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Expression of identity: Maori Ta Moko and the utilization of the internet

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EXPRESSION OF IDENTITY:

MĀORI TA MOKO AND THE UTILIZATION OF THE INTERNET

by

Ligeia D. Gorre

A Thesis Presented to
FACULTY OF THE ROSKI SCHOOL OF FINE ARTS
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF PUBLIC ART STUDIES

August 2007

Copyright 2007 Ligeia D. Gorre

ii
Dedication

For my father, Diosdado E. Gorre.

iii
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the individuals who have extended their hands along this
journey – Ferdinand Lewis, Anne Bray, Caryl Levy, Zipporah Lax-Yamamoto,
Manuel Castells, Karen Logensen, and Wena Harawira. The ones who have quenched
my thirst along the way – my Mother, Sebya, Brian, Morgana Fae, Wynter Mahal, and
my numerous and supportive PAS colleagues. Lastly, all the lights that have passed
but still linger within.

iv
Table of Contents

Dedication ii

Acknowledgements iii

List of Figures v

Abstract vii

Introduction 1

Section 1: Traditional Ta Moko and Its Spiritual Origins 4
Designs and Devices 5
Meaning and Identity Expressed 12

Section 2: The Māori Renaissance Movement: 15
Precursors to the Revival of Ta Moko

Section 3: Contemporary Ta Moko as Public, Identity & 26
Resistance
Appropriation and Protection 27
The Body in Public Space 30

Section 4: Translating Ta Moko as Identity via the Internet 33
Ta Moko Web Sites 34
Table 1: Thirty selected Web sites found from 36
searching “ta moko” on Google

A pēhea hoki meake nei? (And what of the future?) 41
Glossary of Māori Terms 46

Bibliography 47

Appendix: List of Māori Web sites 53

v
List of Figures

Figure 1: Painting of Māori man receiving the traditional application 3
process of ta moko taken from Gilbert, S. (Eds). (2000)
Tattoo History: A Source Book. New York: Juno Books.

Figure 2: Tattooed Rangatira (Chief), with full facial carved moko 6
taken from Kessing, F.M. (1928). The Changing Māori.
New Plymouth, NZ: Thomas Avery & Sons Ltd.

Figure 3: Picture of interior of a sacred meetinghouse depicting the 8
carved walls, supports, ceiling arches and sculptures taken
from Kessing, F. M. (1928). The Changing Māori.
New Plymouth, NZ: Thomas Avery & Sons Ltd.

Figure 4: Shane Te Ruki of Waitomp next to tiki statue, 8
Aotearoa/New Zealand, tattoo artist: Rangi Skipper
taken from Nikora, L.W., Rua, M., & Te Awekotuku (2005).
Wearing Moko: Māori Facial Marking in Today’s World.
In Thomas, N., Cole, A., & Douglas, B. (Eds.). Tattoo:
Bodies, Art, and Exchange in the Pacific and the West
(pp. 191-239). Durham: Duke University Press.

Figure 5: Māori man with Puhoro and Taurapa taken from Nikora, 11
L.W., Rua, M., & Te Awekotuku (2005). Wearing Moko:
Māori Facial Marking in Today’s World. In Thomas, N.,
Cole, A., & Douglas, B. (Eds.). Tattoo: Bodies, Art, and
Exchange in the Pacific and the West (pp. 191-239).
Durham: Duke University Press.

Figure 6: Drawing of Māori warrior by Major General Robley in the 12
1800’s taken from Gilbert, S. (Eds). (2000) Tattoo History:
A Source Book. New York: Juno Books.

Figure 7: Young Māori woman with lips and chin moko taken from 14
Thomas, N., Cole, A., & Douglas, B. (Eds.). Tattoo: Bodies,
Art, and Exchange in the Pacific and the West (pp. 191-239).
Durham: Duke University Press.

vi
Figure 8: John Rutherford drawn in 1828 by anonymous artist wearing 18
ta moko which he received while living among the Māori
taken from Thomas, N., Cole, A., & Douglas, B. (Eds.).
Tattoo: Bodies, Art, and Exchange in the Pacific and the
West (pp. 191-239). Durham: Duke University Press.

Figure 9: Waiteahoaho Te Kawa of Te Kawa, Aotearoa/New Zealand, 27
tattoo artist: Rangi Skipper, taken from Nikora, L.W.,
Rua, M., & Te Awekotuku (2005). Wearing Moko:
Māori Facial Marking in Today’s World. In Thomas, N.,
Cole, A., & Douglas, B. (Eds.). Tattoo: Bodies, Art, and
Exchange in the Pacific and the West (pp. 191-239).
Durham: Duke University Press.

vii

Abstract

“Expression of Identity: Māori Ta Moko and the Utilization of the Internet”, examines
Ta Moko (the tattoo) of Māori, the indigenous peoples of Aotearoa/New Zealand
within the Māori Renaissance Movement. Ta Moko is discussed as an expression of
identity (cultural, heritage/family, spiritual, and personal) and as art intersecting the
public realm (the body in space). A close examination of how Māori communicate
identity through the utilization of the socially constructed public realm of the Internet
will also be discussed (Castells, 2004, p. 54). Kaupapa Māori Theory (contemporary
term for ancient Māori theorizing and documenting Māori experience by Māori) will
be imperative to the discussion of Ta Moko. This research will provide insight,
broadening the discourse of public art.

1
Introduction
It was my childhood exposure to art and my work in education and the art
administration field that led me to pursue a Master’s degree in Public Art Studies at
the University of Southern California. While immersed in theories and writings of art
intersecting public life, I began researching Hawaiian sovereignty. As a member of a
Halau, a Hawaiian hula troop, my interest in indigenous cultures deepened. While in
the midst of learning more about Hawaiian culture, I came upon an article on the
Cultural Survival Web site regarding a Māori woman who was discriminated against
by a prospective employer because she had a facial moko, a tattoo. After a couple of
telephone interviews, the woman was invited for a one on one interview with the
restaurant owner. When the two met in person (the position was for kitchen staff), the
owner stated that she would be unable to work for the restaurant due to her facial
moko. His perception of the woman’s cultural tattoo was that her employment would
negatively impact the business. A suit was filed against the restaurant owner and the
woman eventually won. The restaurant owner publicly gave an official apology.
(Waters, 2005) The fact that an individual was judged on the basis of their cultural
tattoos and not on the qualities of their professional skills made me determined to
discover the meaning behind moko.
Although I could not articulate it at the time, I realize now that it is no new
concept to utilize the body to convey one’s identity, as in the case mentioned above.
The ancient art form of the Māori of Aotearoa/New Zealand, ta moko, has undergone a
revival since the 1970s. The 1970s marked a decade of radical change, in

2
Aotearoa/New Zealand, as well as many other parts of the world. This decade gave
birth to a body revolution for Feminist artists and the Māori. Ta moko has survived
hundreds of years but has undergone changes in application and availability by those
in Māori society. (Kopua, 2001)
While the tools and those who are eligible for moko, has changed, one aspect
has persevered and has taken on a more powerful meaning: the expression of Māori
identity through ta moko. The way in which the body and the individual are
transformed through moko is both a very private and public experience for Māori.
Figure 1 illustrates the intimate moko session (although not pictured here) the family
was also present at the gathering. The body is discussed as public because of its
ability to non-verbally communicate and interact with others through facial
expressions, body language, and their moko. The body is also discussed as private in
regards to the sacred cultural tattoo of the Māori. Receiving ta moko is a private
spiritual journey involving consultation by Māori elders, knowledge of one’s
genealogy and cultural traditions that I will demonstrate with support from Māori
accounts living in present day. The body as part and parcel as identity will be
discussed in references to feminist performance theory of the 1970s (United States) as
a way of interpreting ta moko as an expression of art intersecting the public realm.

3

Figure 1 Painting of Māori man receiving the traditional application process of ta
moko taken from Gilbert, S. (Eds). (2000) Tattoo History: A Source Book. New
York: Juno Books.

Indigenous cultures, such as the Māori, are communicating their identity on a
global scale with the use of the Internet. (M. Castells, personal communication,
December 19, 2006) The Internet has been conceived as a public space that facilitates
communication and social organization according to social theorist Manuel Castells.
The Web can virtually mobilize groups who have little physical mobility and access to
resources, such as the indigenous peoples of Aotearoa/New Zealand. (Castells, 2001)
This research will discuss contemporary ta moko as an expression of identity that is
reaching a global audience via the Internet. It will further highlight the current phase

4
of ta moko revival within the Māori Renaissance Movement, which is a movement to
reclaim Māori culture within the greater Aotearoa/New Zealand society.
Traditional Ta Moko and Its Spiritual Origins
Before exploring the layers of meaning behind ta moko, it may be helpful to
discuss the Māori myth regarding its initial appearance in the culture.
The origins of ta moko lie in the ancient story of Niwareka
1
and her husband
Mataora. They lived at a time when the art of chiseling the skin was not known
and designs were painted on the body. One day, Mataora mistreated Niwareka
who fled to her father's
2
people in Rarohenga, the underworld. Mataora
pursued his wife, wanting to persuade her to return. But when he reached
Rarohenga, the designs painted on his face were smeared with sweat from his
exertions. Seeing his appearance, his wife's people laughed at him - their faces
were marked with permanent incisions. Ashamed, Mataora begged his wife's
forgiveness and asked his father-in-law to teach him the art of ta moko.
Niwareka eventually forgave her husband and returned with him to the world
above, taking with her the art of taniko
3
, a delicate and intricate form of
weaving. Mataora brought with him the knowledge of moko. In that way,
knowledge of these arts entered the world. (www.scoop.co.nz/stories/)

1
Niwareka was a being of the underworld also known as a member of the fairy folk.
2
Niwareka’s father was Uetonga, grandson of Ruaumoko the god of volcanic
activities.
3
Women traditionally practiced Taniko, the Māori traditional art of weaving.

5
To understand this myth is to understand the embedded meanings of ta moko.
The art form is more than mere body art or design, it is considered to be a gift from the
ancestors and the gods. Kopua states,
The origin of moko is woven into our whakapapa (family) and finds its source
with the youngest of our atua (diety) Māori, Ruaumoko, the god of volcanic
activity and of moko all of which is woven into his name. The Ru is the
trembling of the earth, the Au is the flow of volcanic lava and Moko is the
name given to the resulting scars upon the earth’s surface from the first two
activities.
Committing to ta moko involves a rigorous cultural learning process about one’s
ancestral lineage and cultural traditions. According to some Māori sources, these
aspects of learning constitute whether or not an individual is suited to wear moko.
According to the myth, Mataora’s extended family at first ridiculed him for having a
painted face for it was a painless application without meaning or initiation.
(www.tamoko.org.nz) To undergo such a process was considered to be a testament of
commitment, strength, and maturity.
Designs and Devices
The tools used to create moko on the skin consisted of three main types of
chisels. A serrated chisel or uhi, was used to loosen initial punctures in the skin. A
flat edged uhi parted the skin. The serrated uhi was again used as a carrier for pigment
into the wound. This form of application, the act of carving the skin, is distinctive of

6
the Māori ta moko as seen in Figure 2, whereas other Polynesian tattoos consist of
punctures. (Gilbert, 2000)

Figure 2 Tattooed Rangatira (Chief), with full facial moko taken from Kessing, F.M.
(1928). The Changing Māori. New Plymouth, NZ: Thomas Avery & Sons Ltd.

Most of the chisels used in ancient Māori society were made of greenstone or
albatross bone, the latter had the ability to absorb pigment making it easier for artisans
to work a longer line. (www.tamoko.org.nz) Pigment came from a variety of sources
including vegetation – kapia or kauri gum, a native species of caterpillar, and dog

7
feces. (www.tamoko.org.nz) This process of tattooing required years to complete and
was very painful. Presently, the process time has been reduced due to contemporary
application techniques. The individual receiving moko had to abstain from sexual
intercourse over the course of the tattooing. The ingestion of solid food was also
prohibited. The only way for one to receive nutrients was by eating liquid foods and
water through a wooden funnel. This was crucial as to decrease the chances of
infection. (http://history-nz.org/Māori3.html)
The intricate carving technique in ta moko can be found elsewhere in Māori
arts and crafts. Everything from weapons to canoes to home wares was carved in
detail. Māori are known for their woodcarvings
4
of ancestors, gods, and animals
(mythical and real) that adorn sacred meetinghouses. The meetinghouse was a public
space and the spiritual center for the tribe as seen in Figure 3. The following Figures,
3 and 4, demonstrate the shared commonalities between moko and Māori architecture.
The transfer of cultural icons onto the body suggest uniformity in cultural designs and
an ancestral foundation with both ta moko and the meetinghouse.
5

4
Carving is still a thriving Māori art form.
5
The meetinghouse is a metaphor for the ancestor’s body. For instance, the koruru
(mask) or the head of the ancestor was immediately below the gable figure or tekoteko.
The interior of the building denoted the belly, the ridgepole corresponded to the spine,
and the rafters represented the rib cage. (Keesing, 1928)

8

Figure 3 Picture of interior of a sacred meetinghouse depicting the carved walls,
supports, ceiling arches and sculptures taken from Kessing, F. M. (1928). The
Changing Māori. New Plymouth, NZ: Thomas Avery & Sons Ltd.

Figure 4 Shane Te Ruki of Waitomp next to tiki statue, Aotearoa/New Zealand, tattoo
artist: Rangi Skipper taken from Nikora, L.W., Rua, M., & Te Awekotuku (2005).
Wearing Moko: Māori Facial Marking in Today’s World. In Thomas, N., Cole, A., &
Douglas, B. (Eds.). Tattoo: Bodies, Art, and Exchange in the Pacific and the West
(pp. 191-239). Durham: Duke University Press.

9

When initially observed, ta moko contains a prominent design theme, that of
the koru and/or spiral. Literally koru means loop, coil, and blow.
(www.learningmedia.co.nz/nz/online/ngata/)
6
In regards to its description, many
Māori resources state koru is a spiral form but has evolved to incorporate
anthropomorphic features. In some cases it has a beak and tail creating a bird-like
creature. Usually, the koru is completed with an eye, head, neck and body. (Kopua,
2001) The primary symbolism of koru is birth and regeneration. Perhaps this refers to
the wearer who undergoes this cultural, spiritual and personal “re-birth” of receiving
moko. They honor their past, commit to the present and envision a future for their
hapu (tribe), iwi (people), and whakapapa (family).
Ancient ta moko, suggested by Māori ta moko experts, contained single and
groupings of spirals throughout sites of the body. According to Mark Kopua, Māori ta
moko artist, “Even to the extent where what initially looks like a spiral, is actually
double or triple grouped lines that spiral inward into a single koru.” This design may
also include offshoots or lines protruding from the main line. Each line and segment
is deliberate and may represent genealogical traces or qualities the wearer possesses
such as strength and sustainability. For example, the double-headed koru stems from a
representation of the Hammerhead Shark, an analogy of the successful Māori warrior.
(Kopua, 2001)

6
Due to translations from Māori to English, there exist similar words, ie spelling, but
pronunciation with macrons varies resulting in different meanings. For example koru
can also mean gobble and apostrophe, and korukoru means turkey.

10
Furthermore, the koru or spiral is known according to one source, as one of the
“sacred symbols of life”. (Rout, 1926) The koru appears as “double spirals”, rarely
single, giving an interlocking effect. (www.Māori.info) Māori sources have varying
definitions of its meaning ranging from representations of male genitalia, to
interlocking beaks of the mythological beast manaia, to pure decoration. The most
apparent uses of the koru is to form a unity between designs, symbols and sites on the
body as well as communicate further the individual’s personal story. Besides the full
facial moko, koru appear on the buttocks, chin and legs as seen in Figure 6. Ta moko
located on the legs is known as puhoro relating to the speed of movement. Taurapa
(literally the stern post of a canoe) are designs located on the buttocks representing
transportation. (Kopua, 2001)

11

Figure 5 Māori man with Puhoro and Taurapa taken from Nikora, L.W., Rua, M., &
Te Awekotuku (2005). Wearing Moko: Māori Facial Marking in Today’s World. In
Thomas, N., Cole, A., & Douglas, B. (Eds.). Tattoo: Bodies, Art, and Exchange in the
Pacific and the West (pp. 191-239). Durham: Duke University Press.

Haehae lines are also dominant moko designs. The face and other parts of the
body contain lines referred to as “rays”. The “short ladder” line type is mostly found
on the legs. Traditionally, warriors received lines or groupings of lines that referred to
battles attended, injuries received in battle, or the number of chiefs they had slain.

12
(Kopua, 2001) The actual number of lines was of significance in relation to their
battle history.
Meaning and Identity Expressed
The combination of ta moko’s symbolism, designs, and placement reveals
itself much like a story. The references and symbols work as a form of language and
communicate to others the person’s lineage, achievements, and personal histories.
Specific sites on the body corresponded to a person’s family, occupation, or role in
Māori society. In some tribes, the left side of the facial moko is reserved for the
individual’s father and the right for the mother. (www.history~nz.org/Māori3.html)
These two dualities meet in the middle of the face, interwoven, intricate and united.
Areas of the facial moko designate rank in tribe and lineage, usually the forehead.

Figure 6 Drawing of Māori warrior by Major General Robley in the 1800’s taken from
Gilbert, S. (Eds). (2000) Tattoo History: A Source Book. New York: Juno Books.

13
In traditional times, only high-ranking tribesmen and women wore ta moko,
such as this warrior pictured in Figure 7. Achievement would most often be obtained
in war or battles for men. It was said that a Māori man would not reach true
“manhood” until he received his moko. Servants were never tattooed. Males were
able to receive moko on the entire face and below mid-waist to the knees.
Females had less intricate designs but wore moko traditionally on the chin and
had outlined and filled in lips as in Figure 8. The chin and mouth moko was granted at
the beginning of puberty to signify a woman’s coming of age or marrying age. She
was at this time afforded “speaking rights” within the hapu. In some cases, lines on
the cheeks, forehead, breasts, thighs and legs also were found among Māori women.
(Gilbert, 2000) It is said that the origins of this moko appeared in reference to
Niwareka’s moko, “a few lines on the forehead and cheeks.” (Kopua, 2001)
According to Kopua, female facial moko, whether on the lips, chin and forehead did
not appear until after the settlement of Aotearoa/New Zealand by Māori. Ta moko not
only denoted rank but was also a sign of beauty and desire among women.

14

Figure 7 Young Māori woman with chin and lips tattooed taken from Thomas, N.,
Cole, A., & Douglas, B. (Eds.). Tattoo: Bodies, Art, and Exchange in the Pacific and
the West (pp. 191-239). Durham: Duke University Press.

For a Māori individual to obtain moko, the hapu (tribe) to which the individual
belonged, had to grant approval. The mana (prestige, power, authority, influence and
life force) of an individual, would invariably influence the elder’s decision on

15
recommending a person for receiving moko. (www.Maori.org.nz) For instance, the
aristocrat’s moko was an inherited birthright, an individual is born with mana.
However, bloodlines do not ensure great mana overall. Mana may be bestowed on a
person depending on the basis of quality active participation within the hapu, iwi, or
whanau (extended family). The markings themselves referred to that person’s
ancestral lineage; therefore, elder consent was a necessity. Genealogy is important for
all Māori, as is humility and the manner in which an individual conducts himself or
herself throughout their lifetime. (www.Maori.org.nz/tikanga)
The meaning of the interlacing elements of the design, the ancestral
connection, and the cultural knowledge transmitted by them, all suggest that a cultural
uniformity, connectivity and the Māori spiritual view are transmitted to young men
and women by this tradition. The iconography, which is so prevalent in Māori design,
stems from what some Māori believe is a concept of interconnectedness of Māori to
the environment, the ancestors, and the gods. According to Māori, a deep connection
to the land is valued. Blood and community bind them. Ta moko was an integral
aspect of the Māori identity. Its beautiful curves were symbols known by other Māori
to identify the person wearing it and their place in society. The ancient process took
years to complete, often beginning for men when they were youths and when girls
entered womanhood. No two moko are alike; it was and continues to be like a
person’s finger print, unique and distinct. Ta moko encompasses Māori ancestral,
spiritual, personal, and cultural identity.

16
The Māori Renaissance Movement: Precursors to the Revival of Ta Moko
The 1970s saw a rise in the reclamation of Māori culture, art, language and the
body. The previous decade’s Civil Rights Movement in the United States can be seen
as a precursor to the international Indigenous Peoples Rights Movement including the
Māori Renaissance Movement. (Pihama, 2005, p. 203) The Māori Renaissance
Movement, as presented in this thesis, is a socio-political networked movement to
reclaim Māori collective identity. Although Aotearoa/New Zealand is made up of
numerous tribes all with varying customs, collective Māori identity speaks more to
tino rangatiratanga or self-determination for all Māori. The 1970s contained an air of
uncertainty and change for Māori and Pākehā (Europeans). In Simon During’s essay
on Aotearoa/New Zealand entitled Postmodernism and Globalization: A Dialectical
Relation After All?, he summarizes the country’s situation during this period:
Unemployment, inflation, and national debt were rising to levels not seen for
over a generation; growth as measured economically, was stalled; the
traditional wool/lamb/beef British export markets were rapidly declining partly
because of Britain’s decision to join the EU; nations from outside the old
American/European colonialist blocs (notably Japan) were expanding
manufacturing markets shares, and the OPEC group had flexed its muscle.
(During, 1998, p. 36)
Globalization was transforming the economic, social and political climate. Effects of
the international trade flows were affecting Aotearoa/New Zealand’s national
economy as well. The change in economic stability and the job market led some

17
Māori to seek out alternative jobs in the cities where they interacted with Pākehā. It
was under this environment of social, economic and political change that the Māori
Renaissance Movement was conceived (Pihama, 2005). Ta moko experienced a
revival as one aspect under this Movement thus receiving a global audience.
Prior to the revival, ta moko was in danger of becoming a memory of pre-
colonial ways. Before the early years of British settlement in Aotearoa/New Zealand,
mainly sailors and traders visited the land. The earliest documented account was in
1645 of Abel Tasman, a Dutch explorer. (www.newzealand.com) By the late 1700’s,
visits by European traders and sailors increased. Joseph Banks, naturalist by
profession, was credited to be the first in Europe to document his observations on ta
moko. His general expression sums up many of the colonial attitudes of that era
towards ta moko: “Yet ugly as this certainly looks it is impossible to avoid admiring
the immense elegance and justness of the figures…”. The British settlers were
enamored by, yet feared the sight of, the Māori. Their stunning moko and different
cultural values were deemed uncivilized. Yet over time some Europeans adopted and
appropriated Māori designs onto their bodies, some referring to their markings as ta
moko. As seen in Figure 9, John Rutherford (1828) is drawn here reflecting the tattoos
he received while living among the Māori.
7

7
John Rutherford was adopted into a tribe according to historians. Some Māori today
acknowledge that he was granted moko on the approval of the adopting tribe.

18

Figure 8 John Rutherford drawn in 1828 by anonymous artist wearing ta moko which
he received while living among the Māori taken from Thomas, N., Cole, A., &
Douglas, B. (Eds.). (2005). Tattoo: Bodies, Art, and Exchange in the Pacific and the
West. Durham: Duke University Press.

In 1840, long before the years of protest and conflict, the signing of the Tiriti
O Waitangi (Treaty of Waitangi) marked the beginning of colonization, alienation and
cultural deprivation of the Māori. The controversy shrouding the Treaty concerns the
two separate versions, one in Māori and the other in English. Whether the controversy
was due to loss of meaning in the translation process, or the deceptive intent of the

19
British Crown, the end result was the subsequent stripping of land, other natural
resources and an end to Māori power.
The Māori text conveyed the message of protection and preservation of the
culture from impending British settlement. (Kawharu, 2006) Queen Victoria of
England vowed to extend the rights of British citizens to the Māori, while establishing
a form of government to maintain peace and lawfulness between the two groups.
According to Māori historians, the Chiefs understood the signing of the Treaty would
allow them to maintain possessions of their land, natural resources (mainly fisheries
and forests), cultural treasures (language being the most important), and to permit the
Queen to exercise te kawantanga katoa, “the government over their land”. (Kawharu,
2006) Furthermore, the Chiefs and the Queen had an exclusive relationship
concerning land transactions. The selling and buying of precious land were to be
negotiated between the Māori owner and the appointed representative of the Crown.
However, the English version stated that the Chiefs of the Confederation, the
separate and independent Chiefs (who did not sign the Treaty) were to, “Cede to Her
Majesty the Queen of England absolutely and without reservation all the rights and
powers of sovereignty.” (Kawharu, 2006) These English words, taken together with
the Māori text, have long been a source of resentment and upheaval.
Within the years following the Treaty of Waitangi, the Māori lost the New
Zealand Land Wars which by varying accounts lasted between the mid 1800s to the
early 1900s, (www.newzealandwars.co.nz/campaigns.html) The New Zealand Land
Wars were in fact a series of battles that were fought between multitudes of tribes and

20
settlers, often related to the revolt against the Treaty of Waitangi and colonial
settlement. (www.newzealandwars.co.nz/causes.html) Preceding the end of the
conflicts, Māori retreated into rural villages where they continued to practice their
traditions without interference from Pākehā (European). (Asubel, 1961) Ta moko
found an initial resurgence during the wars, as an indicator of strength in identity and
resistance. As British culture dominated, many European missionaries increasingly
viewed moko as “the Devil’s art” because tattooing the body from the Christian
perspective was forbidden. (www.pbs.org/skinstories/history/newzealand.html)
Although resources were significantly depleted the Māori were able to sustain
themselves. It was not until 130 years after the Treaty was signed, that several factors
contributed to the growing numbers of Māori migrating to urban areas.
World War II had a great influence on Aotearoa/New Zealand’s economy, as it
did in many other countries. Promising jobs awaited individuals living in the cities.
Overseas experience of Māori servicemen was another contributing factor to
migration. (Asubel, 1961) The weakening animosity towards Pākehā and
opportunities for a higher quality of education for Māori youth, were also taken into
consideration.
As increasing Māori populations left the rural areas in search of a higher
quality of life, race relations grew tense. Up until the 1970s, Aotearoa/New Zealand
boasted of the apparent absence of racial conflict. (During, 1998) While conducting
research in Aotearoa/New Zealand with Māori communities, David P. Asubel
discovered that there was in fact “little or no contact” between Māori and Pākehā, thus

21
no conflict. By this time ta moko had all but vanished, except for the remaining elders
that carried the memories of the spiritual tradition.
After more than 130 years of being kept in a state of limited power, the
indigenous peoples of Aotearoa/New Zealand conceived the Māori Renaissance as a
form of resistance and reclamation of identity as power. (Castells, 2004, chap. 2) The
tension of an uncertain future for both Māori and Pākehā was on the horizon. The
Movement is discussed here as a socio-political networked movement based in
identity as a source of power. It contains the three principles typical of a social
movement categorized by Alain Touraine and slightly modified by Manuel Castells.
(Castells, 2004, p. 74)
8
The first of these identifying principal’s is the movement’s
identity, which is Māori collective identity. Second, the movement’s adversary is the
dominant Pākehā culture. Lastly, the movement’s vision or societal goal is self-
determination. The latter having varying degrees within Māori society, such as total
sovereignty (a separate Māori government presiding over Māori affairs), equal
representation in Aotearoa/New Zealand government, and biculturalism.
The competing arguments of which form of government is best suited for
Māori and Pākehā is quite complicated. Separate governmental bodies seem far from
being realized or taken under serious consideration at this time. Surmounting
speculations challenge whether or not it would actually be more beneficial for Māori
to have national political influence rather than strictly local influence. Local political

8
The main focus of social theorist Alain Touraine’s work is mainly concerned with
social movements. Manuel Castells’ is a social theorist and his research focuses on
communication, globalization.

22
powers in this case, represents the ability to self-govern, implement laws, and create
solutions for individual tribes or communities.
As part of the Treaty of Waitangi, a predetermined number of seats, only four,
in the 76-seat parliament were designated as Māori seats. (Fleras, 1985) Constant
disputes, whether or not to abolish the Māori seats or to keep them intact, is a key
issue in political debates. From some Māori point of view, the seats were instilled to
only give the appearance of control and political voice to the Māori citizens. (Fleras,
1985) The level of political influence and power of these elected seats are questioned.
It is considered a hindrance to Māori from actively engaging in national concerns that
would affect them indefinitely. For others, it is a vital factor in directing and
defending Māori political power and a part of Māori cultural heritage. According to
www.electionguide.org, in 2005 the Aotearoa/New Zealand parliament, “increased
from 120 seats to 121 in this election, as the Maori Party won more electorate seats (4
seats) over its entitlement under the party vote (4 seats).” The percentage of persons
claiming Māori heritage stands at 14% of the entire Aotearoa/New Zealand
population. (www.electionguide.org)
The concept of biculturalism is one that values both cultures equally
economically, politically and socially. Some Māori and Pākehā prefer a society that
recognizes and shares power between the two cultural groups. The Māori culture is
highlighted for its cultural distinction and contributions to Aotearoa/New Zealand
society. The indigenous culture is distinctly different from Pākehā, but no less
valuable. (Hanson, 1989) Biculturalism within the Movement stresses the inter-

23
relatedness or spiritual connection that is so pervasive in Māori life. Māori have a
deep attachment to the land. Collective memory and oral histories passed down from
generations are tied into the lives of contemporary Māori. They have an
interdependent relationship with nature, whereas stereotypical Pākehā values are
detached from the environment. (Hanson, 1989)
The obvious lines of division between Māori and Pākehā have been
historically stressed in all aspects of life ranging from education to politics to the arts.
In Asserting Indigenous Theories of Change, Māori theorist, Leonie Pihama, echoes
the sentiment that Māori have been creating experiences in which they view the world
for centuries. It is only now that a term has been brought forth to inform non-Māori,
particularly Pākehā, that Māori are the keepers of Māori knowledge and are the proper
guardians of all things Māori, including ta moko. This theory, Kaupapa Māori (Māori
knowledge), is an ancient understanding. Pihama states, “It is an assertion of the right
for Māori to be Māori on our own terms and to draw from our own base to provide
understandings and explanations of the world.” The word kaupapa refers to “notions
of foundation; plan; philosophy and strategies”, the Māori collective identity.
(Pihama, 2005, p. 192) Additionally, kaupapa Māori supports the Māori Renaissance
Movement for the Movement is a direct result of Māori efforts to regain fundamental
rights under the Treaty of Waitangi. (Pihama, 2005, p. 203)
Theory and language have the ability to support and define any given
indigenous social movement. (Castells, 2004) For the Māori, traditional Euro-centric
theory is of no use unless it contains a practical application set within a Māori

24
framework that does not exclude, degrade, or suppress. Simply put, “Kaupapa Māori
knowledge is the systematic organization of beliefs, experiences, understandings, and
interpretations of the interactions of Māori people and Māori people upon the world.”
(Pihama, 2005, p. 190) In traditional academic circles of the Aotearoa/New Zealand
university system, theory is constructed by the colonizing culture – Britain. Māori
have experienced European “theorizing” in the past only as a tool to support
oppression, not equality or empowerment. (Pihama, 2005)
The use of language is another barrier to effectively relating traditional
European theory to Māori experience. For example, Māori graduate university
students are experiencing a conflict between their academic careers and their social
responsibility to their culture. Pihama states, “Māori students across the country have
been told that it is not sufficient to reference Kaupapa Māori Theory as their
theoretical framework or to relay solely on the writings of Māori academics when
discussing issues regarding Māori education.” (Pihama, 2005) The audiences that
students are attempting to reach with their writings are often their whanau (extended
family). Students are expected to fulfill the expectations of what constitutes a
master’s thesis in this academic setting. If their whanau are unable to comprehend the
writings, the potential and value of the information discussed is lost. (Pihama, 2005)
Māori theorists who struggle against the dominant academic order insist that not
allowing students to use language or theories rooted in Kaupapa Māori is detrimental
to society and is simply a way to perpetuate the suppression of Māori perspective.

25
Despite overwhelming struggles of power, the Movement has slowly
accomplished many of its goals including taking an active role in national government
affairs. The Treaty of Waitangi Act of 1975 set up the Waitangi Tribunal, a
sanctioned commission to make recommendations concerning claims of inconsistency
of the practical applications within the Treaty of Waitangi. The Amendment Act of
1985 expanded the role of the Tribunal by increasing its membership in order to
investigate claims dating back to 1840. (Dominy, 1990) Then in 1988, the State
Owned Enterprises Act permitted the Tribunal to “recommend” the return of Māori
land and ownership, emphasizing, that the Crown is responsible for its actions against
the integrity of the Treaty. (Dominy, 1990) To conclude, the Tribunal is set with the
task of taking both versions of the Treaty into consideration when reviewing claims
and when ambiguity arises, gives the Māori version more weight. The success of
actually returning great amounts of land to Māori landowners is still yet to be
determined.
Māori continue the quest for a bicultural society by reviving some of the
cultures most treasured aspects, its arts and language. In order for Aotearoa/New
Zealand society to be truly bicultural in identity, the reclamation and implementation
of the Māori language into the educational system is essential. According to Manuel
Castells language is, “A fundamental attribute of self-recognition.” (Castells, 2004, p.
54) The Māori language empowers and directly communicates their identity.
Educational reform has produced various programs and schools dedicated to teaching
Māori students in their native tongue as well as non-Māori students interested in Māori

26
studies. One such program is the kura kaupapa Māori (Māori immersion school). In
1976, Ruatoki School became the first bilingual instruction school approved by the
Aotearoa/New Zealand Department of Education. As of today, it has reached the kura
kaupapa Māori (Māori immersion school) status. (www.ero.govt.nz) Kaupapa
Māori, the development of schools, socio-political initiatives, and the revival of Māori
art and culture stems from what Pihama states is “a basis of the need for Māori to take
control of our own educational processes and, in doing so, of our own destinies.”
Contemporary Ta Moko as Public, Identity and Resistance
There are key differences between contemporary ta moko and the ancient
practice of ta moko. The art form has incorporated modern tools of tattooing such as
the needle as seen in Figure 10 of Waiteahoaho Te Kawa, a Māori woman with
contemporary moko. The tattooing session is not as lengthy and, one can assume, not
as painful. The option to have the tattoos “carved” is still available and the demand is
rising. The tattoo artist, of Māori descent, still remains an expert in the art form and is
quite respected. It is no longer limited to a specific group within the Māori culture; it
can be worn by any individual with Māori ancestry. Growing numbers of young
Māori are committing to ta moko. At a recent Waitangi Day celebration in Santa
Monica, California, I witnessed a couple of Māori women, one in her twenties
donning moko on her right arm, between the wrist and elbow. Another lady, in her
forties, had the traditional chin and lips moko.

27

Figure 9 Waiteahoaho Te Kawa of Te Kawa, Aotearoa/New Zealand, tattoo artist:
Rangi Skipper, taken from Thomas, N., Cole, A., & Douglas, B. (Eds.). (2005).
Tattoo: Bodies, Art, and Exchange in the Pacific and the West. Durham: Duke
University Press.

Appropriation and Protection
Ta moko has historically fascinated people from outside the Māori culture.
Since the revival of the cultural art form within the greater Māori community, there is
once again a rise in popularity and appeal outside the culture. The undertaking of ta
moko immerses the individual in a cultural and spiritual experience, achieved through
education passed down from generations which builds a strong identity base. It would

28
be culturally inappropriate for an outsider to wear moko for they would not have a
proper understanding or heritage connected with this commitment.
Presently this resurgence has attracted people who naively appropriated Māori
designs, causing a large outcry from the Māori community. Celebrities like Robbie
Williams, Ben Harper, and Mike Tyson have reportedly received Māori designs
referred to as ta moko. (www.tamoko.org.nz)
Even the world of fashion has deliberately appropriated the designs for
commercialization. According to NZEdge.com, 2006 was rampant with “varying
degrees of offensiveness” in regards to merchandising and utilizing Māori cultural
iconography, such as Julius, the corporate logo for Paul Frank. This image of Julius, a
monkey is marked with “moko” which is construed as an exploitative tactic.
The valid sensitivity regarding the misuse of designs for profit by outsiders and
ignorant implications of donning “moko” on one’s body lends discussion to cultural
and intellectual property rights or “Who has right of ownership of cultural icons?”
(Solomon, 2000) In an interview with Mark Kopua, practitioner of ta moko, he states
why some Māori are upset at the wearing and exploitation by non-Māori individuals
and non-Māori companies, “We have suffered for too long as non-Māori have
exploited our culture for their own ends, and in so doing debased the intrinsic value of
being Ngati Porou, Aitanga a Hauiti, Ngati Ira and so on.” (www.aocafe.com) Mr.
Kopua goes on to reveal that he does not support non-Māori wearing ta moko.
They (non-Māori) do not have any whakapapa to Raumoko so have no
whakapapa to moko. Without, whakapapa, how can they belong to the moko

29
or the moko be part of them? Moko is an expression of self; of whakapapa; of
identity; of one’s tribal culture. (www.aocafe.com)
Many indigenous cultures have recently been initiating national policies within
their country and influencing international policies regarding the protection of
indigenous cultural contents and artistic expression.
(www.unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001356/135647e.pdf) Some Māori would
like the cooperation of the government to work with community leaders to implement
rules or regulations to protect and preserve Māori cultural treasures such as ta moko.
To date, ta moko remains a “self-regulated” art form. Kopua states,
The art form and who receives moko varies throughout the country. We have
no formal governing body; it is very much a self-regulating art that depends on
the integrity of each artist and their ability to govern based on traditional
regulations and values. Which includes a broad knowledge of traditional
symbols and to whom they pertain.
The system of cultural and intellectual property rights doesn’t fully take into
account indigenous cultural beliefs. This system solely uses the lens of economic
right to exploit for profit and financial gain, rooted in the individual or corporate
environment rather than focusing on collective good. Some Māori people see this as
the colonist viewpoint. In contrast, Māori culture acknowledges the reciprocity of
relationship to all aspects of life including spiritual, environmental and whanau. This
view is not limited to Māori, but inclusive of all human existence. In Maui Soloman’s
article on Intellectual Property Rights and Indigenous Peoples Rights and Obligations,

30
he states that the “Māori do not oppose development and exploitation but rather want
the Crown policies to consider the issues from their cultural perspective.”
Māori have stated through scholarly writings, literary works, and the revival of
ta moko, that Māori should be in control of their own cultural treasures. They search
for an actual governmental partnership and honoring of the Treaty of Waitangi where
the needs of Māori and non-Māori are given equal weight. In a manifesto written by
Māori artist, Derek Lardelli, he states that the Māori people require that, “The Treaty
of Waitangi is properly honored as a covenant between Māori and other New
Zealanders.” Māori people will strive for a lifestyle that allows them to be “proactive
participants in all aspects of life” (social, cultural, economic and political), “play a
positive role in their extended whanau, hapu, iwi and wider community and be able to
live with dignity and in harmony with all people.” (Lardelli 2005)
The Body in Public Space
Ta moko continues to remain a source of great pride and identity for the Māori
but also a public form of reclamation. This paper serves to demonstrate that
contemporary ta moko is an art form that intersects with the public realm. As
indicated in the research on Māori facial marking by Nikora, Rua, and Te Awekotuku,
‘publicness’ refers to the transition of an individual from unmarked, to marked (2005).
After 135 years of cultural deprivation and marginalization, reviving this art form is
deeply personal and reaffirms identity for the Māori. Ta moko may be seen as an
affirmation of Māori culture, values, and their spiritual way of life. The importance of

31
committing to ta moko is seen by some as committing to be a “cultural leader”, very
present in the public realm.
In the essay entitled Wearing Moko: Māori Facial Marking in Today’s World,
a Māori woman, Hotewa, recalls an encounter with an elderly Pākehā while in line at
a neighborhood café. His response to her moko, “Oh, you’ve brought back a lot of
beautiful memories for me and I went home last night and dreamed about you.”
(Nikora, Rua, Te Awekotuku, 2005) The gentlemen’s statement is one of varying
reactions to an individual’s moko and reveals a very public interaction.
Accounts of today’s wearers reveal that most people are curious about moko
and display a genuine interest of the stories behind the faces. George Nuku, a Māori
artist and chief, speaks in an interview that the unnerving stares can also be an
educational opportunity. “The children are the ones who don’t have a problem with
that (inquiring about the tattoo). They come straight up to me and, ‘What’s that on
your face?’ And they stare.” (Mitchell, 2003)
The above sentiments strengthen the conception of shortened distance between
viewer and the viewed. The concept of shortened distance stems from the wave of
feminist performance artists who were, in the 1970s, tackling the subject of female
sexuality with their nude portrayals in public performances. These women sought to
“liberate the body from the constraints imposed by moral, aesthetic and social
conventions”, particularly from the dominant male-centric culture. (Jay, 2002, p. 55)
This sentiment can be utilized as a lens in which to view Māori revival of ta moko as

32
identity and resistance. Parallel to the female performance artists, Māori embrace
their bodies as sites of artistic expression. (Jay, 2002)
Much in the same manner as these pioneers in performance art, contemporary
ta moko blurs the boundaries of private and public. The body itself can be a private
and public experience. Although contemporary ta moko is not a “public
performance”, the wearer is part of the public realm in everyday life. The wearer is
committed to the cultural, social and political implications of moko whether it is fully
acknowledged or not. As with many historically oppressed groups such as Māori and
women, their physical bodies have been subjected to oppression. Māori reclaim
ultimate control over their bodies through the commitment of wearing moko. The
Māori have for centuries, created and continue to create meaning through the symbols
and language of ta moko, reclaiming their bodies, in effect communicating their
identity publicly.
Contemporary ta moko is presented in this thesis as an art form intersecting
with the public realm with a focus on the body as a site for expression. The revelation
of the feminist performance artists expressed in the 1970s, “The personal is political”,
relates to moko. The moko process is a deeply personal experience and moko is an
indicator of self which relates to the world at large, politically, and socially. Kaupapa
Māori theory and Māori individuals remain consistent in the fact that ta moko is about
identity and genealogy. Yet the revival of contemporary ta moko can be interpreted as
a political statement, “I am Māori” and the collective experiences of Māori through

33
the eras are encapsulated. It reaffirms and communicates the culture as a whole to the
local governing structure of representation, the British crown.
The body is a sacred site for the Māori, the head being the most valued.
Twentieth century philosopher John Dewey explains three elements of the body as
public art. The first having an interaction element, the body in the public sphere
commands an aesthetic experience to be had, a contemplative action or production.
(Jay, 2002) The viewer becomes receptive to the viewed. As Māori individuals
committed to moko frequent the same spaces, interacting with others and engaging
with routine life, the context in which they appear to others changes.
The second element is accessibility. The viewer and the wearer of ta moko
interact in the same physical and temporal public space. The transience and site-
specificity of the body itself adds to the theory of contemporary ta moko as an
expression of public art. Bodies, as well as cultures, are never static. They change
and adapt according to their environment, be it physical, social or political.
Translating Ta Moko as Identity via the Internet
The virtual technology of the Internet is assisting Māori by reaching their
shared goal of tino rangatiratanga, literally translated as “intense chieftainship” or
more commonly known as sovereignty. (Pihama, 2005) The Web is currently being
used to communicate accurate information and representation of ta moko as a cultural
art form and expression of identity. Tino rangatiratanga and collective Māori identity
lie at the heart of the Māori Renaissance Movement. Collective refers to the unity of
tribes within Aotearoa/New Zealand whose present efforts are to actively participate

34
and shape every aspect of society affecting Māori life including cultural, social,
political and economic spheres. This Movement, also known as Māoritanga
(Māoriness) or Mana Māori (Māori Power), is presently, a socio-political networked
movement and an important growing force in Aotearoa/New Zealand today. The
Māori are actively engaging with one another, the New Zealand Crown (government),
and globally with people interested in Māori life; they are directly translating the
Movement’s societal goals into the public space of the Internet. One of their goals is
to be recognized as accurate and representative members for the communication of
Māori cultural art forms such as ta moko.
Ta Moko Web Sites
Contemporary Māori have been conscientious in communicating their identity
and furthering the societal goal of the Movement. There are three authored categories
of Web sites regarding Māori identity. Authored here refers to written by Māori or
non-Māori. These include sites by Māori for Māori, by Māori for Māori and non-
Māori and finally, by non-Māori about Māori. (Smith, 2006) This utilization of the
Internet can be viewed as an extension or at least a mechanism for which the Māori
Renaissance Movement may reach global acknowledgement and a global audience.
Within this Māori online community there exists four main types of sites –
informational, personal, resource and commercial. (Smith, 2006) The Web sites
specifically dedicated to ta moko are mainly informational and resource sites.
Furthermore, they contain contact information of moko artists, frequently asked
questions, and links to other sites. Personal blogs and forums may be dedicated to ta

35
moko but simultaneously deal with other facets of life. Sites primarily focused on ta
moko and mentioning the cultural art form is authored by both Māori and non-Māori.
The observations made from thirty selected Web sites featuring ta moko are
categorized into two authored groups, Māori Web Sites and Non-Māori Web Sites as
seen in Table 1.

36
Table 1 Thirty selected Web sites found from searching “ta moko” on Google.

Type Māori Web Sites Non-Māori Web Sites
Ta Moko,
Māori Art
(As primary
focus)
~ www.tamoko.org.nz
TaMoko.org
~ www.Maoriart.org.nz
Toi Māori Aotearoa
~ www.tahaa.co.nz
TAHAA, Ta Moko Studio and Art
Gallery

Tattoo or Art
(as primary
focus)
~ www.tamoko.com.au
Te Hau Designs

~ www.amonline.net.au
Australian Museum Online
~ www.tattoos.com
EZine
~ www.fashiontribes.typepad.com
Fashion Tribes
~ www.freetattoodesigns.org
Free Tattoo Designs
~ www.globusgallery.com
Globus Gallery
~ www.tepapa.gov.nz
Museum of New Zealand
~ www.hinkerphoto.com
Personal Web site
~ www.tapaki.net
Tapaki Net
Articles or
Segments on
Ta Moko
~ www.aocafe.com
Aotearoa Café
~ www.maaori.com
From Hawaiki to Hawaiki
~ www.Maori.info
The Hakluyt Society
~ www.history~nz.org/
History of New Zealand
~ www.culture.co.nz
Māori Culture Online
~ www.Maori.info/Maori_society.htm
Māori of New Zealand
~ www.nzedge.com
New Zealand Edge News
~ www.stonesoup.co.nz
Personal Web site, Chkaren
~ www.scoop.co.nz
Scoop Independent News
~ www.teara.govt.nz
To Te Ara
~ http://209.200.101.189
Cultural Survival
~ www.janeresture.com
Jane Resture Personal Site
~ www.nationalgeographic.com
National Geographic
~ www.npr.com
National Public Radio
~ www.newzealand.com
NewZealand.com
~ www.pbs.org
PBS.org
~ www.youtube.com
You Tube
~ www.wikipedia.org
Wikipedia

37
Three sub categories include; 1. Ta Moko or Māori art as primary focus, 2. Tattoos or
Art as primary focus and lastly, and 3. Articles or Segments on Ta Moko as seen in
Table 1. The Web sites discussed here were taken from the Google search engine
between August 2006 – March 2007, when prompted by the term “ta moko”.
Ta moko subject sites serve to inform both groups; however, the nature of the
information differs. Among the sites visited, the Web sites aimed at informing Māori
individuals typically discuss the significant roles the whakapapa, iwi, and hapu
perform when designing the tattoos, what is frequently symbolized today in the
designs, and the steps to initiate the moko process. On the other hand, information
directed to non-Māori individuals explicitly state that appropriating moko on the body
or moko designs onto any object would be “culturally inappropriate”. (Kopua, 2001)
The sites however do offer an alternative to moko, kirituhi or Māori-style designs.
Blogs and forums go further in dialoging with members outside and within Māori
communities.
A total of three Web sites comprised the Ta Moko, Māori Art (as primary
focus) category. For example, www.tamoko.org.nz [under Ta Moko, Māori Art (as
primary focus] is a comprehensive site concerning the ancient and contemporary
tattoo. The site includes the legend of the first moko, related articles, events, and
contact information of ta moko artists. Three moko artists are featured on the Web
site: Mark Kopua, Broughton Johnson and Luke Matthews. The site is often referred
to and linked to various other cultural Web sites. Toi Māori Aotearoa is another site
that primarily focuses on Māori art. Ta moko, along with weaving, carving, jewelry

38
making, other contemporary arts, artists, and events are featured on this Web site.
(www.Maoriart.org.nz)
Te Hau Designs, tattoo artist Ben Te Hau McDonald’s site is categorized
under Māori Sites and listed under Tattoo or Art (as primary focus). There exists
some ambiguity in Te Hau McDonald’s presentation on the web. On his Web site he
states his father is from,” Māori/Scott (Scottish) ” ancestry and his mother is
Australian. He further explains his education, training, and influences regarding tattoo
and ta moko, as is indicated in this quote, “The Moko-style tattoos (or Nag Kirituhi,
skin drawings) that I design encompass a variety of influences from Te Ago Māori,
including Kowhai painting, traditional Moko, Harkened weaving patterns, Māori
carving and even Pacific Tape and Celtic design.” He states that his tattoo creations
are “Moko-style”, kirituhi. The tattoos he designs all have meaning to the person
receiving them, whether it represents family, personal loves and accomplishments, etc.
However, the pictures displayed in the Art and Tattoo Gallery pages are entitled “Ta
Moko”, which could possibly cause confusion to viewers and clients.
Aotearoa Café, www.aocafe.com, provides real time chat rooms and has over
1,770 registered users to date. Discussion threads range in topics, users are Māori and
non-Māori, often located in Aotearoa/New Zealand but include other countries such as
France, the United States, Germany, Scotland, Japan, Australia, and Brazil, just to
name a few. Aotearoa Café contains a forum specifically dedicated to ta moko.
Observing one thread concerning the appropriation of moko, gives further insight into
why some Māori are offended by non-Māori stating they have moko on their skin.

39
The thread entitled Another Cultural Thief, began with a report of a non-Māori
tattoo artist who tattooed “moko” on a non-Māori man. The appropriator in question
joined the forum to defend what he called, “his right” to tattoo another and refer to it
as moko. A number of forum members explained to him that it was inappropriate
because he and his client were not of Māori ancestry. Furthermore, from evidence of
the picture, the tattoo artist used a stencil drawing. According to Mark Kopua (ta
moko artist and moderator of the forum), the “rays” ended abruptly on the side of the
face, which can only mean that a picture of an actual Māori with moko was used and
copied. (www.aocafe.com) The tattoo artist could not decipher the side of the Māori
moko because it would not be visible if the photograph was shot from the front of the
face. Therefore, the tattoo artist copied another person’s whakapapa onto a man who
has no ancestral ties to that particular family or tribe.
The majority of the Web sites categorized under Tattoo or Art (as primary
focus) are authored by non-Māori. These sites include tattoo artists and resource sites,
art and culture museums, a photographer, and a fashion information page. The
presentation of ta moko on the Australian Museum Online and Museum of New
Zealand, features articles, presentations, traveling exhibitions, teacher resources and
artwork by Māori on the subject. The Museum of New Zealand offers a
comprehensive look at contemporary moko practices with their page featuring the Te
Uhi Committee, an Aotearoa/New Zealand group of moko artists dedicated to the
integrity of the art form.

40
The tattoo sites, whether resource design sites or tattoo artists, do not go into
depth of the meanings or procedures related to ta moko. EZine and Free Tattoo
Designs present ta moko along with other cultural forms of tattooing (Japanese,
Hawaiian, Samoan) as “free”. Tapaki Net and Globus Gallery are two personal
business sites of non-Māori tattoo artists. Both sites include pictures of clients who
have received a tattoo the artists state is moko. For example, Globus Gallery asserts,
As tradition blends into modern day, these symbols (moko) can be worn by all
New Zealanders, Pākehā and Māori alike, with special pride and personal
meaning. International travelers intrigued with our country and culture are
often our best clients, compelled to take home the permanent New Zealand
experience with their own modern day ‘Ta Moko’. (www.globusgallery.com)
Artist Elton Buchanan is Pākehā, born and raised in Aotearoa/New Zealand.
(www.globusgallery.com/elton.html) Fashion Tribes and FreeTattooDesigns.com
both display moko within the context of fashionable commodities.
From the observations made from Table 1, the majority of Web sites that offer
information on ta moko are authored by both Māori and Pākehā. Theses sites are sub-
categorized under Articles or Segments on Ta Moko. Sites authored by Māori
represent ta moko within the greater Māori culture. Māori Culture Online, New
Zealand Edge News, and a few personal sites, provide historical and contemporary
information on the art form. Non-Māori sites represent ta moko within the Māori
cultural context. NewZealand.com recently featured an article and photographs from a

41
traveling exhibit concerning moko. The exhibit photographs from the Māori Art Meets
America exhibition are photographed by Māori artists.
Of the eighteen Web sites found in the sub-category of Articles or Segments
on Ta Moko, only one incorrectly characterized moko. A video uploaded to You Tube
depicted a tattoo artist in the midst of a tattoo session. He utters that the technique he
is performing is of Japanese tradition. (www.youtube.com) The tool is a pointed slim
stick, which he uses to punch small holes into a woman’s lower back. The tattoo artist
informs the cameraman that this technique is different from moko.
(www.youtube.com) Yet, the video was entitled Ta Moko and as of a month
preceding the first time viewed for this research paper it has since been taken off You
Tube. It is possible that because of its inaccurate content, it was removed. A few
videos detailing the descriptions, meaning, and wearers of moko, persist on this self-
broadcast site. For instance, a video entitled Russy’s Tatt features a Māori man before,
during and after his moko session.
A pēhea hoki meake nei? (And what of the future?)
The Internet is home to a plethora of informational, resource, personal and
commercial sites by Māori for Māori and non-Māori. Informational sites concerning
Māori culture and Aotearoa/New Zealand history abound, not just on ta moko.
Resource sites such as the government agency the Māori Land Court, the Aotearoa
Māori Internet Society and TangataWhenua.com are connected to the World Wide
Web. Non-profit organizations, and databases, concerning Māori health services,
educational development and spiritual development are easily accessible. Personal

42
blogs on all things Māori communicate that the culture and the people are alive and
thriving. The Māori are increasing their social networks, not staying isolated.
According to Manuel Castells’ research, there are four main structures
9
of the
Internet. The “virtual communication culture” structure pertains to the online Māori
community. (Castells, 2001) The Māori are constantly creating their own network
within their own culture and communicating to others outside their culture. As more
Māori connect to the Internet, the stronger the Māori Renaissance Movement
becomes. By exposing their fellow iwi, hapu, and whanau to resources imperative to
survival, information pertaining to tracing their heritage and interacting with each
other and non-Māori on a global scale, they are in fact creating meaning.
The Internet is capable of becoming a practical tool to use in everyday life for
Māori. Māori may shape it to suit their lifestyle. Having the control and ability to
convey one’s identity and heritage is extremely powerful. By utilizing the Internet as
a communication tool to correctly represent contemporary Māori culture, including art
forms such as ta moko, Māori are making a political and social statement. This
statement stresses that Māori, and only Māori, are the experts and guardians on Māori
life, traditions and culture.
The Internet has mobilized this once immobile indigenous group. The
dissemination of information that is helpful to Māori living is easily available. The
organization of multiple tribes and communities in the northern and southern areas of

9
The four main structures of the Internet according to Manuel Castells include the
techno-meritocratic culture, the hacker culture, the virtual communication culture and
the entrepreneurial culture. (Castells, 2004, p. 37)

43
the island can communicate with each other instantly. However, with great praise and
potential are consequences of utilizing the Internet such as limited accessibility,
correct translation of the Māori language and the influences of other cultures. Castells
refers to the apparent inequality of the Internet as “the Digital Divide”. If one were to
translate his findings of American household users of the Internet to Māori household
users, one may speculate similar findings with regards to education, economic status,
age and gender. Those households with higher economic standing and higher
education are more likely to have access to the Internet. Age, may also indicate which
generations of Māori are more likely to use and have access to the Internet. Typically,
teenagers and young to middle age adults frequent the Web compared to older
generations who rarely or never use the Internet. (Castells, 2001, chap. 9)
According to a report complied by the Ministry of Social Development (2001),
the Māori made up 14.7% of the Aotearoa/New Zealand population whereas Pacific
Peoples and others made up an estimate of 14% and Europeans over 80%. Population
group differences were reported as:
Groups with higher than average prevalence of lower living standards include
sole parent families (51 percent), families who rely on income-tested benefits
(57 percent), families with dependent children (particularly larger families),
Māori and Pacific people (39 percent and 42 percent, respectively), and those
living in rented dwellings. (www.socialreport.msd.govt.nz/2003/economic-
standard.shtml)
Although there appears to be valid hurdles (such as lower socio-economic levels for

44
some Māori) concerning Māori access to the Internet, nevertheless, there are countless
Web sites created by and for Māori. The region’s location on the island, rural versus
urban, may also play a part in accessibility to the Internet. Resources abound for
connected individuals along with the traditional forms of connection – phone and
mail. It would seem that most facets of Māori life are represented in this virtual space.
The Aotearoa Māori Internet Society and Google™ is currently enlisting
Māori language speakers to join the public translation program to translate Google™
into Māori language. (www.amio.Māori.nz/portal.php) Some Māori advocates are
concerned with incorrect translations, which results in mispronunciation and altered
meaning. Some Web sites presently contain macrons that properly represent the
Māori language.
The increase in Māori artists, scholars, researchers and experts writing and
documenting the traditions or ancient and contemporary ta moko ensures the integrity
of the art form. As Māori continue to communicate amongst themselves and with
other global communities via the Internet, they are simultaneously preserving and
recreating their culture and identity. The utilization of the Web by Māori to ensure
that individuals are properly educated regarding the various facets of moko is
powerful. In a recent interview with Professor Manuel Castells, he stated that in fact,
“indigenous cultures all over the world are using the Internet to present themselves, to
communicate among members, and to be alive and evolving.” (M. Castells, personal
communication, December 19, 2006)
It is unclear whether or not indigenous cultures, such as the Māori, perceive

45
that they are in danger of succumbing to another culture by interacting on the Web. It
is a possibility that further appropriation of ta moko or other ‘bits’ of culture could be
taken out of context and pieced together by outsiders. What is presently occurring, is
not a break down of culture, but a creation of a sub-culture. Castells further states that
by Māori communicating via the Web, “makes them more differentiated vis a vis other
cultures, thus affirming their specificity.” (M. Castells, personal communication,
December 19, 2006)
Interconnectedness via the physical and the spiritual plane now contains an
innovative common cord – the Internet. Much like the ancient art form of ta moko,
where dualities join at a common middle ground and spirals are representative of
continuity, so is the Māori Renaissance Movement in the age of the Internet. As they
continue to communicate and interact in a multi-cultural world, “it is clear that the
Internet enhances cultural survival, either in its own cultural commune or as part of a
global dialogue.” (M. Castells, personal communication, December 19, 2006) The
above observations regarding Māori on the Internet and the evolution of ta moko are
direct translations of the Movement’s societal goals. The Māori employ this public
space and forum to communicate the layered meanings behind ta moko and the
cultural tuakiri or identity that informs this enduring public art form.

46
Glossary of Māori Terms
Aotearoa – long white cloud, New Zealand
atua – diety
haehae - lines
hapu - tribe
iwi – people, ancestors
Kaupapa – notions of foundation, plan, philosophy and strategies
Kaupapa Māori – Māori knowledge
kirituhi – charcoal, painted tattoo
koru – loop, coil, blow and apostrophe
koruru – mask or head of an ancestor in sculptural form
Kura Kaupapa Māori – Māori immersion school
mana – life force, power, spiritual energy
mana Māori – Māori power
manaia – a mythological Māori beast with bird-like features
Māoritanga – Māoriness
Mataora – chief/tribesman responsible for introducing ta moko
Niwareka – being of the underworld responsible for introducing taniko
Pākehā – European New Zealanders
puhoro – speed of movement
rangatira - chief
Rarohenga – the Underworld, spirit world
Ruaumoko – god of volcanic activity and ta moko
ta moko – the tattoo
taniko – Māori traditional art of weaving
taurapa – sternpost of a canoe
te kawatanga katoa – the government over their land
tekoteko – gable figure
tiki – spirit statue
tino rangatiratanga – intense chieftainship, sovereignty
Tiriti O Waitangi – Treaty of Waitangi, signed in 1840 declaring Aotearoa/New
Zealand a British colony
tuakiri – identity
turehu – a being of the Underworld, fairy folk
Uetonga – father of Niwareka and grandson of Ruaumoko
uhi – serrated chisel, tool used in tattoo process
whakapapa – kinship, family
whanau – extended family

47
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53
Appendix: Māori Web Sites
Aotearoa Café, http://www.aocafe.com

Aotearoa Māori Internet Society, http://www.amio.Maori.nz/portal.php

English – Māori Word Translator, http://translator.kedri.info/
From Hawaiki to Hawaiki, http://www.maaori.com
Hakluyt Society, The, http://www.Maori.info/Maori_art.htm
Information on the Māori Language of New Zealand, http://www.Maorilanguage.info/
Links to Important Māori Web sites, http://www.culture.co.nz/,
http://www.Maori.gen.nz/, http://www.Maori.net.nz
Māori Dictionary, http://www.classysisters.co.nz/Maori-dictionary.html
Māori Independence Site, http://aotearoa.wellington.net.nz/
Māori Language Domain Names, http://www.maorimacrons.com/
MāoriLanguage.Net, http://www.Maorilanguage.net/index.cfm
Māori.org.nz, http://www.Maori.org.nz/

Māori of New Zealand, http://www.Maori.info/Maori_society.htm

Mohio.Māori.nz, http://www.mohio.Maori.nz/
Ngata Dictionary, http://www.learningmedia.co.nz/nz/online/ngata/
Scoop Independent News, http://www.scoop.co.nz/
TAHAA, Ta Moko Studio and Art Gallery, http://www.tahaa.co.nz
Ta Moko, http://www.tamoko.org.nz
Ta Moko: Culture, Body Modification and the Psychology of Identity,
http://psychology.waikato.ac.nz/mpru/moko/index.htm

54
TangataWhenua.Com, Indigenous Media Network,
http://www.tangatawhenua.com/index.html

Te Puni Kokiri, http://www.tpk.govt.nz/default.asp
Toi Māori Aotearoa, http://www.Maoriart.org.nz/

Abstract (if available)

Abstract "Expression of Identity: Maori Ta Moko and the Utilization of the Internet", examines Ta Moko (the tattoo) of Maori, the indigenous peoples of Aotearoa/New Zealand within the Maori Renaissance Movement. Ta Moko is discussed as an expression of identity (cultural, heritage/family, spiritual, and personal) and as art intersecting the public realm (the body in space). A close examination of how Maori communicate identity through the utilization of the socially constructed public realm of the Internet will also be discussed (Castells, 2004, p. 54). Kaupapa Maori Theory (contemporary term for ancient Maori theorizing and documenting Maori experience by Maori) will be imperative to the discussion of Ta Moko. This research will provide insight, broadening the discourse of public art.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Gorre, Ligeia D. (author)

Core Title Expression of identity: Maori Ta Moko and the utilization of the internet

School School of Fine Arts

Degree Master of Public Art Studies

Degree Program Public Art Studies

Publication Date 07/31/2007

Defense Date 08/01/2007

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag identity,Internet,Maori,OAI-PMH Harvest,Ta moko

Language English

Advisor Lewis, Ferdinand (committee chair), Bray, Anne (committee member), Levy, Caryl (committee member), Weisberg, Ruth (committee member)

Creator Email gorre@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m697

Unique identifier UC1292809

Identifier etd-Gorre-20070731 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-520782 (legacy record id),usctheses-m697 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Gorre-20070731.pdf

Dmrecord 520782

Document Type Thesis

Rights Gorre, Ligeia D.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu