector, work hours
are minimized, workload decreases, and employees have longer vacation days at the end of the
month to celebrate Eid Al Fitr. The influence of the local culture, including religion, can be
witnessed throughout an entire organization. Interviewees highlighted that it was easier for them
to fast when working in a public-sector organization. Khaled compared the different
environments between working in a public sector organization versus a private sector
organization during the month of Ramadan:
When you’re fasting, you don’t have as much energy. You are tired, and it just gets
harder as the days pass. I worked for a private organization for about a year, and most of
my coworkers were eating and drinking around me. Of course, they have the right to. It
just gets hard when you’re hungry and thirsty to see someone next to you eating. You
don’t have that in the public sector because most people are fasting and sharing the same
experience. It makes things easier and less awkward.
Two participants spoke about needing to feel comfortable and not having to interact with
as many people during Ramadan. Amina explained that she chooses not to wear makeup during
Ramadan and that she would not feel comfortable being in close contact with male coworkers:
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During Ramadan, I don’t wear makeup. It’s also the only time I cover my face at work. I
come from a pretty traditional family, and they are more comfortable with me working
with other Emiratis. I don’t think they would be as comfortable if I was working in a
different environment. People become more religious during Ramadan, and they act
different.
Layla said her current work environment makes her feel more comfortable being herself:
I like to wear pajamas during Ramadan. You also don’t really interact with men because
you’re not really supposed to. I hang out with the other girls in my department, and we
just talk. Not much work gets done during that month, and it’s funny how people are
more traditional. I feel comfortable here because no one looks at you strange for wearing
pajamas. A lot of the other girls I work with wear pajamas too.
Participants also said that being Muslim was a factor for preferring public sector work.
Mo spoke about his experience working for a private organization and said it was frustrating to
be one of the few Qataris working there and having to constantly answer questions about his
religion:
We are already so few Qataris, and when you’re working in a company, a lot of the
employees haven’t really gotten to know a local. I love answering questions, but there are
always these few individuals who love to argue and ask you stupid questions. They’re so
ignorant, and I can’t stand it. I want them to understand what our religion is about, but
they just want to believe what they want to believe. I always respond by telling them how
important our religion is and if they don’t like they can decide to go back home. When I
visit another country, I respect their culture. Why should it be any different here?
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Mansoor explained that many nationals naturally prefer working in an environment that
resembles their social environment:
We live in a modern but traditional society. Qatar is an amazing country, but we still are
a Muslim country. This isn’t something bad, but it’s like anywhere else in the world.
People like working in an environment that they understand and recognize. Many parents
want their children working in the public sector because it’s, how do I say it, it’s more
respectable. You don’t have to worry about people acting in ways that go against our
religion. Some people worry that their children get corrupted working for expats.
Wasta
Wasta is a cultural practice that is commonly used in the GCC recruitment process.
Although it might seem like an unfair practice to some, many participants described it as inherent
to their culture. When talking about the recruitment process, Noor said, “I think the recruitment
process is fair. It’s normal that, if you know the CEO of a company, to ask him to help you get a
job. This doesn’t just happen in Qatar.” Ali explained why wasta is so important in the GCC’s
culture:
I don’t see anything wrong with using wasta to get things done. It’s just how it works
here. Everyone wants to get ahead, and you do that by tapping into your network. Most
people use wasta to find a job. You ask your family to call someone and help you get a
job. You use it to help your business grow. It’s all about relationships. Expats seem to
think it’s corruption, but I ask them, “How many times did you ask someone for a favor?”
That’s wasta.
Although participants mostly described the use of this cultural practice as acceptable, a
seven of the participants found that it often leads to wrong decisions. Rached explained that
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using wasta can sometimes lead to hiring unqualified employees: “The problem is not that it’s
used. The problem is that people use it unfairly to get a certain position.” Mo went into greater
detail as to how the use of wasta is abused:
You see a lot of people that just graduated and expect to be a manager. Some come into
an organization, and after a few months, they are promoted because they know the person
at the top. I don’t think this is fair, especially when others have been working in the same
position for years. This happens a lot in government organizations. A person has a higher
title, and it’s the others doing all of the work.
Najla stated people are sometimes forced to hire people through the misuse of wasta:
I know of instances where a person working in an organization is asked to hire an
individual because they are related to someone working there. It’s ok if they are qualified,
but not if they don’t have any experience. This is why ministries are full of people who
are all doing the same job. You then go to these ministries, and no one does their job
properly. Everyone is on their phones and telling you to wait. I’m happy that I have my
own business.
The use of wasta in nationals’ job selection process plays a significant role in why there
remains so much division in the labor market. The use of this cultural practice has made it easier
for nationals to be hired by public sector organizations rather than private sector organizations,
where it is less used. Layla applied for a job by asking her friends: “I asked my friends to help
me get a job because I knew they would do their best. It’s not that easy to go from place to place
and ask for a job.” Layla was not the only participant who shared this belief. Mo described how
nationals usually apply for a job:
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Our culture revolves around relationships. When most of your friends and family work in
the public sector, obviously, when you ask them for help in finding a job, they’ll help you
find a job in a similar place. Most of the Qataris I know don’t work in the private sector.
More and more Qataris are working in the public sector because they have easier access
and better opportunities.
Prestige
Participants discussed the importance of success and working for a respectable
organization. The word “prestige” appeared in many of the interview transcripts. They explained
that government organizations run by influential locals are more desirable than private
organizations. The GCC’s culture views working for the government as prestigious. Mansoor
said that when he was growing up, all his parents wanted for him was to graduate with a college
degree and work for a prestigious government organization:
All my dad spoke to me about was how much he wished that I would work in a ministry
and become close to the minister. We didn’t have many large private organizations at the
time, and everyone who was someone was working for the government. That’s the way
our culture is. Even though part of me wanted to be different, I also wanted to make my
parents proud. This is not just their mentality but a lot of parents’ mentality.
Mo said the local culture is beginning to appreciate entrepreneurs but that it still values people
who work in government organizations:
I chose to become an entrepreneur because I wanted to be my own boss. I grew up seeing
successful business owners and wanted to be just like them. I did work in the public
sector, but it just wasn’t for me. You see more locals today owning their own business,
but they still want that prestigious government job. It’s a form of validation.
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Ali spoke about how people equate working in the public sector to achieving success:
Most people want to work for the government because it makes life easier. People respect
you more, and in a way, you can benefit them more. When I worked for my previous
organization, people always called me and asked for favors. We all try to benefit from
our friends’ positions. Now that I work for my family business, I don’t get as many
people calling for favors. I’m happier, but you do feel like you lost a sense of prestige not
working for the government.
Two participants also discussed in detail how the media had not done enough to
showcase the importance of working in the private sector. Najla explained that she wished to see
more success stories about young entrepreneurs: “Most of the news you read and see on TV is
about what the government is doing. You don’t see much about entrepreneurs. We should hear
more about those stories.” Khadija described that women working in government are spoken
about more than women who run a business:
More and more women are working these days than ever before. People talk about how
this woman is heading a ministry or how this woman is working in this ministry. What
about the women who are working for themselves? We can’t all just focus on one group
of people just because we think it’s more prestigious. I didn’t work in the public sector
because I wanted prestige. It was just my choice. The local media is outdated and should
do more to showcase what people are doing outside of the government.
Summary
Interview participants shared their experiences during their job selection decision-making
process and the impact ENPs had in that process. They also spoke about challenges that need to
be addressed for ENPs to achieve their intended goals. They explained the lack of government
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incentives along with barriers, which made it difficult for nationals to enter the private sector.
Factors like weak enforcement of ENPs and the local culture’s influence on an individual’s job
selection process have maintained a fragmented labor market where GCC nationals dominate the
public sector and expatriates dominate the private sector.
Lack of communication by the government regarding nationalization efforts created
confusion and mistrust among participants on the effectiveness of ENPs. Participants felt unsure
about how ENPs can benefit them in seeking employment and believed that GCC governments
withhold information from the public on the effectiveness of ENPs. For the government to
succeed in its effort, participants expressed the need to include the public in these efforts so that
their feedback could help the government improve the online job portals.
Interview participants also described that there was a need for society to change people’s
perceptions about working in the private sector. They discussed that prestige played a role in
nationals’ employment preference and the need for the media to communicate more success
stories about entrepreneurs.
The results from the survey supported the interview results. The majority of survey
respondents worked in the public sector and felt that ENPs had no impact on their job selection
decision-making process. Many felt that they were not well informed about ENPs and that more
effective communication by the government was needed. Survey results highlighted the
importance of financial incentives. Most described financial incentives as the predominant
influence in selecting their jobs. Survey results also demonstrated that many respondents blamed
the lack of incentives for ENPs’ failure to motivate nationals to work in the private sector.
Finally, survey results showed that participants valued their local cultural beliefs and traditions
and preferred a work environment similar to their social one.
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The survey results and the findings from the interviews support my original insights as
they prove that ENPs need more work to achieve their goals. Despite GCC governments’ efforts
to bridge the gap between the public and private sectors, there are challenges to achieving that
goal. The GCC governments have been ineffective in communicating the need for change to
their citizens and failed to properly motivate private sector organizations to support the
implementation of ENPs.

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Chapter Five: Discussion of Findings
The rapid economic growth experienced by the six GCC countries led to a significant
increase in their populations. The population rise was the direct consequence of immigration
policies that aimed to attract many foreigners to meet new labor market demands. Although GCC
nationals lacked the skills and the knowledge to fill these positions early on, this is no longer true
today. The ever-increasing number of young, educated GCC nationals entering the workforce
and the presence of a large number of foreigners created equality and diversity issues within the
GCC labor markets that could no longer be ignored. To address these issues, GCC governments
implemented ENPs to increase their citizens’ participation in the private sector. Despite these
efforts, GCC governments face many challenges in achieving ENPs intended goals. Most GCC
nationals prefer working in the public sector due to the more attractive work hours, salaries, and
environment. Also, GCC nationals interested in working in the private sector still encounter
barriers that are difficult to overcome (Al-Mutairi et al., 2019). To better understand the problem,
this study explored participants’ perceptions of the efficiency of ENPs at increasing the level of
GCC nationals’ participation in the private sector.
Overview of Study
This explorative study focused on investigating Qatari and Emirati perceptions of ENPs.
The study used social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986) as the theoretical framework to
investigate how triadic reciprocity impacted GCC nationals’ job selection decision-making
process. Due to certain limitations, the study focused on only two GCC countries. Qataris and
Emiratis between the ages of 18 and 30 were the focus of this research. Using one-on-one
interviews and an online survey, the study explored nationals’ perceptions of the efficiency of
ENPs in achieving their intended goals. The study’s goal was to provide possible solutions that
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could help GCC governments’ employment nationalization efforts. Three research questions
guided this study:
1. How do current ENPs impact an individuals’ job selection behavior?
2. What divisions do ENPs create in the local job market?
3. To what extent does the local culture influence an individual’s career choice?
Discussion of Findings
The research findings emerged from analysis through the social cognitive theoretical
framework by examining how the interaction among people, behavior, and the environment
influenced individuals’ job selection decision-making process. The theoretical framework helped
understand the influence of perceptions of GCC nationals of ENPs on their job selection
behavior.
Research Question 1 focused on examining the impact of ENPs on GCC nationals’ job
selection behavior. Four themes emerged. The first was poor communication by the governments
regarding ENPs. Only 13% of survey respondents believed their government’s communication
strategy regarding ENPs was effective. Interviewees felt they were not well informed about the
objective of ENPs and discussed that other than hearing the words “Qatarization” or
“Emiratization,” they found it difficult to benefit from ENPs. Participants expressed that ENPs
were never discussed in school and that when it came time to begin their professional careers,
ENPs had no impact. This feeling is supported by the survey results in that 74% answered that
ENPs had no impact on their job selection process. Participants believed that without effective
communication strategies, ENPs would not achieve their goals. This finding is consistent with
the literature on GCC governments poorly communicating their workforce nationalization
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initiatives. Randeree (2009) explained that more effective communication from the UAE’s
Ministry of Labor was needed to inform the public on ENPs targets and policies.
The second theme focused on the lack of incentives for nationals to join the private
sector. Interviewees felt the private sector is more attractive to nationals as it provides better
incentives such as fewer work hours, longer vacation days, and higher salaries. When asked what
influenced their job choice, 59% of survey respondents answered better incentives. Interviewees
felt that ENPs failed to incentivize nationals to join the private sector as they did not address the
salary imbalance between the sectors. Some participants said motherhood was a factor in their
preference for the private as it provided them with longer maternity leave without penalizing
their salary. This finding is consistent with the literature on the lack of incentives for GCC
nationals to join the private sector. According to Elbanna (2021), motivating nationals to seek
jobs in the private sector requires policymakers to develop more holistic approaches to this
problem.
The third theme was participants’ frustration with using the systems put in place.
Participants explained that online job search portals were difficult to use. They described these
sites as difficult to find and as providing disappointing results. When asked how they searched
for jobs, most said they either worked for themselves or used their social networks to help them.
This finding supports the hypothesis that strategies implemented by GCC governments in
helping nationals seek employment are ineffective.
Finally, the fourth theme was weak enforcement mechanisms. Eighty-eight percent of
survey respondents agreed that it was challenging for nationals to find employment in the private
sector. Interviewees used examples of private organizations taking advantage of loopholes in the
system to hire expats, of expats in private organizations hiring people of the same nationality,
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and of negative stereotypes about nationals making private organizations reluctant to hire them.
This finding is consistent with other research on the need for strong enforcement mechanisms for
ENPs to achieve their goals. Hodgson and Hanson (2014) explained that enforcing ENPs has
been difficult because GCC governments do not want to anger multinational corporations doing
business in their country.
Research Question 2 focused on the division that current ENPs created in the local labor
markets. The first theme was that nationals are expensive to hire. Participants explained that
private organizations, especially small businesses, cannot afford to hire nationals as they fail to
meet their salary expectations. When asked what would motivate nationals to take on private
sector work, 40% of survey respondents answered, “better incentive policies for nationals.”
Interviewees who are business owners expressed that despite their desire to hire nationals, the
minimum salary regulations for nationals limit their ability to do so. Past research supports this
finding. Randeree (2009) discussed that when private organizations in the UAE identify qualified
nationals, they often try to negotiate salaries that far exceed those offered to expatriates.
The second theme was forced quotas. Although participants agreed that quotas are
needed to motivate private organizations to hire nationals, they disagreed with current
enforcement strategies. Participants explained that not all businesses should be penalized for not
recruiting nationals as nationals are not interested in specific job positions. They said that forcing
private organizations to meet specific national employment targets is ineffective as it hurts
businesses. In an open-ended question, several survey respondents expressed that quotas do not
increase the desire of private sector organizations to hire nationals. This finding is consistent
with the literature on how ineffective quotas are in increasing the participation of nationals in the
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private sector. Forstenlecher (2008) explained that some private organizations went as far as
using ghost workers to prove to the government that they had nationals in their workforces.
The third theme included a sense of entitlement among nationals. Interviewees stated that
some nationals felt entitled when applying for work, creating challenges for hard-working
nationals who want to work in the private sector. When asked if nationals and non-nationals
should have equal work opportunities, 85% of survey respondents felt that nationals should be
prioritized. Interviewees used examples of unqualified nationals occupying certain positions,
laziness, and arrogance to describe how entitled nationals make private sector organizations
reluctant to hire nationals. Interviewees also said government policies make it difficult for
private organizations to fire nationals who do not perform at work, leading to private
organizations’ reluctance to hire nationals. This finding is consistent with existing research on
nationals feeling more entitled to employment opportunities than expatriates. Due to the political,
social, and economic rights that nationals have over non-nationals, they are a privileged and
powerful minority (Waxin et al., 2020).
The fourth theme regarding how ENPs create a divided labor market was diversity issues.
Although interviewees and 91% of survey respondents valued diversity in the workplace, they
believed that ENPs had little effect on lessening the current division in the GCC labor markets.
They explained that it is difficult for non-nationals to seek employment in the public sector, as it
is mostly reserved for nationals. The consequence of this reality is that non-nationals protect
their interests and prefer hiring people who share a similar cultural background. Participants said
that people who share similar nationalities tend to stick together, and it becomes challenging for
nationals to enter the private sector. According to participants, ENPs increase issues in diversity
as they only strengthen the belief that the public sector is for nationals and the private sector is
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for expatriates. This finding supports research on GCC ENPs failing to create less divided labor
markets.
Research Question 3 focused on the local culture’s influence on individuals’ career
choices. Four themes emerged from the data analysis. The first theme explored the importance of
family in participants’ lives. Participants described that family is at the center of local cultural
values and that meeting family obligations occupies a large part of their time. They explained
that the public sector is more attractive for them as it provides them with more time and financial
benefits to better support their families. This finding is consistent with existing research on the
importance of family in the GCC’s culture.
The second theme that emerged from the interviews was the influence of Islam on
individuals’ career choices. Interviewees discussed that being Muslim was easier when working
in the public sector, as the work environment valued their cultural values and beliefs. This is
supported by the survey results, where 67% of respondents agreed that it is more comfortable for
them to work in an environment that is similar to their own culture. Participants often discussed
Ramadan and fasting. Some explained governmental organizations were easier and more
comfortable wot work in during the month of Ramadan. The traditional culture of the GCC and
the desire to be a good Muslim influenced some participants’ decision-making in their job
selection process. Participants felt that private-sector organizations’ work environments were
“less acceptable” than that those of public-sector organizations. This finding is consistent with
other research on the role of Islam in GCC nationals’ career choices. For example, Harry (2007)
indicated there is less shame attached to women working in the public sector, as it does force
them to work in mixed-gender environments.
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The third theme was the use of wasta as a cultural practice in individuals’ job selection
process. Asking family or friends for employment was the most common strategy GCC nationals
use in their job selection process. This is supported by the survey results, where 88% of
respondents felt it was easier for them to join the public sector. Although the use of wasta is
acceptable in the recruitment process, participants expressed that it is often abused by HR
managers and increases inequality for both national and expatriate job seekers. Some examples
used were expatriates looking after only each other’s interests by hiring people of the same
nationality and unqualified nationals occupying high-paying positions in organizations. The use
of wasta does little to change the segmented characteristics of the GCC labor markets as it is
commonly used by GCC nationals seeking employment in the public sector. This finding is
consistent with the literature on how the use of wasta in the GCC leads to unequal employment
opportunities. In a recent study, Ali and Weir (2020) discussed that many participants viewed the
negative use of wasta in HRM practices as unjust, corrupt, and going against Islamic values.
Prestige was the final theme on the influence of the local culture on an individual’s career
choice. The interviewees said nationals perceived public-sector work as more prestigious than
private-sector work. Participants described it was easier for nationals to achieve success when
working in a public sector organization as it provided them access to important decision-makers.
The lack of success stories about local entrepreneurs in the media was a concern voiced by
several participants who mentioned that the media play a significant role in shaping the belief
that the public sector is more prestigious than private-sector work. This finding is consistent with
the research on why GCC nationals prefer public sector work. A study by Harry (2007) on
employment creation in the GCC explained that GCC nationals choose to work in the public
sector as that is where power is concentrated.
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Implications of the Study
The findings from this study may help GCC governments become more aware of the
challenges facing ENPs in achieving their intended goals. Governments have a responsibility to
create a sustainable economy that remains competitive. Achieving that goal will be challenging if
they do not successfully address the existing division in their labor markets. Even though GCC
governments have reformed and significantly improved their education systems, more effort
needs to be made to put the right support mechanisms in place to motivate the private sector to
employ GCC nationals. Overall, GCC governments, educational institutions, and private sector
organizations need to work together to develop more efficient ENPs to solve the problem of the
low participation of GCC nationals in the private sector. Private organizations have a
responsibility to GCC nationals to create more equal employment opportunities for them. In
addition, the media and the local communities have a responsibility to their people to promote
success stories of GCC entrepreneurs and GCC nationals working in the private sector.
Recommendations for Practice
Based on the findings and results of this study, I used the ADKAR model for change
management to develop recommendations that could provide GCC governments with possible
solutions to develop more effective ENPs. Figure 4 illustrates a diagram of the ADKAR model.
Hiatt (2006) developed the ADKAR model, which stands for awareness, desire, knowledge,
ability, and reinforcement. The model provides organizations with a simple and clear roadmap to
implement complex changes at an individual level (Gilani et al., 2017). ADKAR was chosen
because recommendations need to change individuals’ behavior. By exploring people’s
perceptions of ENPs through the lens of Albert Bandura’s SCT theoretical framework, I was
provided with a deeper understanding of individuals’ behavior during their job selection process
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and recruitment process. Recommendations are developed using the ADKAR model as they need
to affect behavioral change on an individual level. The ADKAR model is a relevant change
model to this study as it is focused on the individual. provide a solution to this problem as ENPs’
goals are specifically targeted towards changing the job selection behavior of individuals. For
ENPs to achieve their goals, they need to change nationals’ current job selection behavior by
motivating them to seek employment in the private sector. ENPs also need to change the
behavior of decision-makers at private organizations by motivating them to recruit nationals
(Hodgson & Hanson, 2014). By following each stage of the ADKAR model, I suggest
recommendations that could provide GCC governments with possible solutions for solving this
problem of practice.

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Figure 4
ADKAR Model Diagram

Note. Accessed March 24, 2022. Visual Paradigm Online.
(https://online.visual-paradigm.com/diagrams/templates/adkar/adkar-model-template/)

Employment Nationalization Taskforce
GCC governments have developed ENPs without including important stakeholders. For
ENPs to succeed, I recommend that the government create a special nationalization taskforce
(ENT) focused entirely on supporting the government to achieve ENPs goals. ENT will have
many responsibilities and will need to include many important stakeholders including ministers,
community leaders, business council leaders, and educational leaders. ENT’s mission would be
to implement the recommended changes needed for ENPs to achieve their goals. The below
recommendations are guided by the ADKAR change model.
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Awareness
This study's findings and results highlighted that GCC nationals are not well about the
ENPs initiatives and best to benefit from them. For initiatives to succeed, both GCC nationals
and private sector organizations need to be able to easily access important information regarding
ENPs. I suggest that GCC governments develop a clear and effective communication strategy
plan in both English and Arabic. This plan should include communicating ENPs initiatives
through different media outlets, directly communicating the importance of ENPs to community
and business leaders and delivering workshops in high schools and universities. Communication
efforts should also guide stakeholders to a newly developed and easy-to-use website dedicated to
ENPs initiatives. The website should also provide private organizations and GCC nationals with
an effective way to share relevant feedback. This website should not only be targeted to nationals
but also to expats, as they are often the decision-makers of HRM practices and policies within
private sector organizations.
Desire
Lack of incentives for nationals to apply for private-sector jobs and private organizations
to hire nationals are two main reasons ENPs have faced challenges in achieving their goals. The
GCC governments should consider subsidizing the salaries of nationals in private-sector jobs.
These subsidies would make private salaries more competitive and attractive to nationals.
Subsidizing salaries could also make private sector organizations more willing to hire nationals,
as it would save them costs by decreasing their spending on nationals’ salaries. The GCC
governments could achieve this goal by removing certain bonuses offered to private-sector
employees or allocating a special budget for nationals working in the private sector. Finally,
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GCC governments should encourage and support private organizations to hire nationals rather
than force quotas on them.
Knowledge
Participants described that one of the reasons why private sector organizations are
reluctant to hire nationals is due to existing negative stereotypes about GCC nationals. ENT
could work more closely with private organizations as well as educational institutions to provide
all private sector employees with diversity and cultural sensitivity training in the form of bi-
annual workshops. These workshops would increase the knowledge of private sector employees
on the importance of diversity, equity, and inclusion within the private sector. To evaluate the
effectiveness of these workshops, surveys should be distributed to all participants a few weeks
after their completion. Feedback would provide ENT with valuable information on how best to
improve future workshops.
Ability
Providing nationals with updated skills to succeed in the private sector and private
organizations the desire to support ENPs initiatives will take time. I recommend that ENT
develop a training academy focused entirely on providing nationals with the skills and
knowledge required to fill private-sector organizations’ needs. The academy will also evaluate
nationals and provide increased training should there be a need to. The academy would start
small and focus on a few industries and build up over time. The academy will also help private
organizations by providing them with a list of qualified nationals who are willing and able to fill
their job vacancies. The academy will also support and protect private organizations by
facilitating the firing of nationals who do not meet their expectations at work. These efforts could
increase the private organizations’ leaders’ willingness to hire nationals.
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Reinforcement
The final stage of the ADKAR model is reinforcement. For ENPs to meet their
objectives, nationals who work in the public sector and private organizations who hire nationals
should be celebrated. The ENT should work closely with media outlets to showcase success
stories about ENPs initiatives. The ENT can pressure the media to interview successful nationals
working in the private sector and write articles about them in newspapers and magazines. To
reinforce the change at private organizations, the ENT can convince the government to provide
tax subsidies to private organizations that recruit a certain percentage of nationals instead of
imposing quotas.
Future Research
This study focused on the perceptions of Qatari and Emirati nationals aged 18 to 30
regarding the effectiveness of government-backed employment nationalization policies in
increasing nationals’ participation in private-sector employment. Although this study contributes
to the research on this topic, more research is still needed.
Non-English Speakers
Many GCC nationals speak only Arabic. This monolingualism limits their ability to
socialize with people of different cultural backgrounds. Non-English-speaking nationals tend to
be more traditional; thus, understanding their attitudes towards diversity and equity would
provide practitioners with a better understanding of the factors that lead to challenges faced by
GCC governments in achieving the goals of ENPs. Non-English-speakers make up the majority
of the national population, and not including them in future research could lead to ineffective
solutions to this problem.
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Expatriates
Expatriates account for up to 90% of the local workforce in countries like Qatar and the
UAE. The majority work in the private sector. Without their active role in supporting GCC
governments’ employment nationalization efforts, ENPs will continue to fail to achieve their
goals. Including expatriates in future research could help researchers understand the factors that
create their reluctance to hire nationals.
Country-Specific Studies
Despite GCC countries sharing many characteristics, more research is needed to
understand what influences their citizens’ job selection behavior. Much of the research focused
on multiple countries and drew similar conclusions, but there is a need for more extensive
research that focuses on one single country. Country-specific studies could provide researchers
with richer data on factors that reinforce the GCC’s divided labor markets. These studies could
also provide GCC governments with possible strategies to create more balance in their labor
markets.
Conclusion
To remain relevant and competitive, GCC nations need to successfully increase the level
of participation of GCC nationals in the private sector and make full use of their local workforce.
Failing to do so will not only exacerbate existing issues in diversity and equity within the private
sector but will also negatively impact the economies of GCC nations. Each passing year sees
increased numbers of GCC nationals graduating from top universities. Unlike in the past, today’s
fresh graduates have the skills and knowledge required to succeed in the private sector. Unless
ENPs can successfully address existing barriers and challenges, most of the future GCC
graduates will continue to seek employment in the public sector. This will eventually lead to
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increased unemployment as GCC governments will not be able to sustain expanding the size of
the public sector. With proper communication from GCC governments about their ENPs
initiatives, more effective strategies that address existing challenges faced by nationals seeking
private sector employment, and the right enforcement mechanisms in place, ENPs will be able to
achieve their goal of increasing the number of nationals employed in the private sector.

120

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Appendix A: Survey Questions
1. What is your nationality?
2. What is your gender?
3. In what sector(s) are you currently working in?
4. In what sector(s) have you previously worked?
5. What was the main reason you chose to work in your current organization?
6. GCC governments have implemented employment nationalization policies
(Qatarization and Emiratization) with the goal of increasing the participation of
nationals in the private sector. How effective has your government been in achieving
that goal?
7. In your opinion has the government clearly communicated to its people the
importance of nationals joining the private sector?
8. The public sector is more attractive to GCC nationals.
9. GCC nationals face more challenges when applying for work in the private sector?
10. Have employment nationalization policies had any impact on your job selection
process?
11. In what ways have employment nationalization policies lead to the creation of a
divided labor market?
12. It is important for GCC countries to become less dependent on foreign workers.
13. Expatriates are an important component to your country’s future?
14. GCC nationals and expats should have equal work opportunities.
15. Diversity in the workplace is important.
16. I feel more comfortable working in an environment that is similar to my own culture.
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17. The local culture has a strong influence on my organization’s culture and
environment.
18. Looking back at your education, do you feel that the skills and knowledge that you
acquired in school have given you the confidence to succeed in the private sector?
19. What type of high school did you attend growing up?
20. What is the highest education degree that you received?
21. Did you ever study outside of the GCC?
22. Did you ever work outside of the GCC?
23. In your opinion how could GCC governments create more effective employment
nationalization policies?

137

Appendix B: Interview Protocol
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I appreciate the time that you have set
aside to answer my questions. As I mentioned when we last spoke (or emailed), the interviews
should take around 60 minutes to complete.
Before we get started, I want to remind you about this study, the overview for which was
provided to you in the Informed Consent Sheet and answer any questions you might have about
participating in this interview. I am conducting this interview on behalf of a student at USC who
is doing research on the efficiency employment nationalization policies (ENPs) in the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. I am particularly interested in understanding how ENPs
have impacted the participation of GCC nationals in private sector employment, and what
challenges GCC governments are facing in their successful implementation. I am talking to
multiple individuals to learn more about this topic.
I want to assure you that I am strictly wearing the hat of researcher today. What this
means is that the nature of my questions is not evaluative. I will not be making any judgments on
how you are performing as a teacher. My goal is to understand your perspective.
As stated in the Study Information Sheet I provided to you previously, this interview is
confidential. What that means is that your real name will not be shared with anyone. I will not
share them with other teachers, the principal, or the district. The data for this study will be
compiled into a report and while I do plan on using some of what you say as direct quotes, none
of this data will be directly attributed to you. I will use a pseudonym to protect your
confidentiality and will try my best to de-identify any of the data I gather from you. I am happy
to provide you with a copy of my final paper if you are interested.
138

As stated in the Informed Consent Sheet, I will keep the data in a password protected
computer and all data will be destroyed after 1 year1. Might you have any questions about the
study before we get started? I will be recording this interview so that I can accurately capture
what you share with me. The recording is solely for my purposes to best capture your
perspectives and will not be shared with anyone else. May I have your permission to record our
conversation? Would it be ok for you that this interview is also video recorded? If not that’s not a
problem.

Table B1
Interview Questions
Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
Can you please tell me what
sector you work in and about
your job position?
Work
description
Why did you choose to work in
the private or public sector?
1,2 Cultural
norms
To what extent did your
environment growing up
influence your job choice?
Take me through the
experience.
3 Home
environment
Reflecting on your education,
how did it prepare you for
your professional life?
Can you talk to me more
about
1 Education
system
In your opinion, do you feel that
your education provided you
with the skills and knowledge
required to succeed in your
career?
How can schools better
prepare students for
private sector
employment?
1 Self-efficacy
Education
system
What is your opinion on the
efficiency of government
backed ENPs in increasing
national participation in the
private sector?
1 ENPs
efficiency
139

Interview questions Potential probes
RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
Why do you think that nationals’
participation in the private
sector has not increased as
much the government would
have liked?
2,3 Incentives
Barriers
In your opinion, why is it
important for nationals to
participate in the private
sector?
2,3 Globalization
How do you feel about the
fairness of the recruitment
process?
Tell me more 1,2,3 Recruitment
Equity
What are some of the challenges
you faced when applying for a
job?
2 Recruitment
Equity
Challenges
Diversity is defined as the
practice of including or
involving people from a range
of different social and ethnic
backgrounds and of different
genders.
How important is diversity in the
workplace to you?
2 Diversity
In your opinion, in what ways
are expats an important
component to your country’s
future?
1,2 Globalization
Diversity
Can you tell me more about your
experiences working with
nationals versus non-
nationals?
Do you have a preference? 2,3 Culture
Diversity

What are some of the challenges
you face at work?
Do you believe it has to do
with the local culture?
2,3 Challenges
Culture

140

Thank you so much for you sharing your thoughts with me today! I really appreciate your
time and willingness to share. Everything that you have shared is helpful for my study. If I find
myself with follow-up questions, can I contact you by email? Again, thank you for participating
in my study.

141

Appendix C: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix (Interviews)
Research question Theoretical framework Data instrument questions

How do current ENPs
impact an individual’s job
selection behavior?

Social Cognitive Theory
(Bandura, 1986)

Interview Questions
1,3,5,6,7,11,14,15

What divisions do ENPs
create in the local job
market?
Social Capital Theory
(Bourdieu,1986)

Attitudes Towards Diversity

Interview Questions
1,6,8,9,10,11,15
To what extent does the
local culture influence an
individual’s career
choice?

Social Cognitive Theory
(Bandura,1986)

Social Capital Theory
(Bourdieu, 1986)
Interview Questions
2,7,12,13,15

Expectancy-Value Theory
(Vroom, 1964)

142

Appendix D: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix (Survey)
Research
questions
Dependent
variable
Independent
variable(s)
Type of
analysis
Theoretical
framework
Data
instrument
question
How do
current
ENPs
impact an
individual’s
job
selection
behavior?

Communication
challenges
Private sector
Public sector

Descriptive Social
cognitive
theory
Survey
questions
3,4,5,6,7,10,
18,23
What
divisions do
ENPs create
in the local
job market?
Nationality
Diversity
Recruitment
Descriptive Social
cognitive
theory

Critical race
theory

Survey
questions
8,9,11,12,13,1
4
To what
extent does
the local
culture
influence an
individual’s
career
choice?

Gender
Family
Religion
Entrepreneurship

Descriptive

Social
cognitive
theory

Social capital
theory
Survey
questions
15,16,17
Demographic
questions
Survey
questions
1,2,19–22

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Appendix E: Informed Consent for Research
Study Title: People’s Perceptions of Employment Nationalization Policies in the Gulf
Cooperation Council Countries
Principal Investigator: Sultan Al-Thani
Department: USC Rossier School of Education
Introduction
My Name is Sultan Al-Thani, and I am currently a doctoral student at the University of
Southern California. I am working with Dr. Patricia Tobey, Dr. Cathy Sloane Krop, and Dr. Eric
Canny in the Rossier School of Education.
We invite you to take part in a research study, which explores the efficiency of
employment nationalization policies (ENPs) in increasing the participation of nationals in private
sector employment.
Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. You may want to discuss
it with your family, friends, or your co-workers. If you find any of the languages difficult to
understand, please do not hesitate to ask questions. If you decide to participate, you will be asked
to sign this form. A copy of the signed form will be provided to you for your records.
Detailed Information
Purpose
The purpose of this study is to explore GCC nationals’ perceptions of the efficiency of
ENPs in increasing the level of participation of GCC nationals in private sector employment. We
hope to learn what challenges ENPs are facing in achieving their goal and provide solutions to
overcoming them. You are invited as a possible participant because you are a GCC citizen
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between the ages of 18 and 30 years old, who is currently working or seeking employment in the
GCC. 110 participants will take part in the study.
Procedures
If you decide to take part, this is what will happen.
• The researcher will ask you to read this Informed Consent form, sign it, and return it
to the researcher via email.
• Once the researcher receives your signed Informed Consent form, he will contact you
in the following manner:
o If you are participating in the survey an email will be sent to you with a direct link
to the survey. The researcher will not contact you after this point until the
completion of the research.
o If you are participating in the interviews and schedule an interview,
approximately 60 minutes, based on your availability.
• Once the date and time for the interview are determined, the researcher will send you
an email confirmation with the date, time, and a link to a Zoom meeting with a
password.
• One day before the interview date, the researcher will send you a reminder and the
meeting information.
• On the interview day, the researcher will meet and greet you at the Zoom meeting.
• Then the researcher will provide you an introduction to the study, verify your choice
to participate, and ask your permission to record the interview.
• The researcher will also enable the live transcription feature to provide captions.
145

• The researcher will ask you 15 questions about your knowledge, feelings, opinions, or
perceptions and ask for additional thoughts or clarifications as needed during the
interview.
• The researcher will conclude the meeting by asking if you have any additional
information you would like to share.
• The researcher then turns off the recording and thank you for your time and
participation in the study.
• The researcher will download and store the recordings and transcripts into secure file
storage with a strong password.
• After transcribing the interview, the researcher will securely email you the transcripts
and ask you to verify and confirm your responses.
• The final research document will be completed in May 2022 as the researcher’s
dissertation and submitted to the USC Rossier School of Education.
• If you would like a copy of the final dissertation, the researcher will kindly provide
you a digital copy of it.
Risks and Discomforts
Surveys/Questionnaires/Interviews: Some of the questions may make you feel uneasy
or embarrassed. You can choose to skip or stop answering any questions you don’t want to.
Benefits
There are no direct benefits to you from taking part in this study. However, your
participation in this study may help us learn how to develop updated employment nationalization
policies that are both fair and effective.
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Privacy/Confidentiality
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law.
However, if we are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about
you. Efforts will be made to limit the use and disclosure of your personal information, including
research study and medical records, to people who are required to review this information. We
may publish the information from this study in journals or present it at meetings. If we do, we
will not use your name.
The University of Southern California’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) and Human
Subject’s Protections Program (HSPP) may review your records.
The University of Southern California’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) and Human
Subject’s Protections Program (HSPP) may review your records.
Your responses, also called “data’ will be stored in encrypted file storage on my
computer with a strong password and encryption. To access my computer, it requires a login
with a strong password and second-factor authentication. In addition, the computer has anti-virus
software installed and is behind a firewall. All interview recordings and transcripts will be
deleted and destroyed no later than June 2022.
Your data collected as part of this research will not be used or distributed for future
research studies, even if all your identifiers are removed.
To understand the privacy and confidentiality limitations associated with using Zoom, we
strongly advise you to familiarize yourself with their privacy policies.
Alternatives
An alternative would be to not participate in this study.

147

Payments/Compensation
You will not be compensated for your participation in this research.
Voluntary Participation
It is your choice whether to participate. If you choose to participate, you may change
your mind and leave the study at any time. If you decide not to participate, or choose to end your
participation in this study, you will not be penalized or lose any benefits that you are otherwise
entitled to.
Withdrawal From Study Instructions
You may withdraw from this study at any time before February 15, 2022.
Contact Information
If you have questions, concerns, complaints, or think the research has hurt you, talk to the
study investigator, Sultan Al-Thani, at salthani@usc.edu.
This research has been reviewed by the USC Institutional Review Board (IRB). The IRB
is a research review board that reviews and monitors research studies to protect the rights and
welfare of research participants. Contact the IRB if you have questions about your rights as a
research participant or have complaints about the research. You may contact the IRB at (323)
442-0114 or by email at irb@usc.edu.
Statement of Consent
I have read (or someone has read to me) the information provided above. I have been
given a chance to ask questions. All my questions have been answered. By signing this form, I
am agreeing to take part in this study.

Name of Research Participant Signature Date Signed
(and Time*)

Abstract (if available)

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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Al-Thani, Sultan Abdulrahman (author)

Core Title Perceptions of employment nationalization policies in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2022-05

Publication Date 05/04/2022

Defense Date 04/19/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Emiratization,employment nationalization policies,GCC,OAI-PMH Harvest,Qatar,qatarization,UAE,workforce nationalization

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia (committee chair), Canny, Eric (committee member), Krop, Cathy (committee member)

Creator Email salthani@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111259362

Unique identifier UC111259362

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Al-Thani, Sultan Abdulrahman

Type texts

Source 20220506-usctheses-batch-938 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu