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The relationship between dating status and academic and social functioning among Latinx and Asian-American middle adolescents
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The relationship between dating status and academic and social functioning among Latinx and Asian-American middle adolescents
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Copyright 2023 Yana Ryjova
The Relationship Between Dating Status and Academic and Social Functioning Among Latinx and Asian-
American Middle Adolescents
by
Yana Ryjova
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC DANA AND DAVID DORNSIFE COLLEGE OF LETTERS, ARTS AND
SCIENCES
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
(PSYCHOLOGY)
May 2023
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables.................................................................................................................................iii
Abstract……..................................................................................................................................iv
Chapter One: Introduction...............................................................................................................1
Chapter Two: Methods..................................................................................................................14
Chapter Three: Results……..........................................................................................................18
Chapter Four: Discussion..............................................................................................................25
References.....................................................................................................................................35
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
iii
List of Tables
Table 1. Means and Standard Deviations.............................................................................................43
Table 2. Bivariate Correlations...........................................................................................................44
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
iv
Abstract
Dating relationships are normative in middle adolescence, but the academic and social
implications of different types of dating involvement remains unclear. To address this gap, this
longitudinal study evaluates the association between dating status (i.e., never date, rarely date,
casually date, steady relationship) and academic and social functioning in a sample of
adolescents. Across two school years, 455 adolescents (53.8% female; 56.5% Asian American,
43.5% Latinx; T1 Mage = 15.04 years) reported on their dating status and peers provided
nominations of popularity and aggression. Grades and standardized test scores were obtained
from school records. For Asian American youth, abstaining from dating was negatively
associated with subsequent popularity. Casual dating and being in a steady relationship were
associated with relational and overt peer aggression over time. Gender moderated this
association, such that boys in steady relationships, and girls in casual relationships were more
relationally aggressive one year later. Implications are discussed in terms of problem behavior
theory and adolescent intersexual competition.
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
1
Chapter One: Introduction
In this study, we examine concurrent and short-term prospective associations between
dating status and adolescent adjustment in a diverse high school context. As youth transition to
high school, dating becomes more normative, and these new romantic relationships become a
central and exciting part of adolescents’ lives (Furman & Collins, 2009). At the same time,
academic achievement, academic planning, and developing close peer relationships become
increasingly salient tasks in middle adolescence (Furman & Shaffer, 2003). In this paper, we
focus our attention on these important facets of youth’s adjustment. We explore the association
between dating status and middle adolescents’ academic functioning (i.e., academic
performance) and academic aspirations. We also examine the relationship between dating status
and social functioning, specifically considering two key indicators of peer relations: popularity
and peer aggression.
Researchers have dedicated considerable efforts to identify the psychosocial correlates of
dating experiences (Furman et al., 2007). Cross-sectional work with Euro-American adolescents
has found dating to be associated with high social status (Carlson & Rose, 2007), but perhaps at
the cost of other indices of adjustment. Adolescent dating is related to poor academic outcomes
(Quatman et al., 2001), as well as high levels of relational and overt aggression towards peers
(Miller et al., 2009).
Although informative, past work on the relationship between dating and academic and
social functioning has been almost entirely cross-sectional. Additional longitudinal work is
needed to better understand whether dating in middle adolescence is related to changes in
subsequent functioning. Moreover, the existing research has focused almost exclusively on Euro-
American youth, and little attention has been given to the experiences of other groups, despite
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
2
evidence that cultural context may influence dating experiences and associated psychosocial
correlates (Furman & Collins, 2009). The present study addresses these gaps in two ways. First,
we attempt to replicate past cross-sectional findings on the associations between dating and
academic and social functioning in a sample of Latinx and Asian-American youth. We focus on
these ethnic groups because they are highly understudied in existing research, and are groups for
whom dating is highly discouraged by caregivers and cultural messages. Second, we aim to
extend past cross-sectional work by examining the longitudinal associations between
involvement in dating and academic and social outcomes, using self-, peer-, and school-reports
of functioning.
Dating Experiences in Middle Adolescence
In middle adolescence (ages 15-17), forming and maintaining close and meaningful
relationships becomes an emerging developmental task (Furman & Rose, 2015). During this
time, adolescents become particularly interested in dating and may begin forming casual and
steady romantic relationships (Connolly et al., 2004). Notably, there is little agreement in how
investigators operationally define adolescent dating or romantic involvement. In line with some
researchers (e.g., Furman & Collins, 2009), we conceptualize adolescent dating relationships as
voluntary and mutually acknowledged ritualized interactions that include expressions of
romantic affection between partners.
At this age, many dating relationships are casual, which are typically superficial, short-
lived, and highly influenced by the peer group and the desire to fit in (Shulman & Seiffge-
Krenke, 2001). Youth who date casually often have frequent new dating partners. Other youth at
this age may form steady romantic relationships with an exclusive dating partner. Exclusive
dating relationships are usually longer-lasting than casual dating relationships, and are marked
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
3
by greater levels of intimacy, commitment, emotional closeness, and care and respect for one’s
partner (Shulman & Seiffge-Krenke, 2001). Most research on adolescent dating involvement
does not define these terms for youth (Furman & Collins, 2009). Accordingly, we elected to
allow adolescents to decide their dating status based on their own definitions, which are highly
influenced by the norms established in the school environment and peer group.
The current study focused particularly on middle adolescents. In the transition to high
school, both academics and interpersonal relationships take a more prominent role in
adolescents’ lives (Collins et al., 2009; Furman & Shaffer, 2003). Dating steadily increases
with age, and by age 15, over half of youth report some level of dating experience (Carver et
al., 2003). Studying this age group provides a unique opportunity to examine the academic and
social correlates of dating status, as some youths are very involved in dating, whereas others
have not yet begun dating.
Dating experiences have some adaptive features, offering youth an opportunity to
develop interpersonal and romantic competence, and to practice the skills necessary to later form
healthy romantic partnerships in adulthood (Erikson, 1968; Sullivan, 1953). At the same time,
dating in adolescence is also associated with pernicious outcomes including delinquency,
substance use, and academic, social, and emotional difficulties (Beckmeyer & Malacane, 2018;
Furman & Rose, 2015; Seffrin et al., 2009). Guided by developmental task theory, we recognize
that middle adolescents are tasked with developing their individual identities and interpersonal
competencies, and do not yet have the maturity to successfully navigate serious romantic
partnerships (Collins et al., 2009). As such, forming a romantic relationship is not yet a salient
developmental task for these youth, and may explain why dating experiences in adolescence are
associated with risk and maladjustment.
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
4
Another potential explanation for the association between dating and maladjustment is
grounded in problem behavior theory (Jessor, 1991). Dating may be a marker of other
problematic attributes (e.g., orientation away from academics, delinquency). Youth who engage
in one problem behavior, such as early dating, are likely to be at risk for involvement in a greater
pattern of problem behaviors (e.g., alcohol use, sexual involvement), as well as likely to
disengage from protective factors such as involvement in school or community activities (Jessor,
1991). These compounded risks may also predict longer-term academic and social dysfunction.
Dating and Academic Functioning
Early research into the academic correlates of dating has found that “going steady” is
associated with poorer academic outcomes and lower career aspirations among non-Hispanic
white adolescents (e.g., Larson, et al., 1976). More recent cross-sectional work points to frequent
dating with many new partners, and not steady romantic relationships, as particularly
problematic for academic functioning (Pham et al., 2013; Quatman et al., 2001). On the other
hand, abstaining from dating completely is associated with more positive academic outcomes,
such as better study skills and a lower dropout rate (Furman et al., 2007; Orpinas et al., 2013).
Very limited longitudinal work suggests frequent dating across the adolescent years is associated
with declines in teacher-rated academic motivation and study skills, and a greater likelihood of
dropping out of high school (Orpinas et al., 2013; Zimmer-Gembeck et al., 2001).
While there is support for concurrent associations between dating and poor academic
performance (i.e., school grades), few studies have examined prospective associations between
dating status and academic performance. It is currently unclear whether dating may interfere with
subsequent academic functioning or whether youth with poor academic functioning may be more
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
5
inclined to date. Longitudinal work is needed to begin to understand the directionality of these
effects and to examine if dating is related to declines in academic performance.
Academic aspirations (i.e., youth’s goals for academic attainment) is another important
aspect of academic functioning that has not yet been considered in the extant literature exploring
the links between dating and academic functioning. Academic aspirations stabilize by middle
adolescence (Beal & Crockett, 2010), and are predictive of future academic attainment
(Messersmith & Schulenberg, 2008). Thus, understanding how dating is related to academic
aspirations is an important research endeavor with potential significant implications for youth’s
long-term academic trajectories.
One potential explanation as to why romantic involvement is negatively associated with
academic functioning is that dating takes significant time and energy, which serves as a
distraction from academics and other adaptive activities (Furman & Shaffer, 2003). In fact,
middle adolescents seem to be aware of this association. European- and Mexican-American
youth report that dating involvement is time-consuming, emotionally and mentally distracting,
and as such, has led to declines in academic performance (Rueda et al., 2014). The relationship
between dating and maladjustment can also be explained by problem behavior theory (Jessor,
1991). Dating may be related to other problem behaviors, which together can drive academic
difficulty. As middle adolescents become involved in dating, they may be more vulnerable to
engage in other risk behaviors. Youth who date are often exposed to substance use,
delinquency, and withdrawal from school involvement, all of which can drive one’s problems
with academic performance and changes in academic aspirations.
In line with these theories, we hypothesize that dating will be associated with poor
academic outcomes. In particular, we expect adolescents who casually date to have worse
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
6
academic performance and lower academic aspirations compared to adolescents who have
never dated or rarely date. We expect to find a similar relationship over time, such that youth
who casually date will show declines in academic functioning over time.
Based on work suggesting that youth with an exclusive dating partner have better
academic outcomes than youth who frequently date new partners (Zimmer-Gembeck et al.,
2001), we expect adolescents in exclusive relationships will have better grades and higher
academic aspirations compared to casually dating peers, but lower academic functioning
compared to non-dating and rarely-dating peers. Over time, we expect grades will decline for
youth in exclusive relationships, because steady relationships may take time and energy away
from academics. However, we do not expect academic aspirations to decline over time for
youth in exclusive relationships, as research with late adolescents suggests steady romantic
partners may encourage and support each other’s academic and career goals (Furman &
Shaffer, 2003; Manning et al., 2011).
Dating and Social Functioning
Among Euro-American adolescents, high status (i.e., popular) youth have more dating
partners and are most likely to be involved in dating compared to their less popular peers
(Carlson & Rose, 2007; Furman & Rose, 2015). Popular youth are typically the first in the peer
group to venture into the world of dating (Savickaitė et al., 2019). Because of their high visibility
and access to social resources, popular adolescents make highly desirable dating partners
(Bukowski et al., 2000; Houser et al., 2015; Pellegrini & Long, 2003). At the same time, dating
in adolescence confers social status and visibility in the peer group; youths may begin dating in
order to appear “cool” and improve their social position among peers (Collins et al., 2009). In
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
7
fact, youth may try to target and attract more popular peers in order to increase their own social
status and future romantic desirability (Miller et al., 2009; Pellegrini & Long, 2003).
As popularity and aggression often go hand in hand in middle adolescence (Cillessen &
Mayeux, 2004), it is not surprising that bullies and aggressive youth also begin dating earlier and
have more partners compared to less aggressive peers (Gallup et al., 2011; Houser et al., 2015;
Miller et al., 2009). Although related, overt and relational aggression may be differentially
related to dating status. Overt peer aggression (e.g., hitting, pushing, use of verbal threats) can be
used to intimidate or physically harm competitors vying for the romantic interest of the same
potential dating partner. Youth view dating peers as more overtly aggressive compared to non-
dating peers (Miller et al., 2009), and adolescent boys view overtly aggressive girls as desirable
dating partners (Houser et al., 2015). Adolescents who use overt aggression against peers
increase in their status and self-esteem, and exhibit traditionally attractive qualities (e.g.,
strength, power, and prominence), which may improve romantic desirability and dating
opportunities (Gallup et al., 2011).
Youth may also use relational peer aggression (e.g., gossip, exclusion) to harm the
reputations or social status of competitors in the dating pool, thus improving their relative
position of romantic desirability. High relational aggression predicts future dating popularity and
dating status among early and middle adolescents (Arnocky & Vaillancourt, 2012; Houser et al.,
2015; Pellegrini & Long, 2003). From an evolutionary perspective, relational aggression is
adaptive in the dating context because it helps one procure access to desirable mates by harming
the victim with low risk to oneself (Fisher & Cox, 2009). Overt aggression may pose a greater
physical danger to the perpetrator, but relational aggression is harder to identify, and thus is a
functional strategy to target the reputation, attractiveness, or social status of rivals in the dating
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
8
pool (Gallup, 2017). Although adaptive in attracting partners, it is unclear whether relational
aggression continues to play a role once adolescents have secured a casual or exclusive dating
partner.
Past findings support the idea that dating is related to popularity and overt and relational
aggression, but this work has been primarily cross-sectional. The longitudinal work that has been
done has focused on relational aggression as a predictor of future dating status and desirability
among early adolescents (e.g., Arnocky & Vaillancourt, 2012). Our study expands on these
findings by examining whether dating status is related to subsequent popularity and overt and
relational peer aggression. These outcomes are critical to study in a longitudinal framework to
better understand adolescent intrasexual competition and its relation to social status and peer
aggression. Moreover, research suggests that popularity and aggression towards peers predicts
future dating violence perpetration (Ellis et al., 2013; Foshee et al., 2014). Thus, our findings
may have significant implications for adolescent psychosocial and romantic development.
The current study intends to test a number of hypotheses regarding dating status and
social functioning. First, we expect to replicate the patterns of past cross-sectional findings in a
diverse sample of youth, such that casual daters and adolescents in exclusive relationships will
be more likely to be nominated by peers as popular, overtly aggressive, and relationally
aggressive, than youth who have never dated or rarely date.
Existing research has not provided insights into how dating is related to subsequent social
functioning. To fill this gap, we examine the longitudinal relationship between dating status and
popularity and peer aggression over time. We predict that youth who date casually will show
increases in social status, because these youth are likely to be most involved and active in the
peer group. Although we expect adolescents in exclusive relationships to be more popular than
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
9
non-daters or rare daters initially, we do not predict these youth will necessarily increase in
popularity, as these youth may spend more time with their exclusive partner, and less time
socializing with the broader peer group. We expect adolescents in exclusive relationships to
maintain their initial social status. We also hypothesize youth who date casually will increase in
both relational and overt forms of aggression over time as they compete for romantic desirability
and access to casual dating partners. Similarly, we predict youth in exclusive relationships will
increase in aggression over time, as these youth may use both types of aggression to deter others
from “poaching” their exclusive dating partner.
Gender Differences in Dating and Adjustment
Romantic experience in middle adolescence may have differential implications for each
gender. A clear theme in the literature is that increased romantic involvement may be particularly
problematic for girls, and less so for boys (Miller et al., 2009; Seffrin et al., 2009; Zimmer-
Gembeck et al., 2001). Frequent romantic involvement is related to delinquency, substance use,
and troublemaking for both genders, but the risks are heightened for girls across the adolescent
years (Seffrin et al., 2009). It is theorized that this may be due to partner selection (Miller et al.,
2009; Simon et al., 2018). Research suggests that girls are likely to choose a dating partner older
than them, and having an older partner is predictive of greater increases in problem behaviors
among girls than boys (Young & d’Arcy, 2005).
Even though girls typically have better academic functioning compared to boys, there has
not been clear agreement regarding whether gender moderates the relationship between romantic
experience and academic achievement. A number of studies have found no gender differences in
these associations (e.g., Quatman et al., 2001). Other work suggests that both casual dating and
having a serious romantic relationship in high school predicts positive educational outcomes for
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
10
boys, (e.g., greater likelihood of college enrollment), whereas casual dating predicts negative
college enrollment outcomes for girls (Burge & Beutel, 2018). Similarly, longitudinal work by
Zimmer-Gembeck and colleagues (2001) suggests frequent dating in middle adolescence is
associated with a steeper decline in academic motivation for girls than for boys. The overall
pattern of findings supports the idea that romantic involvement may be particularly risky for
girls’ academic adjustment, and perhaps academically adaptive for boys.
Romantic experience may also be particularly problematic for girls’ social functioning
(Miller et al., 2009; Volk et al., 2015). For example, the positive concurrent relationship between
dating and overall peer aggression perpetration is stronger for girls than boys, at least among
early adolescents and college students (Miller et al., 2009; Pellegrini & Long, 2003; Volk et al.,
2015). Moreover, Houser and colleagues (2015) found that aggression is positively related to
romantic desirability among popular girls, but not boys. These associations remain unclear, as
some researchers have found this relationship to be consistent across genders (Arnocky &
Vaillancourt, 2012), or stronger for boys (Dane et al., 2017).
Given research that suggests dating may be particularly problematic for girls’
academic outcomes, we will examine the role of gender as it moderates the relationship
between dating status and academic functioning. We hypothesize that girls who rarely date,
casually date, or who are in exclusive relationships will have significantly worse academic
performance and lower academic aspirations than girls who have never dated. However, we
expect that for boys, only casual dating will be related to poor academic functioning, with
non-dating, rarely dating, and steady dating boys demonstrating comparably better
academic functioning than boys who casually date. Over time, we expect girls who casually
date or are in exclusive relationships to decline in academic functioning, but not girls who
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
11
do not date or rarely date. We also anticipate casually dating boys will decline in their
academic functioning over time, but boys in exclusive relationships may improve academic
outcomes over time. Because of mixed findings in the literature, we will also carefully
explore whether gender moderates the relation between dating and overt and relational
aggression, although we have no a priori hypotheses regarding these associations.
Ethnic Differences in Dating and Adjustment
Given evidence that culture strongly influences dating experiences (Furman & Collins,
2009) and calls for cross-ethnic comparisons of dating correlates (Collins et al., 2009), there is a
particular need to examine the relationship between dating and academic and social functioning
among ethnic minority youth. Comparisons between Latinx and Asian American adolescents can
be particularly useful insofar as these groups may receive similar messages from parents
regarding dating, but also have distinct cultural values that may shape dating patterns and
correlates. For both groups, dating in adolescence is highly discouraged by cultural and parental
influences (Lau et al., 2009; Li et al., 2019; Raffaelli, 2005). However, among Asian Americans,
adolescents report that parents sometimes permit dating as long as academic performance does
not decline as a result (Lau et al., 2009).
Research on prevalence suggests that Latinx and white adolescents do not differ in rates
of romantic relationship experience; over half of these youth reported having romantic
involvement (Carver et al., 2003; Kuttler & La Greca, 2004). On the other hand, Asian-American
youth consistently report far lower levels of romantic involvement compared to peers of other
ethnic backgrounds and report beginning dating later than Latinx counterparts (Carver et al.,
2003; Connolly et al., 2004; King & Harris, 2007). Qualitative work by Lau et al. (2009)
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
12
suggests that Asian Americans daters are more likely to enter into steady relationships rather
than casually date, although this finding has yet to be corroborated quantitatively.
Latinx and Asian American youth who date may show similar patterns of academic
decline as in past work conducted with mostly European-American youth. For example,
Espinosa-Hernández & Vasilenko (2015) found an inverse relationship between dating and self-
reported academic achievement and academic motivation among Mexican adolescents. Among
Chinese adolescents, greater dating involvement predicts lower academic performance (Li et al.,
2019). When interviewed by Lau and colleagues (2009), Asian American adolescents commonly
disclosed that they attributed their academic decline to dating. Broadly, East Asian cultures tend
to be characterized by value systems that promote achievement (Li, 2005). Asian American
youth report that parents prioritize education and academic performance, often not permitting
dating until the completion of one’s high school or even college studies (Kim & Ward, 2007;
Lau et al., 2009). Although there seems to be a cultural orientation towards academics over
dating, this academic orientation may not protect Asian American youth from the academic risks
of dating. Given the paucity of research on the differential implications of dating involvement
among Latinx and Asian Americans, we have no a priori hypotheses about whether ethnicity will
moderate the association between romantic experience and academic and social functioning. We
explore this potential moderating role.
The Current Study
The broad goal of this study was to examine the concurrent and prospective
associations between dating status and academic and social functioning in middle
adolescence. Specifically, we investigated whether dating status was related to academic
functioning (i.e., academic performance, academic aspirations), and social functioning (i.e.,
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
13
social status, overt aggression, relational aggression). Our first aim was to replicate previous
findings regarding concurrent relationships between dating and academic and social
functioning in a diverse sample of Latinx and Asian-American youth. These groups are
particularly understudied in the adolescent dating literature, and may experience culturally
unique messages and norms surrounding dating, academics, and social relationships. Our
second aim was to move beyond existing work by addressing the gap in prospective
examinations of these associations. We examined whether dating status was related to
changes in academic and social functioning over time. Finally, we explored the moderating
roles of gender and ethnicity on the relationship between dating status and academic and
social outcomes. Guided by problem behavior theory and evolutionary principles, we
proposed that casual daters would have poorer academic and social functioning compared to
peers who did not date, rarely dated, or were involved in an exclusive relationship. We
expected casual dating would be associated with declines in academic functioning and
increases in aggression over time.
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
14
Chapter Two: Method
Overview
The present study was conducted utilizing a subset of data collected as part of the
University of Southern California Academic Success Project. This project was conducted in
collaboration with a semi-urban school district in southern California. During the period of data
collection, the participating high school had approximately 1,330 ninth and tenth grade students
enrolled (41.5% Asian, 45.5% Hispanic or Latino, 6% Non-Hispanic White, 7% other or mixed
ethnicity), of which 73% qualified for free or reduced-price lunch (EdData, 2019). The
surrounding community was economically disadvantaged; a high proportion of households in the
area are described as “working poor,” and according to school records, few parents (15%) had
earned college degrees. Cohort high school dropout rate was approximately 5%, which mirrored
the dropout rate for the school district (EdData, 2019).
Participants
In the spring of 2011 (T1), eligible participants were recruited from ninth and tenth grade
classrooms in the participating high school. A priori exclusion criteria included enrollment in
special education or limited English proficiency classes. Researchers invited students to
participate in the project and teachers distributed parental consent and child assent forms to
1,151 students. Classrooms received a pizza party if at least 80% of students returned signed
consent forms (regardless of whether parents agreed to or declined student participation).
Seventy percent of parents returned positive consent, typical for research conducted in similar
urban settings (Schwartz et al., 2006). Of these students, approximately 9% either declined to
provide assent or were absent during the period of data collection. The final sample at T1
consisted of 735 students (50.2% ninth graders; 56.2% female; Mage = 15.1 years, SD = .749). In
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
15
the second wave of data collection (T2), 78% (N = 572) of the original sample was retained. The
sample was ethnically diverse, with participants self-reported ethnicity as follows: 49.5% Asian
or Pacific Islander, 44.9% Hispanic or Latinx, 3.7% White, and 1.9% mixed or other ethnicity.
Given our present focus on Latinx and Asian American adolescents, we limited analyses to these
ethnic groups. As such, the analyzed sample consisted of 488 Latinx and Asian American
adolescents who had complete data across both years of data collection (54.7% female; T1 Mage
= 15.07 years, SD = .744).
Procedure
Data were collected in the spring semester of two consecutive years using identical
procedures. At each wave, students completed a paper questionnaire consisting of self-report
measures and a peer nomination inventory. Trained graduate students and undergraduate
research assistants facilitated the group-administered sessions by reading standardized
instructions aloud and providing assistance to students throughout data collections.
Measures
Dating Status
Youths reported which category best represented their usual dating involvement (as in
Quatman et al., 2001; Zimmer-Gembeck et al., 2001). Options included “have never dated”,
“rarely date”, “date casually, without an exclusive commitment”, “involved in an exclusive
relationship with someone”. This item was chosen from the Dating Questionnaire, which has
been validated against detailed dating history assessments (Kuttler & La Greca, 2004).
Academic Performance
Academic performance was assessed via students’ grades, as reported by school
administrators. Grades for science, math, and English were obtained from school records the
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
16
summer after each year of data collection and coded on a five-point scale (“F”=1, “A”=5),
averaged to determine each student’s grade point average (GPA).
Academic Aspirations
To assess academic aspirations, students were asked how far they want to go in school on
a 1-6 Likert type scale (1 = “I don’t really care if I finish high school”, 2 = “I want to graduate
from high school”, 3 = “I want to get some college education, like go to a technical or trade
school”, 4 = “I want to get a 4-year college degree”, 5 = “I want to get a master’s degree (go to
college plus 2 more years)”, 6 = “I want to get a doctorate or professional degree and become a
lawyer, doctor, or some other kind of professional”.
Social Functioning
Social functioning was assessed using a peer nomination inventory. Students were
provided with a randomized list of fifty participating grade mates and asked to mark the names
of peers that matched a series of descriptors. Per the recommendation of Bellmore and
colleagues (2010), we opted to use randomized lists as this approach is validated with high
school students and reduced administration time and task demands. Students could nominate up
to nine peers for each descriptor. A proportion score was calculated for each variable by
summing the number of nominations each student received for the descriptor, divided by the
total number of raters (e.g., Schwartz et al., 2006), with higher scores indicating higher levels of
that descriptor. For overt and relational aggression, we calculated total number of nominations
across relevant items before creating the proportion score. To assess popularity, relational, and
over aggression, the following items were included:
Popularity. Students nominated peers who “are popular”.
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
17
Relational aggression. Students nominated peers who “try to be mean to other students
by ignoring them or excluding them” as well as peers who “gossip about other students.”
Overt aggression. Students nominated peers who “hit or push other students,” and peers
who “start fights with other students by pushing or punching them.”
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
18
Chapter Three: Results
Data analyses began with an examination of variable distributions. Typical of peer
nominations, popularity, relational aggression, and overt aggression were positively skewed and
leptokurtic. We applied square root transformations to these variables, which reduced skewness
and kurtosis. No extreme outliers were detected for any variables after transformations were
applied.
Dating Status
Approximately one-fourth (26.4%) of adolescents reported that they have never dated
(n=129; 54.3% boys). The percentage of Latinx and Asian American youth who described
themselves having never dated was markedly unequal, with 14.1% of Latinx youth versus 37.2%
of Asian American youth reporting that they have never dated. Approximately 35% of
adolescents reported that they rarely date (n=173; 48.6% boys). More Latinx youth (39.6%)
described themselves as rare daters compared to Asian Americans (31.8%). Twenty-one percent
of youth reported that they date casually (n=103; 49.5% boys). Latinx adolescents were almost
twice as likely as Asian American adolescents to describe themselves as casual daters (27.8%
compared to 15.3%). Somewhat few (17%) adolescents reported being an exclusive relationship
(n=83; 32.5% boys; 50.6% Latinx).
Descriptive Analyses and Bivariate Correlations
We examined descriptive statistics of outcome variables by gender and ethnicity; means
and standard deviations are presented in Table 1. We conducted independent samples
comparisons between genders and ethnicities for all variables. Girls had greater academic
aspirations across both time points and a higher GPA than boys at T2. Girls were more likely
than boys to be nominated as relationally aggressive at both time points, whereas boys were
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
19
more likely than girls to be nominated as overtly aggressive at both time points. Furthermore,
Asian American adolescents had a higher GPA and academic aspirations than Latinx adolescents
across both time points. Asian American adolescents were more likely to be nominated as
popular at T2, and Latinx adolescents were more likely to be nominated as overtly aggressive
than Asian American adolescents at both time points.
Bivariate correlations among all variables are presented in Table 2. GPA and academic
aspirations were highly stable across years and GPA had a moderate positive relationship with
academic aspirations across both time points. Additionally, GPA had a weak negative
relationship with overt and relational aggression at both time points, but was unrelated to
popularity. Academic aspirations at T1 were positively correlated with popularity at T2 and
negatively correlated with overt aggression at T2. Academic aspirations at T2 were also
negatively correlated with overt aggression at T2. Popularity was also highly stable over time.
Popularity at T1 and T2 had a moderate positive relationship with relational aggression, and a
weak positive relationship with overt aggression, across both time points. Relational and overt
aggression were moderately stable over time, and relational and overt aggression were positively
related at T1 and T2.
Inferential Statistical Analyses
Concurrent Associations Between Dating Status and Academic and Social Outcomes
A series of 4 (Dating Status) x 2 (Ethnicity) x 2 (Gender) multivariate analysis of
variance (MANOVAs) were conducted to examine: a) cross-sectional associations between
dating status and adolescent academic and social outcomes and b) whether gender and ethnicity
moderated these associations.
Academic Functioning. The first model examined academic outcomes (GPA and
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
20
academic aspirations). Using Pillai’s trace test statistic, there were significant main effects of
Dating Status, F(6, 952) = 6.95, p < .001, Gender, F(2, 475) = 11.52, p < .001, and Ethnicity,
F(2, 475) = 68.98, p < .001. There was also a significant Dating Status by Gender interaction,
F(6, 952) = 2.24, p = .037. Follow-up univariate analyses and pair-wise comparisons were
conducted to examine the nature of these effects. A Bonferroni correction was applied to all pair-
wise comparisons to control for Type I error rate.
Academic Performance. There was a main effect of Ethnicity on GPA (F = 132.57, p <
.001), as Asian American youth had better academic performance compared to Latinx peers. We
also found a Dating Status by Gender interaction for GPA (F = 2.75, p = .043), such that girls
who have never dated had a significantly higher GPA (M = 4.47, SD = .47) than girls who rarely
date (M = 3.93, SD = .77, p < .001), casually date (M = 3.68, SD = .84, p < .001), or were in an
exclusive relationship (M = 3.79, SD = .75, p < .001). There were no significant differences in
GPA between girls who rarely, casually, or steadily date. On the other hand, GPAs were
comparable among boys who have never dated (M = 4.15, SD = .59) and boys who rarely date
(M = 3.94, SD = .61). Boys who never or rarely date had significantly higher GPAs than boys
who casually date (M = 3.59, SD = .68; p = .01, p = .007, respectively). No significant
differences in GPA were found between boys in an exclusive relationship and boys in all other
dating categories. Overall, girls who have never dated had significantly higher GPAs than boys
who have never dated. However, girls who rarely date, casually date, or steadily date did not
demonstrate this same academic advantage over male counterparts in these dating categories.
Academic Aspirations. A main effect of Gender was found for academic aspirations (F =
18.82, p < .001) such that girls had higher aspirations than boys. There was also a main effect of
Ethnicity for academic aspirations (F = 31.64, p < .001), such that Asian American youth had
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
21
higher GPAs and academic aspirations compared to Latinx youth. No other main effects or
interactions were found for this variable.
Social Functioning. In the second model we examined social outcomes (popularity,
relational and overt aggression). Using Pillai’s trace test statistic, results suggested significant
main effects for Dating Status, F(9, 1428) = 4.94, p < .001, Gender, F(3, 474) = 36.32, p < .001,
and Ethnicity, F(3, 474) = 7.94, p < .001. Again, there was a significant Dating Status by Gender
interaction F(9, 1428) = 2.53, p = .007.
Social Status. Follow-up univariate results revealed a main effect of Dating Status (F =
10.64, p < .001) on popularity. Bonferroni-adjusted pairwise comparisons suggested that youth
who date casually (M = .22, SD = .13) were significantly more popular than youth who have
never dated (M = .14, SD = .13, p < .001) or rarely date (M = .17, SD = .14, p < .001). Similarly,
youth who were in an exclusive relationship (M = .23, SD = .13) were significantly more popular
than youth who never date (p = .018) and rare daters (p = .041). There were no other significant
differences between dating groups on popularity. Additionally, a main effect of Ethnicity was
found (F = 6.44, p = .012), such that Asian American youth were more popular than Latinx
youth in this sample.
Relational Aggression. For relational aggression, univariate results also revealed a
significant main effect of Gender (F = 16.81, p < .001), such that girls were more likely to be
nominated as relationally aggressive than boys. There was also a main effect of Dating Status (F
= 8.31, p < .001). Again, Bonferroni-adjusted pairwise comparisons showed that youth who have
never dated (M = .21, SD = .11) were significantly less relationally aggressive than rare (M = .25,
SD = .12, p = .023), casual (M = .29, SD = .12, p < .001), and steady-dating counterparts (M =
.29, SD = .13, p = .001). Rare, casual, and exclusive daters did not differ in their levels of peer-
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
22
nominated relational aggression.
Overt Aggression. For overt aggression, there was a main effect of Ethnicity (F = 8.44, p
= .004) such that Latinx youth were more likely to be nominated as overtly aggressive than
Asian American youth. There was also an interaction effect between Dating Status and Gender
(F = 2.83, p < .038). Pairwise comparisons showed that, for girls, overt aggression did not vary
by dating status. However, among boys, casual daters were the most aggressive (M = .21, SD =
.15). They were more likely to be nominated as overtly aggressive compared to boys who have
never dated (M = .11, SD = .12, p .004), or who rarely date (M = .16, SD = .14, p < .045).
Prospective Associations Between Dating Status and Academic and Social Outcomes
Similar to the analyses of concurrent relationships, we conducted series of 4 (Dating
Status) x 2 (Ethnicity) x 2 (Gender) multivariate analysis of variance to examine short-term
prospective associations between dating status at T1 and outcome variables at T2, and whether
gender and ethnicity moderate these associations. For this model, we included T1 outcomes as
covariates to control for initial levels of popularity and aggression.
Academic Functioning. In the academic functioning model, the covariate, GPA at T1,
was significantly related to academic functioning at T2, F(2, 473) = 171.08, p < 0.001. Similarly,
academic aspirations at T1 was significantly related to academic functioning at T2, F(1, 26) =
80.39, p < 0.001. Controlling for T1 academic outcomes, results using Pillai’s trace suggested no
significant main effects of Dating Status, Ethnicity, or Gender on academic outcomes at T2 or
any significant interactions.
Social Functioning. Results of the second model suggested that covariates, T1
popularity, F(3, 471) = 61.29, p < 0.001, T1 relational aggression, F(3, 471) = 9.26, p < 0.001
and T1 overt aggression, F(3, 471) = 8.47, p < 0.001, were significantly related to social
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
23
outcomes at T2. Additionally, controlling for the effects of T1 social functioning, there were
significant main effects of Dating Status, F(9, 1419) = 3.78, p < 0.001, Gender, F(3, 471) =
15.50, p < 0.001, and Ethnicity, F(4, 471) = 5.52, p = 0.001 on T1 social functioning. No
interaction effects were significant.
Social Status. Follow-up univariate results revealed there was a main effect of Ethnicity
on T2 popularity (F = 5.25, p = .022), when controlling for the effect of T1 social functioning
variables, such that Asian American youth increased in popularity relative to Latinx youth at T2.
Relational Aggression. Univariate results also showed that, controlling for T1 social
outcomes, there was a significant Dating Status by Gender interaction (F = 2.80, p = .04) for
relational aggression at T2. Bonferroni-adjusted pairwise comparisons showed that for boys,
dating status at T1 was unrelated to relational aggression at T2. However, even after controlling
for the effects of baseline relational aggression, girls who reported casual dating at T1 were
significantly more likely to be nominated as relationally aggressive (M = .32, SD = .14) at T2
than girls who reported never dating (M = .18, SD = .13, p < .001), rarely dating (M = .23, SD =
.13, p = .001), or being in an exclusive relationship (M = .27, SD = .13, p = .017).
Overt Aggression. Finally, for overt aggression at T2, there was a significant main effect
of Gender (F = 15.72, p < .001) and Ethnicity (F = 5.54, p = .019), such that, controlling for the
effect of T1 aggression, boys were more likely to be nominated as overtly aggressive at T2 than
girls, and Latinx youth were more likely to be nominated as overly aggressive than Asian
American youth. Moreover, there was a main effect of T1 Dating Status (F = 4.66, p = .003) on
T2 overt aggression. Pairwise comparisons revealed that youth who dated casually at T1 were
significantly more overtly aggressive at T2 (M = .13, SD = .15), than youth who have never
dated (M = .05, SD = .08, p < .001), or reported rarely dating at T1 (M = .07, SD = .11, p < .001).
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
24
Moreover, youth who were in exclusive relationships at T1 (M = .09, SD = .12) were more
overtly aggressive at T2 than youth who have never dated (p = .005). These relationships were
found for both boys and girls.
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
25
Chapter Four: Discussion
Dating in adolescence has important implications for youth’s academic and social
adjustment. Despite evidence that more than half of youth report involvement in dating by the
age of 15 (Carver et al., 2003), there is still little known regarding the relationship between
dating status and academic and social outcomes over time. Moreover, conflicting findings in the
literature regarding whether dating differentially impacts functioning based on gender or
ethnicity underscores the necessity of investigations in diverse contexts. The first goal of this
study was to replicate existing concurrent findings on the relationship between dating status and
academic and social functioning in a diverse sample of Latinx and Asian American youth. As
past research has almost exclusively focused on the experiences of Euro-American youth, this
study aimed to examine whether these cross-sectional associations held regardless of cultural
differences regarding dating, academics, and peer relationships. The second goal of this study
was to examine the prospective relationships between dating status and academic and social
functioning.
Similar to past findings with Euro-American middle adolescents (Houser et al., 2015;
Orpinas et al., 2013), we found that casual dating is cross-sectionally related to poor academic
functioning, as well as high social status and levels of overt and relational aggression. In
particular, we found that casual dating is related to poor academic performance, as well as high
social status and levels of overt and relational aggression. We also extended this cross-sectional
work by examining short-term prospective associations. We did not find a significant association
between dating status and academic functioning over time, but did find that dating status was
related to changes in levels of peer-reported overt and relational aggression. Broadly, this work
has expanded the research on the role of dating status (e.g., casual dating vs steady steading) and
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
26
its potential risk for diverse adolescents.
As middle adolescents venture into the complex arena of dating, it is of critical
importance to understand healthy and unhealthy patterns of dating in youth. This work has
important implications for middle adolescents, who are tasked with goals of academic
achievement and developing healthy peer relationships, tasks that may be disrupted by
involvement in dating. This work may also inform educators and caregivers on how to promote
healthy romantic development among youth, which may have implications for adolescent’s
ability to form and maintain healthy and positive romantic relationships in adulthood.
Dating Status and Academic Functioning
This study expands on the results of past studies that highlight the relationship between
adolescent dating and poor academic outcomes (Orpinas et al., 2013; Pham et al., 2013, Quatman
et al., 2001, Zimmer-Gembeck et al., 2001). This is one of the only studies to examine the
relationship between dating status and academic functioning among ethnic minority youth. Given
that dating relationships and orientation towards academics are highly bound by culture, it was
particularly important to consider the ways in which culture may have differentially impacted the
pathways of these relationships. Moreover, few studies on adolescent dating have assessed
academic aspirations or have considered how different dating status impacts academic
functioning over time.
Results did not support our hypotheses regarding academic aspirations. Contrary to
predictions, we did not find evidence to suggest that academic aspirations differ by dating status
concurrently or over time. This finding was somewhat surprising, as research suggests that
dating in early or middle adolescence is associated with lower career aspirations, high school
dropout, and lower likelihood of college enrollment (Orpinas et al., 2013; Pham et al., 2013).
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
27
Notably, the present study was conducted in a high-achieving school, and youth, on average,
reported aspiring to complete a Master’s degree. Perhaps because academic aspirations tend to be
concrete from early to middle adolescence (Kao & Tienda, 1998), normative experiences (e.g.,
dating) would be unlikely to impact broader long-term academic goals. Consistent with this
research, we found academic aspirations were highly stable over time in our study.
In line with our hypotheses regarding academic performance, dating was associated with
academic difficulty. Gender was a significant moderator of this association. Girls who have
never dated had higher GPAs than boys who have never dated, but girls at any level of dating
involvement had much poorer academic performance, and no longer outperformed their male
counterparts. Because girls typically outperform boys in academic achievement (Steinmayr &
Spinath, 2008), and did so overall in this sample, this finding suggests that involvement in dating
may be particularly problematic for girls.
Consistent with our predictions, we found that girls who reported rarely dating, casually
dating, or being in an exclusive relationship had comparable GPAs, all significantly lower than
GPAs of girls who have never dated. Notably, girls who have never dated, on average, had GPAs
more than half a grade point higher than girls with any level of dating involvement. For girls,
abstaining completely from dating may be important for academic performance, as any level of
dating involvement (including rare involvement) was a marker of poor academic functioning.
However, for boys, rarely dating was not as problematic as for girls, as boys who never dated
and rarely dated had comparable GPAs, both significantly higher than GPAs of casually dating
boys. Furthermore, boys who were in exclusive relationships did not have worse grades than
non-dating or rare dating boys, suggesting that, unlike for girls, being in an exclusive
relationship was not necessarily worse for boys’ academic achievement.
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
28
These results are consistent with findings suggesting dating involvement may be
particularly harmful for girls’ academic adjustment (Furman & Shaffer, 2003; Zimmer-Gembeck
et al., 2001). One potential explanation for different implications for boys and girls is rooted in
theories of partner selection (Miller et al., 2009, Simon et al., 2018). Typically, adolescent girls
date partners who are at least one year older than them (Carver et al., 2003). As girls attempt to
gain romantic desirability among an older peer group, they may be vulnerable to many more
sources of risk (e.g., exposure to alcohol, sexual pressure, disengagement from school) than
boys, who typically date younger partners (Carver et al., 2003; Young & d’Arcy, 2005). Problem
behavior theory would suggest that involvement in one problematic behavior is linked to a
broader pattern of problematic behaviors (Jessor, 1991). Therefore, even rare involvement in
dating could confer notable risk for girls, which could drive problems with academic
functioning.
Compared to boys, girls also may spend more time and effort devoted to dating
relationships (Giordano et al., 2006), which could drive these patterns. For boys, romantic
involvement and emotional connection takes a less important role in middle adolescence (Carver
et al., 2003; Giordano et al., 2006). Rarely dating may not take the same devotion of time and
energy for boys as for girls, leaving more bandwidth for academic pursuits. Boys who date girls
are also more likely to have a partner that has better grades than them. Research by Giordano and
colleagues (2008) suggests that having a partner with better academic functioning predicts
improvements in one’s own academic functioning, which may explain why boys in exclusive
relationships had similar GPAs as non-dating and rarely dating boys. Overall, these differences
suggest that casual dating may be problematic for boys’ academic functioning, whereas any type
of dating involvement is problematic for girls.
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
29
Finally, we expected casual daters to exhibit declines in GPA over time, but this was not
found to be the case, likely due to the high stability of GPA and little inter-individual variability
over the time period examined. We explored whether ethnicity moderated these relationships, but
found consistent associations for both Latinx and Asian American youth. Although Asian
American youth had better academic functioning in this sample, this group’s orientation towards
achievement did not seem to offer protection against the association between dating and poor
academic functioning. This finding is consistent with prior work conducted with Chinese
adolescents, which has found that despite strong academic competition and parental sanctions
against dating, there was a significant relationship between dating involvement and low self-
reported grades (Li et al., 2019).
Dating Status and Social Functioning
Past studies have shown associations between dating, popularity, and aggression
(Arnocky & Vaillancourt, 2012). However, no researchers have previously explored the unique
experiences of Latinx and Asian American youth and dating outcomes. Our initial goal was to
examine whether the positive associations between dating, popularity, and aggression were
consistent for typically understudied cultural groups. Our second aim was to move beyond past
cross-sectional work by examining whether dating was related to changes in popularity and
levels of overt and relational peer aggression over time.
Consistent with our hypotheses, we found that casual daters and adolescents in exclusive
relationships were more popular compared to adolescents who have never dated or rarely date.
This was the case for both boys and girls, and Latinx and Asian American youth, which suggests
the association between casual and steady dating and high social status is consistent for youth
across cultures and genders in middle adolescence. This association was not significant over
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
30
time, as casual daters did not increase in subsequent popularity. Although we hypothesized
dating status to predict changes in popularity, it could be that popularity may predict changes in
dating status (Savickaitė et al., 2019). Perhaps popular youth are more likely to date, not because
dating youth become more popular, but because popularity confers a greater likelihood of
acquiring a dating partner in the first place (Pellegrini & Long, 2003). Alternatively, it is possible
dating was not related to increases in popularity because the association is moderated by
popularity. Some research suggests that popular youth in romantic relationships are stable in
their high social status over time, whereas youth low in popularity become more popular over
time when dating a partner with high social status (Simon et al., 2018). It may be that adolescents
who are already popular do not make additional gains in social status when dating, but less
popular youth may become more visible in the peer group and improve their status by
involvement in dating.
Interestingly, levels of relational aggression did not differ between rare, casual, and
exclusive daters at T1. This pattern may suggest that Latinx and Asian American youth who are
“in the dating pool” in any capacity may use relational aggression to damage the reputations of
competing peers and enhance relative romantic desirability for potential dating partners (Gallup,
2017). Over time, we found that dating status was unrelated to subsequent relational aggression
for boys. Consistent with our expectations, after controlling for the effects of initial levels of
relational aggression, girls who dated casually or were in an exclusive relationship became more
relationally aggressive over time.
Evolutionary theory would suggest that women have a greater stake than men in the need
to hold on to a dating partner and their resources (Davis et al., 2018; Gallup, 2017). In this
regard, adolescent girls may use relational aggression against peers to decrease others’ romantic
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
31
desirability. Girls commonly target the status, physical attractiveness, and promiscuity of other
girls, which may help deter their boy/girlfriend from developing interest in new partner (Davis et
al., 2018). Some girls may prefer use of relational peer aggression because it is a covert strategy,
which minimizes risk for experiencing counter-aggression that could harm their status (Gallup,
2017). In this way, relational aggression can work to deter partner “poaching,” and elevate one’s
own relative attractiveness in the peer group. This theory may explain why casual and steady
dating was related to increases in relational forms of peer aggression for girls in our study.
We found no concurrent associations between dating status and overt peer aggression for
girls. Boys who dated casually were more physically aggressive towards peers than boys who
have never dated or rarely date. This is consistent with well-established findings that boys are
more likely to use physical forms of aggression as an intrasexual competition strategy than girls
(Arnocky & Vaillancourt, 2017). On the other hand, our findings were inconsistent with research
suggesting that overt peer aggression is negatively associated with dating opportunities and
romantic desirability for boys (Arnocky & Vaillancourt, 2012; Gallup et al., 2011). Boys who
casually date may be particularly competitive for desirable dating partners. Research suggests
that boys may use physical aggression to show off their dominance and physical prowess in the
peer group, consequently intimidating competitors to withdraw (Gallup et al., 2011).
Over time, casual and exclusive daters demonstrated more overt aggression towards
peers, a pattern that held for both boys and girls. These patterns are notable, given that casual and
exclusive daters were most aggressive initially. Even after controlling for high initial levels of
aggression, these youth demonstrated more overt peer aggressive over time. This may suggest
that once youth are already involved in dating, they may use overt aggression as a strategy to
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
32
maintain these dating relationships and discourage competitors from attempting to steal their
dating partner.
Overall, the associations between dating status and relational and overt aggression may
be explained by evolutionary theories of intersexual selection and competition (e.g., Bjorklund &
Hawley, 2014; Volk et al., 2012). Youth who casually date may show increases in overt
aggression to vie for power and status, and thus, access to both quantity and quality of dating
partners. Researchers suggest that overt aggression may be used in selected circumstances to
physically hurt or verbally insult peers that are direct competitors (i.e., interested in the same
dating partner), but may also be used against low-status peers to outwardly display one’s
prowess and high social standing (Volk et al., 2015).
Consistent with past research (Davis et al., 2018; Gallup, 2017), girls in particular may
also use gossip (e.g., spreading rumors regarding the promiscuity of a potential competitor) and
exclusion (e.g., not inviting more attractive girls to a party) as a way to raise one’s own relative
prominence and romantic desirability. This type of aggression may be used to maintain one’s
position in the social hierarchy. Moreover, girls who have an exclusive romantic relationship
may exclude or spread rumors about attractive girls who they fear may try to “steal their man”
(Davis et al., 2018). In general, youth who are in the dating pool may increase their use of social
aggression to elevate their own romantic desirability over others, and to deter competitors from
attempting to attract one’s partner or romantic interest.
Limitations and Future Directions
Although this study was one of the first longitudinal projects examining the relationship
between dating status and subsequent academic and social functioning, we only used a two-wave
design. This limitation precluded a richer assessment of the implications of dating on academic
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
33
and social outcomes. As an example, adolescents who noted they were in an exclusive
relationship initially could have broken up just days after data was collected, and casual daters
could have become exclusive just as quickly. This potential short-term change in dating status
could not be accounted for in this study. Due to the high stability of measures of academic
functioning, our design did not provide a strong foundation for a longitudinal examination.
Given that adolescent dating relationships are typically short-lived (Collins et al., 2009;
Shulman & Seiffge-Krenke, 2001), future research should assess relationship status on a more
frequent basis to understand implications of adolescent dating in a more time-sensitive way.
Future work would benefit from more waves of data, spaced closer together, and consider
measures that tap into processes that vary along with dating status. For example, a newly
founded exclusive relationship may disrupt adolescent’s study time and academic engagement in
the short-term (Furman & Shaffer, 2003), but may not be so disruptive that it would impact
broader GPA. Inclusion of more data points may be more suitable to these research questions,
given the variability in dating status, and stability in broader indices of functioning.
Furthermore, our assessment of dating status, although consistent with past investigations
in this domain (e.g., Orpinas et al., 2013; Zimmer-Gembeck et al., 2001), was not
comprehensive. In one respect, although our measure of dating was presented in a gender-neutral
manner, we did not consider the sexual orientation of youth, or gender of their partner(s). This is
a critical limitation, as dating may have differential impacts for the academic and social
functioning of homosexual youth or youth with other sexual identities. Additional details
regarding adolescent romantic involvement (e.g., number of partners) and dating experiences
(e.g., whether dating relationship were also sexual relationships), could provide a deeper
understanding of the impact of dating on psychosocial functioning. Lastly, although we focused
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
34
on peer aggression, we did not take into consideration dating aggression, which is particularly
problematic for long-term functioning (Foshee et al., 2014), or peer victimization, which has
previously been associated with dating (Leenaars et al., 2008). Future research would warrant
exploration of these other indices of social functioning.
Conclusions
This study fills an important gap in the literature by highlighting the concurrent and
prospective associations between dating status and academic and social functioning among
understudied ethnic minority youth. Among both Latinx and Asian American youth, casual
dating, but not rare dating or being in an exclusive relationship, was related to poor academic
performance for boys, whereas any dating experience was related to poor academic performance
for girls. This has important implications for educators and parents who value academic
achievement and promote education for youth. Dating was associated with popularity and
relational and overt peer aggression, as well as increases in relational and overt aggression over
time. Overall the results can be viewed in line with the evolutionary theory of aggression as a
strategic and successful means of obtaining mating opportunities. This work has broader
implications for understanding how different levels of dating involvement may disrupt adaptive
goals of academic functioning, and developing close peer relationships. Results may help inform
parents, educators, and clinicians on how to support youth as they transition to dating, and
encourage youth to develop healthy romantic partnerships while maintaining positive academic
functioning and strong relationships with peers.
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
35
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DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
40
Table 1
Means and Standard Deviations
Gender Ethnicity
Full Sample (n=488) Boys
(n=221)
Girls
(n=267)
Latinx
(n=227)
Asian American (n=261)
Variable M (SD) Min Max M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD)
GPA (T1) 3.94 (0.72) 1.33 5.00 3.87 (0.66) 3.99 (0.77) 3.53 (0.72) 4.29 (0.52)
***
GPA (T2) 3.84 (0.76) 1.00 5.00 3.75 (0.71) 3.91 (0.80)
*
3.46 (0.77) 4.16 (0.59)
***
Academic aspirations (T1) 4.95 (1.15) 1 6 4.73 (1.22) 5.13 (1.05)
***
4.64 (1.29) 5.22 (0.94)
***
Academic aspirations (T2) 4.86 (1.13) 1 6 4.67 (1.14) 5.01 (1.10)
**
4.51 (1.22) 5.16 (0.95)
***
Popularity (T1) 0.18 (0.14) 0 0.60 0.18 (0.13) 0.19 (0.14) 0.17 (0.14) 0.19 (0.14)
Popularity (T2) 0.18 (0.15) 0 0.63 0.18 (0.15) 0.18 (0.15) 0.16 (0.15) 0.19 (0.15)
*
Relational aggression (T1) 0.25 (0.12) 0 0.67 0.23 (0.10) 0.28 (0.14)
***
0.26 (0.12) 0.25 (0.12)
Relational aggression (T2) 0.22 (0.13) 0 0.72 0.19 (0.11) 0.24 (0.14)
***
0.22 (0.13) 0.21 (0.14)
Overt aggression (T1) 0.12 (0.13) 0 0.51 0.16 (0.14) 0.10 (0.12)
***
0.14 (0.13) 0.10 (0.13)
***
Overt aggression (T2) 0.08 (0.12) 0 0.57 0.11 (0.13) 0.06 (0.11)
***
0.10 (0.12) 0.06 (0.11)
***
Note. Popularity, relational aggression, and overt aggression reflect square root-transformed values.
Gender and ethnicity comparisons were conducted with a series of paired t-tests. *p < .05, **p < .01,
*** p <.001.
DATING STATUS AND ADOLESCENT ADJUSTMENT
41
Table 2
Bivariate Correlations
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 10
1. GPA (T1) --
2. GPA (T2) .76
**
--
3. Academic aspirations (T1) .37
**
.26
**
--
4. Academic aspirations (T2) .46
**
.41
**
.59
**
--
5. Popularity (T1) .04 .07 .08 .04 --
6. Popularity (T2) .06 .05 .11
*
.06 .61
**
--
7. Relational aggression (T1) -.15
**
-.12
**
.04 .03 .49
**
.30
**
--
8. Relational aggression (T2) -.20
**
-.22
**
-.01 -.02 .34
**
.42
**
.44
**
--
9. Overt aggression (T1) -.20
**
-.22
**
-.08 -.07 .33
**
.19
**
.52
**
.21
**
--
10. Overt aggression (T2) -.30
**
-.32
**
-.10
*
-.12
**
.23
**
.27
**
.26
**
.41
**
.40
**
--
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
Dating relationships are normative in middle adolescence, but the academic and social implications of different types of dating involvement remains unclear. To address this gap, this longitudinal study evaluates the association between dating status (i.e., never date, rarely date, casually date, steady relationship) and academic and social functioning in a sample of adolescents. Across two school years, 455 adolescents (53.8% female; 56.5% Asian American, 43.5% Latinx; T1 Mage = 15.04 years) reported on their dating status and peers provided nominations of popularity and aggression. Grades and standardized test scores were obtained from school records. For Asian American youth, abstaining from dating was negatively associated with subsequent popularity. Casual dating and being in a steady relationship were associated with relational and overt peer aggression over time. Gender moderated this association, such that boys in steady relationships, and girls in casual relationships were more relationally aggressive one year later. Implications are discussed in terms of problem behavior theory and adolescent intersexual competition.
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