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An analysis of the impact of Montessori education on Black children

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An Analysis of the Impact of Montessori Education on
Black Children
by
Michelle Sharita Refuge Williams

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2022

iii

© Copyright by Michelle Sharita Refuge Williams, 2022
All Rights Reserved

iv

The Committee for Michelle Sharita Refuge Williams certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Cathy Krop
Marsha Riggio
David Cash, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv

Abstract
Black people in the United States have demonstrated resilience and a thorough understanding of
education as a means of liberation. Currently, U.S. education consistently measures the academic
performance of Black children from a deficit-based, Eurocentric view that reinforces the status
quo and ignores the education debt that is owed to Black children and other children of color
(Horsford & Grosland, 2013; Patel, 2016). Montessori has long since been considered an
alternative to the traditional education system despite the historical barriers to this and other
educational opportunities for Black children (Anderson, 1988; Debs, 2019; A. S. Lillard et al.,
2017). In the last 50 years, Montessori education has increased exponentially in both the public
and private school arena (Debs, 2019). Public Montessori schools have surpassed the national
enrollment of African American students, enrolling nearly double the number of Black children.
Despite the prevalence of Montessori programs, there is little research concerning the outcomes
of Montessori-educated children. This document serves as a case study of the experience of
Black students attending Bridgewater Montessori School (pseudonym), an authentic Montessori
program, and their academic and social-emotional development and well-being.

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Dedication
To my children, who served as my introduction to motherhood and Montessori, and to my
husband for sharing this journey with me, I could not have achieved this milestone without your
immense patience and understanding. You are my daily motivation.

“I am confident of this, that the one who began a good work in you will continue to complete it
until the day of Christ Jesus” (Philippians 1:6, NAB).

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Acknowledgements
Thank you to Dr. David Cash for your support and candor throughout this process. To Dr.
Marsha Riggio, thank you for demonstrating what it means to reach back. Dr. Cathy Krop, your
guidance was integral to the success of this study. And to Dr. Briana Hinga, thank you for
demonstrating unwavering courage to disrupt and dismantle.

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Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 1
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 2
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 4
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 5
Limitation and Delimitations .............................................................................................. 5
Definition of Terms ............................................................................................................. 5
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................... 6
Chapter Two: Literary Review ....................................................................................................... 8
Critical Race Theory ........................................................................................................... 8
A Brief History of Education for Black People in the United States ................................ 10
The Colonization of Education ......................................................................................... 13
Montessori Education in the United States ....................................................................... 16
Montessori Defined ........................................................................................................... 19
Montessori and Black Children ........................................................................................ 26
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 27
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 29
Purpose of Study ............................................................................................................... 29

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Research Questions: .......................................................................................................... 30
Selection of the Population ............................................................................................... 30
Design Summary ............................................................................................................... 33
Instrumentation and Protocols .......................................................................................... 33
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 34
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 35
Validity and Reliability ..................................................................................................... 36
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 36
Chapter Four: Results or Findings ................................................................................................ 38
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 38
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 39
Results Research Question One ........................................................................................ 41
Discussion Research Question One .................................................................................. 58
Results Research Question Two ....................................................................................... 59
Discussion Research Question Two .................................................................................. 79
Results Research Question Three ..................................................................................... 80
Discussion Research Question Three ................................................................................ 95
Results Research Question Four ....................................................................................... 97
Discussion Research Question Four ............................................................................... 112
Summary ......................................................................................................................... 113
Chapter Five: Discussion ............................................................................................................ 117
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................. 123
Future Research .............................................................................................................. 124

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Conclusions ..................................................................................................................... 126
References ....................................................................................................................... 127
Appendix A: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 135

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List of Tables
Table 1: Interview Selection Criteria for Black Families in Montessori ...................................... 32
Table 2: List of Faculty Participants and Their Self-Identified Race / Ethnicity .......................... 40
Table 3: Comments From Participating Faculty Referencing Child-Centered Approach in
Montessori Pedagogy..………………………………………………………………….45

Table 4: Comments From Faculty Participants Concerning the Importance of Academic
Subjects…..……………………………………………………………………………..54
Table 5: Comments from Faculty Participants Concerning the Diversity of Students, Staff,
Materials, and Curriculum..…………………………………………………………….63

Table 6: Comments From Faculty Participants Separated According to Emotional Intelligence
Skills…………………………………………………………………………..………..74

Table 7: Comments From Participating Parents Concerning Positive and Negative Perceptions of
Montessori’s Child-Centered Approach..………………………………………………83

Table 8: Comments From Participating Parents Concerning the Cultivation of the Love of
Learning…..…………………………………………………………………………….86

Table 9: Comments From Parents Concerning the Importance of Academic Subjects in
Montessori Curriculum..………………………………………………………………..89

Table 10: Comments From Parent Participants Concerning the Diversity of Faculty and Children
and Perceptions of Cultural Sensitivity………………………………………………..99

Table 11: Parent Comments Concerning Perceptions of Emotional Intelligence Observed in
Their Children………………………………………………………………………..109

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Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Countless studies have identified that there is an achievement gap in American education
between White students and students of color. A quick search on Google Scholar for the key
words “achievement gap” yields over 2.5 million results. The California Department of
Education hosted a panel on “Closing the Achievement Gap” in 2020 and local school districts
mention the need to “close the achievement gap” (California Department of Education, 2020).
However, fewer studies recognize that the achievement gap is merely the result of a White
supremacist educational system that is working exactly as planned. In fact, the Sacramento City
Unified School District acknowledges that their educational system is “inequitable by design”
(Sacramento City Unified School District, 2019) thereby keeping up with current scholars who
have posited that schooling is a process that is designed to reinforce the social caste system in the
United States (Bush & Bush, 2018; Samad, 2009). The current education system is remnant of
the historical and legal system of American apartheid that was implemented following the
abolition of slavery and persists today despite legal changes and the systematic oppression and
socialization of Black children is evident in the social ills that plague the Black community
today.
Background of the Problem
Few scholars would deny the existence of the achievement gap - the perceived
educational distance between minority and disadvantaged students and their white counterparts
(Ladson-Billings, 2006). However, a much more specific description is Ladson-Billings’ (2006)
identification of the education debt:
The foregone schooling resources that we could have (should have) been investing in
(primarily) low income kids, which deficit leads to a variety of social problems (e.g.

2
crime, low productivity, low wages, low labor force participation) that require on-going
public investment. (Ladson-Billings, 2006, p. 5)
Ladson-Billings (2006) traces the historical debt from the period of enslavement through
the Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) decision that officially recognized “separate but equal.” The
enclosure of Black education stems back to the denial of education for enslaved people in
America (Anderson, 1988; Sojoyner, 2013). During the time period, even well-intentioned
whites, such as abolitionists, were misled by their colonial roots. Their desire to control the
“uncivilized Black brutes” and protect them from their own harms functioned as the enclosure of
Black education (Anderson, 1988). Despite such efforts, education of Black people flourished
during reconstruction, and the current concept of universal education was borne out of the
freedman’s desire for education. However, this system was not to exist without the overlay of
White supremacy through government oversight (Anderson, 1988). Over time, the education
debt has continued to increase even after the landmark Brown v Board of Education (1954)
which has served to not only increase this debt but solidify its existence in perpetuity.
Statement of the Problem
Whether described as a debt or opportunity gap, most explanations of differences in
academic performance of Black and White students stem from a deficit-based, Eurocentric,
white-supremacist understanding of education that establishes a badge of inferiority for Black
children in the United States (Horsford & Grosland, 2013). The combination of white-centered
education and white centered assessment has resulted in educational and social oppression of
Black children. Using white children as the “measuring stick,” Black children are not performing
at similar levels.

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Furthermore, the current traditional school system was created to maintain the status quo
and relegate all people to their perceived status in U.S. society (Patel, 2016). Coupled with the
settler colonialism that seeks to delete and replace the atrocities of the white settlers of the U.S.,
Black children are purposefully ignored in the majority of the present Euro-centric curriculum
(Tuck & Gaztambide-Fernandez, 2013). The impact of Eurocentric curriculum and assessment is
evident in recent academic assessment reports. In 2018, the U.S. high school graduation rate for
Black students (79%) was 10 percentage points lower than their white counterparts (89%) and
second-lowest only to Indigenous people (74%) (National Center for Education Statistics,
2020b). Moreover, in eighth grade the gap has not only persisted, but increased over time with a
mathematics gap of 32 points and a reading gap of 28 points (Ladson-Billings, 2006; National
Center for Education Statistics, 2020b).
But, there has been a different path beginning with the creation of the first Montessori
school in the U.S. in 1911 (Murray et al., 2020). The Montessori method, borne out of Dr. Maria
Montessori’s experience with disadvantaged children of San Lorenzo, Italy, has intrigued parents
and educators in the U.S. for decades and in more recent years, demonstrated promise for
educating Black youth (Debs, 2019). Although formerly considered only for the affluent, public
Montessori education has increased exponentially over the last fifty years (Debs, 2019). Public
Montessori schools in urban areas also enroll a higher percentage of Black students than the
national average (Debs, 2019). Despite the growing interest in Montessori education among U.S.
families, there is little research that examines the academic achievement of students in
Montessori programs through standardized measurements. Furthermore, there is even less
research that disaggregates such data by race.

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Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to discover how Black children's experience in an authentic
Montessori classroom has impacted their academic and social-emotional development. In the
context of this study, authentic Montessori is described as Montessori schools that have been
accredited by either the American Montessori Society (AMS) or The Association of Montessori
International (AMI). Both accrediting organizations adhere to clear guidelines that are supported
by the research and writings of Dr. Maria Montessori, the founder of the Montessori method.
Through a case study of Bridgewater Montessori School (pseudonym), a private Montessori
program located in Sacramento, CA, this study seeks to answer the following questions:
1. How does Montessori pedagogy support the academic progress of Black children?
2. How does Montessori pedagogy support the social-emotional well-being of Black
children?
3. How do parents / caregivers of Black Montessori children view their child(ren)’s
academic progress in Montessori school?
4. How do parents / caregivers of Black students attending Montessori schools describe the
emotional well-being of their children?
Using Critical Race Theory as the framework, this study examines how white supremacy culture
as defined by Jones & Okun (Jones & Okun, 2001) influences education and how Montessori
pedagogy and curriculum specifically impact Black children operating within the U.S. and
thereby within white supremacy culture. Ladson-Billings (2013) describes five tenets of Critical
Race Theory: (1) racism is a salient part of American society, (2) social and political moves
toward racial justice are merely examples of interest convergence, (3) race is a social construct,

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(4) intersectionality is a necessity in explaining racial phenomena, and (5) story-telling us used to
illustrate broad principles.
Significance of the Study
This study will provide insight into how Montessori education is experienced by Black
children. By identifying what has worked for the Black children in this study, additional research
can identify how to generalize these findings and utilize Montessori pedagogy to close the
achievement gap that has been created by white supremacy culture.
Limitation and Delimitations
This study was limited to parents and faculty of Black children currently enrolled in
either the primary (ages 3 – 6 years) or elementary (ages 6 – 12 years) programs at a private
Montessori school in Sacramento and their self-reported experiences with Montessori education.
The delimitations of this study were limited to the racial identity (Black), age (primary and
elementary), geographic region (Sacramento County), school enrollment (private Montessori),
and the number of families and faculty surveyed and interviewed.
Definition of Terms
Achievement gap: The achievement gap is defined by the National Governors’ Association as
the gap in achievement scores between minoritized students and their white counterparts as
defined by standardized tests and reporting by schools as well as local, state, and national
education agencies. Most often, these scores are in reading and mathematics and data is collected
at regular intervals throughout the K-12 public educational experience (Ladson-Billings, 2006).
Authentic Montessori: Authentic Montessori is defined as a program with the Montessori
moniker that also adheres to the basic structure and components as defined by the American

6
Montessori Society and the research and writings of Dr. Maria Montessori (American
Montessori Society, n.d.; A. Lillard, 2017).
Critical Race Theory: Critical Race Theory (CRT) began as a field of study in the legal
profession and was introduced to the field of education in 1995. The theory outlines five tenets
that are believed to be true: (1) racism is an ordinary part of U.S. society, (2) seemingly racially
just advances are the result of interest convergence or material determinism, (3) race is a social
construction, (4) intersectionality is relevant and necessary, and (5) story telling is used to
illustrate large ideas (Ladson-Billings, 2013).
Education debt: Education debt is the educational opportunities and schooling resources lost to
low-income children throughout the years. Similar to financial debt, it has compounded
throughout history and leads to myriad social issues such as crime, low productivity, and low
employment (Ladson-Billings, 2006).
Interest convergence: Interest convergence provides that “the interest of blacks in achieving
racial equality will be accommodated only when it converges with the interests of whites” (Bell,
1980).
White supremacy culture: White supremacy culture defines the characteristics of people,
systems, and organizations that promote white supremacy thinking. The characteristics are:
perfectionism, sense of urgency, defensiveness, quantity or quality, worship of the written word,
paternalism, either/or thinking, power hoarding, fear of open conflict, individualism, progress as
bigger or more, objectivity, and right to comfort (Jones & Okun, 2001).
Organization of the Study
This document is organized into five chapters. Chapter One provides an overview of the
study and briefly traces the history of education and its impact on Black children. Chapter Two

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reviews the history of education for Black children in the U.S. from slavery through the present,
the current literature concerning Eurocentric education, an explanation of Montessori pedagogy
in the U.S., and a brief overview of the history of Black children and Montessori in the U.S.
Chapter Three describes the design of the research study and Chapter Four supplies the data
collected. Chapter Five is an analysis of the data and ends with suggestions for future study.

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Chapter Two: Literary Review
The purpose of this review is to highlight the relevant literature surrounding four main
areas: the history of education for Black people in the US; the harmful practices of traditional
education; Montessori Education in the US; and what is currently known concerning
Montessori’s impact on Black children. All four arenas are couched in the racialized experience
of students and families that identify or have been identified as Black in the US as a specific
portion of the African diaspora and through the lens of Critical Race Theory.
Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) is a theory established in the field of law by the late
Professor Derek A. Bell through his writing as well as through his education of law scholars who
furthered the movement (Ladson-Billings, 2013). The theoretical framework later entered the
arena of educational studies in 1994 through the initial work of William F. Tate and Gloria
Ladson-Billings when they argued that race was under-theorized in education (Dixson &
Anderson, 2016). CRT scholars in education seek to show relationship between race and
educational inequities; they examine schooling practices that perpetuate Whiteness (Dixson &
Anderson, 2016; Dixson & Lynn, 2013). There are five main tenets of CRT that will guide this
research and analysis: (1) belief that racism is normal or ordinary, not aberrant, in US society, (2)
interest convergence or material determinism, (3) race as a social construction, (4)
intersectionality and anti-essentialism, and (5) voice or counternarrative (Ladson-Billings, 2013).
One focus of CRT is the indissoluble connection of race as the primary conduit of
inequality (Ladson-Billings, 2013). A point of clarification is that although this study seeks to
racialize the experience of students and families that identify as Black, doing so does not
necessarily lend this research to the theoretical construct of CRT. Among others, it is the

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acknowledgement and analysis of this racialized experience as an experience in the racism
within the educational system, as well as the analysis of the participants’ experience through the
other four tenets, that lends itself to the critical analysis that is CRT. That is to say that the
racialized experiences of the participants is further considered as an extension of the racist and
Eurocentric creation of the current U.S. education system (Love, 2019; Muhammad, 2020).
Additionally, CRT scholars acknowledge the theory of interest convergence, the idea that
racial progress in the U.S. is not a function of altruism, but is more accurately considered
achieved when White people identify that their own interests will be served by the same action
(Bell, 1980). This idea is important to the proposed solutions mentioned in Chapter Five.
Considering the idea of interest convergence, social justice and racial advancement must align
with the interest of the dominant group (Ladson-Billings, 2013).
Additionally, while CRT theorists accept the scientific ideas that race is a social
construct, the notion must simultaneously be acknowledged that the social construction of race is
such a powerful notion that it provides a social reality that yields very real disparities in all facets
of life. That is to say that the social construction of race is powerful enough to cause real life
consequences (Ladson-Billings, 2013; Ladson-Billings & Tate IV, 2016).
At the same time, race is also recognized as part of each individual’s complex identity. A
person’s identities interact in society in a multitude of ways; these complexities are
acknowledged as intersectionality. According to Patricia Hill Collins (2015), “the term,
intersectionality references the critical insight that race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, nation,
ability, and age operate not as unitary, mutually exclusive entities, but as reciprocally
constructing phenomena that in turn shape complex social inequalities” (p. 2). CRT embraces the

10
complex, non-binary status of intersectionality and seeks to analyze how all identities
simultaneously impact a person’s experiences.
The final tenet of CRT acknowledges the importance of voice and counter-narrative.
Storytelling is an ancient human art form and in the Euro-American heteropatriarchal educational
society, the voice most often heard is that of the White male (Ladson-Billings, 2013). CRT
theorists seek to construct a social reality through the exchange of stories about individual
situations (Ladson-Billings & Tate IV, 2016). This study seeks to provide a different narrative,
as told by those who most closely experience the injustices of education, because without these
authentic voices, it is difficult to identify what is truly known about education in their
communities (Ladson-Billings & Tate IV, 2016).
A Brief History of Education for Black People in the United States
In consideration of what has and has not worked with respect to properly educating Black
children, it is imperative that one reviews how the U.S. has arrived at this point in education.
Quality education has always been important for Black people in the U.S.; it has also been
categorically denied throughout time. The U.S. attitude toward educating Black people has
experienced tumultuous cycles. During the seventeenth century, when African people were first
brought to the U.S. as chattel, many slaveholders believed that education was necessary for the
successful implementation of the duties required. During this time, enslaved Black people were
placed in highly responsible roles that required a thorough knowledge of business and the
reading and writing of the English language. Although enslaved Africans viewed education as an
act of liberation, the idea that education would create a desire for liberation had not yet been
fully developed among slaveholders (Anderson, 1988; Patel, 2016; Woodson, 2017). Even
throughout the eighteenth century, after the idea of the negative impact of education on the

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servitude of enslaved people began to take root, laws restricting access were more focused on
restricting northern U.S. influence while a blind eye was turned to white southerners who
continued to educate enslaved people for various reasons (Woodson, 2017). Among the myriad
reasons, slaveholders continued to benefit from the instruction of certain enslaved people who
had closer ties to the conduct of their business. Furthermore, white slave owners chose not to
hold accountable their well-meaning children or white clergy who chose to educate enslaved
people (Woodson, 2017). Beyond the minimal education provided by slave owners, educated
Black people, both enslaved and free, taught other Black children and adults whenever and
wherever possible (Anderson, 1988; Woodson, 2017).
During the agitation of the American Revolution, the question of Black liberation, and
thereby education, was revisited. This reinvigoration of the question of slavery lead to Southern
states, such as Georgia and South Carolina, to reinstitute or reinvigorate laws restricting
educating enslaved people in 1770 (Woodson, 2017). However, it was not until the Industrial
Revolution and the success of the cotton gin that slavery in the southern states began to be
regarded as indispensable to the U.S. economy and to the wealth and success of southern
plantation owners. Northern states also benefitted from cotton, as well, through textile factories
that were dependent upon the cotton obtained from southern states. As the entire world looked to
the U.S. as a major provider of cotton and cotton textiles, the question of education for enslaved
African people began to gain importance and notice. The notion that educated individuals would
be less inclined to servitude grew and expanded across the colonies (Woodson, 2017). Carter G.
Woodson (2017) best described this phenomenon, “American slavery extended not as that of the
ancients, only to the body, but also to the mind. Education was thereafter regarded as positively
inconsistent with the institution [of slavery]” (p. 51). In southern, slave states, laws were passed

12
to not only restrict the education of Black people, but to push freedmen, many of whom were
considered educated, out of the South to prevent agitation (Woodson, 2017). Part of the push to
remove freedmen from the southern states was also due to the education that those freedmen
provided to other Black people (Anderson, 1988; Woodson, 2017).
The migration of freedmen to the northern states also brought the question of education
for Black people to the forefront of many northern states. In the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth century, many northern states did not legally question the integration of schools. Most
of the early schools, however, were privately funded as many Black people considered free,
public education – also a fairly new phenomenon – as solely for the benefit of the poor. As this
sentiment changed and public funds began to be used for free public education of both Black and
white children, so grew the negativity toward Black people in the northern states (Woodson,
2017). Many of the calls for segregated schools initially stemmed from the recognition that
children of previously enslaved required special focus. This request stemmed from Black and
white families alike. However, it is also believed that the fervent request by Black families for
separate schools was due to the lack of interest by white teachers to properly educate Black
children (Woodson, 2017). By 1860, the southern states experienced a dramatic decline in Black
children attending school while the northern states continued to witness an increase, thus
demonstrating the desire of Black people to be educated (Woodson, 2017).
Despite opposition in southern states, many Black people, both enslaved and free, found a
way to continue education. Even prior to the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, Black people
in the South had formed educational systems. One of the first schools was operated and attended
exclusively by Black people in Georgia from 1833 – 1865 (Anderson, 1988). John W. Alvord,
the national superintendent of schools for the Freedmen’s Bureau estimated that in 1866, there

13
were at least 500 “native schools” as he called them, throughout the south – schools founded and
maintained exclusively by previously enslaved individuals (Anderson, 1988). The existence of
these schools is a testament to the level of importance that Black people held for the instruction
of their people. During this time prior to and during Reconstruction, formerly enslaved people
rejected support by benevolent societies that sought to dictate education (Anderson, 1988). Even
after the Freedmen’s Bureau gained control over many schools and then subsequently withdrew
support from schools in operation across Louisiana and Texas, freedmen took control of the
schools and continued their operation, again demonstrating the fervor with which Black people
sought to educate their own. By January of 1867, there were more privately controlled schools
operated by freedmen than there were publicly controlled schools in largely Black populated
cities like New Orleans (Anderson, 1988).
The eventual decision to join the public education system was as much a declaration of
the humanity of Black people as it was a reach for control by policymakers and government
officials (Anderson, 1988; Tyack, 1972). This decision was met with opposition from racist
individuals both within and without schools. In pursuit of education, many Black families
requested separate schools. Separate schools resulted in a decrease in funding for many Black
schools and the upholding of Plessy v. Ferguson in 1869 ensured the continuation of the Separate
but Equal doctrine that doomed the majority of Black schools to underfunding (Anderson, 1988;
Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896).
The Colonization of Education
There are numerous factors that contribute to the false crisis and narrative that Black
children are falling behind. As some Black scholars opined as early as 1935, integration caused
more harm than good for Black students. Carter G. Woodson (2017) stated that part of the desire

14
to maintain separate schools in prior centuries was due to the recognition that public school
teachers had never truly sought to educate Black children. Similarly, W. E. B. DuBois (1935)
argued that pushing Black children into white schools where they were summarily ignored or
even rejected was tantamount to torture and possibly a fatal mistake. Tracing education
throughout U.S. history demonstrates that it was not meant to enlighten but to indoctrinate.
Seeking to enclose education and alongside the expressed desire to “move education out
of politics” local education agencies were created (Tyack, 1972). Sojoyner (2013) utilizes Clyde
Woods’ definition of enclosure as the attempt to gain control over property and over the
institutions governing their allocation and moves beyond the enclosure of education to the
enclosure of Black Freedom. Inasmuch that education has been utilized for centuries by Black
people in the U.S. as a means of liberation and an expression of humanity, the historic and
present goal of education is experienced by many Black children as the enclosure that Sojoyner
describes (Anderson, 1988; Patel, 2016; Sojoyner, 2013; Woodson, 2017). Early education
scholars such as John Dewey, the foundation upon which the current pedagogy of most public
schools across the country are built, entered the education arena with a firm belief that non-white
individuals were immature versions of the supposed advanced levels of whiteness (Tuck &
Gaztambide-Fernandez, 2013). Without intentional disruption, the roots of a racist education
system will continue to establish and reify racism. Such a system serves a social hierarchy in the
U.S. by maintaining the status quo and ensuring that those schooled in this system are relegated
to their perceived status (Patel, 2016). The combination of white-centered education and white-
centered assessment has resulted in educational and social oppression of Black children. When
analyzed through the lens of CRT, factors such as the achievement gap can be deconstructed to
reveal systems couched in white supremacy culture such as high stakes testing, no excuses

15
discipline, and toxic individuality and competition (Donnor, 2013; Heilig et al., 2014; Horsford
& Grosland, 2013). Using white children as the “measuring stick,” Black children are not
performing at similar levels. This deficit-based, Eurocentric, white-supremacist understanding of
education establishes a badge of inferiority for Black children in the United States (Horsford &
Grosland, 2013). The misplaced focus on Black children as inferior in education is damaging to
the educational and social progress of children and education given the link between educational
expectations, student achievement, and future success (Horsford & Grosland, 2013; Schunk,
2020).
Educational policies throughout the history have also affected Black people. Even the
landmark Brown v. Board of Education (1954) ruling did not deal with policies that severely
impacted funding and educational opportunities for children of color. Integration without dealing
with racism as the root cause is detrimental to Black people (Love, 2019). Forced integration
lead to a reduction in the number of Black teachers across the country among other negative
effects (Love, 2019). And, although the majority of urban schools across the country are
primarily students of color, the overwhelming majority of teachers are white, middle-class
females (Gay, 2014).
The place and purpose of data as part of the story is important when also recognizing
whose story is being told and from whose point of view. Dixson, Royal, et al. (2014) traces the
modern urban education reforms and each reform’s inability to address the education debt for
various reasons. From the creation of ESEA in 1965 as an element of the War on Poverty and
throughout the next forty years, politicians have initiated and enacted various policies to address
the “education problem.” However, each policy fails to have any perceived effect on the positive
educational gains of students of color (Dixson et al., 2014). These policies have given

16
unnecessary attention to arbitrary data points such as high stakes and accountability test scores.
Heilig et al. (2014) notes emerging research that these policies have a negative effect on the
educational outcomes of the very students they are supposedly meant to support. Furthermore,
Horsford & Grosland (2013) elevate Tyson’s (2003) examination of Black elementary teacher
practices in which teachers unknowingly conflated academic achievement and behavior while
simultaneously emphasizing “proper” behavior as conforming to white, middle-class, cultural
norms. The result of such practices ignores the importance of affirming Black children’s genius
as a necessary tool for promoting academic and social success (Horsford & Grosland, 2013;
Muhammad, 2020).
Montessori Education in the United States
Montessori education in the U.S. has a long and rich history in the public, private, and
most recently, charter, spheres of education. Dr. Maria Montessori’s focus on maintaining
fidelity within her methods has created a clear, but oftentimes strict path to education.
Montessori education emerged in 1907 through Dr. Montessori’s work in a neighborhood known
for its concentration of homelessness and criminals. Maria Montessori was requested to “deal”
with the resulting fifty or so unattended children most likely due to the international attention she
earned when developmentally delayed children with whom she had worked passed a state test
designed for mainstream children (Debs, 2019; A. Lillard, 2017). In 1906, Dr. Montessori was
appointed by the Roman Association for Good Building to create a school for the young children
of the tenement houses built by the organization, and from this experience, the first “Casa dei
Bambini” or Children’s House – a classroom designed for children ages 2 – 6 years – was
created (Debs, 2019; Jor’dan, 2017). Limited by a very small budget, Dr. Montessori initially
stocked the classroom with toys; however, careful attention to the children revealed some basic

17
elements of child development and the Montessori pedagogy: (a) children prefer meaningful
work over pretend play, (b) children have an innate desire to learn and naturally seek out mastery
when given the chance, and (c) children preferred to choose their own work (Debs, 2019; A.
Lillard, 2017). Dr. Montessori would spend the next forty-five years field testing materials and
improving lessons based on her observations of children (A. Lillard, 2017).
Montessori education in the U.S. has experienced multiple emergences within the
educational sphere. The first introduction to the U.S. mainstream was in 1911 when the first
Montessori school was established in New York (Debs, 2019; Jor’dan, 2017). The school’s
demographic was wealthy white children of some of the most influential figures in the country –
Philander P. Claxton, Thomas Edison, and President Woodrow Wilson – their parents attracted
to the school for its focus on self-discipline and hard work (Debs, 2019). 104 schools were
established in the first six years; however, with the landscape of U.S. education as an overlay to
the systemic racism of the country at the time, the vast majority of these schools were privately
funded and operated (Debs, 2019). The first public Montessori schools were established in 1913
– one in Los Angeles, California and the other across the country in Providence, Rhode Island.
However, Dr. Montessori’s desire to maintain fidelity in her curriculum coupled with U.S. –
based criticism from established educators resulted in the dissolution of all but one Montessori
school on U.S. soil at the time (Debs, 2019).
Soon after World War II, Montessori would find a resurgence in the U.S. Montessori was
given a renewed reputation as academically robust, and parents seeking to ensure that their
students did not fall behind Russian students began seeking a better way to educate their
children. The first school of the “second wave” was reportedly established in 1957 in Greenwich,
Connecticut and was still private and white-centered. Once again, over one hundred Montessori

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schools were established across the country by 1965. Despite its international roots in under-
resourced communities in Italy, the U.S. version of Montessori schools were largely private,
middle-class, and white (Debs, 2019).
However, the shift to the public sphere coincided with the rise of the “cultural deprivation
theory” of the sixties, that argued that children who were economically disadvantaged were
missing key conditions for their success such as specific family structures, daily habits, and other
environmental conditions (Debs, 2019). In 1963, John McDermott argued in Newsweek that
Montessori schools must move to the public sphere if it hoped to continue to grow within the
U.S. (“An Intellectual Leap,” 1963). During this period, Montessori was considered a veritable
solution to poverty and the achievement gap – a term that was just beginning to take hold after its
use in the 1964 Hauser Report commissioned by the Chicago Board of Education (Debs, 2019;
Horsford & Grosland, 2013). Montessori further entered the public sphere with Lyndon
Johnson’s Head Start initiative (Debs, 2019; Jor’dan, 2017). Through federal grants, numerous
early childhood education programs began, including those programs that employed Montessori
pedagogy (Debs, 2019). The first Montessori Head Start was created in Fullerton and Costa
Mesa, California, and it garnered national attention when reporting that after only two months,
there was an IQ increase of approximately twenty points (Debs, 2019).
Also during the Civil Rights era, court-ordered school desegregation aided the expansion
of Montessori into public schools (Debs, 2019; Jor’dan, 2017). Seeking to attract white students,
several Montessori schools emerged. Throughout the next two decades, approximately eighty-
three public Montessori programs opened their doors (Debs, 2019). As a means of desegregation,
magnet schools – the largest school choice system in the US – continued the influx of Montessori
into the public sphere and the first schoolwide public Montessori program, Children’s House

19
Montessori at Sands Elementary, was established in 1975 in Cincinnati, Ohio (Debs, 2019;
Jor’dan, 2017). Children’s House was also the first Montessori program to offer classes through
sixth grade (Debs, 2019). Consequently, Montessori programs are costly to establish due to the
upfront costs of furniture and materials and the higher salaries due to more educated teachers; a
full classroom set of Montessori materials is more than fifty thousand dollars (Debs, 2019). Such
costs proved detrimental to Montessori programs, especially those in minoritized communities
that tended to be under-resourced. The gap in funding lead to a scaling back of Montessori
school offerings in predominantly Black and Latinx neighborhoods (Debs, 2019). However, with
the growth of charter schools across the country beginning in the early 1990s, Montessori
programs have found their way back into the public-school arena. There are over 500 public
Montessori schools across the U.S., significantly more than other progressive programs such as
Waldorf, Dewey, and Reggio Emilia. There are also double the number of public Montessori
schools than KIPP charter schools – a well-known charter program in the U.S. (Debs, 2019). The
largest concentration of public Montessori schools are in just six states: Arizona, California,
Florida, Michigan, Ohio, and Texas (Jor’dan, 2017).
Montessori Defined
Montessori would fall under the constructivist model of education. According to Schunk
(2020), constructivism focuses on the reciprocal nature of people, behaviors, and their
environments in the acquisition of skills and knowledge. Based on her knowledge and through
observation, Dr. Montessori concluded that children learn best by doing (A. Lillard, 2017).
Although this view of movement in children is often credited to educational philosopher Jean
Piaget, Piaget – who is twenty-six years younger than Dr. Montessori – was president of the
Swiss Montessori Society, conducted observations of Montessori schools, and attended at least

20
one Montessori conference during his career (A. Lillard, 2017). Thus, movement as an integral
part of learning can possibly be credited to Dr. Montessori and the Montessori method.
According to Lillard (2017), there are nine principles of Montessori education – all of which can
be connected to educational theories presently accepted: (1) movement and cognition go hand in
hand, (2) free choice improve learning and well-being, (3) the ability to concentrate for sustained
periods supports learning in all areas, (4) people learn best when they are interested in what they
are learning, (5) extrinsic rewards negatively impact learning, (6) collaborative learning
experiences positively impacts cognition, (7) people learn best when the information is situated
within realistic contexts, (8) children are equipped to handle high levels of freedom within clear
boundaries, and (9) an organized environment positively supports learning. These concepts are
supported by currently accepted educational theory and are often seen as overlays into the
traditional public school system. The issue with this overlay is that the traditional public school
system is based on a different and contradictory behaviorist foundation and modeled after the
factories of the era during which public schools in the U.S. were taking hold (A. Lillard, 2017).
Behaviorist believe that children are conditioned to particular behaviors through extrinsic
rewards such as grades, stars and stickers, or other rewards and punishments; children learn skills
by trial and error – seeking a desired result that ends in extrinsic rewards (Schunk, 2020). It also
lends itself to the idea of children as empty vessels, needing to be filled. As schools were
developed in the U.S., efficiency was also deemed as important which did not allow for
individualized learning (A. Lillard, 2017). Although traditional schools began as one-room
schoolhouses with multiple ages, with the increased focus on efficiency and a focus on the
factory model, single-age classrooms emerged as early as 1847 in Massachusetts (A. Lillard,
2017). Single aged classrooms are also in conflict with the Montessori principle of cooperative

21
learning. This principle is experienced through the expectation of three-year age groupings
within the Montessori classroom (Debs, 2019; A. Lillard, 2017).
In addition to Lillard’s (2017) nine principles of Montessori pedagogy, the American
Montessori Society (n.d.), identified five key components of Montessori education: (1) trained
Montessori teachers present in every classroom, (2) multi-age classrooms with 3-year age spans,
(3) the use of Montessori materials that are designed for self-correction, (4) child-directed work,
and (5) uninterrupted work periods. Despite the differences between the two accrediting
agencies, both the American Montessori Society (AMS) and the Association Montessori
International – United States of America (AMI) agree that these key components are paramount
to authentic Montessori education (Debs, 2019).
In most states, Montessori education programs are distinct from state credentialing
services and oftentimes in public Montessori schools, teachers are expected to hold both a
teaching credential and a Montessori certificate. There is also much difference in Montessori
training programs across the country, which can lead to a difference in the depth and quality of
training (A. Lillard, 2017). For the purposes of this study, authentic Montessori schools are
schools that adhere to the five key components. I further define authentic Montessori according
to the structural descriptors posited by Lillard (2017): 3-year age groupings in accordance to
stages of development observed by Dr. Montessori, a 2- to 3- hour uninterrupted work period in
the morning and an uninterrupted 2- to 3- hour work period in the afternoon (Association
Montessori International - United States of America, 2022). In observing authentic Montessori
classrooms, one may notice an orderly environment with learning materials separated by subject
on shelves in different areas of the room. Children typically have the choice of working at a
desk, on a mat on the floor, or outside in defined work areas. One may also note that furniture is

22
distinct in size, matching the average size of children of the defined age group and there are often
elements of home, such as an equipped kitchen, child-sized sink, and artwork. Often, Montessori
guides seek to incorporate natural elements such as plants and gardens and the vast majority of
materials are made from natural materials such as wood and glass.
Furthermore, classroom ages are separated by the four planes of consciousness which Dr.
Montessori identified as developmental stages the child passes through, denoted by specific
characteristics. The four planes, infancy, childhood, adolescence, and maturity are further
described below:
• Infancy: The first stage of development begins at birth and continues through age 6.
There is a sensitivity toward learning and absorbing the world around the child. Some
characteristics of the first plane include a need to feel loved and protected, the
development of communication skills, improved motor skills, a desire for purposeful
work and a preference to work alone.
• Childhood: The second stage of development begins at age 6 and continues to age 12.
This period allows for a growth in mind and personality. Characteristics include a
readiness to move from concrete to abstract learning, use of imagination, a sense of
justice, and the greatest potential for intellectual development of all the stages.
• Adolescence: The third stage of development spans ages 12 to 18 and is described by
a period of social independence. Characteristics of this plane include demanding
respect, emotional instability, the return of the need for a nurturing environment,
continued abstract learning and a desire to discover a vocation.
• Maturity: As the fourth and final stage of development, maturity spans ages 18
through 24 years. Dr. Montessori describes this period as a period of spiritual,

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emotional, and moral independence. Characteristics include finding a place in society,
identifying personal interests, and understanding personal responsibility.
Although Dr. Montessori is quite exact in her descriptions, these ages are not rigid.
Unlike the traditional U.S. education system that is steeped in white supremacy culture which
craves objectivity and a need for linear thinking (Jones & Okun, 2001), the Montessori method
allows room for observation and adaptation. A well-trained guide is also trained to observe and
recognize a child’s transition through sensitive periods. Oftentimes, you will notice that
Montessorians do not reference grade levels such as first, second, third, and so on. Instead,
children are referenced by their age, including the year and the month. This allows for a variation
in readiness or “sensitive periods” that is less likely to be acknowledged in traditional schools.
So, whereas a Montessori guide or parent may state that a child is 5 years and 7 months,
traditional teachers will simply state that a child is in kindergarten. The rigid nature of traditional
schooling ignores the fact that a child at 5 years and 2 months may not be ready to learn the same
skills as a child at 5 years and 9 months. Often in traditional schools, all children in the same
grade must be taught the same material at the same time. Some will absorb, some will not. This
stance on educating stems from the assembly line nature of education in this country and is part
of the basis for establishing rankings or grades (A. Lillard, 2017). With this interpretation, grades
do not articulate skill level, but readiness level and it lends itself to the deficit mindsets that is
often geared toward Black children and other children of color (Horsford & Grosland, 2013).
Additionally, although there has been an exponential increase in public Montessori
schools acrost the U.S., based on the provided definition of authentic Montessori, many of these
schools would not be considered. Oftentimes in traditional schools, there are requirements and/or
offerings of enrichment courses such as physical education or foreign language. These

24
enrichment courses oftentimes necessitate a break in the work period to accommodate teacher
schedules or school budget.
AMI notes several differences between traditional (or “mainstream”) and Montessori
education that envelop both the nine principles identified by Lillard (2017) and the five core
components listed by AMS (n.d.). These differences include that Montessori is based on the
natural development of individuals as opposed to a focus on standards and/or a national
curriculum and that children learn at their own pace as opposed to a predetermined timeline
established by educational agencies. Another notable difference is the emphasis on the social
development of the child that is only recently becoming a question to address in traditional
schools across the country.
In current U.S. educational discussions, much of the focus is on the outcomes of
education. Although research into the academic and social-emotional benefits of Montessori in
the U.S. is much more recent, earlier studies provide insight into the benefits of Montessori
education. A study of upper elementary (fourth through sixth grade) students noted more
intrinsic motivation and sense of competency when they experienced more autonomy (Deci et
al., 1981). Another study of American independent students showed less intrinsic motivation
when they had their choices removed (Iyengar & Lepper, 1999). Although not specific to
Montessori children, a major component of Montessori pedagogy is the child-centered approach
that allows for children to choose their own learning at their own pace. Often called “follow the
child,” autonomy is given as early as the toddler years and increases over time. Trained guides
observe a child’s interests and provides lessons accordingly. In a typical authentic Montessori
classroom, it is not surprising to observe children walking about the classroom, choosing their
next activity based on their current desires. Dr. Montessori believed that respect for children was

25
paramount to learning (Debs, 2019; A. Lillard, 2017). This autonomy, as the studies
demonstrated, lead to a higher sense of self-efficacy, which translates to stronger academic
performance (Deci et al., 1981; A. S. Lillard et al., 2017; Schunk, 2020).
A more recent study of Montessori education by Kathryn Dohrmann (2003), at the behest
of AMI and in conjunction with several other agencies, included a longitudinal study of 201 high
school students in the Milwaukee Public Schools (MPS). MPS has the strongest network of
public Montessori schools in the country (Jor’dan, 2017). According to Dohrmann (2003),
students who completed Montessori programs performed significantly higher in Math and
Science on the ACT and the nationally standardized test, WKCE (Wisconsin Knowledge and
Concepts Examination). Conversely, a 2005 study failed to support its hypothesis that
Montessori students would perform significantly higher than their traditional school
counterparts; this study, however, assessed academic achievement using multiple state exams
from New York and included a high percentage (approximately 53%) of minoritized students
(Lopata et al., 2005). Additionally, Laski (2016) found that Kindergarten children in Montessori
had a significant advantage over traditionally schooled children, but this advantage disappeared
by the third grade. These differences in outcomes may be linked to several differences, including
the strength of the Montessori programs, the strength and rigor of the traditional programs in
comparison, the objectivity of the employed tests, or even the environmental factors of the
minoritized children included in the study. With standardized tests often comparing the global
majority to the achievement of their white counterparts, there is little room for the individualized
and social development that is the basis of Montessori education.
The most recent studies have observed both academic and social-emotional findings.
Lillard and Else-Quest’s (2006) study demonstrated better social cognition among 5-year old and

26
12-year-old children with Montessori schooling. An additional study of 3- to 6-year old Montessori
students also found that Montessori children demonstrated higher academic achievement and
social understanding than their traditionally schooled counterparts (A. S. Lillard et al., 2017).
Generally, research findings demonstrate favorable results for Montessori, however, few of these
results are specific to the impact of Montessori on Black children and families.
Montessori and Black Children
Until recent years, Montessori’s past history with the education of Black children was not
widely discussed. However, Black people have long since recognized the liberatory aspects of
Montessori pedagogy. Researchers such as Asa G. Hilliard III have connected the Montessori
method to the unearthing of genius in minoritized children, specifically African American
children. Jor’dan (2017) notes Hilliard’s reference to the “human metaphor” and the possibility
of Montessori’s ability to unearth the genius of African American children. And even prior to
this and other research, notable African American educators established Montessori schools for
Black children during the 1960s and 1970s such as Mae-Arlene Gadpaille, who held a vision of a
Montessori community in Boston, Hakim Jamal, the founder of Malcolm X Montessori in Los
Angeles, and Lenore Gertrude Briggs who provided free or low-cost Montessori childcare in
Brooklyn (Debs, 2019; Murray et al., 2020). These and other educators recognized the potential
for Montessori education to overcome the decades of educational negligence of Black children in
the U.S.
As the years progressed, the question of cognitive and academic success for Montessori
children has experienced more research. However, there is much less research that specifically
studies the educational outcomes of African American children (Ansari & Winsler, 2014; Brown
& Lewis, 2017; Denervaud et al., 2020; A. S. Lillard, 2012; A. S. Lillard et al., 2017; Lopata et

27
al., 2005; McCladdie, 2006). Most recently, Ansari and Winsler’s 2014 study examined 709 low-
income Black and Latino 4-year-olds after one year of Montessori in Miami-Dade County.
Although significant gains were observed in Latinx children, Black children demonstrated gains
that were more consistent with children participating in traditional pre-school programs. One
possible explanation for this discrepancy may be due to the existence of anti-blackness and
oppressive pedagogy that may still exist in Montessori programs within the U.S. Additionally,
there is a study that found that Black third graders outperformed traditional public schools in
both reading and math and those same third graders performed better in reading and similarly in
math when compared to other magnet schools (Brown & Lewis, 2017; Debs, 2019).
There is a need to continue research that studies the differences in outcomes and impact
on Black children instructed in Montessori pedagogy. This study seeks to continue this
conversation with a qualitative case study examining how Black children and families experience
Montessori pedagogy and the perceived impact on the academic and social well-being of African
American children.
Summary
Despite historical attempts to stifle the educational progress of Black people in the U.S.,
Black people have continuously demonstrated resilience and an unwavering fervor for education
as a declaration of humanity and freedom. From underground and illegal schools during the
period of enslavement to the Freedman schools established before, during, and after
Reconstruction, and more recent instances of schools specifically established for the
advancement of Black children, Black people have honored and respected the importance of
education (Anderson, 1988; Woodson, 2017). Likewise in Montessori education within the U.S.,

28
Black people have recognized its efficacy as an educational too and utilized the Montessori
pedagogy despite its historical ties to elitist educational opportunities (Debs, 2019).
In recent years, interest in Montessori has increased exponentially as parents learn of and
experience a highly effective alternative education model. Interest among Black families has also
increased as public Montessori schools service nearly double the number of Black children in the
U.S. (Debs, 2019). With this explosion, and with the national interest in accountability and
achievement, there has been an increasing number of studies dedicated to the impact of
Montessori pedagogy on the academic and social-emotional well-being of children. There are
few recent studies that examine this relationship and even fewer who have specifically
researched its impact on Black children (Ansari & Winsler, 2014; Brown & Lewis, 2017). Of the
existing studies, the findings are relatively positive concerning the impact of Montessori
education. This study seeks to provide insight into the specific experiences of Black children and
families in Montessori and to create space for the counter-narratives of these individuals.

29
Chapter Three: Methodology
Education in the U.S. has long since been accepted as a prerequisite to true freedom.
Thomas Jefferson noted the relationship between freedom and education when he stated in his
1787 speech to the Virginia legislature that a nation that expected to be both ignorant and free
expected the impossible (Anderson, 1988). However, for Jefferson and many of the lawmakers
and constituents in the country, education was distinctly reserved for white males. Segregation
practices, supported by the legal precedence such as Plessy v. Ferguson’s (1896) separate but
equal doctrine, would further the opportunity gap for education that persists today. After the
desegregation of public schools with the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, schools
would become diversified in name, but not often in action.
Furthermore, for marginalized communities in this country, and specifically for Black
students, the negative effects of traditional education, compounded by historically Eurocentric
curriculum rooted in white supremacy culture, have been detrimental. The U.S. high school
graduation rates demonstrate a ten-percentage point gap between Black students (79%) and white
students (89%). Moreover, there is a 32 point gap in math scores and a 28-point gap in reading
scores (National Center for Education Statistics, 2020c, 2020a). This data points to a failure to
adequately educate Black children in the U.S.
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study is to discover how Black children's experience in an authentic
Montessori classroom has impacted their academic and social-emotional development. Through
a case study of Bridgewater Montessori School, a private Montessori program in California,
practitioners may gain a better understanding of the experience of Black Montessori families and

30
better equip their faculty and staff to attend to the specific needs of Black families in their
schools to provide more equitable educational opportunities.
Research Questions
The following research questions were used to guide the study:
1. How does Montessori pedagogy support the academic progress of Black children?
2. How does Montessori pedagogy support the social-emotional well-being of Black
children?
3. How do parents / caregivers of Black Montessori children view their child(ren)’s
academic progress in Montessori school?
4. How do parents / caregivers of Black students attending Montessori schools describe the
emotional well-being of their children?
Using Critical Race Theory as the framework, this study seeks to examine how
Montessori pedagogy and curriculum specifically impact Black children operating within the
U.S. and thereby within white supremacy culture as defined by Jones and Okun (2001). Ladson-
Billings (2013) described five tenets of Critical Race Theory: (1) racism is a salient part of
American society, (2) social and political moves toward racial justice are merely examples of
interest convergence, (3) race is a social construct, (4) intersectionality is a necessity in
explaining racial phenomena, and (5) story-telling is used to illustrate broad principles.
Selection of the Population
For this case study, the researcher interviewed parents and/or guardians of students who
attended Bridgewater Montessori School during the 2021-2022 school year and who identified as
Black/African American to better understand the lived experience of Black families who attend

31
the Montessori school. Gathering this information will inform Montessorians as well as
traditional school stakeholders and policymakers how to best serve Black children and families.
Participants in this study were five parents of Black Montessori students and five faculty
members of the school. During the selection of participants, the researcher asked participants to
self-identify their race in order to identify eligible participants. The researcher worked with
school administrative personnel to recruit families to participate in the study. Table 1 displays
the interview criteria for the chosen families.
To conduct this study, the researcher used purposeful sampling because the study is
focused on Black children who attended Bridgewater school during the 2021 school year
(Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Both parents and faculty who met the criteria were given a
recruitment letter by the school director as an invitation to participate. Interested parties were
asked to provide contact information and then their eligibility was confirmed prior to interviews.
Additionally, this study used snowball sampling to identify potential interview participants since
historically, the population in question is not usually amenable to research (Lochmiller & Lester,
2017). After each interview, snowball sampling was used when the participants were asked to
identify any individuals who met the criteria who may be interested in participating. Contact
information was either collected for the identified individuals or they were sent the recruitment
letter by interview participants.

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Table 1
Interview Selection Criteria for Black Families in Montessori
Participation eligibility
The parent/caregiver, teacher, or administrator of a child that is currently enrolled at
Bridgewater Montessori School
AND
Are the parent/caregiver, teacher, or administrator of a student who self-identifies (or parent
identifies) as Black or African American

The research was conducted in a major county in California. The city was chosen because
it has a significant population of Black school-aged children. The school district from where the
students and parents were selected serves approximately forty thousand students with fourteen
percent of students identifying as African American. Given that participants attend a private
school, it is important to note that the district offers alternative education in the form of three
public Waldorf Schools and two public charter Montessori schools. Currently, there are no
Montessori programs in the district that are accredited by either AMI nor AMS (American
Montessori Society, 2022; Association Montessori International - United States of America,
2022).
Bridgewater Montessori School is one of only two private Montessori schools serving
elementary-aged children within the district (Niche, 2022). The researcher chose the school of
study for its fidelity to Montessori pedagogy, the ethnic diversity of the campus, and its location
within the school district limits. Furthermore, as attendees of a private school, with other public

33
alternative school options including Waldorf and Montessori, families have chosen to participate
in Montessori.
Design Summary
For this study, it was important to conduct a qualitative case study as a means of gaining
a better understanding of the experiences of Black children in Montessori to describe ways in
which Montessori pedagogy differs from traditional schools in the education of Black children
(Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). This study has been centered on Merriam and Tisdell’s (2015) and
Lochmiller and Lester’s (2017) steps on conducting qualitative research. Chapter one identified
the problem and purpose of the study, chapter two is an in-depth review of relevant literature.
Chapters three, four, and five describe the method for data collection, analysis, and
interpretation, respectively.
Instrumentation and Protocols
This study is a qualitative holistic single-case study conducted on the single campus of
Bridgewater Montessori School. To obtain the data concerning the successful education of Black
children, this study included interview data and maintained collection and analysis protocol
consistent with Merriam and Tisdell’s (2015) and Creswell’s (2013) design and methodology
elements.
Interview
Through purposeful and snowball sampling (Johnson & Christenson, 2017), the
researcher conducted qualitative research in the form of interviews to create a specific case
study. Qualitative data was gathered through the use of interviews and document analysis. The
interview protocol (see Appendix A) consisted of nine questions, five of which contained follow-
up questions. The interview questions ask about specific events and actions in order to tap into

34
the episodic memory of the respondents (Maxwell, 2013). The researcher conducted interviews
using an online program to allow for virtual discussion. For those respondents without internet
access, telephone interviews were conducted. The interview was open-ended and semi-structured
(Creswell, 2013; Maxwell, 2013). With the respondent’s permission, the interview was recorded
and notes were taken during the process (Creswell, 2013). Interviews were later transcribed
using an online application and the transcriptions were checked against the videos for accuracy.
Data Collection
Since this study is specifically focused on Black people as a vulnerable population, it is
important to ensure a proper cross section of socioeconomic statuses and parental educational
attainment to bolster validity (Salkind, 2017). Therefore, the study focused on recruitment to
obtain participants from multiple families with Black-identifying children. The study followed
Creswell’s (Creswell, 2013) data collection steps when conducting research for this study: (a)
locate the individual and/or site, (b) follow steps to gain access and create a relationship, (c)
purposeful sampling, (d) collect the data, (e) record the information, (f) resolve field issues, and
(g) store the data.
In order to collect qualitative data, interviews were conducted with five parents or
caregivers who cared for children who identified as Black or African American and indicated
that they would participate in an in-depth interview. Interview participants were chosen using
purposeful sampling based on the criteria listed in Table 1. Prior to the interviews, each potential
participant was given a document clearly articulating their rights as a participant (Bogdan &
Biklen, 2007b). As an often misrepresented population, it was imperative that all participants
understood their rights as participants, prior consent was given to conduct and record the
interview, all interviewees knew that their answers would be confidential, and electronic

35
signature signified their understanding of these rights as participants (Atkins & Duckworth,
2019; Glesne, 2011). Each participant received a copy of the document and immediately prior to
commencement of the interview, the document was reviewed using screen share, their signature
was confirmed, and their consent reassured.
For each of the caregivers interviewed, they were asked ahead of time to identify a
convenient day and time for them to provide enough notice to establish comfort with the
interview process (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007b). Semi-structured interviews were conducted online
via Zoom during the prescribed date and time. Verbal and written permission was obtained to
record the interview, and the participant was given the option for their camera to remain off
although the researcher’s camera remained on to further support comfort during the interview
process (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007b; Glesne, 2011). Additionally, written notes were taken with
the participants’ verbal and written permission, and the video and online transcription service
was used to transcribe the video prior to personally checking the transcription for accuracy. The
interviews took approximately forty-five minutes to complete and permission was obtained to
conduct follow-up phone calls if necessary to clarify data or in consideration of proper
interpretation (Glesne, 2011).
Data Analysis
All of the items in the interview protocols were directly linked to all four research
questions. The study included a phased analysis approach. Data analysis began simultaneously
with data collection to allow for the iterative process and emergent design of qualitative research
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). After each interview, videos were transcribed and reviewed,
conducting a within-case analysis to describe the context of each interview and to identify
possible themes and questions to ask the next interviewer and possible follow-up questions for

36
the first participant (Creswell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). After the collection of data from
the interviews, interviews were personally transcribed, thereby increasing familiarity with the
data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Additionally, as data was collected and analyzed, the study was
narrowed, more analytic questions were developed, and the data collection plan was further
developed (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007a).
In addition to simultaneous analysis, the study included a cross-case analysis in which
the data was coded, all respondents received a pseudonym, and larger themes were identified to
support initial interpretations (Creswell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). The data was then
consolidated and compared before data integration was completed (Creswell, 2013; Lochmiller
& Lester, 2017).
Validity and Reliability
Every effort was made to ensure validity and reliability throughout the study. First the
research was conducted ethically, adhering to the guidelines provided by the University
Institution Review Board (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Data triangulation was achieved by
narrowing the focus of the study and obtaining and cross-referencing multiple data points
(Bogdan & Biklen, 2007a; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Additionally, the study utilized respondent
validation and reflexivity to augment researcher bias (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
Summary
This study used an intrinsic and holistic qualitative single-case study. Qualitative data was
collected from interviews and document collection. The data collected was analyzed to target the
four research questions:
1. How does Montessori pedagogy support the academic progress of Black children?

37
2. How does Montessori pedagogy support the social-emotional well-being of Black
children?
3. How do parents / caregivers of Black Montessori children view their child(ren)’s
academic progress in Montessori school?
4. How do parents / caregivers of Black students attending Montessori schools describe the
emotional well-being of their children?
These findings have been presented in chapter four with a discussion of the findings in chapter
five.

38
Chapter Four: Results or Findings
The purpose of this study is to better understand the experience of Black children in an
authentic Montessori school and how this experience has impacted their academic and social-
emotional development. Through a case study of Bridgewater Montessori School (pseudonym), a
private Montessori program in California, practitioners may gain a better understanding of the
experience of Black Montessori families and better equip their faculty and staff to attend to the
specific needs of Black families in their schools and provide more equitable educational
opportunities.
Research Questions
The following research questions were used to guide the study:
1. How does Montessori pedagogy support the academic progress of Black children?
2. How does Montessori pedagogy support the social-emotional well-being of Black
children?
3. How do parents / caregivers of Black Montessori children view their child(ren)’s
academic progress in Montessori school?
4. How do parents / caregivers of Black students attending Montessori schools describe the
emotional well-being of their children?
This study examined how Montessori pedagogy, operating within the white supremacy
culture of the U.S., impacts Black children through the lens of Critical Race Theory as the
framework. Through a case study of Bridgewater Montessori School, the following tenets of
Critical Race Theory, as described by Ladson-Billings (2013) are elevated through discussions
with parents and care-givers: (1) racism is a salient part of American society, (2) social and
political moves toward racial justice are merely examples of interest convergence, (3) race is a

39
social construct, (4) intersectionality is a necessity in explaining racial phenomena, and (5) story-
telling is used to illustrate broad principles.
Participants
The participants in this study met the criteria of being parents and/or teachers of children
currently enrolled in Bridgewater Montessori School in either the primary or elementary classes.
Although the children must identify as Black or African American, the caregivers who
participated did not need to identify in this manner. Therefore, parents of multi-racial children
could themselves identify as non-Black while also caring for Black children. Of the one hundred
twenty enrolled students, 14 identified as African American. The parents of all 14 children were
invited to participate and five parents consented to interview.
Secondly, faculty were invited to participate in the study if they met the criteria of being
a teacher (lead or support) of Black children currently enrolled in the school. There are a total of
four classrooms – two primary classes (ages 3 – 6 years), one lower elementary class (ages 6 – 9
years), and one upper elementary class (ages 9 – 12 years). Of the four classrooms, three
included students who identified as Black; the upper elementary classroom did not currently
have African American children enrolled. The three eligible classrooms included 11 total faculty
members who met these criteria. All 11 faculty members were invited to participate and five
consented to interview.
Interviews were conducted with both teachers and parents to provide insight into the
degree of alignment among teachers and parents in defining, developing, and evaluating success
within the Montessori program. Research documents that when there is alignment between
teacher and parent school beliefs and values, children are more successful (Jarrett & Coba-
Rodriguez, 2019). Both parents and faculty were asked a series of questions that provided insight

40
to their beliefs concerning academic and social-emotional growth and success. The findings from
these interviews are detailed in the following sections. Due to the limited number of African
American students enrolled in the school, only the pseudonyms of parents will be shared. Any
other identifying information would jeopardize participant confidentiality. Parent participants
included parents of multiple children, parents of mixed-race children, and parents of children in
primary, lower elementary, or upper elementary classes. Their names are Alicia (pseudonym),
Bianca (pseudonym), Claudia (pseudonym), Denise (pseudonym), and Eboni (pseudonym).
Table 2 provides an overview of the pertinent information for faculty participants. All names are
pseudonyms to maintain confidentiality and only the participant’s race is shared due to the
limited number of eligible participants in order to protect their confidentiality. Faculty
participants had varying years of experience in Montessori from less than one year to more that
25 years. For the purpose of this study, the term faculty refers to both lead guides and assistants.

Table 2
List of Faculty Participants and Their Self-Identified Race / Ethnicity
Name Race / Ethnicity
Melinda White / Caucasian
Nicole White / Caucasian
Rebecca White / Caucasian
Elizabeth White / Caucasian
Janet Hispanic

41
Results Research Question One
The first research question is a consideration of how Montessori pedagogy supports the
academic progress of Black children. In pursuit of possibilities, I sought to understand the
perspectives of the faculty at Bridgewater Montessori School. Although Bridgewater is not
currently accredited by AMI nor AMS, the school maintained its accreditation for several years
until its renewal during the COVID pandemic and continues to maintain the guidelines for
accreditation put forth by AMI. Inasmuch, all lead guides are Montessori trained and certified in
the age range that they currently teach, and some have additional certifications as well.
Montessori education is based upon five principles: (1) trained Montessori teachers are
present in every classroom, (2) multi-age classrooms with 3-year age spans, (3) the use of
Montessori materials that are designed for self-correction, (4) child-directed work, and (5)
uninterrupted work periods (American Montessori Society, n.d.). These key components form
the basis of what is considered Montessori pedagogy. Additionally, Montessori education is
touted as providing a well-rounded education that teaches the whole child. In most authentic
programs, children receive instruction in traditional subjects such as mathematics, language arts,
science, history, and geography. They are also instructed in more practical and social subjects
often called practical life, grace and courtesy, and peace education.
Research into the academic benefits of Montessori in the U.S. is a more recent interest.
Unlike traditional schooling that has experienced waves of interest into the academic outcomes
of children, Montessori’s focus remained on educating the whole child. In the U.S. concerns
were raised about the academic outcomes of children with U.S. Department of Education’s A
Nation at Risk (1983) which led to a national focus on educational outcomes and test scores.
However, since Montessori mostly remained in the private sphere until its explosion into public

42
charter schools in the early 1990s (Debs, 2019), high stakes testing that resulted from
government intervention was not a focus of Montessori schools. With a national focus on student
outcomes, more recent studies have examined the effects of Montessori education on academic
outcomes. A 2003 study found that Montessori students performed significantly higher in math
and science while a study of fourth and eighth graders found no significant difference in
educational outcomes for Montessori students (Dohrmann, 2003; Lopata et al., 2005).
Additionally a comparative study of math skills in Montessori and non-Montessori early
elementary school students found a significant advantage in Kindergarten students that dissipated
by the second and third grades (Laski et al., 2016). These conflicting results are possibly also
influenced by the fact that Montessori as a title is not regulated in the U.S. Any program,
regardless of its fidelity to the Montessori method, may choose to utilize the Montessori
moniker. Furthermore, while there is limited research on the academic impact of Montessori
education, there are even fewer studies that disaggregate this data by race or ethnicity. A study
published in 2014 examined low-income Black and Latinx 4-year-olds and observed significant
gains in Latinx children, but saw gains consistent with traditional pre-school programs for Black
children (Ansari & Winsler, 2014). Alternatively, Brown and Lewis (2017) found that Black
third graders outperformed traditional students in both reading and math.
In an effort to better understand the conflicting research results, this study interviewed five
faculty members from Bridgewater Montessori School, all of whom were teachers of Black
children within their school. Although faculty interviews were intended to answer Research
Question One, How does Montessori pedagogy support the academic progress of Black
children? However, faculty comments demonstrated a discomfort in racializing the academic
experiences of Black children. Part of this discomfort may stem from the fact that only one of the

43
twenty-five total faculty members identify as Black, and none of the faculty members eligible to
participate in this study identified as Black. When asked to racialize the experience of Black
children, participants often responded using terms such as “all children” and one participant
noted that she had never considered how the experience might be different for Black children.
Such responses demonstrated a lack of understanding in the ways in which Black people
experience education in U.S. society and/or a discomfort, as white faculty to discuss racial issues
(Tatum, 1997).
Despite hesitation to racialize the experience, two themes emerged from interviews: the
importance of Montessori pedagogy and the importance of academic subjects. The results for
each theme are discussed in the following sections, respectively.
Montessori Pedagogy
When asked how they would describe Montessori to parents of Black children considering
the program, all of the faculty interviewed referenced the Montessori component of child-
directed work. Child directed work describes the constructivist model of Montessori pedagogy –
focusing on the reciprocal nature of people and their environments as they acquire skills and
knowledge – and is thought to encourage engagement, motivation, and ownership (A. Lillard,
2017). Through her work, Dr. Montessori discovered that children have a natural desire to learn
and will seek mastery when given the chance (Debs, 2019; A. Lillard, 2017). The child-centered
program also denotes that instruction is based on the natural development of each individual
child as opposed to the traditional focus on standards or standardized curriculum and results in
individualized learning plans where children learn at their own pace (American Montessori
Society, n.d.; A. Lillard, 2017).

44
Research demonstrates a positive connection between exercising choice and performance.
In a comparative study of 7 – 9-year-old American independent and Asian interdependent
children, American children showed less intrinsic motivation when choices were made for them
(Iyengar & Lepper, 1999). Another study of fourth- through sixth-grade students demonstrated
that when children experienced more autonomy, they were more intrinsically motivated and saw
themselves as more competent (Deci et al., 1981). Thus, the child-centered approach in
Montessori pedagogy is intended to promote a sense of autonomy and control that promotes a
higher sense of self-efficacy and lead to stronger academic performance (Deci et al., 1981; A.
Lillard, 2017; Schunk, 2020). Many faculty noted the aforementioned benefits in their
estimation of the child-centered approach. Table 3 provides a list of comments from participating
faculty concerning the student-focused nature of Montessori pedagogy.

45
Table 3
Comments From Participating Faculty Referencing Child-Centered Approach in Montessori Pedagogy
Faculty Comments
Melinda “Any parent conversation that I have talking about Montessori it really starts for me with the respect that the staff
and administration give the children here and then also the ability that we have in the classroom to follow
the child and meet the child’s need specifically where they’re at academically, emotionally, socially.”

“And I think that's really what again, the Montessori approach does for these children is it allows them the
freedom to really deep dive or dig into what they want to learn about, of course, with right with the
guides being guardrails and redirecting when they have to or but that when those specific instances
happen. I know that the children are learning.”

“So, I feel I feel like it's all important, but I feel really the most important piece of Montessori and for learning in
the classroom is allowing the child to figure out what they really wanted, what they're interested in, and
allowing them that freedom to like deep dive into learning about that subject.”

Nicole “The Montessori environment provides an individualized learning pace for children which is especially helpful
for any children who may not be learning at the same speed as their peers or in the same path as their
peers. And I think that can be helpful for children regardless of their skin color.”

“But what I see is that because it is an individualized learning environment, so if there are any Black children,
which there are several in my class right now, any Black children who are working ahead of their peer group
or like working at a more advanced level than their peer group, they're able to do that. They're not held back.
Where in a traditional classroom setting, if there were Black children who were at a more advanced academic
level, they would end up being probably held back because everybody needs to be doing the same work at the
same time and moving forward at the same speed in a traditional classroom. But in a Montessori classroom,
that's not the case. So, I think that would be very advantageous for a child.”

“[Not labeling and/or ignoring Black children] probably has a lot to do with just the general pedagogy that
children are respected. I mean in a Montessori classroom, children are respected. They're respected in the way
that they're given freedom to choose their own work. We respect the choices they're going to make. We trust in

46
Faculty Comments
the choices that they'll make.”

Rebecca “Montessori is where we follow the child and then follow their developmental, where they are developmentally
so all of the we use didactic materials.”

Janet “Montessori is very hands-on, and the child has control and they choose what they want to do really, like on their
lessons. It's more like let the child learn on their own and the teacher [does not] not help as much. It's more like
you watch so the child would get more independence.”

Elizabeth “What's special about Montessori is children get to choose. There's some independence there. Yeah, just focusing
on their ability. There's more independence to become who they're supposed to become.”

“Montessori definitely has more freedoms, but their day is not about exploration and building themselves. It's
about adults deciding how these children should grow.”

“I feel like the older classes there really is [freedom in] terms of choice. Children can pretty much do whatever
feels right. But in the primary classrooms, I'm not feeling that in Montessori, and that's what's most known in
Montessori. And so, children have choices like you can do this job, or this job, or this job.”

“I don't believe that Maria Montessori meant this, you know, meant that oh, [classrooms are] very tidy and
structured and oh, you can choose between those jobs, and I just don't think that's the essence of Montessori.”

“If you put a tight jacket on a child and you take it off, they're just gonna run around because they're so happy
they're free. But if you never take away their freedom, then they're just at ease.”

“It lets them go at their own pace. Because it's definitely individualized. And the younger years it is definitely
individualized.”

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When discussing the Montessori principle of child-directed work, all of the faculty
members highlighted the importance and benefits of individualized learning. Melinda pointed out
the benefit of “meeting the child where they’re at” which highlights the fact that Montessori
classrooms are not dictated by arbitrary standards that disregard an individual student’s need but
instead has the freedom of focusing on each child’s personal learning journey and their place on
Dr. Montessori’s planes of development (Association Montessori International - United States of
America, 2022). Additionally, as a private school, Bridgewater is not impacted by high-stakes
testing to demonstrate student progress. And although many teachers may utilize the state
standards as a guide to ensure students are prepared for middle school (Bridgewater ends at 12
years or sixth grade), as one teacher stated, they are not “tied down by state testing”. Nicole and
Janet further described the curricular freedom of following the child, highlighting that whether
the child is more advanced or further behind their peers, guides are able to provide the
developmentally appropriate lesson at the correct time. Contrastingly, Elizabeth bemoaned the
lack of choice provided to younger children. While she agrees that the children enjoy more
freedom than traditional schools, she also acknowledges that the choices that primary-aged
children receive are limited in scope.
Additionally, the child-centered approach along with the three-year age groupings allows
for the guide to deeply get to know each student. Melinda shared an example of a Montessori
student’s reaction to receiving grades in middle school:
And I had another child come back and say, “how can this teacher see me for 45 minutes
a day? How can they write this report about me? They don’t know me. Like, when do
[they] get to know me? They don’t know me; how can they write this?”

48

Unlike traditional schools where students spend at minimum 45 minutes per day or at most the
entire day for a year, Montessori guides remain with the same children for three years. As faculty
follow the child, they are able to get to know each child very well. Rebecca shared her
experience, “…because I have them for three years, so I know them very well – both
academically and personally.” This deep knowledge and understanding of the children offers the
opportunity to provide culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2014). Moreover, Rebecca elevated
the fact that although many guides may utilize the state standards as curricular guides, each child
has three years to achieve these educational goals. Unlike traditional schools whose focus on
efficiency only allows one year to obtain specific skills, this timing allows for students to spend
more time on a topic of interest and perhaps revisiting less interesting topics at a later date or
time when developmentally, a topic may become more interesting.
The traditional school’s focus on efficiency supports the white supremacist culture of
favoring quantity over quality – forcing children to learn as much as possible in as little time as
possible (Jones & Okun, 2001; A. Lillard, 2017). Montessori, however, allows for what one
faculty member named a “deep dive.” Janet describes what following the child is like in a
Montessori classroom, “It's not like when you compare it to another school – public schools or
even private schools – they don't move on. If you're not ready, they'll stay [on the lesson].”
Additionally, Melinda pointed out the freedom for children to dive deeply into an area of
interest, stating,
In a Montessori environment, children are able to go down that rabbit hole and follow up
and do more research and ask more questions. And, they don’t have these really specific
standards or guidelines of what they can research or not research.

49

Since most California Montessori schools do not continue through high school, Montessori
guides are expected to academically prepare them for the transition. Some guides may use state
and national learning standards to inform their lessons, but there remains a level of flexibility not
present in traditional schools. Elizabeth describes an example of how following the interest of
children can lead to “deep dive” into educational arenas:
So, when I was teaching… upper elementary, [I had] children who really loved math, like
algebra. Algebra is in our curriculum, but there's also so much more. So, I had a group of
children who just went wild with algebra and I bought all these books and we got super
advanced like through junior high and high school, and they were so proud and I learned
a lot too…that’s an example of how maybe in a public school, a group of children
wouldn't necessarily be able to spend the day…just geeking out on algebra and going at
any speed that they wanted through it.
Several teachers remarked on the limitations of traditional schools and how Montessori provides
the flexibility to explore a student’s interests. In Elizabeth’s example, a traditional school would
meet the standards for the day and move on to the next topic; however, the children in the
example are motivated to continue and learn more simply for the sake of learning. Research
examining the benefits of exercising choice and control over one’s actions points to a positive
correlation between autonomy and intrinsic motivation (Deci et al., 1981; Iyengar & Lepper,
1999) Thus, the child-centered approach in Montessori, which encourages autonomy and
independence, promotes a higher sense of self-efficacy and leads to stronger academic
performance (Deci et al., 1981; A. Lillard, 2017; Schunk, 2020).
Faculty also remarked on the connection between student-focused learning and instilling
self-confidence and a joy of learning. Rebecca described the connection, noting that guides

50

present the materials that students are interested in as a way to support self-development (Table
3). Student-focused learning means following what a child is interested in as Rebecca and
Elizabeth highlighted in the aforementioned examples. As a teacher, Rebecca noticed a child’s
interest and then presented them with materials, or instructed them, in that subject. Guides often
refer to this action as “inviting” children to the lesson.
One typical concern with the student-centered approach and independence is the
possibility that a child may refuse a lesson or focus too much on one subject at the detriment of
another. Faculty responded to this idea by pointing out the need to trust and respect a child’s
choice. Nicole described the respect given to children, “I mean in a Montessori classroom,
children are respected. They're respected in the way that they're given freedom to choose their
own work. We respect the choices they're going to make. We trust in the choices that they'll
make.” Children are given the respect to make their own choices. However, despite Montessori’s
historical perception of being too “free”, guides also consider what children need to learn and
help them make the decision to learn and practice those subjects. In response to a question about
how a guide would respond if a child refused a lesson, Rebecca explained,
First of all, I generally don't have that issue because they really love the lessons. Most all
the lessons that we try to do are sort of – they’re short. They're interesting. And so [the
children] know, based on history, that if they go, they get to hear a story. It's going to be
exciting. And so, we always try and make things upfront, something that people will want
to go to. If they're super busy, which often happens, they'll just be like, “Oh, I just yeah, I
really want to do this research. Can I come later?” And, depending on the lesson, there's
some that I don't give very often, I’ll say, “oh, just to let you know, this is probably the
last time we're going to get this this month” or whatever. And they'll be like, “Okay, I'll

51

come.” And you sort of entice them in a way like every now and then I'll be like, “Yeah,
you need to come. It's not gonna be that long. We just need to know this.” Especially if
they get to be in like third grade and they don't know something and like, [they] need to
know this. [So, I’ll say], “So the state of California says, you need to know this” …And if
they say, for example, “I don't like this or I don't like fractions” I say, “you know, well
you need to know this. Let's figure out a way for you to be able to do it that will appeal to
you.” Because there's always something that you can get them to, you know, be interested
in. So that's generally not an issue, but if it is, I'll just say, “well, you need to do this, but
let's find a way to do it that appeals to you. You can draw a picture, or you can make a
song” or you know, things like that.
Rebecca outlined several approaches that guides use to support children in choosing to learn.
First, the idea of making learning fun and teaching children to love to learn is represented in the
short, exciting lessons that are provided. She alluded to the Montessori method in which
oftentimes, lessons are taught via exciting stories. Another tactic is to simply state that the lesson
is a requirement and move to a stronger suggestion, rather than what guides typically describe as
an “invitation” to a lesson. Lastly, Rebecca shared the tactic of using multi-modal learning to
support the child in finding a way to access the material – whether it be through song, art, or
some other form that follows the interest of a child.
Janet highlights how the aforementioned method of encouraging children to make the
right decision supports not only the child’s independence, but also their confidence in their own
abilities. This confidence is linked to self-efficacy, which studies have shown to positively
influence academic performance (Schunk, 2020). Janet remarked on a child demonstrating
independence and self-efficacy:

52

When she does her jobs in that specific area, like home jobs, she knows what she's doing,
and you see her when she's done so quick. She'll get up and do the next job, or the next
one on the shelf. She goes in order [and] you see she has this cute little grin when she
gets it done… It's like a little smile in a way saying like, “I did it and I didn't need help”
… So, it's kind of like her feeling of being proud…to say to herself, “yeah, I can do this. I
did it without feeling like I needed help.” Because she didn't need help.
Janet’s example describes a young child who is following her interest in the practical life work.
As several teachers point out, the Montessori guide’s role is to observe and be ready to help only
when a child asks for help or demonstrates a true need for help. The accepted definition of
needing help is different from the traditional school’s method. As opposed to immediately
stepping in when a student makes a mistake or is practicing incorrectly, Montessori guides trust
the child and allow them to self-correct first. This trust leads to the confidence and the self-
satisfaction Janet described.
The Importance of Academic Subjects
Conversations with faculty yielded a focus on the academic subjects guides believe are
important for student success. Montessori focuses on teaching the whole child and thereby rarely
ranks the importance of academic subjects and the social-emotional. There are a few faculty
members who chose not to rank subjects but decided that everything is important (Table 4).
Furthermore, Montessori curriculum tends to be multidisciplinary. Although students are
educated in subjects familiar in traditional schools such as mathematics, language arts, science,
and social studies, as children continue to elementary, the lines between these subjects are often
blurred, especially through the focus on literacy. One faculty member likened the
interdisciplinary and contextual learning aspects of Montessori curriculum to project-based

53

learning. One of Dr. Montessori’s initial and enduring observations of children was the
importance of learning in context or “meaningful work” (Debs, 2019; A. Lillard, 2017). The
influence of contextual learning is also witnessed in more current research. One study noted that
Montessori children scored much higher on contextual math assessments than their traditionally
schooled counterparts (A. Lillard, 2017). Despite the overall focus on interdisciplinary work,
faculty at Bridgewater identified specific subjects as most important. Table 4 provides comments
from faculty participants concerning academic subjects.

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Table 4
Comments From Faculty Participants Concerning the Importance of Academic Subjects
Faculty Comments
Melinda “I feel like all of it’s important. I really can’t single out one specific topic or subject. I feel like all of it’s
important, like holistically.”

Nicole “Oh, gosh, everything [is important for a child to learn at school] and especially so in in the primary
environment…so much of what they're learning, especially the young ones are about controlling their body
meaning, you know, to walk around the classroom instead of running through the classroom. You know,
they're obviously they're young children. They're not 100% in control of their body, but kind of refining their
control a little bit. Also, so all of those fine motor gross, motor things are so important at this age, and often
are overlooked in more traditional classroom environments.”

“And then from a more academic standpoint, I mean, reading [and] writing. Now, those are the areas that [are] in
primary and those are all equally important.”

“So, I think I think academics are most definitely important, especially when we get into the children that are
pre-
kindergarten / kindergarten age, to prepare them for moving forward. But then with the younger children, most
definitely all of those lessons that would fall into practical life and grace and courtesy, which essentially is just
having good manners. Those are very important for the younger children. I mean, the older children would
have already had those lessons. So, they they've already been displaying those types of behaviors.

Rebecca “For me…it's like, can you read? Can you do basic math? And, because they learned so much in the primary
that's already ahead, most of the children are sort of academically ahead anyway. But I just make sure that they
have their basic skills down.”

“So, I always sort of balance that if I have a child who's got all their basic skills, follows up on work that I've
shown them but is like super interested in rockets or planets or plants or whatever, I have no problem with
them just going for it because they're always gonna read on their own. They're gonna read books on their own,

55

Faculty Comments
they're gonna find out information, do research, like, write their stuff down and present it to people and things
like that. So, it's just a balance.”

“And then, the first-year students at the beginning of the year, I always do sort of a, you know – reading
assessment to see where they are in the reading just like, do they know all their sounds? And how are they
putting words together? And all that. So, I sort of make a determination of where they are with that. Math,
generally, people are about the same place anyway. And we just kind of keep moving…”

Janet “Montessori teaches home things they should know, certain subjects like math, language arts and subjects like
that. They do baking, sewing, hand washing or like washing clothes, learning how to fold, practice pouring,
and even carrying glass cups, glass plates. I feel like those subjects with the younger children in primary have
like that's very important.”

Elizabeth “There aren't choices to just like draw for an hour or paint for an hour like because the academic piece is so
important in Montessori. I feel like in the primary classrooms, there is a lot of, “oh, you can't draw right now,
though, because you need to practice [finishing] your jobs.” It really bothers me.

“Cosmic education…it's so magical. It's really about the universe – everything big. Everything big and all those
philosophical questions that we don't really ask ourselves anymore.”

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Four of the faculty members identified the importance of basic skills such as reading and
writing; however, there is also a shared focus on practical life and grace and courtesy skills for
younger children. Unlike traditional and public schools whose focus is on testing, the Montessori
faculty are not beholden to state testing and the undue focus on test scores as an indicator of
student achievement. The overall focus is on preparing children for life beyond school. One
faculty member shared a story of a Montessori student who shared her observations of
traditionally schooled students after beginning high school. Rebecca recalled the story:
[She said,] “All they care about is getting an A like, that's it.” So, it's that sort of a
different kind of way of looking at learning. They're like, what can I know about this and
how can I know it in depth? And then when they go to a place where children are only
like, “I need to get an A; I don't care what it takes. I don't really care to know it. I just
need to get an A.” That's a little puzzling for them.
So, according to the faculty, one outcome of educating the whole child is to support their desire
to learn for the sake of knowing and learning. And as the majority of the faculty were reticent to
differentiate between their Black students and other students, it is possible that this same belief is
transferrable to all students within their classes. The focus on learning as opposed to test scores
and grades is a stark contrast from the deficit narrative of Black children and the supposed
achievement gap. As Elizabeth pointed out, “A child's always learning. There's not a moment a
child is not learning.” The fact that children are always learning also connected to her belief that
academics are simply not that important; however, when asked, Elizabeth identified Cosmic
Education as the most important subject for children. She described Cosmic Education as big
questions or ideas such as:

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Yeah, like, what came before us? Like when humans appeared on the earth, what was on
the earth before that? Why is it that the earth is supposedly the only planet for life? Like
all those big questions, it just makes kids brains when they're six or seven years old, just
ignite and then [they] want to learn more about it. And I feel like Montessori does a great
job with that part. Like the lower elementary I think is really like perfect for that age
group.
Montessori’s Cosmic Education also consists of what is often termed the Five Great Lessons.
These lessons are based on Dr. Montessori’s belief in five critical developments in human life:
the creation of the universe, the creation of life, the entrance of human life, the development of
language, and the development of numbers (A. Lillard, 2017). These lessons encourage the big
questions and ideas referenced by Elizabeth. They are often multimodal and include visuals,
demonstrations, and interest-piquing stories.
Additionally, Nicole, Rebecca, and Janet spoke of the importance of real-life skills for
primary students despite the level with which they currently worked in the classroom.
Interestingly, Janet and Nicole both seem to place more focus on practical skills than the basic
skills. Janet notes how the practical life skills are important because they increase the child’s
independence, which in turn, increases their self-esteem. When asked about the connection
between practical life skills and confidence, Janet stated, “I’m just focusing on the way they
don’t have to feel like they need to depend on others or rely on others for help. They know they
can do it.” Melinda also recognized the importance of building confidence and how Montessori
impacts a student’s confidence level. She stated, “That’s basically been my takeaway with the
children that leave this environment is that they’re capable, they’re confident, they’re not afraid
to ask questions. They’re not afraid of learning, and they’re not afraid of being wrong.” For the

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faculty, building academic skills is interconnected with building “confident and competent”
children who will be successful in the future. This idea continues into the social-emotional aspect
of the Montessori method, which will be further discussed in the results of Research Question 2.
Discussion Research Question One
In consideration of how Montessori impacts the academic progress of Black children, two
main themes emerged in conversation: Montessori pedagogy and its role in academic outcomes
and the importance of academic subjects in the curriculum. Both themes emerged as they were
frequently discussed by multiple faculty participants and reveal the possible correlations between
Montessori pedagogy and academic achievement. Across both the primary and elementary level,
the main focus was on the importance of child-centered curriculum and meeting the child’s
needs. The student-centered focus is in contrast to the traditional method of following the overall
standards and is highly aligned to Dr. Montessori’s focus on the stages of development
(Association Montessori International - United States of America, 2022). Many faculty
expressed a belief that due to the freedom of not needing to be concerned with testing and
standards and having a focus on the needs of individual children as opposed to a focus on
efficiency as described by Lillard (2017), allows for children to follow their own interests and
dive deeper into any subject or topic. Multiple faculty pointed out that by allowing for this deep
dive, it encourages basic literacy skills as they are required across every subject. This
interdisciplinary learning also fosters a love of learning that emerged as important for the faculty.
The love of learning not only fosters a positive relationship with education (Association
Montessori International - United States of America, 2022), but also increased the joy in the
classroom, which Muhammad (2020) posits is a necessary tool for cultivating the genius within
Black children and is a step toward historical relevant literacy.

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In the primary classroom, there is a greater focus on encouraging independence and self-
esteem through the practical life curriculum. This focus also lends itself to the Montessori
pedagogical stance of providing meaningful work as well as fostering independence and
confidence which studies have shown have a positive correlation to self-efficacy and academic
achievement (Deci et al., 1981; Schunk, 2020). Three of the faculty interviewed described the
importance of practical life skills as a necessary part of the Montessori curriculum. This focus,
however, is considered most important in the primary classroom whereas the focus appears to
shift to the basic skills of reading and writing as children get older and enter the elementary
classrooms. The faculty focus in primary contrasts with findings from Research Question Three
in which parents seek a more academically focused curriculum. Although fully aligned with
Montessori pedagogy and the planes of development, there is an opportunity to further explore
how this mismatch in values affects the academic outcomes of Black children in Montessori.
Results Research Question Two
In addition to considering the academic impact of Montessori pedagogy, this study seeks
to explore how Montessori supports the social-emotional well-being of Black children. Although
Montessori schools exist and operate within the U.S. school system, its historical roots and
ongoing ties to the international community lends itself to an opportunity to transcend the white
supremacist culture of traditional U.S. schooling. Historically and traditionally, U.S. schools
were created to perpetuate the de facto social caste system that is rooted in racism and anti-
Blackness (Anderson, 1988; Dumas, 2018; Patel, 2016). Education was once denied to Black
people in the U.S. and in multiple ways, still is. Ladson-Billings’ (2006) education debt
described how the lack of educational opportunities for Black children has continued throughout
time and the outcomes of this debt is evidenced by adult markers such as academic achievement

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and wealth accumulation (Bradberry & Greaves, 2009). Despite the historical obstacles of Black
people in the U.S., their resilience and genius has continued to flourish – from underground
school houses to literary societies (Anderson, 1988; Muhammad, 2020). Unfortunately, in an
effort to enclose the education of Black children and other children of color, the focus has been
mutated from educating the whole child to a focus on test scores (Heilig et al., 2014; Tuck &
Gaztambide-Fernandez, 2013).
In contrast to most traditional schools, Montessori curriculum has a strong and
interwoven focus on social-emotional learning, which does not have a place within the notion of
high stakes testing. In the past two decades, research has examined the impact of Montessori
education on social-emotional learning and results suggest that Montessori has positive effects
the social skills of students. Lillard and Else-Quest (2006) conducted a study that resulted in
students showing better social cognition skills among 5-year-olds and better social skills among
12-year-olds with Montessori schooling. This research differs from previous studies as the
limitations of Montessori studies often include a fluctuation in the fidelity of Montessori
pedagogy and no access to randomly controlled participants. These limitations have been
debated as having effects on the outcomes of these studies (Gentaz & Richard, 2022; A. Lillard,
2017). However, the Lillard and Else-Quest (2006) study differed in that there was greater
attention paid to the fidelity of the Montessori programs – each program studied was accredited
by either AMI or AMS. Additionally, Lillard and Else-Quest (2006) gained access to programs
that were part of a lottery system. Therefore, the control group consisted of children who had
entered the lottery system to enter the Montessori program but were not admitted. This change in
the control group reduced the argument that the differences in the Montessori children were
based on parenting styles and other external factors; electing Montessori may also mean that

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parents have other tendencies and propensities that can affect the outcomes of their children
(Gentaz & Richard, 2022; A. Lillard, 2017). Additionally, a comparative study of 3- to 6-year-
old children in Montessori and traditional programs demonstrated higher academic achievement,
social understanding, and general enjoyment of learning (A. S. Lillard et al., 2017).
The studies do not disaggregate the data or findings by race. In an effort to better
understand how the socio-emotional progression of Black children in Montessori, this study
interviewed five faculty members of Bridgewater Montessori school. The following themes
emerged from discussion: the importance of diversity and representation and the development of
emotional intelligence.
Diversity and Representation
Throughout discussions with faculty, a consistent theme across participants was the
importance of diversity and representation. Bridgewater Montessori School enrolls 120 students
in five classrooms within primary and elementary. There are 14 students representing 11 families
who identify as Black spread across four of the classrooms; the upper elementary class does not
currently have any Black students enrolled. Additionally, ten of the enrolled students are in the
primary classrooms whereas elementary has four students enrolled. So, although the school
boasts an enrollment ratio that is similar to the school district – 12% and 14% respectively, the
elementary program’s enrollment numbers are significantly lower. Lower elementary has
approximately four children (7%) enrolled while upper elementary does not have any Black
children in the class. The data for lower elementary is nearly half the school district’s 14%
enrollment of Black children. These numbers are also very different from the number of Black
children enrolled in public Montessori schools (27%) as opposed to the national average (15%)
(Debs, 2019).

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The majority of faculty acknowledged the importance of diversity for their students and
its impact on their academic outcomes. When asked about the purpose or advantages of a diverse
student body and diverse curriculum, most teachers acknowledged some form of identity
development which aligns with current understandings of successfully cultivating literacy in
Black children through identity development (Muhammad, 2020). Culturally responsive
teaching, also referenced by one faculty member, suggests that students are more apt to learn
when educators connect curriculum to their experiences (Gay, 2014). Gholdy Muhammad (2020)
expands on this idea by suggesting Historically Responsive Literacy, which includes cultivating
the genius of Black children by pursuing instruction in identity, skills, intellect and criticality.
One should also note the correlation between effective teaching and the alignment of teaching
techniques and cultural frames of reference for diverse students (Gay, 2014). Although not
necessarily intentional, the comments in Table 5 describe how the faculty at Bridgewater
Montessori are working to cultivate Black (and other minoritized) children’s identity through
their acknowledgment of diverse students and staff and multicultural materials.

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Table 5
Comments from Faculty Participants Concerning the Diversity of Students, Staff, Materials, and Curriculum
Faculty Diverse students and staff Diverse Materials / Curriculum
Melinda “And I know that the parent that is nervous about
enrolling their child because of maybe they have this
idea of Montessori not being geared toward Black
families, but when they go into the classroom, and they
see there's 15 other children that look like me. That's
huge! And I think creating an environment where
people feel safe in our community that that there is
diversity…That to me is something that's so important
as a parent and I hope that we can continue to provide
that for families here in our community.”

“I would, specifically a black child is again,
representation having friends that look like them in the
classroom, understanding and also having a very
diverse staff. I think that's also very important.”

“I've seen more and more diverse classroom
environments. And I encourage that and not just, you
know, representation from…there's Asian cultures,
Hispanic cultures. There's Black culture, there's Indian
culture, there's so many different cultures and children
represented in the classroom. Not just with children, but
also our faculty, all of our staff. I mean, all different
types of all walks of life, and I know that we've tried
really hard we have to make sure that we are
representing also in hiring our staff. So, with assistants,
they’re in the classroom, I want a…parent to feel
“And also in a Montessori classroom, the
environment is set up so that the teachers bring the
outside world in. And representation in the
classroom is so important, and they do such a good
job representing the children in the classroom and
their families. With whether that be religiously,
culturally. You just bring the outside world in is
what they do so well here for the children and for
especially for children of color to be able to
connect with, “Hey, that child looks like me in that
book!” You know the representation is happening
in the classroom. And I think, for any parent it is so
important for their child to be in that that type of
environment. So that to me, that's probably how I’d
basically describe it to a parent, especially a parent
with a black child is we are so good at representing
in the environment and meeting, culturally,
socially emotionally like meeting the children's
needs in the classroom environment.”

“So, I think well just taking a look at traditional
schools versus a Montessori school. In traditional
schools, many times it's like the Christmas concert,
right? Or I'm going to read the books - all the
children look the same in this book, right? And in a
Montessori classroom, it's incredibly important to
bring in aspects of different cultures. So, we don't
just celebrate New Year's, we’re celebrating

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Faculty Diverse students and staff Diverse Materials / Curriculum
comfortable that there's somebody that knows how to
do their child's hair.”

“And so, children are seeing, ‘Hey, that teacher looks like
me!’ ‘Hey, I can, you know, I could be a teacher
when I grow up.’ All those things that come along
with having a diverse staff – having a diverse
community.”

Chinese New Year, we don't just celebrate…We're
not even celebrating, we’re just enriching the
children with like, books and images and you
know, creating this very vibrant environment for
them that that does represent so many cultures in
our community.”

Nicole “[I would encourage a Black parent to enroll] in our
school specifically because we have a very diverse
population here. And in my classroom, specifically,
over 50% of my classroom are children of color. And
most of these children are Black children. And so, I
think that it goes back to representation and, you know,
it would be it. I've never had that experience, but I can
imagine that it is not always a comfortable experience
to be the only Black child in a classroom of Caucasian
children. And so, the fact that our classrooms are
extremely diverse, and our staff is also diverse, I think
would be some of the main selling points for our
specific campus.”

“I don't have years of experience of teaching Black
children or children of color in a Montessori
classroom.”
“They feel heard or seen, accepted, whatever word
you want to use, and so the outcome of them
feeling welcome is the joy that they are feeling to
be around their friends and the teachers and to be
in the classroom.”

“What I've seen since I've been working in a more
diverse classroom, is that the benefit is just again
that acknowledgement of difference, that non-
judgmental acceptance of children being different
from one another, the fact that having children
represented in the classroom is extremely
important to me and so therefore, it makes the
children feel more comfortable themselves.”

“So, a lot of it has to do with just the environment
itself and how it's a welcoming, representative
environment for all of the children, especially
Black children in our school. And the staff that we
have all have that same end goal in mind. You
know, all of those things I talked about earlier –
that love of learning…of the children to be
confident, to have a healthy self-esteem and self-

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Faculty Diverse students and staff Diverse Materials / Curriculum
concept. And so, I think when you have the
pedagogy aligned with the teachers and that
everybody is on board for the same outcome, it's
just a wonderfully advantageous environment for
black children.”

“And then I think joy is also helpful because if I'm
happy and I feel welcome and accepted in my
classroom, you know, I'm going to be more apt to
be able to focus on academic growth and not worry
about, you know, I can't spend my energy or my
brain thinking about, is that person going to say
something mean to me or is that person going to
treat me differently because of my skin color or
this or… I think I think joy has that twofold it's an
indicator of how comfortable a child feels in the
classroom and then because they're not having to
expend their energy and their brain worrying about
whether they're accepted it frees them up to be able
to learn and acquire that joy in serving. Our
classroom is all about joy.”

Rebecca “Bridgewater is really quite diverse. I have probably only
like a third of the children are white. So, we have you
know, a quite a bit of diversity.”

“I feel like it's sort of the comfort level of knowing that
we have so many different kinds of students, so many
different religions and ethnicities, and I just think just
having that experience of what the real world is like in
“[I] had a parent say, you know, why? How can you
meet my black child's needs and I just said, you
know, I, I can do my best. Just being a Montessori
teacher. I've done a lot of like my books, all of my
books that the children read that they can just pick
from their children's books. Like picture books, I
would say most of them are of children of color,
because I know that out there in the world that's
not that's not generally what they see, for the most

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Faculty Diverse students and staff Diverse Materials / Curriculum
our classroom, especially Montessori because it tends
to be so…because it's often private. And so, it's based
on money and what people have or they're able to pay
for it.”

part, and it's a bookstores and that so I make sure
that most of my books are really diverse as well so
that the children will see themselves in the book.
So, when the parents come in and they look
through the books they go, that's like my child, and
the children look through it and they say, that's
what I look like. And we talk openly about that
stuff.”

“I feel like that's important because often the books
that children see advertised, and sort of like TV
shows and things that are in the mainstream of
what people see are typically not what they look
like, and I really want them to see themselves in
experience, just everyday experiences that every
kid has. But not just seeing a white child… the
themes, of course, in children's books are all
universal and everybody goes through them. But I
think it's important for them to see themselves and
so I have books with every ethnicity that I have in
my class. I'm really intentional about that.”

“Some of the things that they talked about and such
compassion that comes from the other children.
But, if it's not in their experience, of course, they
don't think that's normal until they hear other
people's experiences and go, ‘Oh! Oh, that's
normal, too. Okay.’ That's so amazing. I love that.”

Janet “I felt like [Bridgewater promotes cultural compassion]
definitely by welcoming everyone. There's no more of a
certain race in my class.”

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Faculty Diverse students and staff Diverse Materials / Curriculum

“But I feel like they do welcome everyone. But in my
classroom, I don't see much of like when it comes to
African American children, I don't see like it evening
out with other children.”

“And it's normal to see every single person because
everyone comes from a different cultural background.
So, normalizing like everyone, I guess, by seeing other
ethnicities in the classroom.”

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The majority of the faculty acknowledge the role of diversity in educating children. The
degree of satisfaction with the diversity of the school appears consistent with the particular
classroom of reference. While Janet acknowledges that her classroom is diverse, she also
highlights that there is not a large number of Black children enrolled in the classroom.
Conversely, Nicole believes that over 50% of her class consists of students of color with an
undetermined number of those students identifying as Black. The lack of representation of Black
students is likely an outcome of the school’s tuition as a private school. Two faculty members
remarked on the possible correlation between the lack of diversity and the tuition costs. Melinda
remarked,
I wish that Montessori was more accessible for children of all incomes, all walks of life,
because I feel like it’s such a beautiful philosophy. And I recognize that financially, it’s
hard for parents to send their children here, but I do feel like it’s such an important way
to educate.
Melinda acknowledges the cost of tuition as opposed to a free public-school program and that the
cost becomes a barrier to the educational opportunity for many families. Additionally, Nicole
acknowledges the financial barrier to Montessori access when considering why a Black family
should not enroll their child in Bridgewater.
The only thing that I could even anticipate or even get at [as a reason to discourage a
parent from enrolling their Black child in Bridgewater] is the fact that we're a private
school. So, the tuition is high, right? The tuition is expensive. And so, there is that
financial commitment, and that would be a concern not just for Black families, but for
any family to be able to commit to keeping their child enrolled at school.

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Both Melinda and Nicole acknowledge tuition as a factor in enrollment. When considered
nationally, the median wealth for Black families ($7,113) in the U.S. is exponentially lower than
that of white families ($111,146) and presents a significant barrier to private Montessori schools
such as Bridgewater (Sullivan et al., 2016). The lack of Black representation may also be a result
of the historical perceptions of Montessori education in the U.S. In the early years, Montessori
had been reserved for the social elite, educating the children of notable individuals such as
Thomas Edison and President Woodrow Wilson (Debs, 2019).
It is also important to note that Melinda and Rebecca take a more wholistic view of the
racial and ethnic diversity in the class. Some faculty comments also pointed to a discomfort with
identifying the Black children in the room. This discomfort may stem from the fact that
Bridgewater does not collect this data or it may also signify the teacher’s discomfort with
discussing racial issues (Tatum, 1997). When asked to racialize the experience of their students,
numerous faculty demonstrated a hesitation to disaggregate their students in this manner. In
response to the question, “Why would you discourage a parent from enrolling their Black child
in Bridgewater?” faculty responses demonstrated a deficit in cultural and historical
understanding of the ways in which Black families seek to educate their children. Responses
included phrases such as,
• “I don’t think I would discourage a parent. I really don’t. I feel like the more diverse
our community is the better community is.”
• “There’s no reason that I can think of in all honesty, why I would discourage any
child, let alone a Black child, to enroll in our school.”
• “I don’t think I would discourage them.”
• “I don’t see any reason not to enroll them.”

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• “It’s very private and you can grow with all of your friends, so I don’t think I would
discourage them.”
• “I would never discourage any parent.”
• “I’ve never thought of that before…I’ve never thought of how do I answer for
different communities.”
• “I feel like I would just always say the same thing.”
While the Montessori pedagogy provides fertile ground for liberatory and antiracist
teaching through its individualized approach, such phrases do not acknowledge the cultural
differences in Montessori education and African American parenting culture. Dr. Montessori’s
initial work with socially and economically disadvantaged children in Italy influenced her
understandings of the purposes of education. Dr. Montessori argued that the primary goal of
education was to liberate children by encouraging autonomy and independence (Debs, 2019).
However, as Montessori progressed in the U.S., Black children and other children of color were
left out of the initial growth of schools across the country (Debs, 2019; A. S. Lillard et al., 2017).
Despite Black Montessori pioneers such as Hakim Jamal, Mae-Arlene Gadpaille, and Lenore
Gertrude Briggs and the growing number of public Montessori schools with an enrollment of
nearly 30% Black students, the overwhelming perception of parents of Black children is that
Montessori is for white children and families (Debs, 2019; A. S. Lillard et al., 2017; Murray et
al., 2020). This perception is also due to families seeking more structure, both in academics and
discipline, also noted by the stated desires of parent participants, discussed in the results of
research questions three and four (Debs, 2019; Golann et al., 2019).
The possible discomfort with racializing student experiences is interesting given the
number of faculty that elevated the open communication as a byproduct of diversity at the

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school. Both Melinda and Rebecca discuss the open communication that occurs both within the
classroom and with parents. Melinda provided an example from the approach of Black History
Month when the children asked questions about slavery in the U.S.:
Black History Month, not just being one month, but it's taught all year long throughout
the school year. And also teaching them accurate history to teach compassion around
history. Around. Black history is incredibly important. And I feel like the teachers here
they're honest with the children, and it's real life… And I think with already this
understanding, and you know about racial injustice that the teachers have and feeling
having compassion around it themselves. I think that that really aids in teaching children
that hey, this was really wrong. And this happened, and we have to talk about it. So, it
doesn't repeat itself, and we have to talk about it honestly. So, I think the Montessori
environment really opens really opens up that dialogue for the teachers and the children
to have about an discuss about, you know, Black history in general and in how they
approach how they approach really hard questions about things that have happened in our
history.
Melinda elevated the importance of not shying away from difficult topics but addressing them
and allowing children to explore them. Rebecca shared a similar experience from the classroom:
I would say [we support the social-emotional wellbeing of Black children] by being super
open to talk about stuff. So, we’re really fortunate that we are able to discuss things in
depth with children. So when there’s a conflict or when there’s a question, or if
something comes up, we are really able to open up and talk about it and not feel like, “oh
my gosh, we're gonna talk about that?” because…especially with children six to nine
[years old], they're like the perfect human, because they hear everything and are

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interested in everything…So I've done a lot of work myself to make sure that I'm trying
to meet everybody's needs and where everybody is, but and as a result, they feel really
comfortable being able to talk about things that are happening at home, or that are sad, or
that they're worried about and we can just talk through those things and they help each
other through that stuff.
Difficult conversations such as the aforementioned examples are best achieved when children
feel safe in their learning environment and with their peers. The cultivation of safe environments
is also acknowledged by Melinda and Nicole. The following is a description of how Nicole
cultivated a safe environment in her classroom:
I think that it's especially important for Black children because in other areas of society –
I'm not talking specifically about a child's family (I would assume that all of that social-
emotional growth and self-confidence and self-esteem growing is happening in a child's
family) – but in society, it's not happening. And I mean, especially well, it's always not
been happening, but it's especially in the media the last few years, all of the negativity
that's been shown towards Black people. And so, I think that having [representation] in
the classroom is very helpful because it's another place that the children are feeling safe
and welcome and are getting a message that they matter.
Nicole provides an example of how the faculty views diversity and culture as a sign of
representation. Furthermore, representation cultivates a welcoming and safe environment.
Several faculty members commented on safety as an important ingredient in cultivating social-
emotional well-being. They acknowledged that focusing on social-emotional skills help the
children to feel comfortable and safe. As Nicole argued, when children, especially Black

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children, feel safe, they do not need to waste energy on attempting to feel accepted and can
instead, focus on the joy of learning (Table 5).
Emotional Intelligence
In addition to diversity as a support for social-emotional well-being, Bridgewater also
focuses on cultivating emotional intelligence. Bradberry and Greaves (2009) define emotional
intelligence as the ability to identify the emotions of oneself and others and then use that
knowledge to manage one’s behavior and relationships. Although the term is more recent than
Dr. Montessori’s work, the impact of emotional intelligence on children has long been observed.
In traditional schools, emotional intelligence is often referred to as social-emotional skills. There
are myriad curricula and organizations designed to support the social-emotional learning of
public-school students across the country. Emotional Intelligence has been observed as a key
factor in longitudinal success. Studies have shown that people with high IQs outperform those
with average IQs only 20% of the time whereas people with average IQs outperformed those
with high IQs 70% of the time; the perceived deciding factor was determined to be emotional
intelligence (Bradberry & Greaves, 2009). With such stark results, it follows that the Montessori
focus on emotional intelligence would support the overall success of children.
Bradberry and Greaves (2009) identify four skills in two areas (personal and social
competence) that make up emotional intelligence: self-awareness, self-management, social
awareness, and social management. All of the faculty participants mentioned some form of
emotional intelligence as a focus in the social-emotional development of their students. Table 6
is a matrix of their comments separated into the two areas.

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Table 6
Comments From Faculty Participants Separated According to Emotional Intelligence Skills
Personal Competence
“That’s basically been my takeaway with the children that leave this environment is they’re
capable, they’re confident, they’re not afraid to ask questions. They’re not afraid of learning
and they’re not afraid of being wrong.”

“The black children I've seen leave this this program, they're capable and confident and eager
to learn and do real life things.”

“The support that children get when they want to research something – the support that
children get when they want to deep dive into a subject – I think that builds confidence.”

“They're not afraid to ask a teacher questions. They're not afraid to raise [their] hand [and] are
not afraid to approach an adult.”

“I mean, they go into middle school and they're the middle school – the ASB president
because they're not afraid. They're not afraid to speak up. They're not afraid to reach out.
They're not afraid to make a change.”

“In all honesty, I think academics are not the main priority. The main priority is really helping
that child develop him or herself from a social and emotional standpoint, with confidence,
and self-esteem, and self, self-image, self-concept. And I think those are all important
concepts for any child, but especially for Black children in today's society.”

“So, it's just been like their confidence has just – it's just been amazing to see their confidence.
And their growth in not only the work they're doing, but their friendships and their self-
confidence and their self-image.”

“But what they always have a leg up and what always gets them through is that social piece
that we're able to help them. They know themselves so well. They're super grounded and
tight in what they their integrity and who they are as a human. So, when they run across
things that they are like, you know, they are like, ‘I don't want to be like that.’”

“And it's really impressive for me to see young children at their age practicing those skills. I
don't know, feeling more confident once they can do things on their own.”

“So, the very early on, they're taught that they're capable of finishing the task or they’re
capable of doing things on their own. So, it definitely [makes their] confidence or their self-
esteem much more higher.”

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Personal Competence
“And so, I feel like with the children that we've had go through our programs, the adults in
their life have also trusted that they're going to make the right choices and do the right
things. And so, they leave here and they're capable and confident. That's, I mean, those two
words just keep coming to my mind because that's truly what I see when I look at these
children compared to other children at the same age level.”

“That ability for expression, I think, is so important, because often with Black children and
other young children, that gets squashed, and so they're very free to express themselves
through the materials that we have in language, but then also just verbally express
themselves.”

“She feels comfortable enough to go to the teacher and say, ‘I want a hug’ or ‘can I get a hug?’
Whichever teacher needs to say that [to], she'll feel comfortable enough to express what
she's feeling.”

“I feel like they feel that their emotions are valid because when they're playing with their
friends as well, and maybe they're not sharing, they remind their friends, ‘hey, you're not
sharing with me’ or ‘you need to share.’ And then, if they don't continue doing that, then
they go to the teacher.”

Social Competence
“When they hit about six [years old], they start to realize that, ‘oh, there are other people in
this world!’ So, all of the lessons, we gear everything toward group work at that point, not
all group work, not the whole entire group. But we take small groups and give them lessons
because their work is not just academic, but it's also really important. The social is just as
important as the academic. So, the children are learning how to be social beings within the
classroom as well as learning their academics. So, everything to go along with that
developmental stage is based on where they are and is that they want to be socially. They
want to be in a group, they want to be part of things. So, we incorporate that.”

“But they also can develop themselves as well within a group and learn how to, you know,
deal with social norms, and how to get along, and how to resolve conflict because you can
imagine within that kind of freedom, there [may be] conflict. And we teach them how to be
appropriate and how to kindly ask for what [they] need and yet, strongly ask for what they
need. So, we help them through that.”

“[The purpose of school should be] community and relationships.”

“And then as they get older, it's small groups. So, a child can build confidence and master
things.”

“I would say kids develop resilience. They learn ways to treat others, how to be in spaces with
many people, how to be polite and conscientious, how to speak their truth around how
they're feeling.”

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Social Competence
“There's so many interactions. I mean, every day there's probably thousands of interactions
between children and because they're in a tight space. That's a really big and important part
of Montessori.”

“Well, we definitely don't have lessons on that. I know public schools would [have lessons]
about kindness or inclusivity, [but] we don't have lessons on that. But because there are
constant interactions between children, the teachers kind of swoop in and, and [teach the
children] based on one-on-one interactions or whatever's coming up. I guess the limitation to
that is the teacher’s perspective on things like if a teacher happens to be really good about
that, [and] knows a lot about or has done a lot of self-work. Then that teacher is going to do
a better job with that piece.”

Since social-emotional development is a focus of authentic Montessori, it is not
surprising that all the participating faculty members mentioned some form of this development in
their interviews. The most frequently addressed area was the development of self-awareness in
the form of confidence-building and identity development; the majority of participants used the
term, “confidence” in their description of Montessori children (Table 6). One faculty member
also connected the importance of confidence-building for Black children, given the climate of
“today’s society” in reference to the elevation of anti-blackness and racial tensions across the
U.S. (Table 6). The confidence identified by faculty included the self-awareness skill of personal
identity, characteristics of a growth mindset, and the self-management skill of expressing one’s
needs.
A strong sense of self was identified as a key outcome for socially adept children of
Montessori. Several faculty members described cultivating a firm understanding of one’s identity
which allowed the children to make good choices. Muhammad (2020) defines identity in three
parts: who one is, who others say they are, and whom one hopes to be. Rebecca described this
development of identity as integrity, they “know who they are as a human” and explained how
this self-confidence enables students to make good choices, even in the context of middle school

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and the myriad negative choices they may face in the new environment (Table 6). This sense of
identity is also important in the cultivation of the genius of Black children (Muhammad, 2020).
Furthermore, the faculty demonstrate how Montessori pedagogy also develops a growth
mindset – the belief that a person can change and grow through experience and practice (Dweck,
2008). In a fixed mindset, people demonstrate a fear of failure; however, Montessori pedagogy
naturally encourages students to learn from mistakes and according to Bridgewater faculty,
normalizes mistakes. This is an important skill as the development of a growth mindset has also
been linked to positive academic success (Dweck, 2008). Both Melinda and Janet described
examples of how mistakes – and fixing them – are normalized in a Montessori environment.
Melinda explained:
But in a Montessori classroom, everything's very natural. So, there's wood, there's metal,
everything [is made] with natural materials…So, imagine you're at a Thanksgiving dinner
table… Everybody's eating but it's a white tablecloth and you spill your red wine all over
the white tablecloth. How do the other adults at the table treat you...We'll clean it
up…How do we respond when children drop things or spill things or break things? We
don't do that…So, the respect that that is given to the children and in these environments,
also helps to build that confidence. When I see a teacher say, “Oh, that's okay. It just
broke, let's clean it versus everybody, making this big deal…so I think with how we
approach children and how we approach accidents and failures and all of that also helps
to build their confidence and they understand what they're capable of doing.
Contrary to the most likely approach to children breaking items, in a Montessori environment,
failures and mistakes are viewed as learning experiences. They’re not a “big deal,” but the
mistakes are simply corrected. Janet provided a similar example:

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Like with children carrying glass plates or glass cups. If it was me when I was younger,
I'd be scared because my mom would always say, “Oh, be careful with that,” but with the
kids [we] don't. [We] don't have to really tell them to be careful because they know it.
And if they drop it, they, on their own, go grab the dustpan and they'll clean it up
themselves. Or even if they need a teacher to help them, we'll help them clean it up
themselves.
In authentic Montessori, failure is normalized which encourages a confidence in making
mistakes.
Additionally, Montessori pedagogy develops the self-management skill of expressing
one’s needs. Muhammad (2020) posits that this skill is a necessary part of cultivating the genius
of Black children. She opined, “Even teachers with the best intentions and practices are not the
best people to speak for any student – the students must speak for themselves” (Muhammad,
2020, p. 65). The faculty at Bridgewater provided numerous examples of students recognizing
their needs and asking for what they need – whether if the request was for academic assistance,
social change, or even a hug. The respect that is given to Montessori children provides an
opportunity to build self confidence that encourages students to speak up for themselves. This
personal competence skill of recognizing one’s emotion and then asking for a need is a skill that
the majority of adults still seek to master; it is a characteristic of emotional intelligence that is
linked to future earnings (Bradberry & Greaves, 2009).
Moreover, Montessori pedagogy encourages groupwork to cultivate social competence.
One faculty member elevated the propensity for group lessons and group work that coincides
with the appropriate plane of development (Table 6). According to Dr. Montessori and the
faculty member, children become more social beings around 6 to 9 years old (Association

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Montessori International - United States of America, 2022). This plane of development often
occurs during a child’s development in lower elementary; therefore, lessons in lower elementary
classes are often offered in a small group setting and children often work in groups. A faculty
member explained that by working in groups, students develop their ability to resolve conflict
and work with differing personalities (Table 6).
Discussion Research Question Two
In the consideration of how Montessori pedagogy develops the social-emotional well-
being of Black children, two main themes emerged: the importance of diversity and
representation and the development of emotional intelligence. Overall, faculty conversations
were more focused on the diversity of the school than the development of emotional intelligence.
This focal point may stem from the heightened racial tensions referenced by one of the faculty as
well as the limited number of Black students historically and presently enrolled in private
Montessori schools such as Bridgewater Montessori School. Furthermore, faculty highlighted the
academic and social-emotional benefits of representation through student and faculty diversity as
well as a diverse offering of class materials. Representation was also believed to cultivate a
welcoming and safe environment that allowed for deep and meaningful conversations about what
faculty deemed difficult subjects such as race, ethnicity, and religion. The stated and implied
hope among faculty was that the open communication and difficult conversations would
encourage cultural competence. Whether or not parents experienced cultural competence in a
similar manner will be discussed further in the findings of Research Question Four.
In the development of emotional intelligence as a key skill in social-emotional learning,
the faculty demonstrated the most concern for developing a sense of confidence and self-identity.
Many faculty also shared the difficulty in separating the social-emotional from the academic,

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citing that the two are interconnected. Some studies have similar findings, pointing out the
increased earning power of emotionally intelligent adults (Bradberry & Greaves, 2009).
Muhammad (2020) also noted the academic and personal benefits of Black children cultivating
the skill to identify their needs and express themselves. The coming sections will examine both
the academic and social-emotional progress of Black children in Montessori from the parent
perspective.
Results Research Question Three
In pursuit of a better understanding of how parents view their child’s academic progress
in Montessori, parent participants were interviewed to share their thoughts on a series of
questions. In recent years, research on Montessori education has increased as evidenced by the
creation of two journals dedicated specifically to Montessori research: the Journal of Montessori
Research in the U.S. and the Journal of Montessori Research and Education in Europe (A.
Lillard, 2017). Although Montessori pedagogy is more interested in a more wholistic view of
education, the program is not immune to the societal trend toward quantifying student success
and outcomes, especially with its entrance and proliferation in charter schools across the country
(Debs, 2019). Although trending toward positive effects, earlier studies of Montessori education
have yielded conflicting results on the academic outcomes of children (Dohrmann, 2003; Lopata
et al., 2005). The conflicting results is thought to be the result of several limitations including
differing definitions of Montessori and a lack of random control groups (Gentaz & Richard,
2022; A. Lillard, 2017). However, more recent studies have yielded more consistent results as
researchers have sought to address limitations by clearly articulating the standards of authentic
Montessori schools and identifying control groups that can address and limit external factors to
childhood outcomes (Gentaz & Richard, 2022; A. Lillard, 2017; A. Lillard & Else-Quest, 2006;

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A. S. Lillard et al., 2017). Contemporary research specifically examining Black children has
shown a benefit in reading, but no difference in math achievement (Brown & Lewis, 2017).
This study sought to understand which subjects were deemed important by caregivers in
an effort to understand how this dynamic may affect a parent’s interpretation of success in a
Montessori program. From this research question, two main themes emerged as parents viewed
their children’s academic progress from either a pedagogical stance or from a focus on specific
academic subjects.
Montessori Pedagogy
In a study of preschool and kindergarten teachers in an urban area of Chicago, teachers
reported that compliance with teacher directives were a key indicator of school readiness for
preschool children. African American mothers agreed but also valued academic knowledge
(Jarrett & Coba-Rodriguez, 2019). Among traditional public schools, the Chicago study also
included one public Montessori school. The research indicated that the beliefs of the mothers and
the Montessori teachers were misaligned; Montessori teachers put more emphasis on social-
emotional learning than on academic skills (Jarrett & Coba-Rodriguez, 2019). This misalignment
is an interesting finding considering the focal points of the parents interviewed at Bridgewater
Montessori. Similar to the faculty participants, of the five key components of Montessori
pedagogy, parents seemed the most invested in the child-centered approach to education.
The child-centered approach describes one of the defining ways in which a Montessori
classroom is conducted and is based on student choice. Children have the liberty to move about
the classroom as they please and choose among the learning materials that are neatly displayed.
Children are limited only by the materials that are available and whether they have been shown
how to use the materials (A. Lillard, 2017). The teacher, often referred to as a “guide”, observes

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the child and provides lessons that combine the child’s interest and the skills that are relevant for
the child’s development. The approach of “following the child” is thought to encourage more
engagement, motivation, and responsibility (American Montessori Society, n.d.).
Benefits to exercising choice and control over one’s actions has been shown in both the
performance of children and adults, with stronger effects among children (A. Lillard, 2017).
Research suggested that students are less intrinsically motivated when they receive less
autonomy, but increased autonomy led to higher intrinsic motivation and a higher sense of
competence (Deci et al., 1981; Iyengar & Lepper, 1999). Montessori’s focus on autonomy and
independence promotes independence that leads to increased academic achievement (Deci et al.,
1981; A. Lillard, 2017; Schunk, 2020).
When asked to describe Montessori, all five parents provided descriptions that focused on
“following the child” or a “student-first” approach, pointing to the parents’ perception of the
importance of student-centered instruction on their children’s academic progress. The majority of
parents revisited the student-centered focus of Montessori pedagogy throughout their interviews,
often pointing out its positive impact on their children’s academic outcomes. Two parents,
however, noted that this type of structure may not be beneficial for all children. A list of
descriptions is provided in Table 7.

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Table 7
Comments From Participating Parents Concerning Positive and Negative Perceptions of
Montessori’s Child-Centered Approach
Parent Positive perceptions Negative Perceptions
Alicia “I think [Montessori is] an environment
that really prioritizes the student first.”

“I think in the literature of what a
Montessori school is, it really has
highlights around following the child
rather than coming in from your own
agenda of, ‘this is what my curriculum
is, and this is what I’m supposed to be
teaching.’ It’s more focusing on what
the child needs and where they are
developmentally.”

“I think that being in a Montessori
classroom would be more helpful for a
kid that does identify as Black because
the goal is to follow the child and it
necessitates that they aren’t putting
their own judgments on that child and
forcing that child into a box that
maybe they don’t feel comfortable in.”

Bianca “The Montessori approach to education
is a way to encourage the child to have
autonomy in their life, which as they
advance in the Montessori approach, it
would naturally grow in their
educational perspective of the world.”

“[Montessori] is a good platform for
Black children because it gives them
the ability to see learning as something
that they have control over and that
they can really take ownership with.”

“So, I think the child-led approach is
great if you have a motivated child,
whether that child is a person of color
or not. If you don’t, then it falls on the
guide to catch that.”
Claudia “I would explain [Montessori] as an
independent learning environment…”

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Parent Positive perceptions Negative Perceptions
Denise “When I talk about Montessori, I
describe it as a mix of focusing on
emotional intelligence, a mix of self-
guided, and then also not focused on
passing a test.”
“If I were to discourage someone [from
attending Montessori] it would be
about the self-guided nature of
Montessori. If they didn’t think
they’re kid would do well in a self-
guided class, or needed more structure
or enjoyed more transactional
learning, then I would say this
probably isn’t a fit.”

“It depends on your kid if you think your
kid would do well in that scenario
because I have seen a few children of
color, not just black children, not
enjoy the self-guidedness of it.”
Eboni “[Montessori] is very individualized
attention. It’s just a lot more going on
than what you typically think.”

“My other [child]…I can already tell that
she doesn’t need as much structure
because she has just a very different
personality and would probably do
well in [the child-led] environment.”
“She’s also one of those kids who needs
a little bit more structure and I just felt
that going forward that if there wasn’t
that sense of structure, she probably
wouldn’t do as well in a Montessori
program.”

“If, for example, my daughter said, ‘hey,
I don’t want to participate in this
group’ or ‘hey, I don’t wanna learn
this; I wanna learn something else,’
the teacher would be like, ‘oh, okay.
That’s fine’…My daughter took
advantage of that ‘cause that’s what
she does.”

“There are points in which my daughter
would be instructed to learn this
particular thing and she would
basically say no, and the teacher
would just move on to the next thing
and I didn’t think that was helpful.”

Table 7 provides a list of instances throughout each interview session in which parents
mentioned, in some form, Montessori’s student-centered approach. Two parents, both Alicia and
Bianca, noted how this focus is especially beneficial to Black children by providing a sense of

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autonomy and ownership of their learning while Alicia also acknowledged the stark contrast of
this approach with her perception of traditional education. These ideals perhaps point to one of
many possible reasons why parents at Bridgewater Montessori School, especially parents of
Black children, elect to attend a Montessori school; the parents experience an environment where
they feel that their children’s academic needs, as Black children, are met on an individual basis.
Conversely, three participants also considered the child-centered focus as an impediment
to the academic progress of certain children and two saw this approach as a direct impediment to
their own child’s academic success. Both parents provided similar examples within both the
primary and elementary classes (Table 7). Their concern was based on their child refusing to
participate in age-appropriate instruction because they were not interested. The parent
understanding of this concept demonstrated a belief that, in the Montessori environment of the
classroom, children could simply opt out of engaging in particular subjects such as reading or
math. However, none of the parents expressed grave concerns in the overall academic progress
of their children as will be discussed in the following section.
Montessori’s student-centered approach also encourages a love of learning that was also
identified by most parents. Table 8 shares instances in which parents described how they have
each observed this love of learning amongst their children.

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Table 8
Comments From Participating Parents Concerning the Cultivation of the Love of Learning
Parent Love of learning
Alicia “It seems like there’s a lot of education happening but under the guise of like,
‘These are the activities that I’m doing’. They call it work, but it’s just fun
things that he can do that also happens to be educational.”

Bianca “I think of Montessori as a way of encouraging the child to take ownership to
their learning and then enjoy that process.”

“It’s just there also this other element, that learning to love learning. No
matter what you are, it’s good. So, I think for Black children learning that
at a young age is super beneficial.”

“My youngest…I just want to make sure he’s having fun. Not getting bored at
school.”

“Her academic growth or development has been supported because she gets
to see a lot of the learning or the academic portion of the class embedded
into fun activities that she doesn’t know are really based on like science or
reading. And so you can see her using the materials and having fun with it,
and not looking at it like a reading lesson.”
Claudia “Having them enrolled at Bridgewater creates a love for learning. And, giving
them the opportunity to really figure out what they love and what they want
to learn.”

“The impact [of Montessori] would be fostering that love for learning where
education doesn’t feel stressful.”

“I know a lot of people think, ‘oh, because there’s no tests, how are they
going to do when it comes to taking tests?’ and they don’t have a stress
when it comes to tests. So, tests for them when they go from that
environment to high school – it’s something fun to them.”

Denise “I see that Montessori teaches them to want to learn and my take on this is
that I wasn’t taught that way…They’re really curious. They always want to
learn new things.”

“I liked that to have the fun, you had to do a little bit of work.”

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Four of the five parents observed a love of learning in their children. For Denise, the love
of learning manifested as a curiosity whereas Alicia and Bianca were more focused on
embedding joy into the learning process (Table 8). Bianca also noted that learning to love
learning was beneficial to Black children. So, for these four parents, the love of learning was an
important aspect of the Montessori pedagogy that supported their belief that their children were
becoming academically successful.
Importance of Academic Subjects
In authentic Montessori programs, children not only receive instruction in traditional
subjects such as mathematics, language arts, science, history, and geography, they also receive
instruction in practical life and peace education. Practical life skills vary based on the age of the
child; and at Bridgewater Montessori, there is a larger focus in the Primary versus the
Elementary classes. Practical life skills include cleaning, tying shoelaces, personal hygiene,
baking, and cooking as examples. Peace education is more focused on social emotional skills and
will be discussed in a following section in reference to Research Question Four.
Parent participants were asked about the subjects their children learned at school as well
as which of these subjects did the parents deem important to the future success of their child.
Although responses were wide and varied, Language Arts emerged as the most discussed topic
with a specific focus on reading followed by writing and spelling. Recent findings have detailed
that African American children are less prepared for school due to lacking critical reading,
writing, and language skills; this common focus on the gap in achievement and deficit mindset
consistently displayed concerning Black children could be an influencing factor on the value
parents placed on their children’s language skills (Horsford & Grosland, 2013; Jarrett & Coba-
Rodriguez, 2019). Four parents also mentioned mathematics as an important subject followed by

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practical life skills in connection to real world contexts. Table 9 provides an overview of the
comments shared by parents concerning academic subjects and the progress of their children.
Despite age differences of their children, all parents identified language arts as an important
subject for their children to learn. Specifically, within this subject, reading instruction seemed
most important to most parents and a preferred method for identifying if their children were
learning. The import of reading is most likely tied to the ease with which one can observe its
progression and to the ubiquitous nature of reading as well. In explaining her child’s growth over
the current school year, Claudia favorably described the visible progression of her son moving
from writing letters to writing words. All participants sought ways to identify academic progress
and to validate their choice of an alternative schooling method as well as, possibly, the cost of
private school. Three of the parents mentioned the cost of attending Bridgewater Montessori
school as a possible barrier to attendance. Additionally, both Denise and Eboni identified reading
as either “fundamental” or a method of “access” (Table 9). This focus on learning is not new to
Black culture. Black people in the U.S. have historically demonstrated a propensity toward
education, starting schools despite laws to the contrary, and funding private schools despite often
meager individual financial means (Anderson, 1988; Woodson, 2017).

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Table 9
Comments From Parents Concerning the Importance of Academic Subjects in Montessori Curriculum
Participant Language arts Mathematics Practical life
Alicia “In the meeting I had with [my child’s] teacher,
they talked a lot about this progression
towards reading and towards math.”

“I know that [he’s learning] language stuff and
writing stuff. I can’t really think of any of
those things right now. I know he has to trace
letters and numbers.”

“[My child] knows the song of
ABCDEFG… [my child] didn’t know even
how to sing the alphabet or count 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,
to 10 before.”
“In the meeting I had with
[my child’s] teacher, they
talked a lot about this
progression towards
reading and towards
math.”

“The things that [my child] is
doing, you wouldn’t quite
recognize that as math, but
it’s understanding length
and width and depth…”

“He knows how to count to
10, but he doesn’t know
that one is just one or two
is two yet, but he didn’t
even know how to sign the
alphabet or count 1, 2, 3, 4,
5, to 10 before.”

Bianca “She’s also learning letters. So, she does a lot of
what’s called sandpaper letters. And so, I
know that she’s learning to trace the letters. I
also do sound games with her at home. And,
if she picks it up really quickly, then I feel
good that she’s absorbing what she’s learning
at school.”
“He talks about a lot of
colors and he’s counting.”
“Math [is important to me] in every
possible way. And science and
care of environment and also
reading. Those are the hot topics
to me.”

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Participant Language arts Mathematics Practical life
“His words are clear, are getting clearer by the
day – by the month – so then I can see that
his language skills are improving because
that’s his biggest development right now.”

“For example, Montessori has moveable
alphabet in her classroom…and the moveable
alphabet is there for them to learn to spell,
and they should start to learn to read those
words. And then, they would start to read
them in books.”

“I think that this academic year has really
shown a lot of growth for her in her reading
and her…writing.”

Claudia “Even when it comes to reading, the
progression…they start…learning the letters,
then you’re learning sounds and just the
progression that gets them. Before they know
it, they know how to read.”

“First, he was coming home only writing
letters.
Then he was coming home writing words.”

“I, of course, think reading is important.”

“He started doing a lot of research. So, getting
the books and really finding out what he
wants to research and writing up a bunch of
facts about it. And then, he’s seen some of
“He’s also working on
multiplication, which he
also loves. All he talks
about is being a math
master.”
“I love that he learned about real
life experiences, like things that
you’re going to learn about and
actually remember. It’s going to
be important to remember, not
like, ‘oh, I’m learning this
formula. I’m never gonna use it
again.’”

“The [important] subject would be
real life type of things,
like…cooking things. You know
how to make your own snack.
Stuff like that. You know how to
sweep, how to mop, how to wipe

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Participant Language arts Mathematics Practical life
the older kids being able to present their
research, so he decided that he was going to
present his research.”

“This year, they’ve grown a lot academically. I
mentioned my son is fully reading. He has
perfect handwriting. He loves reading and
writing.”

“She knows her letters, the sound of letters. I’m
not sure of the exact word, but how to sound
out words, even though she can’t read them.
But, if you say a word, she’ll know how to
sound it out. So, yeah, a lot of progress.”

off a table, how to clear your
plate – little things like that.”

Denise “Reading and spelling [are important to me]. I
put that as number one for me because I feel
like that’s your access to everything.”

“I would like in Montessori [for] them to spend
a lot more time on spelling…they’re
encouraging the kids to sound things out. And
that is great, but a lot of things are being
spelled wrong. But, my daughter is coming
up with entire stories and creating books on
her own, which is really great and she’s into
it. But, a lot of the spelling isn’t correct. And
so, I would love for a more regimented, test
focused focus on making sure they’re getting
the spelling right.”

“Reading and spelling, and
then math [are important
subjects to learn in
school].”

“And, she’s doing math, and
figuring out math. Like
real world math would be
how old am I when [my
sister] turns six?”

“With the math, I think she’s
now applying math to real
world problem-solving.
And I don’t know that she
was doing that when she
went into the class.”

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Participant Language arts Mathematics Practical life

“I feel like [my child] is very well read. She’s
reading chapter books – a lot and quickly. I
feel like she’s writing a lot and those are
great for me. So, I do feel like she’s
academically in the right place.”

“[My daughter] went into the school year
reading, so growth would just be reading
faster. Growth would be, I think, she’s
comprehending bigger words and not having
to ask us what they mean.”

Eboni “It has more to do with the Montessori
philosophy of teaching which I get where
they’re coming from. For example, they
encourage students to spell things as they see
them…to sound it out phonetically and spell
it. In the real world someone is going to
correct you and tell you that’s not how you
spell it.”

“They were definitely learning a lot…I think
having a good foundation in reading and
writing and mathematics is definitely
important. I think those are very important.”

“I think they could have…prepared them for the
fact that the world is not going to accept
however you spell things. There are rules. So
essentially, I wish they had taught a little bit
of grammar and spelling.”
“I thought their math
program was really good.”
“To tell me that [her] homework
assignment is cleaning the
kitchen? She naturally does that
as a chore. I don’t need you to
teach her that; she’ll be fine. I
want you to teach her academics.
Now at a certain age, that’s cute
and all…but that’s’ something
that eventually all people will
learn on their own and she
doesn’t need to necessarily go to
school for it.”

“I understand that Montessori
prides itself in teaching them
other skills like setting up a table
and I think that nice especially in
terms of motor skills…but I think
the fundamentals are very very

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Participant Language arts Mathematics Practical life
“The reading program was actually quite
interesting. I think the fact that they
encourage the children to pick up books that
are a little bit above them. For example, like
picking up books or supporting their interest
in books about nature and things like that, I
thought that was really good…I really
appreciated that about the Montessori
approach in terms of elevating their reading
material.”

important. You can get lost
without the fundamentals.”

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Although parents were overall pleased with language instruction, spelling seemed to be a
point of disappointment for some parents. Denise and Eboni both stated that they wished their
children could spend more time focusing on the mechanics and accuracy of spelling (Table 9).
Since both parents also viewed English Language Arts as a point of access for their Black
children, it is possible that they see the inaccuracy of spelling as a barrier to such access, thus
becoming a point of concern when considering academic outcomes for their children. Bianca,
however, having experienced upper elementary and therefore a more longitudinal progression of
spelling instruction, did not express this same concern. There are many possibilities for this lack
of concern: Bianca did not place the same importance on spelling as the other parents, she could
have seen the longitudinal outcome of Montessori spelling instruction, or she could simply place
more trust in Montessori pedagogy.
Moreover, when considering the academic progress of their children, all five parents also
sought advancement in mathematics, though not with the same amount of fervor and attention.
Though Bianca, Claudia, and Eboni mention mathematics as an important subject, none of them
have very much to say concerning the observation of math skills among their children. The
difference in time and attention spent on reading may provide some insight as to which subjects
are most important. Since reading and language arts is perceived as a point of access, parents of
Black children are presumably more occupied with this subject for its connection to equitable
access and opportunity for their children. However, for Denise, math may also be seen as a point
of access. She expresses an interest in the real-world application of her daughter’s math skills
whereas Alicia’s focus, having also a younger child, is on her child’s growth over time.
In either instance, whether parents are focusing on English Language Arts or
Mathematics, all parents demonstrate a concern for and interest in, their child’s access to

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learning and demonstration of knowledge outside of the classroom. Since the Montessori method
does not utilize testing or grades to signify student progress, parents must rely on their own
observations of learning. And, for most parents, language arts and mathematics are easily
observable.
Discussion Research Question Three
In consideration of the how parents of Black children view their children’s academic
progress, two main themes emerged as important to parents: Montessori pedagogy and a focus
on academic outcomes. The themes were determined by the frequency with which parents
remarked on these ideas throughout their interviews. Both focal points are results of the parents’
overall focus on academic progress and achievement. There is a preoccupation within the U.S.
with the so-called achievement gap that is a result of the lack of educational opportunities that
have been historically offered to Black children (Anderson, 1988; Ladson-Billings, 2006;
Woodson, 2017). Despite deficit narratives, Black families have historically displayed a desire to
not only educate their children, but to be determining factors in what their children were taught
and how (Anderson, 1988). The results of this study align with the historical nature of Black
families in the U.S. Based on parent comments, the parents believed a child-centered classroom
was valuable due to the perceived impact on academic outcomes. Montessori’s student-focused
classroom provides children with more choice and autonomy which research has shown leads to
greater intrinsic motivation, a stronger sense of self-efficacy, and increased academic
performance (Deci et al., 1981; Iyengar & Lepper, 1999; A. Lillard, 2017; Schunk, 2020).
Similar concerns of academic performance were also true of those parents who did not perceive
the greater sense of autonomy as a positive aspect of Montessori pedagogy. In both instances, the
parents displayed a concern for the academic results of allowing children to choose for

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themselves. This concept is perhaps influenced by current traditional educational trends such as
the Common Core Standards that encourage all students to be at the same developmental stage
by whole years whereas Montessori considers the monthly development of a child. Research has
indicated that this mismatch in fundamental values results in lower academic outcomes for
children (Jarrett & Coba-Rodriguez, 2019).
Similarly, parents’ concerns with academic progress were evidenced by the greater value
placed on basic academic skills such as reading, writing and math. Possibly influenced not only
by the deficit nature of the prevalence of the achievement gap as a term and a concept but also by
research that has specifically elevated supposed deficits in literacy skills for African American
children and its negative impact on school readiness and later academic outcomes (Horsford &
Grosland, 2013; Jarrett & Coba-Rodriguez, 2019). All five parents pointed to the observable
nature of growth in reading and writing as evidence of academic progress, identifying measures
such as recognizing letter sounds, to reading words, to reading books, reading more books,
reading longer books, or reading faster. Reading instruction appears to be a subject upon which
parents and the faculty agree. This alignment is based on a mutual desire to teach reading. Since
Montessori pedagogy is child-centered and the average age of the children of the parents
interviewed were at the age that Dr. Montessori described developmentally as an “explosion into
reading”, it is possible that this alignment in developmental factors resulted in an alignment in
values and thereby increased parent satisfaction in their child’s academic progress. Values
alignment is also important for a child’s academic success (Jarrett & Coba-Rodriguez, 2019).
Alicia speaks of her personal desire for and satisfaction with alignment, “I noticed that their
values align more with my values…so I appreciate that there’s like some mutual value in there.”
This values alignment is also displayed by her satisfaction with her children’s academic progress.

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Furthermore, all but two parents displayed a sense of satisfaction for the method in which
spelling is taught at the school. Interestingly, two of the parents who identified a concern with
the child-centered approach also displayed a concern for the method of teaching spelling. This
dissatisfaction may be the result of the same value misalignment of the Montessori pedagogy.
Due to the student-centered framework of Montessori, children are not corrected for their
spelling in order to focus on phonetics to aid reading and also to promote a confidence in
learning early on in the schooling process. Although the participating parents appeared to be
satisfied with their children’s academic progress overall, what continues to be unclear is the
success of the Montessori method over more traditional schooling methods.
Results Research Question Four
Another major difference between Montessori and traditional education is Montessori’s focus
on social-emotional learning. In an effort to fully understand parental observations of their
children’s success, it was necessary to consider how parents describe the emotional well-being of
their Black children as a result of their schooling. There is currently little research on the
outcomes of social-emotional outcomes of Montessori education, but the few most recent studies
have demonstrated positive results. A 2006 study among 5- and 12-year old Montessori children
demonstrated better social skills than traditional school students of the same ages (A. Lillard &
Else-Quest, 2006). Additionally, a study of 3- to 6-year old children in Montessori and
traditional programs yielded favorable results in academic achievement, social understanding,
and the love of learning (A. S. Lillard et al., 2017). These and other studies, however, have not
studied the specific outcomes for Black children.

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This study seeks to understand how parents perceive the social-emotional well-being of their
Black children enrolled in Montessori school. Throughout discussions with parent participants,
two themes emerged: cultural competence, and emotional intelligence.
Cultural Competence
Whereas the faculty mostly identified diversity as a factor in academic progress,
participating parents discussed issues pertaining to diversity of faculty, diversity of students, and
cultural sensitivity as a function of their child’s social emotional well-being. In this manner, the
data suggests that the faculty, in teaching the whole child, were aware of a connection between a
child’s social-emotional well-being in addition to their academic progress. All of these topics are
housed under the umbrella of cultural competence whereby cultural competence is one outcome
of culturally responsive teaching. Culturally responsive teaching is focused on teaching diverse
students through their own frames of reference; the concept is different from multicultural
education which is focused on teaching content about diverse cultures (Gay, 2014). Both
multicultural education and culturally responsive teaching is referenced by the parents. Table 10
displays comments parents made in reference to cultural competence. They have been separated
based on the aforementioned topics.

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Table 10
Comments From Parent Participants Concerning the Diversity of Faculty and Children and Perceptions of Cultural Sensitivity
Parent Diversity of Faculty Diversity of Children Cultural Sensitivity
Alicia “There are some drawbacks, so I
wouldn’t want to hide those. But,
for me…one, they’re not
historically very diverse programs.
Although mine at Bridgewater
tends to be so that’s really exciting.
And, if you can find one that’s
more diverse, I would say that’s
even better.”
“So, they have books and readings
and story times that change
throughout the year. So, during
January, they read a book about
MLK and during February, they
talked about Black History…I think
that is working towards cultural
competence because it’s not
stigmatizing one perspective or
prioritizing one perspective over
another.”

Bianca “I did advocate because I felt like
when a child is trying to advocate
for their feelings and asking for
their needs, that’s an important
piece. And then add on top of that,
if that child happens to be a person
of color, who sometimes gets very
minimalized about their needs just
kind of naturally, it’s even more
important that the child learns to
speak their needs out loud…I don’t
know if that would have been
something that was in [the guide’s]
dynamic, at first…but that’s part of
why the diversity can be impactful.
As you get older, if you don’t have
“[The cost] does reduce the
population of people that would
enroll their kid, so from a black
child and Black parent’s
perspective, you have less diversity
in the school itself. So, as the kids
get older, they’ll have less range of
diversity exposed for most of their
lives.”

“That speaks to the diversity of the
school. I think that as they get
older, the diversity of the school
being not there, there’s not a lot of
kids that share their same
experiences.”
“So, in my experience at the school, I
found that I needed to be the
advocate for my own needs and for
my children’s because the diversity
isn’t high, sometimes things can be
not noticed.”

“...we noticed that there was this lack
of sensitivity to some people of
color variations…”

“I think it was because he’s a Black
boy. And it’s a quick, put him in
that box. He’s misbehaving right
there. I hate to say that…but I’m
also aware of the very easy drop in

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Parent Diversity of Faculty Diversity of Children Cultural Sensitivity
a lot of those multicultural
experiences, sometimes those little
details can get lost.”

“…right now, the diversity in the
school doesn’t really allow [cultural
conversations] to flourish on its
own. There’s not a lot of people of
color in the school. If I were to look
at the large dynamic, it’s more
diverse than some schools, but not
as much as what would be needed
to have the kids have those
conversations on their own.”

“So, everything would be normal. It’s
very normalized for a child that’s
not Black. For a black child, a
person of color, I think as they get
older, they will notice things that
make them feel different or maybe
out of place. And that’s just from
my experiences from the
conversations I’ve had with [my
child].”
that bucket right away. If there’s
something that doesn’t work as
they expect, and this person is a
person of color.”

“So, from a cultural sensitivity
[standpoint], it wouldn’t flourish on
its own. It would need to be guide-
led. So, over the last couple of
years with the pandemic and social
justice, it’s really increased the
volume of this generation. There
has been more books available in
all different levels. And I know that
when [my child] was in elementary,
they were reading other cultures’
books, even though I would say
that they actually purchased books
written by people of color, not just
people of color stories, but actually
written by the person of color.”

“But, again, that’s the guide. But, the
guide has to go out and get that
book and then read it to the class or
have it on the shelf for the child to
read.”

“In primary, they learn about different
countries; they learn geography. So,
[my child] is learning words like
Antarctica and stuff like that, but

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Parent Diversity of Faculty Diversity of Children Cultural Sensitivity
there isn’t a whole class project
about [culture] in that class…So,
there’s not a lot of cultural
sensitivity from a larger
perspective, because it’s not guide
led there. So, that’s why [cultural
sensitivity] is kind of hit or miss.”

Claudia “The teachers look like them, versus a
Black child is going to see a
minimal amount of representation
and even teachers that look like
them.”

“I feel like [the faculty] is diverse…
minority-wise. But there’s only one
Black teacher [in the school].”
“Black children are still very
underrepresented [at Bridgewater].
…there are more Black parents and
Black children that are showing up.
And, I don’t think it has anything to
do with the school necessarily, but
more about Black parents not
knowing about Montessori.”

“But honestly, I just think that it’s
important that Black children also
see they’re also around children
that look like them.”

“I feel like a non-Black child would
feel probably more represented [at
Bridgewater]. Just because I
mentioned that they are going to
see a lot of kids that are just like
them - that look just like them.”

“I noticed a lot of the materials are
very cultural. Also, when different
holidays come up…they make sure
they have books that they actually
read at that time. And, you know,
[they] let children know about stuff
that they would never heard in their
entire life…but they can be
compassionate when somebody
else, like this might be somebody
else’s holiday and they have an
understanding of, you know,
everybody has their own holiday.
Everybody has their own beliefs.”
Denise “Because [my child’s] teacher is
white, I think there are little things
that might happen. Like, not
“I really don’t know the
demographics. I know [my child’s]
friends. All of [my child’s] friends
“I do think Montessori encourages
people to be curious and want to
learn. So, I really think that’s the

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Parent Diversity of Faculty Diversity of Children Cultural Sensitivity
microaggressions, but little things
that happen with [my child’s]
dynamic with other kids that the
teacher doesn’t quite
understand…she just knows it’s
something that she should be aware
of. So, I do think there’s some
room for error in there.”
are biracial kids…and I like that
diversity in the class.”

“I like the diversity at
[Bridgewater]…I live really close
to a really good elementary school
that’s pretty much all white. And,
so when the conversation is usually,
‘why are you choosing to pay for
school and not go to this free
school that’s up the block from
you?’ and so I tell them because of
the diversity aspects and because I
like the teachers.”

first barrier, just knowing about
someone else’s culture and that
they’re different and I will say, I
don’t know how, but I feel like it
emphasizes and highlights that
differences are good and
everybody’s different…I feel like
Montessori gives you more room to
be whoever you are. To be
different. And it doesn’t want you
to be in one little mold.”
Eboni “Well, the [diversity of] the teachers
is improving. A lot of the assistants
are people of color”
“I’ve already prepared myself for the
fact that if my children are to go to
private schools, then it’s less likely
to be a diverse environment.”

“[Montessori] is just not accessible
and, of course, [Bridgewater] is not
accessible for a number of reasons.
One is the tuition and two…the
application process.”

“I also felt that [my child] was
suffering some microaggressions in
her class, that of course, [my child]
wouldn’t recognize, but we did.”

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All parents interviewed noted the diversity of the faculty as a factor that could be
improved. Both Alicia and Eboni remarked on the role that the Montessori program plays in the
diversity of the school. Eboni highlighted how diversity is not an issue relegated to Bridgewater
Montessori School, but diversity is an issue in Montessori schools across the country. She stated,
“Montessori, to me, seems very white in terms of those who participate in it, teach in it…”
Eboni’s perceptions align with the current perceptions of Montessori programs across the
country and Alicia’s stated that Montessori programs are “not historically very diverse
programs” (Table 10). The parent perceptions align with the historical trajectory of Montessori in
the U.S. When Montessori education was first introduced to the U.S. in the early 1900s, access to
teacher training was reserved for the social elite. Dr. Montessori required that she personally
train teachers, which also required that they often travel to Europe for years to undergo proper
training (Debs, 2019). The barrier to Montessori education for teachers resulted in a barrier for
children and families as well.
Additionally, perceptions of Montessori have often changed from being too rigid to being
too carefree, but one perception that has remained is its suitability and reservation for white
people in the U.S. Even during the Civil Rights era, public Montessori schools were established
as a means to attract white families to Black neighborhoods and districts (Debs, 2019; Jor’dan,
2017). Despite this perception, many Black families and teachers have increasingly
acknowledged the educational advantages of Montessori education. Eboni also noted this
increase stating, “I’m noticing there’s a growing movement of Black people who are interested
in Montessori programs”. Historically, Black people have found their way over obstacles to
education and access to Montessori has not been an exception; more recent studies have elevated
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Black Montessorians and the schools they founded across the country (Anderson, 1988; Debs,
2019; Murray et al., 2020; Woodson, 2017).
Until recently, there had not been a movement to collect data on Montessori schools
across the country. Since the term Montessori is public domain and schools are not required to
obtain accreditation to utilize the moniker, collection of this data continues. Currently, there are
more than five hundred public Montessori schools across the U.S. and in 2013, nearly half of
these schools were in urban areas. Moreover, the national average of Black children enrolled in
schools was higher for Montessori (27%) than traditional schools (15%) (Debs, 2019; A. Lillard,
2017). Although an important distinction, again, these numbers are based on public Montessori
schools. There is little to no data on the enrollment in private schools. And, at Bridgewater
Montessori School, racial and ethnic data is not collected. The influx of public schools, however,
has not fully moved into public perception, as evidenced by Eboni’s remarks on the lack of
diversity in Montessori.
The lack of diversity is noted both among faculty and among students at Bridgewater.
Bianca, Claudia, and Eboni expressed a desire for more student diversity at Bridgewater;
however, Denise expressed satisfaction. The difference is interesting in that there are
approximately 120 students enrolled in Bridgewater’s Primary and Elementary program, and 14
of them identify as Black. That means that the school is 12% Black which is nearly similar to the
school district’s 14% of school children. However, I hypothesize that the distinction for Denise is
based on general students of color whereas the other parents are specifically seeking more Black
children. Denise explains her satisfaction with Bridgewater’s diversity, noting that her child’s
friends are all biracial, but does not distinguish if any of the biracial students specifically identify
as Black. Conversely, Claudia acknowledges that “Black children are still very
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underrepresented” at Bridgewater and connects this underrepresentation to the historical barriers
for Black families noting that Black parents do not know about Montessori. Additionally,
Bianca, Claudia, and Eboni note that the cost of tuition at Bridgewater is an obstacle for many
families of color. Two parents even noted the cost as a factor in their decisions to enroll their
children at Bridgewater. And, since the national median wealth for Black families in the U.S. is
$7,113 as opposed to $111,146 for white families (Sullivan et al., 2016), it is a factor that may
prohibit many families from enrolling in private Montessori schools, such as Bridgewater.
Denise also shared that despite living close to a “very good school”, she chose to pay for the
diversity her children would receive at Bridgewater. So, in this sense, the point of comparison of
diversity also plays a role in parent’s satisfaction with the diversity offered at Bridgewater.
Parents also noted the level of multicultural materials offered at the school as a point of
satisfaction. Alicia, Bianca, and Claudia each acknowledged that the classrooms at Bridgewater
Montessori offer books that honor diversity. Alicia pointed out that the multicultural materials
offered promoted cultural competence. As an important distinction, the multicultural materials
would more closely signify multicultural education as the examples appear to be materials used
to teach about specific cultures. One parent mentioned that in class, her child was read a book
about Ramadan. Teaching about a different culture more closely matches Gay’s (2014) definition
of multicultural education. Despite this distinction, parents demonstrated a satisfaction with the
representation of differing cultures that was present in most classrooms.
However, parents also expressed a desire for more cultural sensitivity. Bianca, Denise,
and Eboni separately express their misgivings about the amount of cultural sensitivity present in
the schools. For example, Eboni responded to the question “In your opinion, how does the
Montessori approach promote cultural compassion?” with a terse, “I don’t see how it does.” Her
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response is in line with additional thoughts she expressed about the Montessori program.
Whereas most parents select Montessori because they view it as distinct from traditional schools,
Eboni expressed that Montessori is a part of the U.S. academic system that is “one size fits all”
and that “there’s no consideration for race in terms of paying attention to those types of things.”
This concept of Montessori appears to be distinct to Eboni’s experience at Bridgewater based on
the responses of the other parents. Two other parents, however, express a desire for more
culturally sensitive experiences for their children.
Although separated by comments in the previous table, diversity and cultural sensitivity
are not mutually exclusive. Since the majority of the lead teachers in Bridgewater identify as
white, there leads some “room for error” as one parent described it. Bianca attributes some of the
lack of cultural sensitivity to the lack of teacher diversity and points out that although Montessori
is student-led, it is up to the guide to breach the topic of racial or ethnic conversations. Below is
a story provided by one of the parents concerning a racial incident that occurred within the
classroom:
[My child] was in the lower elementary classroom and it was around the time when
Megan Markel married Prince Harry. Anyway, it was a big deal, you know? It was a
royal wedding. So, it was actually a topic that was discussed in the classroom with the
kids. The kinds were having the topic and what I found out was that there were several
children in the classroom that said she can’t be a princess because she’s Black. It was that
blunt. It was a little shocking because these are 6- to 9-year-olds. But, needless to say,
that was a conversation that they felt like was normal to have. So, [my child] told me and
then when I immediately messaged the teacher, asked, if when it happened, she had
already addressed it. So, I feel good that she had already found out what happened and
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had a meeting with the entire class and talked about what their perspectives of a princess
was and why they feel that way and let’s talk through how this really should be
approached to expand their perspectives in a better way. But it was nice to know that the
communication that I had with the teacher, she responded back immediately, and that it
had already been addressed. It helped me feel better that I didn’t have to push that topic
further.
The above experience differs from another parent’s story concerning a classroom incident:
[My child] wears braids…and people want to touch [them]. And now the teacher with
good intentions asked me if it was okay for the other kids to touch her hair. And I was
like, yes, if that’s what [my child] wants, then that’s fine. But she wanted to check and
make sure, so I feel like she had good intentions. But, she also doesn’t fully
understand…If something happens to [my child] that might be because she’s Black, I
don’t know that she’ll have the support for the teacher to even pick up on it or handle it
right. So, then it’ll be really important for her to talk to us about it. But then also, we’re
not going to know what to ask about because we’re not there. So, I do worry about that a
little bit. Because there’s nothing I can do in that situation, and I don’t really know what’s
going to pop up unless someone tells me.
While neither parent believes that the guides have anything but good intention, the difference in
the classroom interactions highlights the importance of culturally competent teachers. One guide
recognizes a moment to address a culturally sensitive issue and does so with the class without
prompting; the other, recognizes the issue, but is unsure of the next steps. Developmentally,
guides can expect such behaviors from primary- and elementary-aged children as they have a
tendency to overgeneralize – having never seen a Black princess, the natural generalization for
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some could be that they do not exist and therefore cannot be (Tatum, 1997). However, to
promote cultural competence, guides must deny the tendency to ignore such comments or not
respond to racial questions for their own comfort; doing so would be to promote the white
supremacist culture to expect and desire comfort over having difficult conversations (Jones &
Okun, 2001; Tatum, 1997). For parents like Denise and Bianca, the response to the lack of
cultural sensitivity is to advocate for their children when needed. And thus far, most parents have
chosen this method over removing their children from Montessori. Such decisions may point to
the agency that the parents feel in advocating for the needs of their children. Bianca elevates her
satisfaction with the communication experienced at Bridgewater saying:
So, for my children, I found that I needed to be the advocate for my own needs and for
my children’s. Because the diversity isn’t high, sometimes things can be not noticed. But
the good thing is that I think Bridgewater’s ability to allow open communication very
easily helps a lot. So, if I found something that I had questions about or concerns,
Bridgewater’s ability to have a conversation immediately about it is really helpful
because I feel like those topics don’t fester. They don’t take a long time to have a
resolution. So, that is where I think Bridgewater really excels. Their ability to have that
quick call or email and respond back to you within a day.
Claudia also acknowledged the open communication experienced at Bridgewater. She stated, “I
feel like at this specific Montessori, nothing is really of the table to say.” Although parents feel
that there could be more cultural sensitivity, their accounts of experiences with school personnel
demonstrate a desire to learn and improve. I hypothesize that parents may interpret the positive
intentions as true investment in their children.
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Emotional Intelligence
Emotional intelligence also emerged as an area of interest among parents. In traditional
schools, this topic is often referred to as social-emotional skills and in some schools, these skills
have become a part of the curriculum, directly taught through lessons and activities. Montessori
schools, however, do not explicitly teach emotional intelligence regularly. Studies have
suggested the positive connection between higher emotional intelligence, performance, and the
accumulation of wealth (Bradberry & Greaves, 2009). With such stark results, it follows that the
parent participants would focus on emotional intelligence as a factor in determining the success
of Montessori education.
Bradberry and Greaves (2009) identify emotional intelligence describing four skills in
two areas (personal and social competence) that make up emotional intelligence: self-awareness,
self-management, social awareness, and social management. Of the parent participants, four
parents mentioned some form of emotional intelligence as a factor in describing the emotional
well-being of their children. Table 11 is a matrix of their comments separated into the two areas.

Table 11
Parent Comments Concerning Perceptions of Emotional Intelligence Observed in Their Children
Personal Competence
“I think I wanted him to develop some emotional intelligence and be able to speak his
emotions a lot more. I didn’t grow up with that as a priority…so for me, that was one of the
number one things that I wanted out of his education was to be there – to be expressing of
his experience.”

“I’m like, wow! [My child] is really recognizing something that he needs and making it
happen in his life. I think that is really powerful and meaningful…there are grown human
beings that aren’t capable of doing that. That don’t have the awareness to know there’s
something deficient or there’s something missing.”

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Personal Competence
“I think that the Montessori approach, specifically with African American children, gives more
voice to an African American child at a young age so they learn. The goal would be to learn
to be able to have choices on how you want to learn and speak about why you need certain
things…And, it would be something I would encourage Black children and Black parents to
consider because often Black voices are silenced very young.”

“I think [Montessori] gives them the ability to have the space to speak their mind…like
somebody was teasing her…and she told the friends she didn’t like what was happening.”

“So as children I feel like they have a lot of different emotions that they’re not really sure how
to explain them or how to act on them. And being in an educational space where they can
really express them the way that they need to and there are teachers and adults there to help
them express them a certain way as well.”

“[My child] has gotten much better at expressing emotions.”

“[My child] is getting a lot more clear about how someone has made him feel instead of just –
a lot of kids, I feel like you can tell they have a feeling, but they’re not exactly sure why
they’re feeling that way. But, [my child] can tell you, ‘You said this and I didn’t like it. It
made me feel this way.’”

Social Competence
“I see a lot of pictures of him holding other kids’ hands. And I think that is really sweet. I
think that speaks to he’s building a connection and that’s something that he can do in order
to access some sort of safety and security in the moment.”

“[My child] was very egocentric…I see some of that growth. The ability to take perspective on
other people’s experience. Empathy, maybe.”

“[My child] was a pretty shy kid. And I guess there’s a lot of collaborative effort…they work
in groups all the time and I think that has helped him grow a lot in that aspect.”

“[My child] plays with everyone. It doesn’t matter what age they are.”

“[Group work’s purpose] is to learn to work with other people – different types of people,
different personalities. And how to navigate it because it’s not always going to go perfect,
but that’s a real-life experience. Something that you’re going to experience all throughout
your life.”

“I think because the Montessori approach is focused on empathy. I think they over emphasize
on making the interactions you have with people are sincere and thoughtful and you’re
taking into consideration their feelings and not being so self-centered. And, I think that is
different than a regular education.”

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Social Competence
“I’m not worried about them emotionally. I do think Montessori will prepare them to figure
out how to solve their problems, their emotional problems, and their fights with people in a
better way.”

One parent shared that she did not believe her child could receive similar instruction in
emotional intelligence from a traditional school and two parents pointed out that they did not
receive any such instruction as children themselves. These revelations perhaps point to possible
reasons why emotional intelligence is important for the parent participants. Their remarks align
with the fact that studies approximate that only 36% of adults are able to accurately identify their
emotions (Bradberry & Greaves, 2009). The import of emotional intelligence is underscored by
Denise’s remark, “Ooh! Social growth is always a hot button for me!”
All four parents noted growth in their children that spanned the four skills related to
emotional intelligence and two parents pointed out how these skills will aid in future success.
Bradberry and Greaves (2009) describes a positive correlation between emotional intelligence
and wealth; an increase in emotional intelligence equates to an increase in potential earnings.
Parents also highlighted that emotional intelligence was an educational opportunity that many in
public schools do not receive. One parent recalled their child’s growth in social awareness:
I think she’s now figuring out which dynamics and which personalities aren’t good for
her, and she is actively pulling away from some of her friendships that just aren’t
friendships – that don’t result in great things. And I’ve seen that change in her. I’m super
proud of it.
Another parent remarked on her child’s ability to identify and request his needs. By asking for
what he needs emotionally, he is demonstrating personal competence. Furthermore, several
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parents acknowledged the role that Montessori has distinctly played in their children’s social
emotional growth and expressed a high level of satisfaction. The development of the children’s
social competence also correlates to Dr. Montessori’s four planes of development; one of the
characteristics is the development as social beings (Association Montessori International -
United States of America, 2022).
Discussion Research Question Four
When considering the emotional well-being of their children, two themes emerged in
conversation: the level of cultural competence demonstrated within the school and how
emotional intelligence is taught and encouraged. While some parents expressed satisfaction with
the level of diversity at Bridgewater Montessori, others expressed a desire to see more. Parent
comments demonstrated a perception of the connection between diversity and overall cultural
competence. Though most parents expected and were prepared for racial conflict among students
as they became more aware of the social construct, others were not prepared for the lack of
cultural competence displayed by faculty. Despite disappointment, several parents pointed to the
willingness of the guides to learn and speak candidly about their shortcomings as white women
in an increasingly diverse country and school; in public schools, white middle-class women
account for nearly 83% of the teaching force while the student population is over 60% students
of color (Gay, 2014). The candid nature of racial discussions in most classrooms seemed to
provide a higher sense of satisfaction among parents, presumably due to the increased sense of
agency. Several parents remarked on their ability to advocate for their children and receive
immediate responses. One parent, however, felt that several racial concerns were not properly
addressed and expressed overall dissatisfaction with the Montessori method.
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Although interviews revealed several misgivings concerning diversity and cultural
competence, parents seemed overall pleased with the social-emotional growth of their child in
the form of emotional intelligence. Two parents directly referenced emotional intelligence while
two more described instances relating to the four skills as previously described. Whereas
children were seemingly taught to identify their emotions and freely speak their needs, there
seems to be less of this open communication concerning racial issues. As Tatum (1997) opined,
teacher reticence may be based on their own cultural competence; I hypothesize that their
unwillingness to freely discuss racial issues is also a result of the influence of their own
epistemology and the white supremacist characteristic of a right to comfort (Jones & Okun,
2001). One parent also considered that the lack of cultural competence was also a symptom of
the differences in guides. Noting her experience with varying guides, Denise described, on
several occasions, the guide’s role in facilitating difficult discussions or providing multicultural
materials to facilitate challenging social issues such as race.
Summary
To better understand how Black children and families experience authentic Montessori
pedagogy, I conducted a case study of Bridgewater Montessori School in California. The
findings may support practitioners in better supporting the academic and social-emotional needs
of Black children and provide more equitable educational opportunities. The participants in this
study were parents and teachers of children who identified as Black and were currently enrolled
in Bridgewater Montessori School. All participants were connected to at least one of the primary
or elementary classrooms at the school. The findings provide insight into the alignment of
faculty and parent perceptions, beliefs, and values. The degree of alignment directly correlates to
student success (Jarrett & Coba-Rodriguez, 2019).
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In consideration of the academic progress of Black children in Montessori, both parents
and faculty elevated the child-centered focus as a key component. The majority of respondents
from both groups were interested in the cultivation of joy in learning as a result of this focus.
Faculty remarked on ways that Montessori pedagogy has fosters a joy of learning through
autonomy and independence as well as the program’s focus on individual children’s interests.
Additionally, parents noted how their children’s love of learning was a result of the
individualized attention they received. The focus on joy in a classroom is also a way to cultivate
the genius of Black children, who, in traditional programs have historically and presently been
stifled in their learning (Anderson, 1988; Muhammad, 2020).
Despite a shared focus on child-centered pedagogy and joy, parents and faculty differ on
the purpose of “following the child.” Whereas faculty demonstrated more concern for the ability
for students to dive deeply into areas of interest and build confidence, parents demonstrated a
greater concern for the academic outcomes achieved by the individualized attention. The student-
focused classroom results in a cascade of influences that lead to increased academic performance
(Deci et al., 1981; Iyengar & Lepper, 1999; A. Lillard, 2017; Schunk, 2020).
Both parents and faculty also shared the value of fostering literacy skills. Faculty and
parents, alike, noted the importance of literacy as an access to all other subjects, and at least one
parent specifically highlighted literacy as a societal access point. The parental focus on literacy
skills has historically been a concern for parents of Black children (Anderson, 1988; Patel, 2016)
and also illuminates the concern some parents voiced concerning spelling instruction. Whereas
faculty focused more on confidence-building as noted as a result of Montessori’s child-centered
pedagogy, parents were more concerned with accuracy and its impact on future academic
success.
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Furthermore, parents and faculty differed on their interest in practical skills. One parent
called the instruction “cute,” signifying her lack of concern for the subject. Contrastingly, most
faculty again note the confidence-building that occurs when students are successful and believe
that these skills are important skills within a primary classroom, though not as important as
children progress to elementary.
In addition to examining the beliefs surrounding the academic achievement of children,
this study also seeks to explore the beliefs of parents and faculty concerning the social-emotional
development and well-being of children. Both parents and faculty align with the importance of
diversity in the classroom and within the school; however, both groups differ in terms of their
estimation of the amount of diversity present. Faculty were overall pleased with the level of
diversity, one teacher noted that her classroom is at least 50% students of color with a large
number of Black students. Parents were slightly more mixed, most likely depending on the
classroom in which their child is enrolled. Primary has a much higher percentage of Black
students than lower elementary and there are no Black students in upper elementary. Moreover,
in the development of emotional intelligence, both parents and faculty aligned in their interest in
open communication. Whereas parents were disappointed with the level of cultural sensitivity
their children experienced, many remarked that the open communication and dialogue both
internally with students and externally with parents, supports growth in this area. Similar to the
purposes of the child-centered pedagogy, there is also misalignment with the purpose of the
development of emotional intelligence. Faculty elevated identity development and confidence
whereas parents focused on interpersonal skills and their ability to communicate their social-
emotional needs.
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Overall, there is mostly alignment between parents and faculty values surrounding the
core activities of the Montessori classroom. The main divergence seems to surround the purpose
of pedagogical activities such as the following the child or social-emotional development. The
impact of this misalignment needs to be further evaluated.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
Current U.S. society consistently measures the academic performance of Black children
from a deficit-based, Eurocentric view that firmly reinforces the status quo and ignores the
education debt that is owed to Black children and other children of color (Horsford & Grosland,
2013; Patel, 2016). Montessori has long since been considered an alternative to the traditional
education system despite the historical barriers to this and other educational opportunities for
Black children (Anderson, 1988; Debs, 2019; A. S. Lillard et al., 2017). Whether through
underground schoolhouses pre-antebellum or freedman schools during Reconstruction Era and
beyond, Black people have persisted and overcome barriers to encourage and cultivate their
genius (Anderson, 1988; Muhammad, 2020; Woodson, 2017). In the last 50 years, Montessori
education has increased exponentially in both the public and private school arena (Debs, 2019).
Public Montessori schools have surpassed the national enrollment of African American students,
enrolling nearly double the number of Black children. Despite the prevalence of Montessori
programs, there is little research concerning the outcomes of Montessori-educated children.
Furthermore, there has been even less research on the particular impact of Montessori on Black
children.
This study seeks to examine the experience of Black children within an authentic
Montessori program and the academic and social-emotional outcomes of this experience. This
case study of Bridgewater Montessori School, a private Montessori school located in California
seeks to explore the following questions:
1. How does Montessori pedagogy support the academic progress of Black children?
2. How does Montessori pedagogy support the social-emotional well-being of Black
children?
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3. How do parents / caregivers of Black Montessori children view their child(ren)’s
academic progress in Montessori school?
4. How do parents / caregivers of Black students attending Montessori schools describe the
emotional well-being of their children?
This study is a qualitative case study centered on Merriam and Tisdell’s (2015) and
Lochmiller and Lester’s (2017) steps on conducting qualitative research. This methodology
utilized open-ended questions in a semi-structured interview to identify the beliefs and values of
both faculty and parents of Black children currently enrolled in Bridgewater Montessori School.
Five faculty members and five parents were interviewed using nine interview questions and a
series of follow-up questions as needed. Interviews were transcribed and analyzed on a rolling
basis to identify themes and ask follow-up questions to participants as needed (Creswell, 2013).
Once all interviews were complete, the data was consolidated and compared (Creswell, 2013;
Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Additionally, the study examined primary documents to triangulate
data obtained through other methods (Bowen, 2009).
Findings
Study findings suggest that there is considerable alignment among faculty and parents
concerning the academic and social-emotional expectations of Black children in Montessori.
Both faculty and parents demonstrated similar interests in characteristics of Montessori that they
believe support the academic and social-emotional progress of Black children. Eight themes
emerged related to the study’s four research questions. This section summarizes and discusses
the study’s findings in relationship to extant literature and current practice.
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Research Question One
Research Question One sought to answer, How does Montessori pedagogy support the
academic progress of Black children? Interview data related to Research Question One produced
two findings. Firstly, the key concept of child-centered focus as part of the Montessori pedagogy
effectively supports the academic needs of Black children. The child-centered focus promotes
self-efficacy which supports the academic achievement of Black children. When children are
given the autonomy to choose their work, it creates a cycle of intrinsic motivation that leads to
greater confidence, which, in turn, results in greater academic achievement.
Interview responses from faculty members found that faculty members focused on
utilizing the child-centered focus to meet student’s needs. Many faculty expressed a belief that
the freedom for children to follow their own interests allowed for deeper study that resulted in
greater confidence, a love of learning, and academic achievement. This finding is consistent with
research that demonstrated the positive correlation between autonomy, self-efficacy, and
academic achievement (Deci et al., 1981; Iyengar & Lepper, 1999; Schunk, 2020).
The second finding that emerged in Relationship to Research Question One was the
positive correlation between Montessori curriculum and literacy gains in Black children. Faculty
interviews found that faculty placed great importance on literacy development within the
classroom. Faculty noted several instances of reading and writing development both within the
primary and elementary classrooms. Such focus is believed to result in greater literacy for
children during the “explosion into reading and writing” that Dr. Montessori asserts occurs
between the ages of 6 to 9 years old (Association Montessori International - United States of
America, 2022). This finding is consistent with studies that demonstrate higher academic
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achievement for Montessori children in comparison to their traditional school counterparts (A. S.
Lillard et al., 2017).
Research Question Two
Research Question Two sought to answer the question, How does Montessori pedagogy
support the social-emotional well-being of Black children? Interview data related to Research
Question Two produced two findings. The first finding in relation to Research Question two was
that diversity plays a large role in the social-emotional development of Black children. Faculty
conversations mostly focused on the diversity of the students and the diversity of the curriculum
materials. Faculty elevated the importance of diversity and representation in creating a
welcoming and safe environment for children. Faculty further asserted that the diversity of the
curriculum materials supported positive identity development in Black children. This finding is
consistent with studies that suggest that students learn best when educators support identity
construction through curriculum and connect curriculum to their individual cultural experiences
(Gay, 2014; Muhammad, 2020).
The second finding in relation to Research Question two was the importance of
cultivating emotional intelligence in supporting the social-emotional well-being of Black
children. Faculty interviews demonstrated a focus on the development of self-confidence and
identity. Many faculty also remarked on the difficulty in separating academic and social-
emotional skills since social-emotional skills influence academic achievement. Faculty
interviews yielded myriad examples of social-emotional development through open dialogue,
peer interactions, and the development of self-awareness. This finding is consistent with studies
that suggest that Montessori supports the social-emotional achievement of children in
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comparison to their traditional school counterparts (A. Lillard & Else-Quest, 2006; A. S. Lillard
et al., 2017).
Research Question Three
Research Question Three inquired, How do parents / caregivers of Black Montessori
children view their child(ren)’s academic progress in Montessori school? Interview data related
to Research Question Three produced two findings, similar to Research Question One. The first
finding was that parents were overall pleased with the academic progress supported by
Montessori’s child-centered approach to learning. Parents identified the cultivation of a love of
learning and autonomy as the main reasons for supporting the child-centered approach. While
several parents also reported the child-centered focus as a possible impediment to learning, only
one parent remarked on this negative aspect in relation to their own children. The overarching
belief expressed is that child-centered approach to learning provided autonomy and ownership in
learning which resulted in greater academic success. These findings are consistent with the
positive influence choice and autonomy has on academic achievement (Deci et al., 1981; Iyengar
& Lepper, 1999).
The second finding in relation to Research Question Three is the importance of literacy as
an academic subject. Although faculty placed greater emphasis on practical life and social skills,
parent interviews found that parents’ greatest concern was with their child’s literacy
development. Possibly influenced by societal deficit narratives of the achievement gap, all parent
participants utilized evidence of growth in reading and writing to determine academic progress.
Parents remarked on their child’s observable progress throughout the school year,
acknowledging the explosion into reading and writing as defined by Dr. Montessori (Association
Montessori International - United States of America, 2022). Given that the majority of teachers
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also acknowledged the importance of reading in academic achievement, this finding is consistent
with research that asserted that children achieve greater academic success when there is
alignment between home and school values (Jarrett & Coba-Rodriguez, 2019). The findings are
also consistent with Lillard et al. (2017) finding that Montessori children demonstrated higher
academic achievement in comparison to traditional school children.
Research Question Four
Research Question Four inquired, How do parents / caregivers of Black students
attending Montessori schools describe the emotional well-being of their children? Interview data
related to Research Question Four produced two findings. First, diversity and cultural
competence are important to the social emotional well-being of Black children. In considering
the social-emotional well-being of their children, parents expressed concern for the lack of
cultural competence and diversity present in the school. Though parents recognized the plethora
of diverse curricular materials, the findings were contradictory regarding the satisfaction for the
diversity of the school. This finding is consistent with current trends in public schools of
increasingly white middle-class female teachers and an increasingly racially and ethnically
diverse student population (Gay, 2014). Despite their misgivings, parents were overall pleased
with the school’s willingness to address racial topics both internally with students and externally
with parents. Parents seek more diversity in both faculty and student body to support the
emotional well-being of students. Although on par with the school district, the level of student
diversity is inconsistent with the student population of public Montessori students (Debs, 2019).
Secondly in relation to Research Question Four, findings concluded that parents also
sought the development of emotional intelligence as a marker for the emotional well-being of
their children. Interview data pointed to parent satisfaction of the level and quality of social-
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emotional development occurring in school through evidence of emotional intelligence
characteristics. Parents recalled instances of students identifying their emotional needs and then
asking for those needs as important milestones in their child’s social-emotional development.
Parent satisfaction is consistent with successful implementation of social-emotional development
which is consistent with findings. Current findings yielded results supporting the positive social-
emotional progress of Montessori children in comparison to traditional school students (A.
Lillard & Else-Quest, 2006; A. S. Lillard et al., 2017).
Implications for Practice
This study examined the impact of Montessori education on the academic and social-
emotional progress of Black children. Study findings established themes that inform educational
practitioners at the specific school of study, both public and private Montessori schools, as well
as school district leaders regarding successful methods of wholistic and meaningful education of
Black children. Specifically, regarding the study and resulting thematic findings, implications for
the efficacy of Montessori education and its implementation were established.
The first implication for practice by the specific school of study as well as public and
private Montessori school leaders emphasizes the value of culturally relevant pedagogy in
Montessori curriculum. Study findings demonstrate misalignment of experience for Black
children and faculty perceptions. Whereas faculty displayed high levels of satisfaction with the
diversity of the campus, parents expressed a desire for more diversity of both the student body
and faculty. Parents also sought more cultural sensitivity consistent with faculty reticence to
racialize children’s experience. Study findings suggest that parents would benefit from continued
open communication and cultural education of faculty to be better equipped to identify and
address racial differences in experience.
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The second implication for practice by public and private Montessori schools highlights
the need for parent communication regarding Montessori pedagogy and its implementation and
primary purposes. Study findings demonstrated misalignment between parent perceptions and
faculty intent and practice. While both faculty and parents expressed value in the child-centered
approach, parent perceptions demonstrated misunderstandings about the steps teachers make to
ensure that children’s academic and social-emotional needs are met. Study findings suggest that
Montessori school communities would benefit from clarity concerning pedagogy and curricular
decisions and how those expectations vary with age.
The third implication for practice by school district leaders elevates the need for further
education concerning Montessori pedagogy and its potential in addressing the education debt.
Study findings suggest that authentic Montessori programs can be academically and social-
emotionally beneficial for Black children wo have historically experienced barriers to quality
educational opportunities. Although parent interviews demonstrated an overall satisfaction with
Montessori pedagogy, not all parents interviewed were satisfied with their child’s outcomes.
Inasmuch, the findings implore that district leaders work with their communities to educate on
the Montessori method and then determine interest for implementation.
Future Research
This study’s review of literature noted a significant need for further research regarding
the implementation of authentic Montessori and its academic and social emotional impact on
Black children. While this study provided additional findings regarding academic and social-
emotional achievement of Montessori students, further research is needed. While future
qualitative research would benefit from a more formal data analysis, additional research is also
recommended to address three areas related to this study.
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The first recommendation for future research is to conduct studies using more authentic
schools to accurately examine the impact of authentic Montessori education. This study’s
findings identified the importance in determining an authentic Montessori program to ensure
accurate results. Since Montessori is not trademarked, there are varying levels of implementation
of Dr. Montessori’s pedagogy. Earlier studies do not take this variation into account when
studying the effects of Montessori education. Further refining the definition of authentic
Montessori could provide more accurate results in examining the benefits of Montessori
education in the U.S.
The second recommendation for future research is to conduct longitudinal randomly
controlled studies to examine long-term effects of Montessori education and the outcomes of
Black children. This study’s findings are limited by the case school and demonstrates variety
even within the small sample size. The sheer size of the country and of Black people within the
African diaspora necessitates larger scale research to examine the divergence in experiences
throughout the U.S. Expanding the sample selection could broaden applicability for authentic
Montessori schools.
The third recommendation for future research is to study the extent to which white
supremacy culture and teacher bias impacts the authentic implementation of Montessori
education. This study’s findings illuminated the role that individual teachers have in creating and
maintaining an authentic, culturally sensitive Montessori environment. Critically examining this
area could provide more context into the ways in which Montessori pedagogy can better support
Black children and other children of color.
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Conclusions
This study confirmed that authentic Montessori is both academically and social-
emotionally advantageous for Black children. Through an examination of both faculty and parent
perceptions, this study emphasized the importance of key pedagogical characteristics of
Montessori that support the academic and social-emotional progress of Black children (Iyengar
& Lepper, 1999; A. Lillard & Else-Quest, 2006; A. S. Lillard et al., 2017). Study findings
suggest that both faculty and parents find academic value in the individualized attention of
Montessori’s child-centered approach, and both are aligned on the importance of literacy
development for academic achievement. Findings further suggest that diversity and cultural
competence influence academic and social-emotional development and that parent satisfaction
with the development of emotional intelligence through social-emotional development aligns
with the faculty’s emphasis on these skills as important. This study offers practitioners additional
insight into the impact of Montessori education on the academic and social development of
Black children.

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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Interview Questions
1. How would you describe Montessori to a parent considering enrolling a Black child in
this school?
a. Why would you encourage a parent to enroll their Black child at Bergamo
Montessori?
b. Why would you discourage a parent to enroll their Black child at Bergamo
Montessori?
c. How would your responses be different for parents of non-Black children?

2. What has been your experience with the Montessori approach and its impact on Black
children?
a. How would you determine if a child is learning?
b. What subjects do you feel are important for a child to learn at school?
c. What subject(s) do you wish children could spend more time learning at the
school?
d. How much time do children get to spend on their favorite subjects?

3. In your experience, what are some ways that the Montessori approach supports the
academic development of Black children?
a. Can you describe a time or lesson during the school year when you felt the
Montessori approach positively supported the academic development of Black
children?
b. Can you describe a time or lesson during the school year when you felt the
Montessori approach did not support the academic development of Black
children?
c. Can you describe a time or lesson during the school year when you felt the
Montessori approach negatively impacted the academic development of Black
children?
4. During the school year how would you describe the academic growth of Black children
while attending Montessori school?

5. In your experience, what are some ways that the Montessori approach positively supports
the social-emotional development of Black children?
a. Can you describe a time or lesson during the school year when you felt the
Montessori approach positively supported the social-emotional development of
Black children?
b. Can you describe a time or lesson during the school year when you felt the
Montessori approach did not support the social-emotional development of Black
children?
c. Can you describe a time or lesson during the school year when you felt the
Montessori approach negatively impacted the social-emotional development of
Black children?

136

6. During the school year how would you describe the social-emotional growth of Black
children while attending Montessori school?

7. In your experience, how does the Montessori approach promote cultural compassion?

8. What differences would you say there are between a Black child’s experience and the
experience of non-Black children at this school?

9. Some people believe that Montessori schools don’t prepare children for the rigor of high
school. How would you respond to this statement?
a. How would the answer be different for children who identify as Black?

Now, I’d like to ask you a few demographic questions.

For Parents:
1. How many years has your child been enrolled in Montessori school?
2. How many children do you have in Montessori school?
3. What is your ethnic/racial identity?
4. What is the highest level of education achieved by a parent/guardian in the household?

For Faculty / Administrators:
1. How many years have you been employed as an educator?
2. How many years have you worked at any Montessori school?
3. How many years have you worked at Bergamo Montessori School? Are you the lead teacher?
4. What is your ethnic/racial identity?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Black people in the United States have demonstrated resilience and a thorough understanding of education as a means of liberation. Currently, U.S. education consistently measures the academic performance of Black children from a deficit-based, Eurocentric view that reinforces the status quo and ignores the education debt that is owed to Black children and other children of color (Horsford & Grosland, 2013; Patel, 2016). Montessori has long since been considered an alternative to the traditional education system despite the historical barriers to this and other educational opportunities for Black children (Anderson, 1988; Debs, 2019; A. S. Lillard et al., 2017). In the last 50 years, Montessori education has increased exponentially in both the public and private school arena (Debs, 2019). Public Montessori schools have surpassed the national enrollment of African American students, enrolling nearly double the number of Black children. Despite the prevalence of Montessori programs, there is little research concerning the outcomes of Montessori-educated children. This document serves as a case study of the experience of Black students attending Bridgewater Montessori School (pseudonym), an authentic Montessori program, and their academic and social-emotional development and well-being.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Williams, Michelle Sharita Refuge (author)

Core Title An analysis of the impact of Montessori education on Black children

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2022-05

Publication Date 05/02/2022

Defense Date 04/07/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American Children,African American students,Black children,black students,Montessori,Montessori education,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Cash, David (committee chair), Krop, Cathy (committee member), Riggio, Marsha (committee member)

Creator Email msw45675@usc.edu,themichelleswilliams@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111208091

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Format application/pdf (imt)

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