University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Cherry-picking religious values: the political and sociocultural gameplay of marriage in Qatar

(USC Thesis Other)

Cherry-picking religious values: the political and sociocultural gameplay of marriage in Qatar

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content i
CHERRY-PICKING RELIGIOUS VALUES:
THE POLITICAL AND SOCIOCULTURAL GAMEPLAY OF MARRIAGE IN QATAR
by
Sara Al-Ansari
A Dissertation Presented to
FACULTY OF THE USC ANNENBERG SCHOOL OF COMMUNICATION AND
JOURNALISM
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
(SPECIALIZED JOURNALISM)
December 2022
Copyright 2022 Sara Al-Ansari
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my sincerest appreciation to my instructors and committee members,
Sandy Tolan, Diane Winston and Gary Cohn, for their mentorship in this project and beyond.
During my one-year-long academic journey at the University of Southern California, they always
offered me personal and professional guidance and have shown me, by their example, what a
good and ethical journalist should be. To them, I am evermore grateful and inspired.

I would also like to extend my earnest gratitude to my family and partner, without whom I would
not have been able to complete my thesis or made it through graduate school.

To my parents, Hassan Al-Ansari and Noora Al-Zaman.
To my sisters, Hind and Maryam Al-Ansari.
To my brother-in-law, Michael Marcusa.
To my partner, Abdulrahman Al-Mana.
To the family’s most beloved pup, Senshi.

I thank them for always filling my heart with pure joy and love. I am always, and evermore,
grateful and appreciative to all of them.

iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements.........................................................................................................................ii

Abstract...........................................................................................................................................iv

Chapter 1: Introduction....................................................................................................................1

Chapter 2: A Political Ploy: Preserving National Identities Through A Legal System...................8

Chapter 3: The Qatari Nuclear Family: Preserving Culture and Passed-Down Traditions...........20

Chapter 4: A Disconnection Between Islamic Teachings and Cultural Values and Practices:
Selective Religiosity Among Qatari Muslims...............................................................................26

References......................................................................................................................................29

iv
ABSTRACT

Love and marriage in Qatar are often met with racial and cultural prejudices from family
members and the state, making it difficult for people to get married due to their skin color, ethnic
origin and tribe. Citizens are not permitted to marry foreigners until obtaining permission from
their governments. Others are prohibited from eloping with members of different tribes by their
families due to a perceived lack of incompatibility in the bloodline and social statuses. Such
practices by the state and society showcase mass contradictions to the religious teachings that
many people supposedly abide by
1
Chapter 1: Introduction

ﺑ
ِ ﺴ ْ ﻢ
ِ ٱ c ﱣ ِ ٱ ﻟ ﺮ ﱠ ﺣ ْ ﻤ ٰ ﻦ
ِ ٱ ﻟ ﺮ ﱠ ﺣ ِ ﯿ ﻢ
ِ

Upon stepping out of his car, Saeed was slapped by Qatar’s windless heat and fierce humidity.
He could already feel his sweat trickle down his back, and his thobe, a traditional white maxi
dress, absorbed the moisture like a sponge.

Saeed looked stiff and uncomfortable. He felt beaten by the weather, and by the many questions
and scenarios that flooded his mind. His head and heart pounded with tension.

“I was overwhelmed with emotions, anger and frustrations. All the memories and traumatic
scenarios came back to me and I suddenly felt hopeless at that moment,” Saeed recalled.

The three-story building was old and shabby. A thin layer of desert sand covered the building’s
large, tinted blue window panes, and the beige tiles blended into the surrounding hues of yellow
and orange.

The sensors of the glass door detected Saeed’s steps and glided to opposite ends, ushering him
into the building. Attached to the right-hand side of the wall was a large, transparent acrylic
placard with directional instructions for each department written in Arabic.

Saeed followed the arrows to the office spaces of the Ministry of Interior’s Marriage Committee.
His muscles tightened and his breathing grew heavier. He felt like a soldier walking into battle.
This was not his first battle in this war.
2
“I was practicing my responses to all of their questions; there was not a scenario that I did not
think of,” Saeed said. “I had to remind myself that I only had a couple of fights to deal with
before all of this would be over.”

Bismillah, in the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful, Saeed prayed silently
before entering the committee’s workspace.

Plain white walls, porcelain tiles, and dusty brown furniture decorated the empty office space.
The employees were nowhere to be found. Saeed roamed around the space, entering halls and
corridors, searching for an officer to assist him.

During his search, Saeed stumbled upon a room his friends had informed him about. Attached to
the door was a sign that read, “The Committee’s Meeting Room.”

He stared at the sign for a while. His large, round eyes prickled with tears and a wrench of
sadness struck through his heart.

“This is the room where they meddle with people’s lives and decide their fates,” he said. “My
fate of getting married to my Iraqi partner would be decided in that room.”

In Qatar, and across the five nations of the Arab Gulf, men and women are prohibited by law
from marrying non-Qataris, except citizens of the Gulf Cooperation Council nations: Bahrain,
Kuwait, Oman, United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Unless granted permission from the
3
Marriage Committee to Foreigners and the Minister of Interior, Qataris cannot get married to
their foreign partners (Al Meezan, Qatar Legal Portal 1989).

While Qatari citizens can secretly elope abroad by hosting Islamic ceremonies and signing
religious matrimonial contracts, these marriages would not be legally recognized in Qatar. If
discovered, they could face severe legal consequences, such as losing their jobs (Al Meezan,
Qatar Legal Portal 1989).

“Shouldn’t the state focus on more serious issues and not who we decide to marry?” Saeed
asked. “Our local issues are pathetic and this is only one out of many.”

The oil and natural gas industries have significantly changed the economic and social landscape
in Qatar, leading to significant developments over the past 50 years. Through economical
revenues and opportunities, Qatar was able to incorporate its society into the global capitalist
economy, exposing it to various ethnic, technological and scholarly influences that have resulted
in many legal and socio-cultural shifts (Alharahsheh and Almeer 2018).

As a result, Qatar’s population has significantly grown in recent years. The population was just
under 111,000 in 1970 before reaching 2.9 million in August 2022, attracting a large number of
foreigners (Planning and Statistics Authority 2022). Today less than 12 percent of the population
are Qataris. Over two million people are from Asia, working blue-collar jobs, making up almost
65 percent of the population (Snoj 2019).

4
Such developments affected Qatar’s traditional family life, especially in patterns concerning
dating and marriage. The effect turned into a concern for the state and tribes alike.

The delay of marriage, increase in mixed and cross-national marriages and high divorce rates are
among some changes that have affected the traditional marital process (Alharahsheh and Almeer
2018). Moreover, for both Qatari males and females, the average age for their first marriage has
risen from 26.2 and 23.0 to 27.4 and 24.9 (Planning and Statistics Authority 2021).

Between 1985 to 2015, Qatar witnessed an increase in cross-national marriages. The numbers
rose from 16.5 percent to 21 percent, and are expected to keep rising (Abu-Ras, et al. 2022).
Reasons for this growth include the increasing costs of marriage to Khaleejis, people from the
Arab Gulf region, and Qatari women; the burden of tribal pressure and obligations;, and the
exposure to foreigners through social media and overseas traveling (Alharahsheh and Almeer
2018).

However, despite the significant reasons that push individuals away from traditional marriages,
many Qatari nationals frown upon mixed marriages and highly discourage them. In fact, they
demand the state to implement stricter provisions to limit the number of Qataris marrying out.

“The Marriage Committee to Foreigners has a national duty to preserve the foundations of
society, the stability of the Qatari family and its national identity,” declared Abdullah Ghanim Al
Muhannadi, the editor-in-chief of Qatar’s local newspaper Al Raya, in an op-ed published on Al
Watan (Al Mohannadi 2015).
5
He also calls on the committee to scrutinize all applications and to shift their focus on the
developments of the Qatari society instead.

The Marriage Committee was first introduced in 1989. It is formed of six employees that
represent several Qatari state ministries including representatives from the ministries of Interior,
Labor and Social Affairs, Awqaf and Islamic Affairs, Justice and the Supreme Council for
Family Affairs (Al Meezan, Qatar Legal Portal 1989). Once a marriage is approved by the
committee, the applicant must obtain the final approval from the Minster of Interior (Al Meezan,
Qatar Legal Portal 1989).

According to Yousef Ahmad Al-Zaman, a Qatari attorney with more than 45 years of expertise
in public and private law, the state decided to take action against mixed marriages after handling
cases that dealt with Qatari nationals marrying foreign women abroad. Some officials feared
mixed marriages would contribute to a new social problem, such as an increasing number of
single Qatari women.

“The law does not prohibit people from marrying foreigners, but it adds regulations,” he said.

Al-Zaman also stated that ministry representatives are appointed to the committee due to their
qualifications and experience necessary to effectively assess marriage proposals.
“Before a decision is made, we have a group of people who are specialized in their fields and are
fit to assess the requests, to determine if they are socially, economically and religiously
6
acceptable,” Al-Zaman said. “They do not always share related statistics and information with
the public."

Despite the rigorous process of applying and obtaining approvals, many people continue to
express their rejection and dissatisfaction of Qataris marrying out.

Faisal Al-Marzouqi, a Qatari columnist, argued in an article that children of foreign spouses,
whose appearance would differ from that of the majority of Qataris, are not yet accepted by the
Qatari society and culture (Al Marzouqi 2014).

“We should appreciate and take into consideration the public’s interest… Our society is not yet
mixed like others, and we still think about skin color, hair… It will affect the children’s
psychology,” he said.

Love and marriage in Qatar are often met with racial and cultural prejudices from family
members and the state, making it difficult for people to get married due to their skin color, ethnic
origin and tribe. Citizens are not permitted to marry foreigners until obtaining permission from
their governments. Others are prohibited from eloping with members of different tribes by their
families due to a perceived lack of incompatibility in the bloodline and social statuses.

Such practices by the state and society showcase mass contradictions to the religious teachings
that many people supposedly abide by.

7
“Racism is extremely embedded in our culture and politics in ways you don’t really understand.
The process was really heartbreaking for me,” Saeed said.

8
Chapter 2: A Political Ploy: Preserving National Identities Through A Rigorous Legal
System

Saeed, a 27-year-old Qatari architect and urban designer, recently proposed to his long-time
sweetheart, Sumaya, a Qatari-born and raised woman of Iraqi origin. o pursue his marriage
legally, he was required to apply for marriage approval through the Marriage Committee to
Foreigners at the Ministry of Interior.

In Qatar, citizenship entails financial benefits, making naturalization exclusive and challenging.
According to Business Insider, Qatar is one of nine countries in the world where obtaining
citizenship is most difficult (McCamy 2019). To acquire the citizenship, the government requires
individuals to live in Qatar for more than 25 consecutive years and speak Arabic fluently.
However, the state caps granting citizenship to only 50 people per year (McCamy 2019).

Despite Sumaya’s eligibility, she has not yet been granted citizenship. In 2014, Qatar’s
delegation rejected 38 out of 183 recommendations made by the UN Human Rights Council. It
included the right to grant citizenship, especially to children of Qatari women married to foreign
men (Kovessy 2014).

Some Qataris and academics have argued that the government’s resistance to granting citizenship
is an approach to preserving its citizens’ national identity based on physical features and tribal
lineage. This contributes to the difficulty of long-term residents and local Qataris getting
married.
9

The process of registering a marriage request and hearing back from the Marriage Committee to
Foreigners could take a couple of weeks, months or even years.

In a tweet, Khalifa Al-Haroon, also famously known as Mr. Q in Qatar, shared that two years
had passed and he has not heard back from the committee despite following up with them
regularly (Al-Haroon 2020).

“On the path to 40… Can’t wait to get married and have kids. Still waiting for approvals,” he
said. One user responded to Al-Haroon’s tweet sharing that her friend waited six years for her
approval.

During Saeed’s initial visit to the ministry, and after finding an officer available to assist him,
Saeed was instructed to submit several required and supporting documents to his application.

Saeed felt frustrated for having his privacy violated. “They asked me to submit documents that I
found odd and off-putting. I had to prove my financial competency, and share our criminal-free
records and clearances from STDs. It’s nonsense, it’s all bullshit,” he said.

As a part of the requirement, Saeed had to also write a personal letter justifying his decision to
marry a foreign woman.

10
“My friends told me love was not a sufficient reason for getting married. It was not valid, and I
had to explain why I couldn’t marry a Qatari woman,” he said.

The number of Qatari citizens applying for marriage approvals is almost impossible to estimate.
The statistical information is not publicly available and the Ministry of Interior will most likely
not share it, even if requested for professional use.

The Law Decree No. (21) of 1989 Regarding the Regulation of Marriage to Foreigners imposes
many regulations on Qataris that can prohibit them from getting married. While some of the
former provisions clauses are no longer in effect, they were replaced in 2005 by stricter
restrictions on people who decide to marry non-Qataris.

The updated law prohibits such marriages among government ministers, diplomatic staff,
students who are studying overseas, regardless of their funding status, and chairpersons and
deputies in public institutions from getting married (Al Meezan, Qatar Legal Portal 1989).
Qataris in the military, such as members of the armed forces, internal security and employees of
the Ministry of Defense are also prevented from marrying people outside of their nationality. (Al
Meezan, Qatar Legal Portal 1989)

Among other rules, Qatari citizens are required to demonstrate and prove their “social reasons
calling for such a marriage” and that the age gap between the prospective spouses is
“appropriate” (Al Meezan, Qatar Legal Portal 1989)

11
Qatari women carry an extra burden as they are required to submit an additional letter from their
guardians approving their marriage (Al Meezan, Qatar Legal Portal 1989). Generally, a single
woman’s guardian is her father, brother, or paternal uncle. In some cases, members of the
committee will call the guardians to confirm their approvals, despite the submitted document.
Without documented and legal approval from a guardian, the applicant is bound to get rejected.

“This is something absurd about Khaleeji countries and their systems,” Mira Al Hussein said, a
post-doctoral researcher of higher education at Oxford University. “You would entrust a mother
to instill values in her child, but don’t trust her to have the agency to marry herself off, she still
needs a guardian to marry her off? Do you see how absurd, contradictory and damned this is.”

Even though Saeed submitted all the required documents, his application was rejected after five
months of waiting. He said that they did not share any information or feedback regarding his
rejection.

“I couldn’t understand why I got rejected. They wanted social reasons and I gave it to them, and
the rest of my documents ticked all the requirement boxes. It was unfair and unreasonable,”
Saeed said.

Five months later, in October 2021, Saeed approached the Committee Meeting Room, where he
was greeted by a Black officer at the reception desk. The office was not much different from the
first time he visited; the desks were still empty.

12
Saeed arrived with a new resolve. He felt more empowered, determined to seek answers and to
defend his case in front of Hussein Al Jaber, the committee’s chairperson and a member of the
armed forces.
Saeed requested the officer to direct him to Al-Jaber’s office for his scheduled meeting.

As he entered, he noticed the private office was as soulless as every other part of the building.

White walls and lighting, over-used furniture and moody employees everywhere, they’re
releasing their depression into our applications and ruining our chances, Saeed thought to
himself.

He heard himself introduced as a “rejected applicant” seeking reasons for his application’s
failure.

Sitting on his black office chair and wearing a navy-colored military uniform, Al-Jaber scooted
his chair forward and scanned Saeed from head to toe with hardly a glance at his vetoed
application.

“What do you want,” said Al-Jaber without greeting Saeed.

“I’d like an explanation for my application’s rejection. I gave you everything you asked for,”
Saeed responded.

13
Al Jaber smirked at Saeed’s comment and responded, “Your salary is much higher than mine,
you are handsome and from a prestigious family. Why do you want to get married to a foreign
woman, and at that an older Iraqi woman?”

Saeed was taken aback by Al Jaber’s response and attitude. He felt a wave of anger rushing
through his body. He clenched his jaw and right fist in an attempt to avoid slipping and spouting
words that would lower his chance of appealing his application.

“The encounter I had with him was horrible; he is the worst person alive,” Saeed said. “I had to
go to therapy because of the Committee.”

Saeed maintained his composure and responded by repeating the social reasons that restricted
him from marrying a Qatari woman. He had tried going through the traditional process of
arranged marriage, he explained, but he'd met no one he wanted to spend his life with.

“I met a couple of women before I decided to propose to my current partner. There was little to
no compatibility emotionally and intellectually. I do not wish to delay my marriage plans any
longer,” Saeed said to the chairperson.

Saeed recalls the cold breeze from the air conditioner in the room felt like a spider racing up and
down his spine. His blood pounded in his ears and a spasm of fear crossed his face.

14
Al-Jaber glares at Saeed with a stern look. He scratches his scruffy beard and responds firmly,
“Listen, Saeed. Your reasons are not convincing enough, and the state has laws that restrict
people like you from getting married. I sit here to stop people from getting married.”

Despite the law and its checklist, the Marriage Committee’s criteria for granting permission
remain unclear. Whether they’re based on interviews or circumstantial evidence, decisions
appear to be quite random.

Saeed proceeded to plead with the lieutenant to look into his case further.

“To have convincing social reasons, tell me you’re disabled or if you have a health issue, or even
if you are Black, then I’ll accept your request,” Al-Jaber said.

Mortified by Al Jaber’s response, Saeed immediately looked at the Black officer who escorted
him to the office and remained inside with them. The officer did not react to Al-Jaber's
statements. Apparently, he seemed accustomed to hearing such racist and insensitive comments.

“Islam permits me to marry whoever I’d like and encourages me to marry outside my circle, the
Prophet Muhammed PBUH says, ‘A woman is married for four things, i.e., her wealth, her
family status, her beauty and her religion. So you should marry the religious woman (otherwise)
you will be a losers.’,” Saeed exclaimed.

15
“I know about religion more than you, and your parents didn’t accept your marriage; they are
probably disowning you,” Al Jaber said. “Reapply if you have valid reasons,” he added.
Saeed could think of nothing more to say. He thanked Al-Jaber for his time and proceeded to
leave his office.

“The irony is [these people] are choosing who I’m supposed to get married to, yet my mother
would never let me marry someone with [Al-Jaber’s] last name and lineage,” Saeed said.

Dr. Maryam Al-Kuwari, a scholar and professor of Arab Gulf politics at Qatar University,
explained the role of the state and its relationship with its citizens and tribal groups.

“The state [Qatar] is formed by a social force of tribal groups, thus the state’s political system is
an extension of tribalism,” she said. “That is why we can see many rules that stray away from
religion and fall under tribal culture and traditions, like the Committee of Marriage to
Foreigners,” she added.

For centuries, tribal families have played a central role in influencing the lives of their members.
They pass down to succeeding generations a culture shaped by history, traditions, values,
customs and social structures. In the case of marriage, people select their spouses in accordance
with criteria. handed down by their families (Hassan 2018). They seek to perpetuate the same
culture and traditions that their own families had invested in them, by reinvesting them in their
children (Hassan 2018).

16
Al-Kuwari further explained the false perception that many people have about the state’s
relationship with the tribes. She argued that the state serves the majority’s interests and many of
its sociocultural laws align with the tribes’ personal rules. Through this, the state can impose its
authority to maintain its power and avoid challenges that could negatively impact them.

“The state can’t supervise [people] by itself, so it creates a network of people to control and
maintain their social power. People who are a part of this network have a sense of pride and
responsibility for their jobs, just like [Al-Jaber],” Al-Kuwari said.

Saeed’s case is far from the only one affecting Qataris. While there isn’t a clear estimated
number of how many people go through this process, it is often heard and spoken about online.
Aisha*, a 37-year-old Qatari woman, held a religious wedding ceremony in the United States to
marry her current husband, a white American man. However, her marriage is not legally
recognized in Qatar because it has not been approved by the committee.

“I’ve come a long way to receive my parent’s approval, and the pain still lingers. Now I have to
go through another stage of approval,” Aisha said in an interview. “You have to overcome many
layers and stages of approval, and now I’m facing the final boss, the government.”

Qatari women seeking to marry outside of their nationality tend to face more obstacles, reducing
their chances of getting married and obtaining their approvals.

17
“We continue to live in a collective, patriarchal and male-dominated society, and while some
men can get affected by it, it’s applied and used against women more,” Al-Kuwari said. “A
Qatari woman is the family’s honor and reputation, and if anything were to happen to her it all
falls on the family,” she added.

Unfortunately, such regulations and occurrences are not limited to the State of Qatar. Bahrain,
Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Oman and Kuwait, the other nations in the Gulf
Cooperation Council, have similar laws.

“I feel anger over the process, frustration over the fact that many people were forced to submit to
this regional autocratic system, and helpless because this is not something we can do anything
about,” Aisha said. “We can’t go to the city council and file a petition against it. I feel sadness
given that this exists, to begin with.”

In the United Arab Emirates, an Emirati national is required to submit an application to their
local courts requesting permission to marry a foreigner (HHS Legal Services 2021). Once the
application is approved, other legal procedures can be pursued.

Similar to Qatar, and other GCC nations, gender discrimination is evident in Emirati laws.
Unlike men, non-Emirati women are required to obtain a written letter of permission from their
sponsors or employers (HHS Legal Services 2021). They also must have consent from their
parents or guardians. Additionally, and like in Qatar, many Emirati women can’t pass their
18
citizenship to their children, leading to disparities in citizenship rights and missing out on social
and economic benefits that many Emiratis have access to.

“When Khaleeji women marry someone outside of their nationalities, they can’t pass their
citizenship to their children,” Aisha said. “The kids won’t be able to take advantage of many
state-funded privileges such as free education, healthcare and employment opportunities. We’re
treated like second-class citizens.”

According to Al-Zaman, before the state introduced and passed Law 21 of 1989 Regarding the
Regulation of Marriage to Foreigners, Qatari women were legally allowed to pass their
citizenship to their foreign spouses and children.

“Women were allowed to pass their nationalities, but due to a number of social factors,
especially greed, and patterns identified by the government, they decided to stop granting
nationalities to foreign male spouses under the law,” he said.

Saudi Arabia also has similar rules and regulations applied to the marital process for foreigners.
However, in some cases, stricter conditions may be applied.

Local Saudi media channels had recently reported a new law that forbids Saudi men from
marrying women from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Chad and Myanmar (Al Amir 2021). Seeking
approval to marry women from the aforementioned countries requires additional administrative
procedures. However, most requests and applications are shot down (Al Amir 2021).
19
“The government and prime minister should have more important things to worry about instead
of deciding and shaping people’s fate and lives,” Aisha said.
Many Khaleejis have voiced their concerns and frustrations over the years. Aisha expressed that
such laws are harmful as they allow the Gulf states to interfere with people's liberties and
personal decisions.

“I believe that these laws aim to discourage us from marrying non-nationals to maintain the
Khaleeji cultural and national identity. That’s messed up,” Aisha said.

20
Chapter 3: The Qatari Nuclear Family: The Essence of Preserving Culture and Passed-
Down Traditions

The Qatari social and familial institution enacts an essential function in the state’s politics,
economy and customs. This is reflected in Qatar's constitution, which emphasizes that family is
the foundation of its society. Traditionally, each tribe had a governing shaikh, a tribal elder, who
was in charge of the tribe's properties, assets and people (Hassan 2018). Qatari citizens take
tremendous pride in their ancestral roots and heritage, and their tribe’s social power can unlock
and close doors of opportunities (Hassan 2018). These opportunities may have relations to do
with businesses, jobs and even marriage.

The attachment to tribalism, ethnic lineage, group identity and social status also helps to explain
why some Qatari families are still opposed to interracial marriage in today’s modern time
(Alharahsheh and Almeer 2018).

However, it is not limited to mixed marriages only. It’s also practiced among Qataris as well.

Before Saeed proposed to his current partner, he was engaged to a Qatari woman. He had asked
his mother to search for a bride that matched his preferences.

“Initially I wanted someone age-appropriate and who did not share that same surname. I wanted
an opportunity to meet them before anything official happens,” he said. “I felt like it was a
natural next step for me. I always thought that was going to be the way for me.”
21
The process of arranged marriages usually involves the men’s side of the family searching for
potential brides that would suit their preferences. Traditionally, they would look into a woman’s
physical features, education and behavior. The bride, groom, and their mothers typically meet for
the first time to get to know one another at the bride's home.

During the course of searching for a bride, Saeed was caught by surprise by his mother’s actions.
She had specifically selected a woman that matched her own interests — instead of his — and
would benefit his family’s social image.

His sisters had recommended numerous potential brides for Saeed, but their mother would
instantly reject their suggestions, pointing out that the women were of a different tribe and lower
social position. In one case, she refused a woman because her great-grandmother was Black.

“I found out much later that my mother was very specific on who she wanted me to marry, to the
point where it had to be of the same family name as mine, otherwise anyone else wouldn’t have
been good enough,” he said.

Marriage is seen as a bond and social transaction between two families rather than as a
partnership between a man and a woman. Qataris strongly reflect their tribal and ancestral
identities as means to establish their social status and power, especially through marriage. It also
illustrates why endogamous, pursuing marriage within specific tribal and ethnic groups, and
arranged marriages are still prevalent practices in Qatar today (Alharahsheh and Almeer 2018).

22
Rashid*, a 40-year-old Qatari operation analyst at a local electricity and water corporation,
hoped to marry his first love and build a future with her. However, he was met with strong
opposition from his family due to the woman’s Bahraini lineage and dark skin complexion.

“My family told me they would never accept and see her as one of us because of her darker skin
complexion,” he said. “My mother said I was cursed, and that is why I was able to fall in love
with her. She wanted to take me to a sheikh (priest) to cure me. ”

Rashid had to marry someone else, based on his mother’s recommendation. The marriage failed
after two years.

“Due to their strong rejection, I had to marry someone else. I did and we got divorced after two
years. Now though, I am married to the person I originally wanted, after 12 long years,” Rashid
said.

Dr. Al-Kuwari explained that tribal families are often selective of their potential in-laws and
prefer to stay within their circles to protect themselves from outside threats. The degree of
openness and acceptance for Qatari spouses varies by ethnic origin, family name and social
status, limiting an individual’s options.

“The idea is to protect their nasab, their kinship. Some tribal families avoid and refuse to marry
people outside of their lineage to protect themselves and maintain the pureness of their
23
bloodlines,” Al-Kuwari said. “There’s no such thing as pureness in bloodlines as historically
Arabs have always intertwined with one another.”

Saeed’s engagement to the Qatari woman eventually failed and led the couple to separate due to
their personality and mindset differences.

“I feel like my worst enemy before, during and after the engagement was my mom,” he said. “I
moved out of my family’s home and I’m living alone now.”

After the separation and some time, Saeed’s mother started searching for another potential bride.
However, he demanded that she stop meddling and said he planned to marry his current Egyptian
partner.

“She blew up at me, screaming and crying and asking me why I was doing this to her and what
would people say about us. She said it was not okay for her grandchildren to be Egyptian,” Saeed
said. “It felt like I owed them a Qatari woman as payback for feeding and taking care of me.”

After Saeed introduced his current partner to his mother, she begged him to marry any Qatari
woman regardless of her family status or name. However, Saeed ignored all of her attempts of
persuasion and continues to fight for his relationship legally.

“My mother is a practicing Muslim. She prays and reads the Quran regularly, yet her actions
went against many Islamic principles,” he said.
24
Al Kuwari pointed out that due to society’s collective nature, any action an individual may
perform would no longer reflect the individual alone, especially if it concerns women.

“The family will be required to take accountability for their actions to avoid harming their honor
and reputation,” Al Kuwari said.

Maha*, a 26-year-old Qatari businesswoman and chemical engineer, met her boyfriend in
college. They secretly dated for a couple of years until they decided to pursue the next step and
get married. When Maha shared the news with her family, her mother did not take it lightly.

“She tried to do anything malicious to prevent the marriage from happening, she actually
threatened my girlfriend’s dad to deport them if she didn’t stop talking to me,” Maha said.
Not only was Maha’s mother unable to accept her only daughter marrying a Syrian man, but she
also could not accept bonding with prospective in-laws who were “outsiders” and of a lower
social status. According to Maha, her mother had said Qataris are of a higher class and are
required to marry each other to maintain their lineage and social and financial positions.

It was also unacceptable for Maha to marry her boyfriend because it would bring shame to the
family, and ultimately, it would tarnish their reputation.

Despite Maha’s efforts of persuading her family for an additional two years and opening an
application with the Marriage Committee to Foreigners, she failed. Without their approval and a
25
written letter from her male guardians, Maha couldn’t get married. She felt trapped, and
ultimately she gave up.

Today, she has no contact with her former boyfriend.

“My relationship with my family is not the same. It will never be the same after this experience,”
she said.

26
Chapter 4: Disconnection Between Islamic Teachings and Cultural Values and Practices:
Selective Religiosity Among Qatari Muslims

During Prophet Mohammed’s (PBUH) last sermon, he said: “All mankind is from Adam and
Eve, an Arab has no superiority over a non-Arab, nor a non-Arab has any superiority over an
Arab; also a white has no superiority over black, nor a black has any superiority over white,”
indicating that all people are equal (Arab News 2013).

However, Arab Gulf states, whose vast majority of the population are Muslim, may think
otherwise.

When Aisha first informed her mother about her American partner, she quoted verses of the
Quran and Prophet Muhammed’s (PBUH) hadiths to support her case. Her mother asked her to
“shut up.”

“I was so shocked by her reaction, but it shows how for them religion can be used as a weapon.
They lock it away and bring it our whenever it suits them and its convenient. What she was using
in that moment, her anger, frustration and obsession to control the situation was because of
culture,” Aisha said.

The sacred scripture of Islam, the Quran, declares in Chapter 49, verse 13, “O humanity! Indeed,
We created you from a male and a female and made you into peoples and tribes so that you may
27
get to know one another. Surely the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous
among you. Allah is truly All-Knowing, All-Aware,” (Quran, 49:13).

This verse challenged the ideals of pre-Islamic traditions and societies, where inequalities based
on kinship, tribal status and prosperity shaped life. One of the main fundamental factors of a
person’s social standing was their kinship or lineage – “nasab” in Arabic.

Moreover according to Article XIX of the Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights,
“Every person is entitled to marry, to found a family and to bring up children in conformity with
his religion, traditions and culture.” (Islamic Council 1981).

Islamic teachings, principles and values encourage interracial marriages to people far from their
tribes, lineage, race, color and social status. As long as they are compatible, particularly
religiously compatible, the Prophet Mohammed PBUH said, “If there comes to you a man whose
character and religious commitment you are pleased with, then marry (her to) him, for if you do
not, there will be turmoil (Fitnah) in the land and discord (Fasad).” (Al-Muzani n.d.).

“Religion has always been on my side, because Islam is for mixed marriages and inter-cultures,”
Aisha said.

Regardless of the clear scripture, Khaleeji state laws and family customs continue to contradict
Islamic teachings and values. Their laws are appear as discriminatory and preach Khaleeji racial
superiority.
28
“They suspend their common sense when it comes to these things [marriage to foreigners] and
they're happy to use and abuse religion,” Aisha said.

Saeed shared similar sentiments saying that his parents discarded all religious reasonings despite
being practicing Muslims. Currently, he’s not speaking to either of his parents and none of his
siblings support his decision to marry Sumaya, his partner.

“The one thing I know for sure is that we're never going to do this to our children. No, we're not
going to pass this trauma, these traumatic experiences, this generational trauma – it stops and
ends with us right there,” Maha said, after enduring long fights with her mother to marry her
former Syrian partner.

Saeed shares similar sentiments. Today, he and Sumaya continue to wait for the state to decide
their future on their behalf.

“We’re not giving up, we won’t give up,” Saeed said.

29
References

Abu-Ras, Wahiba, Khalid Elzamzamy, Noora H. Al-Merri, Moumena Alajrad, Maryam M.
Burghul, and Vardha A. Kharbanda. 2022. "Gendered Citizenship, Inequality, and Well-
Being in Qatar: The Experience of Cross-National Families in Qatar during the Gulf
Cooperation Council Crisis (2017–2021)." International Journal of Environmental
Research and Public Health 6638.

Al Amir, Khitam. 2021. Saudi Arabia: Men banned from marrying women from these 4
countries. March 22. Accessed July 29, 2022.
https://gulfnews.com/world/gulf/saudi/saudi-arabia-men-banned-from-marrying-women-
from-these-4-countries-1.1616363550769.

Al Marzouqi, Faisal . 2014. أﺑ ﻨ ﺎ ء ا ﻟ ﻘ ﻄ ﺮ ﯾ ﯿ ﻦ ﻓ ﻲ ا ﻟ ﺨ ﺎ ر ج ! 10 20. Accessed August 15, 2022.
https://www.al-
watan.com/article/12509/Writers/%D8%A3%D8%A8%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A1-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%B7%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%8A%D9%86-
%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AE%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%AC-!

Al Meezan, Qatar Legal Portal. 1989. Law Decree no. (21) of 1989 Regarding the Regulation of
Marriage to Foreigners. Doha, December 25.

Al Mohannadi, Abdullah Ghanim. 2015. ﻋﺒ ﺪ ﷲ ﻏ ﺎ ﻧ ﻢ ا ﻟ ﺒ ﻨ ﻌ ﻠ ﻲ ا ﻟ ﻤ ﮭ ﻨ ﺪ ي . . ا ﻟ ﺤ ﻔ ﺎ ظ ﻋ ﻠ ﻰ ط ﺎ ﺑ ﻊ ا ﻷ ﺳ ﺮ ة ا ﻟ ﻘ ﻄ ﺮ ﯾ ﺔ و ا ﺟ ﺐ .
October 25. Accessed August 24, 2022. https://www.al-
watan.com/article/33/Writers/%D8%B9%D8%A8%D8%AF%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%8
4%D9%87-%D8%BA%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%85-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A8%D9%86%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%8A-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D9%87%D9%86%D8%AF%D9%8A-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AD%D9%81%D8%A7%D8%B8-
%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%.

Alharahsheh, Sanaa Taha, and Faras Khalid Almeer. 2018. "Cross-National Marriage in Qatar."
Hawwa: Journal of Women of the Middle East and the Islamic World 170-204.

Al-Haroon, Khalifa. 2020. On the path to 40... can’t wait to get married and have kids. Doha,
October 17.

Al-Muzani, Abu Hatim. n.d. Sunnah.
https://sunnah.com/search?q=When+someone+whose+religion+and+character+you+are
%09pleased+with+comes.

Arab News. 2013. The last sermon of Prophet Muhammad. October 11. Accessed August 12,
2022. https://www.arabnews.com/news/467364.

Hassan, Islam. 2018. "Social Stratification in Qatari Society." Hawwa: Journal of Women of the
Middle East and the Islamic World 144-169.
30
HHS Legal Services. 2021. Marriage Between UAE National and a Foreigner. March 16.
Accessed August 21, 2022. https://dubaicourtmarriage.com/blog/marriage-uae-national-
foreigner/.

Islamic Council. 1981. Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights. London.

Kovessy, Peter. 2014. The (narrow) path to Qatari citizenship. October 9. Accessed August 22,
2022. https://dohanews.co/path-qatari-citizenship/.

McCamy, Laura. 2019. 8 of the countries where it's hardest to become a citizen. September 13.
Accessed August 23, 2022. https://www.businessinsider.com/8-of-the-countries-where-
its-hardest-to-become-a-citizen-2018-9#4-qatar-4.

Planning and Statistics Authority. 2021. Annual Vital Statistics Bulletin Marriage and Divorce.
Statistical Report, Doha: Statistics and Planning Authority.
—. 2022. Monthly Figures on Total Population. August 31. Accessed September 7, 2022.
https://www.psa.gov.qa/en/statistics1/StatisticsSite/pages/population.aspx.

Snoj, Jure. 2019. Population of Qatar by Nationality - 2019 Report. Population Report, Doha:
Priya DSouza Communications .

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Love and marriage in Qatar are often met with racial and cultural prejudices from family members and the state, making it difficult for people to get married due to their skin color, ethnic origin and tribe. Citizens are not permitted to marry foreigners until obtaining permission from their governments. Others are prohibited from eloping with members of different tribes by their families due to a perceived lack of incompatibility in the bloodline and social statuses. Such practices by the state and society showcase mass contradictions to the religious teachings that many people supposedly abide by.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

The spiritual safe havens of Los Angeles

PDF

The impact of gentrification on Hispanic communities in San Antonio

PDF

Service to civilian: life after the Second Gulf War

PDF

Money moves (to the) mountains: how Zoom towns are changing the housing market forever

PDF

Dangerous and essential: Workers in Alaska’s seafood processing industry face high injuries and severe conditions

PDF

BIPOC women seek out alternative models of care as racial disparities in maternal healthcare persist

PDF

40 grams: the impact of less-lethal weapons

PDF

Venezuelan musicians seeking a new path in the U.S.

PDF

The battle of Drakes Estero

PDF

Hooked on hate

PDF

Entanglements of the Asian identity: visibility and representation in the United States

PDF

The mistreatment and misrepresentation of Black women in sports media must stop

PDF

The transcendence of violence and survival: To ‘Kill the Indian’ then and now

PDF

Abusers often ignore restraining orders

PDF

Being Asian in America

PDF

Bahay: 200 years of Filipino stories in Louisiana

PDF

The toll of touring

PDF

The art and journey of hair locing: the way hair connects us to the world

PDF

Good intentions are not enough: exploring implicit racial bias in philanthropy

PDF

Angel dreams: collective desire, resonant myth, and political possibility today

Asset Metadata

Creator Al-Ansari, Sara Hassan (author)

Core Title Cherry-picking religious values: the political and sociocultural gameplay of marriage in Qatar

School Annenberg School for Communication

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Specialized Journalism

Degree Conferral Date 2022-12

Publication Date 10/03/2022

Defense Date 09/09/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag GCC,Gulf Cooperation Council,Islam,journalism,Marriage,marriage committee,Middle East,OAI-PMH Harvest,Politics,Qatar,Religion,Social Justice,sociocultural

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tolan, Sandy (committee chair), Cohn, Gary (committee member), Winston, Diane (committee member)

Creator Email salansar@usc.edu,shx.alansari@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC112114241

Unique identifier UC112114241

Identifier etd-AlAnsariSa-11258.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-AlAnsariSa-11258

Document Type Thesis

Format theses (aat)

Rights Al-Ansari, Sara Hassan

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20221017-usctheses-batch-986 (), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu