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Lived experiences of Indian women facing cultural barriers in the U.S. technology industry

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Lived experiences of Indian women facing cultural barriers in the U.S. technology industry

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Lived Experiences of Indian Women Facing Cultural Barriers in the U.S. Technology
Industry

Divya Rajagopalan

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2023

© Copyright by Divya Rajagopalan 2023
All Rights Reserved

iv
Abstract
In this study, the application of the Bronfenbrenner ecology of human system theory and
intersectionality feminist theory provided a greater understanding of the impact of Indian culture
on Indian women’s career growth. I aimed to explore the lived experiences of Indian women
living in the United States working in technology companies and facing cultural barriers in
pursuit of career progression. I conducted a qualitative study using semistructured interviews
with 18 first and second-generation Indian female participants from technology companies in the
United States. This study’s findings indicated that the ecology of human systems theory helped
in providing a greater understanding of family and friend support, professional networks,
mentorship, and cultural traditions’ impact on Indian women’s careers within the mesosystem,
exosystem, and microsystem. Additionally, the use of intersectional feminist theory aided in
examining gender and race within the systems to determine existing barriers. Themes evolved
regarding the negative and positive outcomes of manifesting a traditional culture, as well as lack
of access to networking and early mentors, which were barriers to career progression. The results
of this study help to bridge the gap regarding how culture, religion, and professional careers
affect career advancement for Indian women. Additionally, from the answers given during
participant interviews, I provide recommendations to aid future first and second-generation
Indian women in the United States in obtaining and advancing in their careers.

v
Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I want to thank my children Dhillon, Briya, and Sanaya, who have
taught me to fight for what I want and never fear failure. If it was not for them, I would not have
started my journey in the doctorate program. They have been my biggest supporters and my
saviors during the hardest moments. I love you with all my heart and am blessed to have you in
my life.
I would like to thank my mom and dad, Narayanan and Uma Rajagopalan, for their
unwavering support and advice because I would not be where I am without them. They are my
greatest heroes as they continue to shower me with their love and devotion. You have taught me
knowledge is power, and it has to be constantly improved, challenged, and increased. I will
always remember this because it has allowed me to be the best version of myself.
I would like to thank my sisters, Vidya and Sandya for always believing in me and telling
me how proud they are of me. Their words of encouragement helped me so many times, and I
can never find enough words to say thank you for being in my life. You are my best friends and
my soulmates.
I would like to thank my professors and, most importantly, my chair, Dr. Filback, as well
as my committee members, Dr. Pritchard and Dr. Crawford. Your support and feedback in this
journey have been wonderful, and I owe you my gratitude!
To all the friends I have made in my journey, we did it! I have grown with you and hope
we always stay connected.

vi
Table of Contents
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... v
Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures .................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 3
Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................................... 4
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions .................................................................. 5
Significance of this Study .................................................................................................... 5
Methodology ........................................................................................................................ 6
Definition of Terms ............................................................................................................. 6
Organization of the Dissertation .......................................................................................... 7
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................... 8
Influence of Indian Culture on Women ............................................................................... 8
Challenges With Indian Women in the Workforce ........................................................... 14
Indian Women’s Experience in the United States ............................................................. 18
Leadership Challenges for Indian Women ........................................................................ 24
Intersectional Feminism Framework ................................................................................. 27
The Ecology of Human Development Conceptual Framework ........................................ 28
Summary ............................................................................................................................ 34
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 36

vii
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 36
Qualitative Design ............................................................................................................. 36
Population and Sample ...................................................................................................... 38
Research Procedures .......................................................................................................... 39
Data Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 42
Ethics ................................................................................................................................. 43
Role of the Researcher ....................................................................................................... 44
Summary ............................................................................................................................ 45
Chapter Four: Findings and Results .............................................................................................. 46
Participating Stakeholders ................................................................................................. 46
Culture and Life Events Affect Indian Women in the Workplace (Exosystem) ............... 48
Motherhood Is the First Priority for Indian Women ......................................................... 53
Negative Consequences From Being on a Visa ................................................................ 55
Age Discrimination, Boys Club, and Limited Access to Mentorship (Mesosystem) ....... 56
Family and Friends Influence for Indian Women’s Careers (Microsystem) ..................... 62
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 68
Chapter Five: Discussion ............................................................................................................... 70
Discussion of Findings ...................................................................................................... 70
Recommendations for Indian Women to Further Their Career ......................................... 74
Limitations and Delimitations ........................................................................................... 85
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................. 86
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 89
References ..................................................................................................................................... 90

viii
Appendix A: Sample Email to Participants ................................................................................. 104
Appendix B: Research Questions and Interview Protocol .......................................................... 105
Main Questions for Study and Conceptual Framework .................................................. 106

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Occupational Characteristics of Indian Men and Women in the United States .............. 21
Table 2: Participant Demographics ............................................................................................... 47
Table 3: Changes in Indian Women Regarding Social Status and Family After Joining a Self-
Help Group ..................................................................................................................... 79

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Trends Regarding the Male–Female Literacy Gap ........................................................ 12
Figure 2: Indian Immigrant Population in the United States ......................................................... 19
Figure 3: Ecology of Human Development and Cultural Barriers for Indian Women ................. 30
Figure 4: Recommendations for Supporting Indian Women ........................................................ 76

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Work and family are two of the most important domains in a person’s life. For Indian
women, the interactions between these two domains have significant implications for their
professional careers. Indian cultural norms play an important role in preventing Indian women
from reaching professional leadership positions (Chawla & Sharma, 2016). Research has
indicated that Indian women are stereotyped as homemakers and caretakers and have less
opportunity than men to focus on their careers. Indian women often have a dual role as wife and
mother and face the expectation that their primary function is to be devoted, obedient, and
nurturing (Nath, 2000). These cultural norms around gender create stress and barriers for women
who wish to pursue careers and become leaders (Chawla & Sharma, 2016).
As Indian women enter the workforce, they generally experience continued pressure at
home to not allow family life to disturb office work (Desai et al., 2011). This added pressure of
balancing the family and organization hampers productivity and welfare in both spheres (Desai
et al., 2011). Moreover, the dual responsibility rarely comes with spousal support or assistance in
fulfilling obligations at home or other responsibilities. Indian women, therefore, struggle with the
expectation that they place marriage and family obligations over career responsibilities outside of
the home (Haq, 2013). These obligations often lead to work and family conflicts, decreasing
their career prospects.
Researchers have highlighted how Indian women prioritize their family life over jobs;
however, managing both creates added stress and leads to stalls in their careers (Darshan et al.,
2013). Consequently, the labor force shows a declining participation rate for Indian women
(Sarkar et al., 2019). In India, 80% of men in the 18–60 age group participated in the labor force
in 2012, whereas only 24% of women aged 18–60 participated (Sarkar et al., 2019). By 2019, the
2

percentage of women participating in the labor force had only grown to 34% (Costagliola, 2021),
whereas men held at 80% (Kundu, 2021).
As Indian women migrate to the United States, work–life balance remains a continuing
battle. Within corporate America, glass ceiling barriers also exist for underrepresented Indian
women who earn less than their male peers (Nath, 2000). The sources of stress for Indian women
are similar in America as in India, including an overload of responsibilities because of their
multiple career and familial roles (Rout et al., 1999), which leads to feelings of conflict over
career and home responsibilities. This conflict leads to women finding difficulties in regard to
building a career and experiencing growth. Moreover, Indian women often simply resort to
choosing the role of submissive wife, deferring to men for decision-making and placing their
domestic role over their career (Haq, 2013). Devi (2002) shared that, of the Indian women who
migrate to the United States, 26% are engineers in the software industry. Moreover, engineers
pursuing leadership promotions are often pressured to work 24 hours, 7 days a week (Devi,
2002).
Indian women disproportionately suffer from the trade-offs described above, which
imposes difficulties in progressing in their careers. They are accountable for gender role
expectations as homemakers and mothers at the expense of their professional advancement
(Mahapatra & Gupta, 2013). The underrepresentation of Indian women in positions with
authority and decision-making powers is rampant. According to Nayak (2015), Indian women
are typically employed at lower and middle levels in areas like human resource administration,
public relations, or information technology. In this study, I sought a better understanding of the
cultural norms and traditions that create barriers for Indian women throughout their professional
life using the lens of Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecology of human development theory.
3

Statement of the Problem
The problem addressed in this study was that cultural barriers impede the career growth
of Indian women in the technology sector in the United States. Cultural barriers include factors
related to religion, traditions, family, and forms of social support (Jejeebhoy & Sathar, 2001).
Cultural differences prevent Indian women from reaching professional leadership positions
(Chawla & Sharma, 2016).
Over the years, there has been an increase in Indian women in the software industry.
Because India is known as a leader in the software services industry due to its global services
delivery model, there are more opportunities available in this sector for Indian women (Valk &
Srinivasan, 2011). Additionally, providing Indian women opportunities in the technology sector
helps with the industry’s critical growth needs. The push for Indian women to pursue careers in
this industry, however, has resulted in issues with managing work and family balance. If there is
a lack of Indian women represented in a technology company, the company will experience
decreased growth and a missed opportunity to address the current talent shortage. Moreover,
because of this gender imbalance, men will continue to receive the message they must be the
head of the household and support the family, and women will receive the message that their
careers are less important than men’s (Sivakumar & Manimekalai, 2021). The rigid gender
norms burden society by continuing to reinforce male hierarchies. In this study, I investigated the
barriers and ways women have overcome those barriers. Researchers, for example, have found
that Indian women in the software industry feel more empowered when provided support from
extended family and spouses (Valk & Srinivasan, 2011).
4

Theoretical Framework
The conceptual framework used in this research study was Bronfenbrenner’s (1979)
ecological systems model framework and intersectionality feminism. The ecology of human
theory model contains various systems—such as the microsystem, mesosystem, and
exosystem—which are used for the identification of business goals (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The
theory informed the researcher of the individual as an influencer and how they influence the
environment (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). Additionally, the theory stresses the role of the individual,
the impact of time, and proximal processes. Intersectionality feminism informed the researcher
of disadvantages in connection with gender and race (Bharti, 2021).
For the purposes of this dissertation, using the ecology of human theory, I first examined
the microsystem within the physical characteristic of the individual setting, such as home and
place of work, where there are interactions with others (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). Within the
microsystem, I reviewed family and friends within the circle of Indian women to understand the
impact on their careers. Second, I discuss the mesosystem, or the relationship between two or
more microsystems in which the person participates. Within the context of this research, this
theory helped when examining religious group and mentorship programs. Third, as
Bronfenbrenner (1979) described, the exosystem is where individuals are not situated but
experience its influence. In this research, I examined the exosystem in the frame of the cultural
norms that Indian women experience and significant events such as divorce that influence Indian
women’s careers. Finally, intersectionality feminism aided in understanding discrimination due
to race, color, and sex.
5

Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
In this study, I aimed to explore what types of cultural barriers exist that affect first and
second-generation women’s career progression in the technology field within the United States
and how Indian women have overcome these barriers. I explored cultural barriers through the
lens of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model, as shared above, by reviewing the meso-,
micro-, and exosystem through the lens of Indian women. The main research question that
guided this study was, “What cultural barriers and facilitators exist for second-generation Indian
women pursuing leadership roles, and how have they overcome those obstacles?” The three
supporting questions were as follows:
1. What are the barriers and facilitators in the microsystem, and how do Indian women
overcome barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
2. What are the barriers and facilitators in the mesosystem, and how do Indian women
overcome barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
3. What are the barriers and facilitators in the exosystem, and how do Indian women
overcome barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
Significance of this Study
Examining the cultural barriers Indian women experience in their careers is important for
any profession; however, I focused on Indian women’s lived experience in the technology sector
in the United States. I will share this study’s findings with other Indian women to help them
shape their career progression. This study’s findings may be of interest to leaders and managers
of companies that employ Indian women to aid them in supporting these women and helping
them advance in their careers. The study’s outcomes may also lend insights to Indian men and
6

other family stakeholders to aid them in understanding the importance of supporting Indian
women in their careers as well as the methods to do so.
Methodology
I utilized the qualitative methodology and semistructured interviews to gather the data
needed to answer the research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Chapter 3 includes details
on the study population, data collection process, and ethical considerations. The research
questions closely aligned to the conceptual framework within Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecology
of human development within the various systems. I also discuss the strategy utilized for
recruiting Indian women working in the U.S. technology sector. The use of a semistructured
interview design ensured follow-through of ethics in keeping names confidential.
Definition of Terms
The following definitions provide clarity for their use throughout this study:
Glass ceiling refers to the difficulty women experience in gaining career opportunities,
including career advancement (Sharma & Kaur, 2019).
Marginalized individuals and groups are unable to maintain their cultural heritage due to
enforced cultural loss and have little interest in interacting with others often due to
discrimination or exclusion (Berry, 2008).
Patriarchal refers to a system or society that is controlled by men and is gender
oppressive (Patil, 2013).
Patrifocal means centered on the father (Yakaboski, 2013).
Second generation, for the purposes of this study, refers to those born in the United States
(Varghese & Jenkins, 2009).
7

Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation follows a five-chapter model. Chapter 1 included an introduction of the
problem statement, importance of the study, and overview of the research study. In Chapter 2, I
highlight the relevant literature and the conceptual framework for the study. Chapter 3 contains
information regarding the research methodology, participant information, as well as data
collection and analysis. Chapter 4 includes a summary of the findings from the qualitative
interview as well as an assessment of the findings. In Chapter 5, I conclude this dissertation
research with detailed recommendations and suggestions for future studies related to Indian
women pursuing a career in the United States.
8

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
In this literature review, I aimed to provide the reader with an overview of Indian culture
and the factors affecting Indian women in their career progression. In the first section, I provide
an overview of the main features of Indian culture that shape the experiences of Indian women
and examine the generational differences for women. In the second section, I examine the impact
of marriage and career on Indian women. This section also includes the support system prevalent
for Indian women, whether at home or in their careers. In the third section, I focus on literature
related to work–life balance and the glass ceiling. This section also includes an added discussion
on second-generation Indian women working in technology companies. I conclude this chapter
with a discussion of Bronfenbrenner’s ecology theory through the microsystem, mesosystem,
and exosystem lenses that frame this study.
Influence of Indian Culture on Women
Indian culture is characterized by its vast number of languages, famous Bollywood
actors, and colorful celebrations. The country has a rich culture and heritage (Sivakumar &
Manimekalai, 2021). The wide range of political ideologies, the coexistence of extreme wealth
and poverty, and the many castes and religions are attributes that lead people to view India as a
place of diverse culture (Malik & Pereira, 2016). Moreover, India hosts a dozen prominent
linguistic families, with hundreds of major and minor languages and dialects (Kuiper & Staff,
2010). This confluence of religion, tradition, and culture contributes to unequal gender roles for
women. In the following sections, I discuss the influence of culture on Indian women and its
effect on women aspiring to lead change in their careers.
In cities such as Bengaluru and Mumbai, a new generation of work culture has emerged,
lending to cultural change (Malik & Pereira, 2016). In addition, the status of Indian women
9

continues to shift, with added access to education leading to an increase in participation in the
labor force (Li et al., 2012). These added accesses do not always lead to career success, however,
because marriage and children continue to be a career hindrance. Traditions have excluded
women from many human rights. Patriarchal norms define the course of an Indian woman’s life,
thus restricting opportunities and choices (Vikram, 2021). In Indian families, daughters are often
considered a liability and secondary to men (Manisha, 2012). This marginalization of women has
resulted in gender inequity, giving rise to human rights violations such as domestic violence or
confinement. The typical citizen in India is often portrayed as male, resulting in them having a
dominant position, whereas women are often stereotyped as homemakers. This has led to
expectations that women will perform the role of caretaker at home while men serve as
breadwinners (Gandhi & Sen, 2021).
The cultural norm for an Indian woman is distilled through the lens of a patrifocal
structure that denies women access to education because dependency on the husband for
financial support is not readily available (Yakaboski, 2013). This structure also gives precedence
to men over women and sons over daughters in relation to education. Although access to higher
education has progressed, fears continue to exist regarding overeducated women’s ambition and
potential to become disobedient. Gender barriers continue to exist for Indian women pursuing
education and opportunities in male-focused fields (Chanana, 2000). Socioeconomic factors,
mediated through individual and cultural factors, play an essential role in the patriarchal gender
order and contribute to gender barriers for Indian women.
Patriarchal Culture
India is considered a largely patriarchal society where men are head of the household,
and gender norms call on husbands to take the lead in most areas of life. Gender norm
10

characteristics include obstacles in achieving gender equality (Cislaghi et al., 2019). Moreover,
inequitable gender norms are harmful to girls and young women, affecting their development and
well-being. For example, in patriarchal societies, unwritten rules of expected behavior for men
and women adversely affect freedom and voice for women. These overt rules prohibit women
from specific activities such as working and furthering their education. The patriarchal forms of
control are apparent by not allowing young women to pursue an education (Imam & Bano,
2015). These dominant views regard the home as the only feminine space, thus restricting Indian
women from pursuing further education and seeking out jobs. The patriarchal culture also leads
to domestic violence, which plagues Indian women and restricts their opportunities to pursue
careers.
Domestic Violence at Home
Indian women suffer from the violence that engulfs their homes and often do not report
incidents to authorities. More than 40% of Indian women report experiencing domestic violence
in their marriage, and many who are younger are illiterate (Inman & Rao, 2018). Although the
laws in India guarantee gender justice, people have been slow to adopt them. The domestic abuse
endured by Indian women is a significant factor affecting their professional life. Stephens and
Eaton (2020) noted that violations of gender norms such as neglecting household obligations or
not tending to children were a common reason for domestic violence in the home. This
experience validates the struggle of Indian women to give priority to home life over careers
because the expectations from extended family take precedence.
Expectations From Extended Family
With marriage comes a great deal of responsibility in caring for the husband and the in-
laws. Indian women fulfill the responsibilities of the extended families on both sides (Haq,
11

2013). These obligations are rooted in culture and traditions and the valued importance of
meeting familial obligations over educational or professional achievement. Moreover, in staying
compliant with the wishes of the extended family, women make a conscious choice not to work
outside of the home. The restrictions imposed by family inhibit professional aspirations.
Acceptance by in-laws for Indian women to begin their careers is necessary for success.
According to Chawla and Sharma (2016), Indian women excel when their in-laws encourage
them to pursue a career. In a semistructured interview with eight female Indian leaders, the
researchers found most women declined job offers due to caring for their families and in-laws.
They also found Indian women depended on in-laws to have a career because the in-laws aid in
childcare and caring for their husbands. The expectation that women will grow up to be
homemakers leads to decreased levels of education required for women, thus restricting career
advancement opportunities.
Lack of Education
Education for women in India is sparse, implying low literacy rates. Research on
education indicates disadvantages for Indian girls in school nonattendance (Bose, 2012).
Moreover, studies on Indian girls have confirmed that, if girls attend school, they are more likely
to drop out earlier due to their duties at home. Furthermore, there is a significant gap in literacy
rates in India. The 2001 census listed a 75.3% literacy rate for men in India, whereas women’s
literacy rate was 53.7%. In recent trends, India’s overall literacy rate has increased from 18.3%
in 1951 to 74% in 2011 (Saha, 2013). In this same period, the male literacy rate increased from
27.2% to 82.1%, whereas female literacy increased from 8.9% to 65.5%. Although the literacy
rate is increasing, the disparity between male and female literacy lags in many developed
12

countries. Figure 1 illustrates the trend in male and female literacy and the existing gap between
the two. Lack of education further affects women through marriage and motherhood.

Figure 1
Trends Regarding the Male–Female Literacy Gap

0
5
10
15
20
25
30
1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020
Literacy Gap in %
Year
13

Adverse Effects on Women of Marriage, Motherhood, and Divorce
Marriage plays a significant role for women in Indian society. Because Indian women
often marry early in their life, before the age of 18, the consequences lead to disadvantages, such
as less autonomy and lower educational attainment (Vikram, 2021). Dhamija and Roychowdhury
(2020) revealed that 85.2 million Indian women, as of March 2011, had married before 18.
Moreover, only 33% of these women held a job and were usually paid 34% less than men
(Dhamija & Roychowdhury, 2020). Conversely, delays in marriage lead to increases in
education and empowerment. Early marriage leads to early motherhood, creating added
disparities in women’s careers.
Motherhood is a role that identifies women’s status in Indian society. If they do not bear
a child, they are perceived as incomplete or deviant (Bhambhani & Inbanathan, 2018).
Furthermore, there is an increase in the value of the woman’s time at home, with added focus on
productivity rather than the labor market (Wang & Wang, 2017). Early motherhood impedes
women from other activities outside of the home. Wang and Wang indicated that motherhood
creates underinvestment in skills outside of being a mother and lower salaries in the labor
market. These cultural notions are profound and place the motherhood label on the Indian
woman (Bhambhani & Inbanathan, 2018). Marriage is perceived as a hindrance in women’s
career pursuits, and a significant event such as divorce may add complications to the ongoing
struggle.
Divorce is a significant stigma that influences how women are perceived in society,
representing a hindrance for women pursuing careers. The divorce rates in India are 7% for men
and 9% for women between the ages of 15 and 44 (Amato, 1994). Because there is a stigma
attached to divorce, many couples fail to report marital status to avoid social disapproval
14

(Amato, 1994). Divorce places a significant burden on women because they often face
difficulties in providing food and clothing for themselves and their children. Divorce is the
highest-rated stressor and has a significant impact on people’s lives. Trivedi et al. (2009) asserted
that divorce is associated with more societal problems such as smaller social networks and
reduced social support for Indian women. Moreover, divorce has a significant effect on mental
health and hardens exposure to economic hardship. Divorce affects the well-being of Indian
women in society and further hinders women from joining the workforce.
Challenges With Indian Women in the Workforce
Indian women’s participation in the job market has increased; however, their career path
can stall due to many obstacles. In this section, I discuss the obstacles women face in the job
market, including glass ceiling, work–life balance, and lack of professional network and support.
I first discuss the glass ceiling effect in the following section.
Glass Ceiling Effect
Many stereotype women in India as mothers and caretakers, and women face a heavy
glass ceiling effect in Indian society. The glass ceiling is an invisible barrier that keeps women
from achieving leadership positions (King et al., 2017). Through their survey, King et al. found
that when filling a position in the United States, White males were employers’ first choice,
followed by Black males, White females, Indian males, and Black females. Indian women were
at the bottom of the list. According to Sharma and Kaur (2019), Indian women must shoulder
family responsibilities while gaining career advancement. Moreover, women must focus on
household chores, including caring for kids, husbands, and in-laws, over career advancement due
to barriers resulting from a culture and society dominated by men.
15

Many women consider the glass ceiling another aspect of the gender disparity concerning
leadership roles for Indian women. According to a survey conducted with 40 Indian women in
executive roles, women experience exclusion and inequality in management due to not being
equal to men in advanced positions (Sharma & Kaur, 2019). Sharma and Kaur also observed the
gender gap existed on average by 80% when following leadership roles across various industries.
The inherent perceptions in a workplace can add to the glass ceiling. Men often identify
women as weak, uncertain, and unwilling to sacrifice time for career advancement (Sharma &
Kaur, 2019). Moreover, researchers have argued that disrespect from men and the dispiritedness
toward numerous roles are other factors impacting the glass ceiling for Indian women
(Srivastava et al., 2020). Male dominance is common in Indian culture, imbuing men with the
perception that they have superior traits, further resulting in gender discrimination. Indian
women also face discrimination in the workplace due to a lack of trust in their abilities and
leadership skills.
Furthermore, stereotypes exist in the workplace that hinder women’s progression. Gupta
(2017) found that men perceived women were weaker in decision-making and were not assertive
in critical results. Additionally, Gupta noted companies require long hours for leadership roles,
and women traditionally cannot meet this expectation. Furthermore, Gupta noted that networking
is deemed critical for leaders; however, companies discourage male–female collaborations,
making it difficult for women to network. Women leaders are a minority in the workplace and
continue to face stereotypes and a glass ceiling when pursuing leadership careers. Women also
face obstacles regarding their work–life balance due to their responsibilities at home.
16

Work–Life Balance
Indian women face challenges regarding maintaining a work–life balance after marriage
and children, thus adding to career barriers. Chawla and Sondhi (2011) defined work–life
balance as the management of work and other responsibilities that are important to individuals.
According to Chawla and Sharma (2016), family responsibility was a significant theme relating
to work–life challenges for Indian women, and the biggest challenge occurred in jobs that
required travel, which conflicted with the women’s role as the primary caregiver for children.
Moreover, Chawla and Sharma noted the prominent stereotype of Indian women as wife and
mother creates barriers for them. In India, there is a division of roles between men and women,
where, historically, men played the primary role of performing paid economic activities. In
contrast, women played unpaid roles as caregivers for the family (Shah, 2015). Gender equality
has been an emerging topic for Indian women; however, still only 27% hold jobs (Gandhi & Sen,
2021).
As aforementioned, India’s patriarchal society has led women to perform the role of
caretaker at home while men act as the breadwinners (Gandhi & Sen, 2021). This patriarchal
mindset has ramifications for women. Shanmugam (2017) noted Indian women’s careers
postmarriage were nonlinear and included breaks in employment. These breaks included
marriage, motherhood, and commitment to family care. According to Rema and Kaur (2020),
women in India between the ages of 22 years and 55 years hold the leading record for stress
regarding finding a balance between personal home life and careers. They found that Indian
working women experienced fewer marital adjustments due to the responsibilities of their
marriage and careers. Nevertheless, in the last few decades, there has been an increase in female
participants in the workforce who also maintain their roles as caretakers (Shah, 2015). Gender
17

roadblocks and lack of social support, however, continue to impede Indian women’s career
advancement.
Lack of Professional Network and Social Support
The lack of mentorship for Indian women has created challenges in organizations.
Vijayalakshmi and Ansari (2012) identified a lack of mentorship as the primary barrier to
advancement in corporate leadership. According to Chawla and Sharma (2016), not having a
mentor made women feel lost in their professional careers. Moreover, not participating in
corporate social events or building a network due to responsibilities at home created barriers for
them in their occupations. Additionally, less informational, financial, and structural support
restricts Indian women’s access to information, therefore hindering them from building
professional network relationships (Datta & Agarwal, 2017). Furthermore, exclusion from
informal networks added to the structural barriers to Indian women’s career advancement. In an
interview with female managers, women discussed the prevalence of a boys’ club mentality in
organizations, leading to restrictions in regard to informal networking.
Social support systems, including friends or extended family, are a necessary means of
happiness for Indian women. Social support is an instrumental tool for expanding self-esteem
and improving mental health. In a study of South Asian immigrant adult women, Ahmad et al.
(2005) noted social support was a significant stressor for Indian women because there was a
great dependency on support from extended families. The loss of social support through
immigration created feelings of depression and loneliness (Ahmad et al., 2005). Moreover,
although Indian women made efforts to make friends, they reported experiencing negative
mental health. The lack of mentors and professional networks hindered these women from
climbing the corporate ladder.
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Indian Women’s Experience in the United States
Indian women have increased opportunity and power to build new lives in the United
States. Immigrating to the United States results in increased job opportunities and helps women
reshape and build their professional and personal lives (Mattheus, 2014). In this section, I discuss
first and second-generation Indian women’s experiences, examine how they have assimilated
into American culture, and explore the impacts on their family life. Finally, I discuss the impact
of cultural differences on Indian women and the mental distress of raising a family in the United
States.
Culture Shifts in the United States
Moving to the United States poses many challenges for Indian women. According to
Methikalam et al. (2015), Indians are the fastest-growing population in the United States. As of
2015, more than two and a half million Indian immigrants resided in the United States, as shown
in Figure 2 (Ravindranath, 2017).
19

Figure 2
Indian Immigrant Population in the United States

From “Visa Regulations and Labour Market Restrictions: Implications for Indian Immigrant
women in the United States,” by D. Ravindranath, 2017, The Indian Journal of Labour
Economics, 60(2), 217–232 (https://10.0.3.239/s41027-017-0095-y).

20

Additionally, more than half of the immigrants were Indian women forced to move due to
marriage and family pressures (Ravindranath, 2017). The increased flow of Indians moving to
the United States has drawn attention to their nonadoption of American culture (Varghese &
Jenkins, 2009). Indian women struggle in the United States in their role as housewives and
mothers because they must obey gender roles and be attentive to family responsibilities. These
responsibilities create cultural conflicts for daughters whose parents stress cultural expectations
regarding marriage and dating, and unmarried women do not fit the cultural norm.
Migration to the United States
India has benefitted dramatically from the H-1B visa; specifically, men have comprised
the largest proportion of approvals for this visa (Manohar, 2019). Although women may be
highly skilled and educated, they are often approved as an extension to the man as a wife.
Although cultural precepts characterize Indian women as primarily mothers and wives, migration
to the United States has challenged traditional Indian dichotomous views of Indian men and
women. The immigrant family has been slow in adopting American culture.
Indian families migrating to the United States have maintained their religious beliefs,
which results in difficulties assimilating to American culture. In the United States, women are
the primary source of religious tradition and generalize the importance of male responsibilities as
part of their lives in America (Kurien, 1999). The religious context leads to added responsibility
for women to carry out traditional roles, thus limiting their options to motherhood and wifehood
(Kurien, 1999). Indian religion also creates gender differences regarding job and home
responsibilities when living in the United States. For example, men must hold down jobs and be
the sole financial support for the family, whereas women must take care of the household chores.
21

As immigration has increased, there has been heightened conflict between men and
women. For instance, women find employers do not recognize their qualifications to the same
extent as men’s (Purkayastha, 2005). Moreover, skilled Indian women face an unfair playing
field because they must excel at standards while moving through unequal job screening during
interviews (Purkayastha, 2005). Gender differences have also contributed to difficulties for
migrated wives in accessing jobs due to labor segmentation and access to low-tier jobs. Table 1
displays these differences and provides demographic details of the occupational differences
between men and women in the United States.

Table 1
Occupational Characteristics of Indian Men and Women in the United States
Occupation Male % Female %
Professional 38.5 19.3
Managerial 18.9 8.1
Technical/sales 23.7 15.7
Administrative support 9.8 17.2
Service 7.3 9.0
Precision craft 7.8 2.1
Operative laborer 11.6 6.8
Farming/fishing/forestry 0.9 0.2

Note. From Skilled Migration and Cumulative Disadvantage: The Case of Highly Qualified
Asian Indian Immigrant Women in the US, by B. Purkayastha, 2005, Pergamon Press.

22

Family Conflict in the United States
Family life is an integral part of an Indian woman’s identity. Because of the criticality of
family life, Asian cultures exhibit gender role expectations more often than American cultures
(Mann et al., 2017). The traditional roles undervalue women, leading to marital conflicts with
spouses and in-laws because of the need to conform to traditional lifestyles. Migration to the
United States increases family conflict for married women. Indian women must live with dual
families and conform to traditional cultural lifestyles. In addition, the extended family system—
including the husbands’ parents, adult siblings, and grandparents all living in the same home—
greatly influences Indian culture. With so many personalities living under the same roof,
authority is hierarchical by age and gender, with men and mothers-in-law serving as decision
makers. This hierarchy leads to conflict within the family dynamics, and women often report
mental health issues. The lived experience of Indian women living with extended families
continues to be a source of conflict and adds to mental distress.
Mental Distress on Indian Women in the United States
The conflict at home, work–life balance, marriage, and children affect Indian women’s
mental health. Mann et al. (2017) revealed that traditional gender roles and marital conflicts
contribute to depression among Indian women. The pressure to conform to cultural norms in
arranged marriages and to live with extended families affects women’s mental well-being. In a
mixed-methods study of Indian women immigrants in the United States, Mann et al. found
women who integrated into both cultures felt criticized and stressed in regard to adapting to the
expectations of traditional cultural norms. These tensions and ongoing stressors resulted in
mental health issues, with those who held traditional views experiencing more significant
depression and seclusion, and also affected women’s professional lives.
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Women who work outside of the home must often settle for jobs that aid the family
business. Roberts et al. (2016) reported Indian women must support family endeavors and thus
are required to work within the family-owned business. They are given little acknowledgment,
with the husband credited with financial contribution rather than the wife. Next, I discuss
second-generation Indian women and their assimilation into the United States.
Second-Generation Indian Women
The lived experiences of second-generation Indian women revolve around issues of
cultural stigma in the United States. Second-generation immigrants, particularly young adults
and girls, question the cultural values and norms with which they grew up (Joseph et al., 2020).
Joseph et al., in a study of Indian women’s behavior postimmigration, revealed second-
generation immigrants reported higher self-competence regarding the adoption of U.S. culture.
Second-generation Indian women build their identity on gender and culture. Joseph et al.
indicated that second-generation Indian women in the United States face more conflicts with
Indian cultural values, predominantly regarding dating and marriage.
Second-generation Indian women born in the United States endure struggles with their
cultural beliefs. Additionally, many second-generation Indian women criticize gender role
restrictions frequently imposed by the old-world culture (Dasgupta & Das Dasgupta, 1986).
Dasgupta and Das Dasgupta showed that children born in the United States held a liberal
perspective about women’s role in society, and young Indian women were more cognizant of the
sexism that continues to play a role in their lives.
Clash of cultural rituals is a known struggle encountered by Indian Americans.
Purushothaman (2022) examined such feelings in her book on girls from India facing a strong
pressure to marry at an early age (e.g., 13 and 14) to reduce the financial burdens on the family.
24

They faced ostracization as bad mothers for not marrying daughters earlier. The author told
another story of Indra Nooyi, former CEO of PepsiCo, arriving home to share the good news of
becoming the CEO with her mother; however, her mother responded by asking her to fetch milk
from the store, as a good daughter should. The family carries these beliefs forward, and women
face conflicts regarding being responsible homemakers versus successful businesswomen.
The stress of maintaining ethnic ties and reduced control over the choice of career or
marriage leads to added pressure for Indian women (Tewari & Tewari, 2009). Parents of second-
generation children force them into prestigious careers such as doctors, lawyers, or engineers
while at the same time preserving their future for marriage suitors. The limitations placed on
Indian women influence their career aspirations in the United States.
Leadership Challenges for Indian Women
Leadership challenges prevent Indian women from progressing in their careers. Grace
and grit are two characteristics embodied by female leaders (Middleton, 2016); however, there
exists a large disparity of women in leadership positions (Kiser, 2015). Gender stereotypes that
promote men as possessing qualities associated with managerial success are partially to blame
for the lack of female leaders. In this section, I discuss female leadership in the workplace in the
United States and why women do not have a high number of senior leadership roles. Next, I
share experiences of female Indian leadership, especially in applying for leadership positions.
Finally, I discuss gender biases prevalent in the workplace that inhibit Indian women from
progressing. Because the literature is sparse, I only used three articles as the main point of study.
Women as Leaders
Women have made little progress recently in moving into leadership roles. According to
Johnson (2018), women account for more than half of managerial roles; however, only 20% are
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in senior management positions. This small progression has allowed few women to advance in
managerial roles in corporate America. Corporations have made great efforts to launch initiatives
to hire women (Saji, 2016). Because of such efforts, women lead 4.2% of large public
corporations such as Yahoo, PepsiCo, IBM, and General Motors. The same is not true for
developing countries, however, such as India, where women’s representation is second from the
bottom in regard to leadership roles. There is a strong footing for women in the workplace, but
most attain entry level positions and experience an uneven playing field with men (Ahmed &
Carrim, 2016). In technology companies, only 14.5% of Indian women are in director positions
(Kishore, 2016). Moreover, the overall female employment rate in India has decreased from 35%
to 26% (Chakraborty & Chatterjee, 2020). Many companies within the information technology
sector, however, have taken steps to hire more female employees (Saji, 2016). Ahmed and
Carrim (2016) maintained that Indian women possess capabilities, such as being highly
motivated and ambitious, that drive their achievement; therefore, they are key in contributing to
their company’s success. The barrier to career advancement continues to limit Indian women in
the workplace in India. Once Indian women move to the United States, the strive for leadership
positions changes.
Indian Women and Leadership Hurdles
The job market has many options for Indian women in the United States; however,
problems still exist. Jain (2021) indicated that Indian women feel pressure to work harder than
their male counterparts to earn the respect of their managers. Moreover, Jain uncovered college-
educated women who came to America as adults earned less than women born in America, even
when their highest degree was from the United States. This discrepancy was due to the
perception that these Asian Indian women did not have an understanding of the American job
26

market culture and because employers undervalued degrees earned in women’s home countries.
Stereotypes were common within the job market and depicted Indian women differently. For
example, the typical stereotype of Indians is as a model minority and as people who have
knowledge but lack communication skills. A semistructured interview with 26 first-generation
immigrant women revealed Indian women often changed their dress attire and spoke with
American accents to fit in the workplace. Jain also uncovered that Indian women encountered
ignorant comments about Indian culture in the workplace. The U.S. workplace is not accessible
for Indian immigrant women who live in traditional, joint, and extended families.
Work and Family Struggles
Indian women struggle with balancing career and family. Family balance causes
challenges for Indian women and their employers (Valk & Srinivasan, 2011). Valk and
Srinivasan noted that women often pass on opportunities to take leadership roles because they
are not willing to relocate and be away from their home life. Indian women also face challenges
at home that keep them from climbing the corporate ladder. Valk and Srinivasan suggested
Indian women feel obligated to care for elderly relatives and face difficulties maintaining
family–life balance. In many cases, the in-laws or parents live with the Indian women and their
husbands, and the women have the added responsibility to care for the dependents. These
difficulties and gender biases tie the women to the home and, when offered a leadership role,
Indian women must choose between their homes and their careers.
Gendered Perceptions
Gender bias is an emerging topic for Indian women in the workplace. Chawla and
Sharma (2016) revealed that when Indian women rise the corporate ladder, people suspect a
relationship with the boss has resulted in their rise. In other cases, women feel responsible for
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taking care of their children and household activities while not faulting their spouses for
unaccountability. Chawla and Sharma found Indian women shared characteristics as nurturers in
the family, whereas men were labelled as providers. These personal values created conflicts with
priorities at work, pulling Indian women in different directions. According to Chawla and
Sharma (2016), “India is, by and large, conservative about man-woman relationships, and a close
relationship outside marriage is looked down upon” (p. 189). This characteristic creates obstacles
for Indian women because they cannot build relationships with their peers and senior leaders.
The ecology of human development theory influences the understanding of the various systems
that affect the lived experiences of Indian women.
Intersectional Feminism Framework
The use of intersectional feminism as a conceptual framework for this study aided in
understanding the barriers Indian women face in their careers. The intersectional feminist
framework posits gender must be examined through the lens of other social categories that
determine power relations in society, such as race and social class (DeFelice & Diller, 2019).
Intersectional feminists argue women often face multiple systems of oppression, such as
classism, racism, and patriarchy, and these forms of inequality interact with one another, often
exacerbating the marginalization of women.
Several authors have used intersectional feminism to help explain the experiences of
Indian women. Haq (2013), for example, argued that Indian women face multiple disadvantages
due to religious norms, lack of access to education, and marital status, which together create
significant barriers to career goals. Additionally, Purkayastha (2005) revealed how Indian
immigrant women are underprivileged due to the intersectionality of gender and race, denying
them professional opportunities. Patil (2013) used intersectional feminism in her study of gender
28

and age oppression in Indian women to show the existence of marginalization. Additionally,
Bharti (2021) used intersectional feminism in studying Indian women who faced discrimination
due to race, color, and marital status.
This framework helps with understanding the interconnections surrounding the social
categorizations that cause disadvantages. Indian women must manage multiple identities in their
gender and class, which creates vulnerabilities and leads to discrimination regarding their access
to resources and opportunities (Mrudula et al., 2013). The use of intersectionality feminism as a
theoretical paradigm helps in understanding the dominant beliefs of Indian society in terms of
gender hierarchy and patriarchy. In capturing the intersectionality of gender and patriarchy, I
connected the intersectionality feminism framework to the ecological systems theory by placing
family, friends, religion, and social networks as a product of the systems.
The Ecology of Human Development Conceptual Framework
Human ecology theories involve the study of “the interrelationships between organisms
of life and the environment, both organic and inorganic” (Bubolz & Sontag, 2009, p. 419).
Human ecology has evolved to serve a purpose in “explaining and understanding human social
organization” concerned with “interactions and interdependence of humans” (Bubolz & Sontag,
2009, p. 421). Grounded in human development, human ecology theory contains essential
elements that were important for this study.
Bubolz and Sontag (2009) recognized the hypotheses that trigger the ecological theories’
basic premise, stating that the family environment, background, and process “must be viewed as
interdependent and analyzed as a system” (p. 426) connected to living and nonliving
environments. Families are systems that act together with many interacting environments. Using
a model that provides an opportunity to view the relationship between the individual and the
29

environment, we can better understand the cultural barriers that restrict Indian women from
progressing in their careers. The Bronfenbrenner human ecology model (1979) provides a
viewpoint of the “developing person, the environment, and the interaction between the two” (p.
3). Specifically, I examined the “form, power, content, and direction of the proximal processes”
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 621). Over an extended period, the regularly occurring experiences
shape Indian women’s perceptions of the environment. Moreover, Indian women’s relationships
with family, friends, and tasks as well as experiences with religion and professional groups and
mentorship are crucial to shaping beliefs.
Figure 3 provides a view of the nested structures (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) or the levels of
relationships individuals experience in their environment. This model explains Bronfenbrenner’s
framework, which explores the microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem through a lens that
presumes the inner circles of the micro and mesosystems are influential in shaping perceptions.
Bronfenbrenner’s theoretical framework focuses on the environment and the interactions
between individuals and their environment (Berry, 1995). This social ecology model is set within
a mesosystem that involves family networks and other settings. The microsystem involves the
family system, with a central focus of influence in individuals’ lives.
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Figure 3
Ecology of Human Development and Cultural Barriers for Indian Women

The ecology of human development theory helps with understanding the cultural barriers
Indian women face in pursuing leadership. This lens also assumes the exosystem affects Indian
women’s barriers, closely associated with the environmental context where culture and
significant events, such as divorce or death of in-laws, make meaning of the experiences. Leong
and Tang (2016) utilized the theory to examine the barriers faced by Chinese immigrants and
delineate them within societal, workplace, family, and community systems. They suggested the
existence of five major subsystems: interpersonal relations, relations between family, parents’
job stress, democratic ideals of U.S. culture, and environmental events. In another study,
Grzywacz and Marks (2000) used ecological theory to develop an integrated review of the work
and family interface that correlates to positive and negative spillover to family and work.
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Through this study, Grzywacz and Marks tied the environment and social influence to the
conflict faced by individuals. In the following sections, I provide support for how each
ecological environment affects Indian women’s development. Additionally, because there are
facilitators positively affecting Indian women, I also share some examples.
Microsystem
The innermost structure in the Bronfenbrenner (1979) human ecology model is the
microsystem. This structure is the “pattern of activities, roles, and interpersonal relations
experienced by the developing person in a given setting with particular physical and material
characteristics” (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 22). Bronfenbrenner identified the microsystem as an
essential element of development in the individual—in particular, experiences and relationships
“that have meaning to the person in a given situation.” In this section, I review family, friends,
and groups that are part of the microsystem.
Family
The family plays a key role in the context of the microsystem. Bronfenbrenner (1979)
defined the microsystem as a series of roles and relations encountered by people in a given
setting. Rosa and Tudge (2013) described the family within the microsystem as all characters in
the family and how they interact within the family as members and as part of the process.
Moreover, the setting in the microsystem is one in which the roles interact with each other in a
face-to-face manner. The family within the theory setting in relation to Indian women has a
significant bearing on the cultural barriers affecting career progression. Alternatively, the family
can provide Indian women with positive support through childcare and emotional support in
pursuit of a career. Within the family, husbands and in-laws influence the work–family balance
of Indian women in pursuit of their careers.
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Friends
Within the microsystem, friends represent another system of support for Indian women.
Social support is the belief or awareness that one’s friends and family love, care for, admire, and
partner with them in a social network of mutual assistance and obligations (Cohen & Wills,
1985). Friends fulfill emotional support to aid in depression and mental health issues. The
ecology of human development eludes that friends are in the immediate system and, therefore,
they directly influence human development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). According to the literature
on Indian women, the social support provided by friends is positively correlated with the
development and progression of Indian women in their environment.
Tasks
Indian women must carry the tasks of homemaker and wife. Nath (2000) found Indian
women often did not advance in their careers, despite their best performance, because of family
and work commitments. These tasks influence Indian women’s progression in relation to their
career and autonomy. Tasks such as caring for children and fulfilling home duties within the
microsystem are activities experienced by individuals in the setting.
Mesosystem
The next system in Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) human ecology model is the mesosystem.
This level “comprises the interrelation among two or more settings in which the developing
person actively participates” (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 25). In the mesosystem, the relationships
and links attempt to account for how one’s microsystem affects another. The mesosystem
incorporates perceptions of multiple environments for Indian women, including religious groups,
professional groups, and mentorship programs. These environments help identify whether a
particular environment influences the barriers for Indian women.
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Religious Groups
Religion plays an important role within an individual’s mesosystem. Religion connects to
family and tasks in Indian society through the mesosystem. Restrictions imposed on marriage
and career are due to religion and the cultural traditions passed down from previous generations
(Das & Kemp, 1997). Sandhu (1999) studied South Asians and noted the use of religion as a
coping aid for cultural identification. Indian women who link to a religious group improve their
relationships within the microsystem.
Professional Groups
Professional networks are part of the mesosystem because they directly affect Indian
women in organizational settings. Chawla and Sharma (2016) found that when Indian women
cannot participate in professional groups or events, barriers can hinder career growth. However,
when professional groups are inclusive of Indian women and accommodate with schedules, they
positively affect Indian women.
Mentorship
The literature review addressed mentorship as a means to assist in career progression.
Mentorship is directly correlated with the microsystem because it paves a pathway for Indian
women to develop in their careers. As a part of the mesosystem, mentorship influences
perceptions of support for Indian women and, when readily available, benefits Indian women in
their career.
Exosystem
The exosystem in the Bronfenbrenner (1979) human ecology model involves “one or
more settings that do not involve the developing person as an active participant, but in which
events occurred that affect, or are affected by, what happens in the setting containing the
34

developing person” (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 25). In the lives of Indian women, this includes
any number of settings affecting the women’s experiences, including cultural norms and
significant events such as divorce or death of in-laws.
Cultural Norms
The exosystem refers to the setting that affects the developing individual
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In India, cultural norms form how women interact within their
environment. For example, the tradition within Indian culture for Indian women to be
homemakers directly affects their ability to acquire a job (Chawla & Sharma, 2016). The same is
true when Indian women must attend to their husbands or in-laws because the culture compels
this upon them.
Major Events
Events such as divorce have a significant effect on Indian women. Women have task
overload through significant events such as divorce (Trivedi et al., 2009). Following a divorce,
Indian women who have children have the added burden of upkeeping their household with one
income because, in most instances, Indian women have primary custody. Utilizing the theory
within the exosystem lends to understanding how divorce influences Indian women.
Summary
For this literature review, I aimed to provide a better understanding of the background of
Indian culture, the various barriers affecting Indian women in attaining leadership roles, and how
the ecology of human theory can help with understanding the conflict regarding Indian women
and leadership attainment and how they can overcome barriers. In Chapter 2, I conducted a
review of the related literature to provide the reader insight into the factors that create barriers for
Indian women in pursuit of career growth in the United States (e.g., cultural and religious norms,
35

work–life balance, gender bias, lack of mentorship, and professional network and significant
events). Additionally, it was important to provide relevancy to the current situation for all
women in leadership roles and Indian women in similar roles. Using the literature review and
ecological human model theory, I concluded with a focus on the microsystem, mesosystem, and
exosystem in the lived experiences of Indian women within the environment. In Chapter 3, I
discuss these influences and the research methodology utilized in the current study to enable the
reader to better understand and assess these barriers.

36

Chapter Three: Methodology
In this study, I aimed to understand the cultural barriers that second-generation Indian
women face when pursuing leadership roles in the United States within technology companies as
well as how they overcome those barriers. In Chapter 2, I reviewed the barriers Indian women
face, including marriage, children, caring for extended family, and the lack of social support.
Chawla and Sharma (2016) noted the importance of Indian culture on Indian women and the
resulting lack of professional leadership positions due to the focus of culture. Using
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) human ecology theory as the conceptual framework aided in
understanding the barriers. In Chapter 3, I discuss this study’s methodology, including the study
population, data collection process, and ethical considerations.
Research Questions
As a reminder, the main research question that guided this study was, “What cultural
barriers and facilitators exist for second-generation Indian women pursuing leadership roles, and
how do they overcome obstacles?” The three supporting questions were as follows:
1. What are the barriers and facilitators in the microsystem, and how do Indian women
overcome barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
2. What are the barriers and facilitators in the mesosystem, and how do Indian women
overcome barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
3. What are the barriers and facilitators in the exosystem, and how do Indian women
overcome barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
Qualitative Design
The exploration of Indian culture and how it influences Indian women’s professional
pursuits is a suitable topic for a qualitative research design. I used a qualitative research method
37

for several reasons: to better understand how to conduct research; to enhance the purpose of the
study, setting, and process; and to define these ideas in more detail.
Qualitative research is appropriate because it involves determining how individuals
interpret their experience and the meaning attributed to the experience (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Qualitative research utilizes words rather than numbers as data points. The purpose of
this study was to provide meaning into social processes and produce insights that have practical
contemporary use as opposed to, for example, generating a new theory (Chesebro & Borisoff,
2007).
Additionally, qualitative researchers study phenomena in natural settings and posit
individuals’ meaning through their experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Qualitative research
is suited for studies of the human condition in relation to the environment—as within the
mesosystem, exosystem, and microsystem—which was the focus in this study. For this reason,
qualitative research was helpful for understanding the experiences and opinions of Indian
women who have succeeded in leadership roles, what barriers they faced in these environments,
and how they overcame the obstacles.
Finally, qualitative semistructured interviews can help in understanding the cultural
barriers that inhibit Indian women from reaching leadership positions. The interviews with the
Indian women in leadership positions allowed for understanding their worldviews and
interpretations of their experiences in the workplace. Another characteristic of qualitative
research is its exploratory nature to probe a topic and best understand the problem, allowing the
researcher flexibility to adjust the approach based on details that may surface during the data
collection process (Creswell & Creswell, 2017).
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Population and Sample
Careful selection of appropriate respondents can help provide data relevant to the study.
The population for the study included participants who were first and second-generation Indian
women who have successfully progressed to a more advanced management role and were
employed in the technology field in the United States. I accessed the participants from this
population within the corporate world in the IT industries. According to Ruiz (2017), between
2001 and 2015, 50.5% of women who moved to the United States for employment within the
technology field came from India. These data indicated the women drawn from this population
fulfilled the criteria of my research design for Indian women. The utilization of these inclusion
criteria allowed me to preserve the reasoning of the research inquiry without compromising the
original target.
In this study, I used a purposive sampling method (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) and asked
24 Indian women working in technology companies in the United States to participate in the
study. Overall, 18 volunteered to contribute to the study. I thus completed a total of 18
interviews, averaging 45 minutes in length, and asked 15 standard questions during the interview
process (see Appendix B). The targeted sample included 18 first and second-generation women
of Indian origin who worked in the United States and were pursuing career goals in the
technology field. The participants’ ages ranged from 30 to 38 years old to allow for adequate
career advancement to have occurred. The sample included married and unmarried women,
mothers, and those without children and living with an extended family or husbands to better
understand family support within the Indian women’s system. Additionally, the women had to
have been employed in a technology company for 1 year or more to ensure the respondents had
39

lived experiences in a long-term versus short-term role. The participants all lived within the
continental United States, with a footprint in a technology company.
The sample of 18 participants yielded enough information related to the research
question, allowing for the establishment of credibility of the related information gathered within
the sample (Bowen, 2009). I found 18 was a sufficient number for this study to reveal patterns
common among the participants and individual variances, but I also used a saturation method,
thus revealing common themes early in the process, so I would need to interview fewer
participants. If I could not understand the common patterns after 18 interviews, I would still
interview more participants (Creswell & Creswell, 2017).
Research Procedures
Recruitment Strategy
The use of convenience and snowball sampling enabled recruitment of participants in the
study. Snowball sampling involves locating a few key participants who meet the criteria for the
study, and convenience sampling includes finding participants based on location, time, and
availability of respondents (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I recruited the sample population through
the workplace by placing a request for participants through an Asian membership group on an
internal website. Additionally, workplace connections assisted with identification of potential
samples. I contacted potential participants via email and phone and asked them to respond
voluntarily to participate. The email provided a synopsis of the study, interest, and key questions
to ensure participants met the study parameters (i.e., first and second generation, married and
unmarried, employed in a technology company). Upon selecting the participants, I provided
them with a guide of the study’s expectations and their rights as participants. The participants
who confirmed acceptance participated in the semistructured interview via Zoom due to COVID-
40

19 restrictions. I assigned pseudonyms to each participant and used them throughout the study to
ensure confidentiality.
Semistructured Interviews
Once the Indian women agreed to participate in the study, I provided them with details of
the research and their expectations and rights as participants. I also posted a debrief of the study
goals and requested the respondents complete a consent form to participate in the study. I only
asked those who returned the consent form to participate in the formal semistructured individual
interview via Zoom.
Because the interviews took place over Zoom, I sent out a formal meeting invite to the
participants, as well as reminders to ensure I had acceptance. I emphasized the need for a quiet
location for the interview to ensure I limited outside noise to deter distractions. I sent Zoom
instructions with the invite and a request to test the communication before the start of the
interview. I also collected a request for audio and video records from the interviewees before
starting. I assigned pseudonyms to the interviewees and used them instead of the actual
participants’ names throughout the study.
The interview protocol followed a semistructured format. A list of questions guided the
interview; however, the interview design required flexibility to allow for further questioning,
clarification, and probing (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Patton’s (2002) six types of questions
allowed for selected interview questions that align with the ecology of human theory and tie into
the guiding research questions. Using experiences and behavior questions, as well as feeling
questions, aided in eliciting the emotions and feelings of participants regarding the topic. The
interviews assisted in learning about the experiences, perceptions, motivations, concerns,
expectations, and outcomes. Additionally, the interview protocol included open-ended and
41

neutral questions to allow for participants to respond with their own words (see Appendix B for
the final interview protocol).
The use of standardized open-ended interviews ensured I asked each participant the same
question in the same way and the same order (Patton, 2002). Patton listed the advantages of
using open-ended interviews, asserting that they make available the exact instruments for
inspection, minimize the variation of interviews, focus the interview time and ensure they are
more efficient, and make the responses easy to find and compare. Ideal position questions and
hypothetical questions elicited responses of what the participants may do in ideal situations
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I avoided leading and yes or no questions because they yield very
little information and may lead to the assumption that the participants have untrue problems.
The interview began with an initial question to encourage participants to think about their
connection to the topic. Krueger and Casey (2002) emphasized having an introductory question
that encourages conversation and elicits thoughts of linkages to the study. The interview
questions included transition questions to move the discussions to the critical questions of the
study. Using questions that asked for participants to describe their experiences in more depth
allowed for further correlation to the various systems in the environment in Bronfenbrenner’s
(1979) theory. The final questions included a summative discussion topic to bring the interview
to closure.
The interview process lasted 50–60 minutes. I asked participants to keep their Zoom
cameras on for the entirety of the interview process. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) recommended
adding fewer and more open-ended questions; therefore, I kept the sum of the questions to 10. As
suggested by Merriam and Tisdell, I introduced myself to the participants when beginning the
recording of the audio and video program. First, I restated the purpose of the study and then
42

discussed the confidentiality agreement and their rights as participants. Using the designed
interview protocol, I asked the questions attached in Appendix A and probed where I deemed
additional clarification required. Additionally, I observed the participants’ body language and
speech. Although I recorded the Zoom interviews, I also took notes of the women’s reactions and
behaviors.
Establishing Credibility
Creswell and Miller (2000) highlighted that establishing credibility in qualitative research
is complex and references not the collected data as much as it references the interpretations
inferred from the data. The constructivist approach in this study aided in understanding
participants’ meanings and rapport building (Patton, 2002). Additionally, this approach was
necessary in accurately interpreting the context and culture. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) stated
that being considerate, open-minded, and nonthreatening are necessary for beginning an
interview. Additionally, I played the role of an informant to help articulate the meaning of the
culture. Merriam and Tisdell defined an informant as one who has a deep understanding of the
culture and becomes a valuable chaperone in an unknown area.
Data Analysis
Data analysis was the next step in the study to help understand the data. According to
Merriam and Tisdell (2016), researchers should use data analysis to answer the research
questions. Prior to data analysis, researchers must review the phases that are precursors as part of
data management. Data management can be divided into three phases: data preparation,
identification, and manipulation. The data preparation process included typing notes and
transcribing interviews conducted via Zoom. In the data identification phase of the data analysis
process, I assigned coding to a segment of interviews. I used a deductive coding technique to
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label text passages based on the content within the notes, pointing the research question to align
with the mesosystem, exosystem, or microsystem and intersectionality.
Furthermore, I assigned categories using the methods recommended by Merriam and
Tisdell (2016). These categories came from the child level under the ecology of human system
and intersectionality. Categories included family, friends, culture, religion, mentorship,
professional network, and tasks. The categorical data helped identify related themes to explain
the study against the guiding questions. The use of Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) human ecology
theory as the theoretical framework and intersectionality against which data interpretation
occurred aided in the understanding of how barriers within the microsystem, exosystem, and
mesosystem—such as gender and race—prevented Indian women from attaining leadership
roles.
Ethics
Interviewing can result in threats or advantages to interviewees (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). I noted a risk regarding the interviewees’ concerns for privacy invasions or
embarrassment following responses to questions. Therefore, I used informed consent to ensure
this study flowed ethically. Through informed consent, I made participants aware of their
voluntary participation and their freedom to choose to end the interview at any time (Glesne,
2016). I provided internal validity and credibility through multiple system checks and audits to
complete data coding (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Additionally, I informed participants of their right to privacy by changing the names and
locations of participants (Glesne, 2016). I submitted the study for review with the institutional
review board (IRB) to confirm no ethical issues existed. Finally, because the researcher’s
44

relationship with the participant can be an important topic of debate (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), I
ensured I had no personal relationships with any of the Indian female participants.
Researchers must also review the underlying ethics of a study. I first assumed second-
generation Indian women in the United States would benefit from the research. Moreover,
technology companies may gain a diverse pool of candidates to provide mentorship roles for
other Indian women. I answered the research questions from the lens of Indian women looking
for opportunities to grow as leaders; however, they are facing barriers due to cultural norms. This
change may harm Indian men because the alteration in tradition may result in changes to the
family construct. The results of this research have the potential to create mentorship
opportunities for second-generation Indian women in the technology field.
Role of the Researcher
As a second-generation Indian woman, I have witnessed gender discrimination among
my family and friends. As a global technology company leader, I have firsthand knowledge of
the gender issues affecting Indian women. In fact, overall, 90% of my organization resides in
India, and 40% of the organization consists of female employees. The female employees have
shared their competing roles as mothers, wives, and working women. I identify with these
women because I saw firsthand the struggles my mother faced working full time as an assembly
line worker and being a caretaker of her children. Our culture and workplace do not empathize
with the expectations placed on women in providing for their families. Without encouragement
to study high-skilled labor, Indian women’s careers lag far behind, resulting in a gender gap. My
role as a female leader in an organization, encouraging women to equally value career and home
life, affected my decision to research this topic. My lived experience as an Indian mother and
45

leader has led me to take the stance of helping second-generation Indian women break through
cultural barriers.
India’s culture will not shift; however, men and women must learn to compromise to
develop an equal playing field. Additionally, it will be necessary to encourage men to play a
more active role in caretaking and household chores. Because I have a career and value career
pursuit, I may be biased because others may not share the same value and focus on family rather
than career. The intention of this paper may not be of interest to individuals who believe that
cultural aspects outweigh any career growth possibilities.
Summary
In Chapter 3, I identified the use of qualitative research as the design for the study and
provided the reasoning for using this design method. I identified the research using the research
questions, methodology, and details about the sample population about inclusion criteria for
participants, sampling and recruitment plans, procedures, data analysis practice, forming
credibility, and researcher positionality. I used a semi-structured interview via Zoom to query
participants on key criteria including culture, religion, and professional and family impact on
career (see Appendix A for the interview questions and Appendix B for the participant
recruitment letter). Chapter 4 includes a presentation of the findings from this qualitative study
using the ecology of human system and intersectionality feminism conceptual framework.

46

Chapter Four: Findings and Results
In this study, I explored the factors that affect Indian women’s career progression due to
culture. I posited one main research question and four subquestions interpreted through the lens
of human ecology theory and intersectionality theory. The main question was “What cultural
barriers exist for second-generation Indian women pursuing leadership roles, and how did they
overcome the obstacles?” Three research questions under the main theme helped understand the
obstacles via the various ecological systems:
1. What are the barriers in the exosystem, and how do Indian women overcome the
barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
2. What are the barriers in the mesosystem, and how do Indian women overcome the
barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
3. What are the barriers in the microsystem, and how do Indian women overcome the
barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
In Chapter 4, I group the findings within the systems of Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) theory of
mesosystem, exosystem, and microsystem and intersectionality of gender and race.
Participating Stakeholders
The stakeholders for this study were first and second-generation Indian women from
technology industries in the United States. The Indian women received qualification surveys to
participate in the study. Upon qualifying, qualitiative interviews with 18 Indian women in
technology companies provided data of their lived experiences. Table 2 provides an overview of
each participant using pseudonyms and highlighting their marital status, visa status, and job level
within the technology industry.

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Table 2
Participant Demographics
Participants
(pseudonym)
Marital status Children
(yes or no)
Indian visa
(yes or no)
Job level
Miya Married No Yes Manager
Anika Married Yes No Vice president
Rama Married Yes Yes Manager
Banu Married No No Senior manager
Nikkie Married No Yes Non manager
Milani Married Yes No Manager
Anu Married Yes No Director
Nina Married Yes No Vice president
Seena Married Yes No Director
Pari Married Yes No Director
Shamu Married Yes No Senior manager
Noor Married Yes Yes Senior manager
Reena Single No No Non manager
Meena Married Yes Yes Director
Amrika Married Yes No Non manager
Veena Married Yes Yes Director
Deepa Married Yes No Vice president
Mila Married Yes Yes Non manager

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In the following sections, I provide additional information shared by the participants from
the qualitative interview.
Culture and Life Events Affect Indian Women in the Workplace (Exosystem)
Through Subquestion 1, I sought to understand how culture and life events affect Indian
women’s pursuit of career growth within the exosystem. To find answers to this question, I
analyzed the responses from the participants to uncover trends that align with the ecological
theory cultural framework and life events that may have occurred that affected career progress.
The first section includes participants’ feedback on the expectations of Indian women from their
family and the impacts on their careers. Then, I discuss the priority of being a mother first in
Indian culture. In the final two sections, I share the responsibilities of Indian women as
caretakers of family and the burden present with living in the United States on employment and
growth visas.
The Family Unit’s Expectations of Indian Women and Career Outcomes
The fact that Indian women must place family above all considerations is a significant
theme from the research study regarding culture and how expectations from family affected the
role of Indian women in the workplace and at home. First, participants spoke of the importance
of Indian parents pressuring their children be doctors, lawyers, or engineers. The participants
voiced these specific roles are not female friendly because women are seen as submissive and
thus may not do well in these professions. Therefore, many of the participants sought careers in
other fields. I noted the unified theme of the family unit and the role it plays within Indian
women’s career, as well as the positive and negative consequences of family focus for the
participants.

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Importance of the Family Unit
The focus within Indian culture also indicated the importance of a family unit. Overall,
70% of the participants shared the focus on family and children as an important role for Indian
women. Anu shared, “putting family first and prioritizing over all others” was a key decision
Indian women must make. Deepa emphasized the same about the importance of family and
shared, “being an Indian woman you actually have to sacrifice a lot and give up a big part of our
lives for family by putting them first.” Noor had similar comments on Indian women’s role
within a family unit, stating, “family has been always a priority, according to how we are raised
and according to our culture.” Noor also shared, “we have to put off work, sometimes, because
we have to pay attention to our family.” Indian culture emphasizes the role of Indian women
within a family unit as a priority. Many times, these views result in negative consequences and,
other times, positive ones.
Negative Consequences of Emphasis on the Family Unit
The decision to have a family has negative consequences for one’s career. Veena shared
her responsibility of having to take care of parents and in-laws when they visit for 3 to 6 months
as a part of her culture. She shared the difficulty of being responsible for being a chauffeur to the
guests and stated, “there were certain things I couldn’t do because I had to take care of family
obligations, which my work colleagues could not understand as to why.” Shamu also indicated
family was the most important component of the culture. In her interview, family was inclusive
for children and husbands, as she shared, “it’s true, marriage and children and family do tend to
be a dominating force in my life.” Seena talked about the impact of having a family unit early in
her career because she felt threatened by her culture. She shared the following example of when
she felt threatened:
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You know if the career keeps going on, then you’ll probably have to quit your job and
you know focus on the home and family because you are getting too busy. So, there was
always this sort of thing hanging on my head that hey you know if I don’t get things
squared off at home with the family, then I might not be able to work. And this was
ingrained by my in-laws as well saying hey you know this is super important for you to
take care of your home, if you’re not a good mother and a good wife, then you know
what’s the point right.
The family unit also stressed the act of being submissive to elders and men. Banu
indicated, “in Indian culture, older people know more, and, if you are a man, you know more.”
The inherent trait of being a quiet and obedient wife and mother who supports the family first
was felt across many of the participants. The teachings of a family unit, however, were not
always viewed in a negative light. The participants also shared positive outcomes regarding the
strength of a family unit.
Positive Consequences of Emphasis on the Family Unit
Many participants expressed that emphasizing the family unit helped create a strength
within them to be drivers in their career. Nina provided an insight that, in general, Indian women
are taught to be reliant on their husbands and husband’s family for finances. Nina’s personal
experience did not follow this path of reliance on her significant other. Rather, she was the
breadwinner of the house and indicated the culture allowed her to see the wrongs that should be
avoided. Anika also shared the importance of family; however, she stated the family also
included her team at work, stating, “I will go to bat for anyone on my team, and my team is my
family.” Another positive aspect drawn from the perceptions and statements of the participants
was that Indian women are raised to be hardworking and free spirited. A majority of the
51

participants indicated the culture pushed women to pursue higher degrees and place education as
the highest ideal. Seena remembered the push from her father and shared, “I had a strong father.
He instilled in us at a very young age that we need to be financially independent and set goals to
be independent.” Independence was a common phrase used by participants when describing
Indian culture and women.
Participants also spoke positively of the festivals and celebrations that brought families
together. Nina shared her recollection of the celebration of Diwali in the family, saying, “my
parents always invited all of my friends over and like dressed them up in my outfits, and that was
like a way for them to understand our culture in a really fun way.” The festival celebrations built
a family unity for Nina that she was able to incorporate within her teams in her career. Nina
expressed that her culture was rich in traditions that seeped into her professional life of growing
a team and building unity within her employees. These positive outcomes allowed women
freedom to learn and grow as individuals. The interviews thus helped with acquiring other
perspectives on how Indian women perceive the family unit within Indian culture.
Alternative Positions of Emphasis on the Family Unit
Respect and independence were alternate positions of how the participants perceived the
importance of the family unit. Respect was an important attribute taught to Indian women at a
young age. The participants shared the importance of showing respect for elders. Anika recalled
in her job witnessing many Indian women share the need to respect their elder peers. Anika
shared, “They don’t speak up, they are more quieter, they don’t talk back. You have to really
coax them to ask questions, maybe they don’t feel comfortable, but there is a hierarchical
nature.” The importance of respect was a trait shared among most of the interviewees. Additional
characteristics of how the culture influenced Indian women in their role within a family unit was
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promotion of independence for women and pushing them to be at their best rather than take a
submissive role as a wife or mother. Miya stated her position in her family was to grow as an
individual and strive for a growing career. She shared that her family taught her to grow herself
first, stating, “your career is a quality product and then everything will follow, and I think that
comes from the culture.” Miya expressed she has done that in her career and has been able to
make large strides in her professional life. Because family is an integral part of Indian culture,
taking care of family during times of crisis is equally important.
Half of the participants spoke of their obligation to take care of in-laws and immediate
family due to illness. For example, Reena faced challenges in going back to India when both of
her parents fell sick because she was living and working in the United States. Thankfully, her
sister who resided in India at the time provided her with support to help her parents. Shamu, on
the other hand, faced difficulty in her career due to her aging parents. Shamu shared:
The last few years with COVID has really difficult, my mother’s health has been
deteriorating, and she was in an out of hospitals, and due to that work was not always my
first priority as I have had to take time off.
Shamu also expressed not being able to pursue changes in her career because she and her
husband have to stay close to their parents, which has had an impact on their career growth.
Nikkie also shared the same obligations, saying her immediate family and in-laws reside in India.
Many times, Nikkie expressed the need to travel to India to take care of sick in-laws and parents,
thus pushing her career to the side. Another participant, Amrika, had to travel frequently to take
care of her sick mother. As the oldest in the family, Amrika shared,
It got a little challenging because there was my family and my kids, but my mom and dad
were in another country, and even though I had to work full time, I had to take care of her
53

through her last moments. And being the oldest daughter, I had the responsibility, so it
was challenging for my career.
Participants were duty bound by Indian culture to rush to the aid of ill family members, leaving
their careers at a standstill. Because women are asked to take a strong role in the family, there is
a push to put children first before their professional life.
Motherhood Is the First Priority for Indian Women
Numerous life events can distract an Indian woman’s career. In particular, the arrival of a
new child influenced the participants’ pursuit of career growth. The notion of family and
children was a topic all the women felty strongly about. The theme that arose from the topic was
attributed both positively and negatively by participants.
Positive Outcomes From Motherhood
According to the participants, the family unit consists of having children, and this is
instilled in women at an early age and is carried through into adulthood. Seena shared, “you take
your family as priority number one, especially the kids, and then everything else as priority two
because that is sort of ingrained in Indian women. You are a mother first, then a wife, and then a
person.” Seena’s feelings were shared by all of the participants, with children being the number
one unit. Additionally, the majority of the participants emphasized experiencing stress from their
parents and grandparents regarding having children as an important part of their culture.
Pregnancy and postchildbirth time was attributed by participants as a negative consequence in an
Indian woman’s career.
Negative Outcomes From Motherhood
Indian women face unequal treatment in workplaces when faced with the life choice of
bringing a child into the world. I asked the participants to recall incidents in their lives that may
54

have stalled their careers to better understand the barriers to their growth. Many women reported
that having children during their employment stalled their careers. The participants further
shared that maternity leave and childcare were hampers to how Indian women show up in the
workplace. Noor felt the discrimination of having to go on maternity leave, which costed her pay
and resulted in zero bonus. Noor expressed a similar outcome would not have played out for a
man who went on paternity leave. Seena and Meena had their share of duties in taking their
children to activities and multitasking with work and childcare. Deepa shared a story of
multitasking:
It was 7:30 in the morning, and I was multitasking. I was trying to get my kids to shower
so we could go to school, and you know clearly, I was not doing a good job as an adult of
getting them into the shower and paying attention to my work. And then I mastered the
art of you know muting my phone off and on because we didn’t have Zoom just phone
calls.
Deepa’s story resonated with an overwhelming number of the participants. As mothers, each
participant provided stories about the extra skills they had to build to become good mothers,
wives, and employees. They agreed this was not how it should be and expressed their wish to
have had equal responsibilities with their husbands. Childcare and maternity leave are, in fact,
reasons why Indian women step back from their careers.
Milani recalled that when her children were younger, she spent much of her time
shuttling her children to and from school as well as other extracurricular activities. This was her
role, thus making it difficult for her to focus on her career. Nikkie recalled having to take many
of her work calls in cars because her role as a mother was to ensure her children were dropped
off at school or extracurricular activities, making it difficult to be stationed at home or in the
55

office. The participants could not share their family obligations to their employer because these
obligations were a distinct part of who they were as Indian women. Gender inequality has been
an obstacle in the workplace for the participants. Responsibilities at home are not the only factors
that inhibit Indian women in their careers. Many of the Indian women shared that they came to
the United States on visas, but the visa process makes career changes difficult.
Negative Consequences From Being on a Visa
The interview participants had either moved to the United States as young children and
gained U.S. citizenship or moved at a later age using a visa. The themes centered on challenges
in finding a job as a visa employee, the difficulty in changing jobs, and mistreatment by
companies against individuals carrying visa status.
The participants with a visa found it hard to find a job in the United States. Nikkie faced
challenges when she first moved to the United States with her visa. She shared,
The only barrier I have ever had is based on my visa. If the company is unwilling to
sponsor your visa, then the company does not have enough funding to sponsor your visa
because it is a longer process to apply for a visa and go through all the legal channels.
The visa barrier increased Nikkie’s time in finding a job. Veena faced similar struggles because
she waited to hear back from employers regarding whether they were willing to sponsor her and,
in turn, increase her wait time. Veena also shared being turned down:
Having to wait for it and being turned down because of it, because employers cannot
afford to wait or do not have resources to support a work visa, which was a barrier in my
job searches. Being a minority with visa requirements means basically you are at the
bottom of the totem pole. I mean there are hundreds and thousands of people trying to
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clamor for the same jobs and why would somebody go out of their way to give me a job.
So, I feel like that initial start my career was hampered.
Veena was only able to overcome this obstacle once she obtained her green card.
An abundance of participants who had traveled on visas faced challenges with visa
requirements, finding it difficult to change jobs or grow into different roles. Miya shared that
visas were the biggest barrier in her career. For example, she discussed the difficulty in moving
roles within the same company under a visa:
If an individual wants to change roles, the company must file for an amendment on the
visa, and, if the individual choses to explore other employers, the burden is on the
company to file for visa approval before bringing the individual on, which can take
upwards of 3 months or more.
Miya exclaimed this has caused her to miss out on many opportunities. Many employers view
having a visa as a burden, and it results in mistreatment toward employees.
Some employees who hold visa status by their employers have faced negative
consequences. Nikkie and Noor both faced poor treatment by employers. Due to the restrictions
under their visas, their employers did not provide them with equal opportunity to grow in the role
and passed them over for roles that could have led to promotions. Rama stated she missed an
opportunity to move into a leadership role because she had to wait for her visa status to change,
and her leadership was unwilling to wait. Even after obtaining a visa, Indian women face many
challenges within their professional life, including networking and lack of mentorship.
Age Discrimination, Boys Club, and Limited Access to Mentorship (Mesosystem)
In this section, I discuss the prevalence of age discrimination, boys’ clubs, and how
limited access to mentorship has shaped participants’ careers. The first section reveals how age
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has affected the participants’ careers, followed by professional events and boys club networking,
which are contradictory to Indian religion, making it difficult for Indian women to network.
Following this, I provide experiences of how communication barriers have caused stalls in these
women’s careers. Finally, I discuss how a lack of access to mentors has affected Indian women.
Unequal Treatment of Indian Women Due to Age
An abundance of participants responded they had faced some means of discrimination in
their employment due to their age. The participants who jumped into a career early did not share
equal treatment with their peers. In particular, one participant, Anika, recalled being treated
differently because of her age. She achieved a leadership role at a young age, and her team was
older than her. She did not receive the same compassion and respect as her peers because some
of her team was not as receptive to her age. Anika also shared experiencing unequal salaries due
to her age:
I understand that part of it is because I started off like right out of grad school versus
someone with a lot of experience in the industry, but I had so many sleepless nights and a
lot of late hours, and I got frustrated and went to my manager after 5 or 6 years and said it
was completely unfair how I am killing myself for our clients and I am getting paid so
much less than others who are doing the same work.
Anika expressed that many Indian women look young and thus are not taken seriously. Banu
mutually shared the same story in her career journey and her imprint early on from her family to
respect all individuals, regardless of age and race. Religion in India preaches many practices that
Indian women are taught at an early age to follow; however, these practices are not always easy
to maintain and not followed in American culture.

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Other Cultural Practices Affecting Indian Women
Indian culture includes cultural practices that are a part of Indian women’s routines.
Rama discussed the religious practice of showering and praying before starting work as
important activities and noted how they affected her career because she would not be able to start
her day if her first meeting was at 6:00 a.m. without showering and praying. Two other
participants commented similarly on the Indian tradition of praying in the morning before
starting work as a means to have a successful day. Nina felt proud of how her grandparents
raised her to always help people, which is considered an important part of religion. She shared
that this has resonated with her in her professional life because she finds it meaningful in
“working with people and helping people to go where they want to go.” The festivities in India
are also a large part of Indian culture and leave an imprint in Indian women’s journeys.
Religion for many of the participants entails praying at a temple for peace, sharing in
traditions, such as dancing, and participating in festivities such as Diwali. The participants
expressed happiness over celebrating religious traditions because it allowed them to be closer to
their family. Nina found a gap in her company where, although the company celebrated many
American traditions such as Christmas and Thanksgiving, it did not do so for Indian traditions,
such as Diwali. She stated Indian women would take time off for celebrations specific to their
religion, which their managers would not be as understanding about, as opposed American
traditions. Indian religion has many traditions and practices that are cherished by Indian women
and their families. This does not, however, extend into their professional lives because these
situations deter women from being career focused.

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Boys’ Clubs Increase Bias in the Workplace
The topic of networking was another significant theme that emerged in the interviews.
The participants shared being excluded in department events that included late dinners and
drinking at bars. Nearly all the participants recollected being invited out to bars during late
hours, something not ideal for Indian women with families and children. Interestingly, the same
participants also valued the importance of networking as a way to grow professionally; however,
they experienced feelings of being dismissed due to the boys’ club mentality. Milani stated,
There is a tendency for men to meet after work for boys’ club [activities] while Indian
moms are having to pick up their kids and make dinner. Women are distracted by having
a family and children, and so they put their career second.
Ramya shared her hesitation regarding joining networking events because many times the
discussions in the events centered around sports, and, as Indian women, they had limited
capacity for understanding American sports. They did not attend events, so they felt left out.
Dismissing of Cultural Activities in the Workplace Leads to Feelings of Exclusion
The company’s nonparticipation of Indian cultural event felt dismissive for participants,
leading to workplace inequality. A large number of women expressed that the companies they
have worked for did not celebrate Indian holidays or festivities. Although many of the women
shared this with their organizational leader, they still did little to promote the activities. Nina
cherishes Diwali and found it wrong her company did not put it in the same category as
Christmas. Nina also noted,
In India we always really celebrated Diwali. It was a really big deal, and then here in the
U.S. like it’s one of the days on our calendars, but it’s not like Yom Kippur or other
holidays, but I have found it really interesting that for Diwali, which for us is important,
60

literally no one would know it is an important day for me. It is very minor, but it has just
always been something that fascinated me of how other religious holidays become front
and center.
In Nina’s retrospect, this created a belief of not belonging in the workplace and resulted in less
inclusivity. The holidays are special for Indian women because they are part of their culture and
their brand. Networking is also difficult when there is a strong communication barrier.
Communication Barrier Prevented Upward Mobility
The presence of an Indian accent negatively impacts career growth. In fact, 70% of
participants shared that English was not their first language, and they experienced
communication barriers that affected their professional growth. In one example, Miya shared
facing difficulties in expressing her desire to move up in her role due to the language barrier. She
recalled her career conversations were more of her manager speaking and her listening because
she was unable to articulate her wants. Anu expressed in her role as an HR manager in a
technology company that her accent created complications, especially when working with White
Americans. Anu shared a difficult moment in her career because of her struggles with her accent,
stating, “I would come home after 8 hours at work and be completely emotionally drained
because I did not understand what was going on around me.” Anu’s feelings stemmed from her
sense of not feeling a sense of belonging to the company because her peers could not understand
her, and she would shy away from going out with her coworkers. More than half of the
participants recalled the language barrier as a key deterrent in career progression because they
could not communicate their asks with their managers and were not always called upon to take
on the work to move to another role. Indian women looked to strengthen their communication
through a mentor; however, this was not always available.
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Missed Mentorship Opportunity Early in Career
Early access to mentorship programs promotes career growth for Indian women. The
theme of having mentorship opportunities and missed mentorship opportunities emerged during
the interviews. More than half of the participants did not have a mentor at the start of their
employment, which led to fewer opportunities. For Rama, a mentor came later in her career. She
shared the following: “when I was an intern there was not discussions on mentors, but now there
are more mentorship opportunities for interns.” Milani had a similar experience, where she did
not have a mentor but rather managers who provided advice and support, which, in her eyes, was
a drawback to her career. Banu also shared, “I did not have a formal mentor, just a manager who
has helped with coaching.” Meena felt having a mentor would have allowed for faster progress.
She expressed,
If I had someone backing me up and guiding me, basically helping me navigate certain
situations such as what is expected at the level for people and what it is like in the next
level above, I would have moved quicker.
Many of the participants echoed similar stories of how not having access to a mentor led to
slower career progression. Some women also gained a strong mentor through networking and
previous managers.
Interestingly, a few participants spoke of having a mentor in the beginning of their
careers, which positively impacted their employment. Reena shared an opportunity her employer
presented to her as a woman in a technology group. Membership into the group resulted in
Indian women being randomly assigned to a mentor. For Reena, the random assignment turned
out great, as she shared, “I enjoyed the mentor, and we still meet every other week about my
progress. It was super valuable for me, and I got a lot of it. It was an amazing experience.”
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Participants also indicated that their managers often served as mentors in their careers. Although
they did establish a formal mentorship relationship, they leaned on their managers to guide them
on how to deal with career challenges. Additionally, some participants, who had access to
mentors, felt sponsorship was a better route for gaining access to career growth.
Nina echoed the same experience as Reena and shared that her mentors have helped her
to succeed. However, Nina also expressed that her sponsor has been even more valuable because
they have spoken up on her behalf during promotion cycles and have been her cheerleader. Anu
equally felt sponsorship was a better step than mentorship for the following reason:
Mentoring is not going to make much difference to my career. Yes, it might help me
think through better how to deal with something and I may be able to bounce my
thoughts off, but there is a big difference between a mentor and a sponsor.
The participants identified mentorship and sponsorship as a key area of opportunity for Indian
women in professional development.
Family and Friends Influence for Indian Women’s Careers (Microsystem)
Family and friends are a large part of the support system that Indian women heavily rely
on for support. In this section, I examine the role family and friends have played in contributing
to advancement in employment. This section includes a discussion of parents’ and in-laws’ roles
in shaping Indian women’s careers, the obligations of being a mother and meeting children’s
needs, and how friendship support can affect their lives.
Support From Family Is Not Always Present
Parents and in-laws serve an important role for Indian women and their families. The
main theme of this section includes receiving or not receiving support from husbands and in-
laws. In some cases, participants spoke of how their parents helped them in learning
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independence and perseverance, whereas in-laws played an interesting role as the conduit to
husband and wife happiness. As participants spoke of their family and receiving support, they
shared how much independence their parents provided and that a key lesson was to always have
humility. Banu received a lot of support from her family with her career and indicated, “family
has been very supportive of my career and family life. They live with me and support me during
health issues.” Banu and a few others lived with their parents, brothers, and sisters in their home
and expressed gratitude for their support. Miya’s support came from her brother, who helped her
traverse through her job in the United States. Anika and her parents came to the United States
many years ago, and she shared how her parents pushed her to be family oriented while
simultaneously successful in her career. This push elevated her to push harder in both her
personal and professional life. Parents are important for support and motivation in an Indian
woman’s life; however, husbands who equally support the family are much more important.
In the home, Indian women carry the brunt of household chores, though not all
participants found this indicative of their lives. Milani’s husband believed in sharing
responsibilities equally. She shared about her husband that “my husband has supported me in my
career, and we both took turns in our career. As long as one of us had a steady job, the other
focused on family.” Pari had a similar reaction and shared, “my husband totally supports my
career. Even through times when I made more money than him, he was more than happy to
support.” The sharing of responsibilities did not resonate with all the participants. Many
expressed how little support they received at home with their kids, which directly affected their
career.
The equal division of labor does not always hold true in Indian homes. Rama’s
experience was that “80% of labor is done by women at home, and there is no division of labor.”
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Her responsibilities of cooking and caring for her children always took precedence. In the
interview, Rama said,
I wish I had just hired someone to do the work so I can do the same things my husband
does like watch TV and things like that. In Indian culture as much as there have been
some barriers broken, there is still a lot more to do to help the woman at home.
Seena’s experiences were much like Rama’s, as Seena shared,
Indian women don’t have the freedom to go and have their own social life outside of
home. When I come home, irrespective of how busy today was, I have to get back to
cooking, putting dinner on the table, taking care of the kids. It has been bad.
Veena also echoed Rama and Seena and felt that when her husband was aspiring to advance his
career, she was not necessarily given the same option because her primary role was at home.
Deepa felt the need to support her husband because “between the two of us, his career took
precedence and still does and then I have to care for my kids.” Deepa was obligated to also move
her family, although she had a job, to support her husband’s career relocation.
A few of the Indian women expressed that having to take care of in-laws was part of their
job. Not only did the participants have to take care of cooking, cleaning, and children, they were
also the sole caretaker of their in-laws. Rama recalled that when her in-laws came to visit the
family, she was “expected to keep the kitchen clean at all times and cook meals for the in-laws.”
Other participants felt bound by their religion to tend to their in-laws, which creates a major
division of labor. This division results in fewer opportunities for women to grow in their career.
During hard times, Indian women turn to friends for support and answers.

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Friends Are a Huge Support in Indian Women’s Careers
Friends are not always easy to come by for Indian women who have moved to the United
States in pursuit of a career. Support from friends and the difficulty in finding friends were main
themes. The hardships come in making new friends who can provide support in times of need. In
a few cases, participants found a friendship at work with their managers. Veena came to the
United States on a job visa and had difficulty acclimating to the new environment. She
befriended her manager as she found her encouragement and support a key component for what
she looked for in a friend. In the interview, Veena shared,
She mentored me and has mentored me to this day. She is a very, very, close friend. She
validated me and helped me grow and then set me up for the next chapter in my career.
We continue to stay in contact, and she is a good friend.
Although Veena struggled in finding friends, she was able to build a bond through her
employment. Nikkie also found friends through her employer. Her colleagues became her friends
and supported her by being a “sounding board” and leading her in the right direction. Other
participants built friendships through their community and through their children’s friends’
parents.
Living in a community that has rich Indian culture allows for building friendships and has
been the case for many of the participants. Milani found her friend from where she was living
and commented, “I have a very close friend and few other friends, and they definitely have been
the pillar for me.” Milani has been able to build friendships and, when she needed advice on her
job and how to maneuver during stressful times at home and work, she has been able to rely on
her friends for support. Miya recalled a time when her friends reviewed her resume to help her
prepare for interviews. With English as her second language, Miya relied on her circle of friends
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to provide feedback to help her in gaining employment. Rama and Nina have relied on their
friends to discuss work and receive advice regarding specific problems or issues. Nina built her
friendships from school and commented that her circle of friends were all “like minded,” so they
got along well. One other interesting comment from Nina was the following:
I think it is really important as part of working to have a work best friend that you can
just call and bitch with a little, and that is the best version of support [a] friend can
provide. I can just call late at night while we are both putting our kids to bed and doing
dishes and tell each other about our days and listen to each other. This is a critical part of
being in a sustainable career.
Nina’s comments indicated friendships allow for individuals to grow and elevate together in a
career. Although many of the participants were able to find friendship through work and/or
community, a few participants were not as lucky.
Indian women are not always able to find friends that support them with career decisions.
Nikkie shared openly that she did not have a lot of friends when moving to the United States and,
therefore, did not have the support she needed. Anu could not find a time when she was able to
rely on friends for support. She recalled coming to the United States and immediately having to
think about building a family: “we are socially programmed to start a family and have children,
so there is not time to socialize and build friendships.” Although Nikkie and Anu have friend
circles now, she recalled her first few years in the United States were difficult and lonely, spent
with only her immediate family. A large percentage of the Indian women did find support from
friends to help guide and steer them to the right career paths; however, for those who found
friends later in life, they experienced stalls in their employment success because they did not
have as much support.
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Being an Indian Woman Has Created Barriers in Careers
The impact of race and gender on an Indian woman’s career is one that plagues Indian
society. In discussions with the participants, I noted many stories involved the sacrifices the
women had to make to abide by Indian culture. The details of Nikkie’s story show a profound
understanding of how Indian women are treated:
A girl child is treated differently from her brother … when you are raised in an Indian
home, you are always told that you know when you get married you are expected to do
certain things, and you should know how to cook and those basic skills, but this is not the
same that is taught to boys.
Nikkie’s experiences were typical of other Indian women, as seen in Veena’s account of details
in her career. Because Veena was interested in broadcast news, she desired a career in political
news reporting; however, when searching for her career, outside society tainted her pursuit.
Veena explained how others reacted to her passion for broadcast news, sharing, “I am a minority,
and I am not a white traditional man or woman, so I would have a harder uphill battle to make it
in the business, so gender and race definitely had something to do with it.” Noor shared similar
struggles:
When there is a pool or mixed race for a particular position, as [a] person of color you
may not get [a] 100% chance, and it is not only that I have seen that with me, but I also
have seen it in other people.
Race and gender are also different if living in the eastern or western parts of the United States.
As Indian women, participants felt they had varying opportunities in California and New
York. A few participants shared their story of living in the east coast and west coast, noting
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differentiations in the treatment they received. On being on the east coast, Deepa shared the
following:
In the first 10 years in the United States, I always felt that there was a big cultural
difference between the east coast and the west coast, so you are not really differentiated
as an Indian in the west coast, and you know it is more multicultural on the east coast, so
you are a woman and a professional, and you bring whatever you do to the table. I have
to say I did not feel much discriminated against for being Indian while I was on the east
coast. On the west coast, though, I feel that maybe because of the high density of Indians,
you have to work extra hard maybe to rise above.
Deepa’s account of having more opportunities on the east coast was different from Anu’s. Anu
shared her struggles in finding a career in the east coast in her professional domain because she
did not “feel like I belong.” However, her move to California helped her tremendously because
she saw more diversity in the workplace and felt more comfort in her functional role. Geography
is a determinant of the opportunities available to Indian women.
Conclusion
This study captured the viewpoints of how systems play a role in Indian women’s careers
and upbringings. The role of culture, religion, family, and professional life served as a rich
context for interpreting these experiences through the lens of the mesosystem, exosystem, and
microsystem. The leading themes uncovered included emphasis on family unit over professional
career, lack of mentorship opportunities, boys club mentality leading to fewer networking
opportunities, and influence from friends and family to aid in professional life.
The participants spoke of negative and positive consequences within the themes, leading
to beneficial and nonbeneficial outcomes. Several participants shared examples of the stress
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placed on them to focus on family affairs over professional ones. This led to more time at home
and less time focused on their career. Many also noted differences in treatment due to age and
race as part of their struggle. Less access to networking due to the boy’s clue mentality led to
minimal access to their peers or leaders. The participants appreciated support from family and
friends and, when support was not available, they fell back to being mothers and wives, putting
their careers on hold. Finally, many participants could not easily access mentorship, which led to
a slow progression in their career and less knowledge of steps to take for growth.
Although the participants shared the hardships Indian culture places on women,
participants likewise shared positive outcomes. The family unit was a critical part of Indian
women’s identity, and participants mentioned the encouragement and support received from
parents and siblings regarding their career. Additionally, participants placed a heavy emphasis on
being taught early to be strong, independent women, adding to their determination in pursing
their professional life. When mentorship was available, participants recollected the important
role it played in their job progression. The participants interviewed in this study shared stories of
strengths, failures, resilience, and determination to make the path easier for all Indian women in
the United States seeking further career growth.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
I sought to understand the cultural barriers that hinder Indian women from pursing career
progression in the technology industry in the United States. Based upon this topic, I designed a
study to explore the lived experiences of 18 Indian female technology professionals living in the
United States. In Chapter 4, I summarized the results of the qualitative interviews with these
Indian women. In Chapter 5, I discuss the main insights from the findings and provide
recommendations to address the gaps identified in the findings using the Bronfenbrenner model.
Following the recommendations, I share the limitations and delimitations of the study, followed
by recommendations for future research and conclusion.
Discussion of Findings
The results of the qualitative interviews provided key indicators of the barriers that are
present in Indian women’s careers, as shared in the literature review. In this section, the findings
from the qualitative study include key take-aways. I also link the study’s findings back to the
conceptual framework and provide insights from the interviews.
Although many participants shared the stress of their dual roles as mothers and wives and
the lack of support at home, the participants shared they chose to continue to be in a stressful
environment and would not change it. A key take-away from this study was that participants felt
their morals and upbringing taught them to work through all their issues. Therefore, even if they
had to take a pause, they were willing to do so to accommodate their husbands and children.
They felt society engraved this on them as Indian women. Valk and Srinivasan (2011) stated that
women’s commitment to family remains integral. Moreover, Indian women share an obligation
to prioritize care for their family unit. The study also revealed that these women always chose
family first. Organizations can continue to thrive without an individual, but the family is
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dependent on the woman. The same participants also shared they wanted to find ways to deal
with career pressures without changing their culture, but instead finding accommodations.
Another insight from this study was that some participants found their location in India
had a bearing on their life and career in the United States. One example was that southern Indian
women are raised to focus on education and career rather than putting marriage first, while
women raised in northern India focused on marriage and family first. Vera-Sanso (1999)
indicated the culture practiced in southern India means Indian women have fewer restrictions on
their occupational choices, resulting in fewer conflicts in the family unit. This leads to fewer
repressions and added freedom for southern Indian women in their career. North Indian culture is
male dominant, and women are dependent on men because of the restrictions placed on them and
their economic activities. Additionally, in northern Indian families, the senior women of the
family are viewed as dominant, and thus restrictions on work are placed on the Indian woman
who marries into the family. The participants shared differences of the southern and northern
cultures in relation to their career plans and their friends.
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) conceptual framework and intersectionality helped in
understanding cultural barriers. Through intersectional framework, I examined the gender and
pay gap and impact due to race. The participants shared their salaries were significantly less than
Indian men. Bronfenbrenner’s ecology of human systems expanded insights on the role of the
mesosystem, microsystem, and exosystem in the participants’ lives. In the mesosystem,
participants did find access to mentorship as a deterrent to acceleration in their careers. Cultural
inhibitors such as putting family before careers existed within the mesosystem. Some imitations
of the framework, however, are in understanding class within Indian culture. Because Indian
culture includes caste and class, intersectionality does not allow for further explanation on the
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barriers that exist within the system. Gender and race aside, class is a major form of inequality
for Indian women (Das & Desai, 2003). Collins and Bilge (2020) argued that focus on identity
within intersectional theory has led to less importance on class and power. The authors noted this
as a weakness in intersectionality theory. The use of the Bronfenbrenner theory in identifying
family support and professional support and linking to intersectionality theory in gender within
the family and work environment allowed for a greater understanding of barriers to Indian
women’s careers.
The results and recommendations of the study are closely aligned with the literature.
Participants shared experiences of the cultural barriers that affect their careers from both
negative and positive perspectives. Valk and Srinivasan (2011) discussed the importance of
culture and family commitment as critically important for Indian women. The positive responses
from the participants echoed the statement that the closeness of a family unit teaches Indian
women to be independent and strong while maintaining a focus on family responsibilities.
Negative outcomes indicated work–life balance can affect one’s professional career. The
interviews supported this idea because the participants indicated they were stressed when asked
to take care of the family and hold a career with no help. Additionally, the adjustments family
pressures forced participants to make also matched the literature in that Indian women take a
break from work when there are family illnesses, sick children, and during postpartum periods.
The discussion of exclusion and inclusion at work due to family conflicts and the boy’s club
mentality revealed a strong correlation between participants’ responses and the literature review
in that Indian women are forced to take a family role first before a professional one, thus keeping
them from growing in their careers. Sharma and Kaur (2019) indicated the boy’s club mentality
was prominent in organizations because men viewed women as weak and not willing to make
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sacrifices to advance their careers. Moreover, this was also true in organizations that had a
predominant male organizational management culture. The discussion of easy and early access to
a mentor aligned with the findings presented in Chapter 2 that mentorship is not readily
available, and when mentorship is provided later in an Indian woman’s career, it has a delayed
impact on growth opportunities.
Chawla and Sharma (2016) reported challenges where Indian women did not have access
to mentors, thus limiting their networking opportunities. The authors indicated that provisioning
of mentors as an official program was an important enabler for growth. In validating the
conceptual framework and research questions, Table 3 summarizes the results within the systems
of Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) model and intersectional feminism. In the following section, I share
a review of recommendations to mitigate career barriers.

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Table 3
Validated Influences in Bronfenbrenner Ecological System and Intersectional Feminism
Category System Result
Family support Microsystem Validated
Friends support Microsystem Validated
Role of indian women Microsystem Validated
Role of religion Mesosystem Validated
Networking and communication Mesosystem Validated
Mentorship access
Mesosystem and
microsystem
Validated
Microsystem Validated
Culture influence Exosystem Validated
Motherhood and illness impact Exosystem Validated
Gender Intersectional feminism Validated
Race Intersectional feminism Validated
Class Intersectional feminism Unvalidated
Religion Intersectional feminism Unvalidated

Recommendations for Indian Women to Further Their Career
The recommendations posited for organizations and other Indian women looking to
accelerate their career footprint aligned with many of the best practices shared by participants,
such as creating a support model in a company and in the social community. These
recommendations supported by the study promote programs and training that educate individuals
on culture and opportunities that provide mentorship. The findings align closely with the
problem of practice that cultural barriers are an impediment to the career growth of Indian
women in the technology industry in the United States. The cultural barriers indicated in the
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findings include the primary role of Indian women as mothers and wives, leaving career as last;
the lack of career movement due to communication barriers; and lack of access to mentorship.
Additional barriers include visa attainment and obligation of taking care of family and putting
their careers aside. Both the organizations in which the participants work and the participants
themselves should decide whether they value the training, mentorship program, and playbook
suggestions to increase opportunities for growth. In the following section, I discuss
recommendations aligned within the exosystem, including organizational support, family
support, and opportunities to further train Indian women. The recommendations closely align to
improve opportunities for women in the workplace. Figure 4 includes recommendations against
the ecosystems. The recommendations posit a number of facets Indian women can consider to
address possible gaps. Additionally, the recommendations aid in improving work–life balance
for Indian women who are married and have children.

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Figure 4
Recommendations for Supporting Indian women

Exosystem Recommendations
Within the exosystem, two recommendations for furthering careers are shared. An
organization’s diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) commitment to support hiring and
promoting Indian women is the first recommendation. Second, organization structures can create
belonging by ensuring Indian women are present in all levels of management.
Organizational DEI Commitment
Indian women face hardship in leading a professional career in the United States. Haq
(2013) shared Indian women are undervalued and rewarded less frequently in their job.
Furthermore, Indian women are in lower positions of job hierarchy in the IT industry
(Bhattacharyya & Ghosh, 2012). Women working in the technology sector are unable to
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ascertain a certain level of hierarchy as they lack skills to bargain for perks, stock options, and
pay. Implementation of DEI practices in an organization provides opportunities for promoting
Indian women’s career growth. DEI goals, including annual bias training and comprehensive
structural changes to reorganize hiring and promoting practices, can reduce bias (Kraus et al.,
2022). Additionally, an organization’s review of the history of failures in DEI can aid the
company in shifting to change processes that have been the failing point. A strong DEI practice
can provide Indian women further opportunities for career growth.
Organizational Structures
Organizations are not enabled to support Indian mothers with postdelivery and childcare,
leading to fewer opportunities for these women to focus on their career. Kosmala-Anderson and
Wallace (2006) indicated that 80% of women preferred to continue breastfeeding upon returning
to work. One recommendation is to provide Indian women with no-cost breast pump machines at
work to allow for breastfeeding. Participants from the study shared their concern about after
work meetings or social networking events that did not allow flexibility due to home and child
duties. A second recommendation is providing childcare at the work site or paying child care
facilities directly on behalf of the Indian women to accommodate Indian women returning to
work. Additionally, an organization can create a policy for each department to limit evening
meetings or to set specific days for these networking events, thus allowing Indian women to plan
in advance for child and home care. For those days requiring child care support, organizations
can provide child care centers for Indian women. Building support structures in organizations
can promote a sense of trust and well-being for Indian women.

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Mesosystem Recommendations
In the following section, I discuss the recommendations aligned within the mesosystem.
First, I examine the idea of building a self-help group and social groups for Indian women who
are employed. Second, I explore coaching and training support on communication and Indian
culture. Next, instating mentorship and coaching/training are shared as opportunities to further
Indian women’s growth. These recommendations closely align with opportunities for women to
receive support from leaders to guide best practices. Additionally, the recommendations allow
for women to learn to advocate for themselves for equal treatment.
Self Help Groups for Working Indian Women
The burden of fulfilling home duties falls on Indian women. The participants in the
interview recalled difficulties in maintaining work–life balance because of the number of chores
required at home. As the women take on the role of working professional and homemaker, there
is pressure to balance personal and work life (Valk & Srinivasan, 2011). Access to self-help
groups can aid Indian women in moments of stress. Self-help groups focus on individuals,
families, and the communities to be efficient in society (Mathur & Agarwal, 2017). The role of
the group is to come together and address common issues through self-led discussions. Levy
(1976) defined self-help groups as providing help and support for members in dealing with
issues. The members of a self-help group share common life experiences and problems and
receive support from each other in finding optimal solutions. Additionally, self-help groups build
gender awareness and provide training to individuals to improve awareness and skills in
elevating decision making (Mathur & Agarwal, 2017). Sandhu (2016) studied 90 Indian women
who participated in a self-help group and found they showed improvements in confidence levels,
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decision-making power, and increased help with family. Table 3 depicts the results from the
study after the Indian women joined a self-help group.

Table 3
Changes in Indian Women Regarding Social Status and Family After Joining a Self-Help Group
Factors Number of respondents Percentage of respondents
Improved self-confidence level 42 46.6
Improved status in family 32 35.5
Involvement of women in decision-
making in family
26 28.8
Help in family finance 9 10.0
Decline in family violence 21 23.3
Help from family 34 37.7

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The first involves the creation of self-help groups for Indian women in organizations or
within communities. Organizations can share the introduction of a self-help group through
communication within company newsletters. Outside of the organization, community flyers or
local social media are further opportunities for awareness. Meeting days and times are of equal
importance as part of the construct. Because Indian women are homemakers and professionals,
scheduling will require evening and weekend times. This flexibility allows for greater attendance
and participation. Access to a self-help group will bear positive results for Indian women who
need support from others facing similar issues at home or in their careers. The following are
several steps that can aid with building and maintaining self-help groups.
1. Indian women can jointly create self-help groups, utilizing informal structures, basic
rules, and guidelines.
2. Once groups are created, the women can share details via social networks, media,
flyers, company belonging groups, or community space.
3. Indian women leaders can host groups.
4. Meetings should be flexible and set so attendance is high (i.e., weekends, late
evening).
5. Group members should share best practices within the group after each meeting.
6. Group leaders should ask attendees to keep an open mind and not be judgmental.
Following these best practices will aid in building effective self-help groups, helping Indian
women to realize enhanced benefits.
Create Social Meeting Groups Outside the Office
As immigrants, Indian women face difficulties in building friendships for social support.
The interview participants shared difficulties in making friends and understanding how to land
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jobs when new to the United States. AmaraSingham (1980) indicated little attention has been
given to the effects of immigration on individuals’ lives. The relocating of individuals is a
disruptive event because they are lifted from their normal social matrix. In addressing the issue
of reconstructing a new life, building a social group for like-minded individuals greatly helps
Indian women.
The social groups can take the form of meetups designed for Indian women to connect
with other Indian women who share the same interests. The focus of the social group is to build
friendships and inspire one another, both personally and professionally. Unlike the self-help
groups, social groups allow women to find friendship and develop connections. Examples of
social groups include moms or moms-to-be to connect Indian mothers in sharing experiences,
seeking opinions and advice, and making motherhood more enjoyable. Being a mother and a
wife was shared as a barrier to career growth; therefore, connecting with others with similar
experiences may allow for the sharing of ideas on how to be a mother and a professional. One
participant shared how joining a mother group helped immensely because she underwent
struggles in being a wife and mother of two while balancing a career. The group the participant
belonged to shared ideas about balancing work and life, such as hiring a cook and a nanny.
Another social group could be of help for new immigrant Indian women who have
recently moved to the United States. Many participants shared that it was difficult making
friends upon relocation, which hindered finding a job. Building a group and inviting like-minded
individuals can spark new friendships. Miya shared that her friend circle helped her review her
resume and provide pointers on how to interview for a job. The social group can be of help for
Indian women looking for support.
Coaching and Training In Indian Women to Speak Up
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Many participants shared that communication was an inhibitor. In India, English is a
second language and, while English is a minority language, it has become important in
international trade and commerce (Ahmed & Carrim, 2016). Indian women face difficulties in
understanding American dialects; therefore, they have a difficult time in their work. They must
speak a little louder and fight more to be heard (Nath, 2000). Indian women communicate
implicitly through the use of body language, as shared by a few participants. Body language is
confusing and, at times, overpowering, as told by the participants. I recommend culture and
communication training for organizations that employ Indian women. Gopalan and Rivera
(1997) emphasized the importance of understanding a country’s culture to ensure its success.
Moreover, the differing cultural values and behaviors of different countries drive different values
and attitudes in organizations. Training recommendations that emphasize cultural behavior for
non-Indian employees and training for Indian employees on the ways of the American culture is
key.
Internal organizational training can include education on Indian culture and its people. I
recommend organizational training regarding Indian culture to help employees understand
communication style and behavior differences. Additionally, training Indian women on how
American culture communicates verbally and nonverbally can be equally helpful. This training
can bridge the communication gap and behavior barrier for Indian women and other employees.
Early Access to Mentors Promotes Faster Career Growth
Most of the participants shared that lack of access to mentors was a leading cause of
stalled careers. Those who found a mentor early in their careers found comfort in knowing their
career path. Haynes and Ghosh (2012) defined a formal mentoring program as one designed and
developed by an organization to assist in structured mentorship relationships between mentors
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and mentees. A mentorship program for the purposes of a recommendation includes the need for
Indian women to serve as a mentor if in a leadership position and for others who are not in
leadership position to be assigned a mentor.
Indian women who are already in leadership positions can be strong mentors for other
Indian women who are just beginning their career. Nath (2000) shared that women are valued
within their company as mentors and coworkers. An effective mentorship program should
include Indian women ranked in a leadership role to lead the program. As leaders, they can share
their stories of success and failure to help others learn. In the interviews, the participants said
many times that they could not easily find a mentorship program or an individual who could
provide support. Organizations must build an effective mentorship program for Indian women.
To build an effective mentorship program, interested leaders require training. I identified
three solutions for providing Indian women with mentorship training. First, investment in a
formal mentorship program within an organization can help pair individuals based on
commonalities and focus areas. Creating a mentorship program requires the right mentorship
leader to train the company and its individuals on how mentorship works, including its benefits.
Second, formal training for employees interested in becoming mentors will increase the number
of an organization’s mentors. Because training is provided in the workplace, employees can use
time at work to attend the training. Finally, allowing employees to seek training outside of the
workplace will prove helpful for individuals not able to attend training during working hours.
Employees interested in becoming mentors will have the opportunity to work with a professional
mentorship company, which will train them as mentors, thus developing professional mentors to
create their own mentorship program within their organization.
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Indian women who are in their early career or are new to the United States will require a
program that pairs them with a qualified mentor. Because the interview participants expressed
difficulties in finding a mentor, the organization will need to assist in this process. For new
employees who are early in their careers or in nonleadership positions, the organization should
recruit interested employees and use the above solution to pair them with qualified mentors. The
mentor–mentee relationship will allow for the building of trust and rapport to guide the mentees
on questions regarding their career. An effective mentorship program can aid in building a
successful plan for Indian women pursuing growth in their career.
Microsystem Recommendations
In the following section, I discuss the recommendations aligned within the microsystem.
The recommendations include building a personal and professional support model for Indian
women. These supports systems include organizations sponsoring cleaning or laundry services
and cooks as a means to helping with personal obligations. In the professional support model, the
recommendations include providing immigration help and domestic violence support.
Personal Support
Indian women carry the burden of responsibility in cooking and cleaning whilst building
a career. Men in India do not share household chores; therefore, women are left to cook, clean,
do dises, and wash clothes (Dashora, 2013). Additionally, women share responsibility in
contributing to income, which causes less sleep, fatigue, and less focus on career. Providing
women relief from household chores can be achieved by hiring a maid or cleaning service.
Offering perks such as cleaning services and laundry services are ways to help Indian women
focus on their career. The perks may include free or discounted prices for cleaning services and
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dry cleaning services. Granting such allowances can fundamentally help Indian women by
providing them opportunity to focus on their career.
Professional Support
Challenges in understanding immigration laws are present for Indian women in their
career. Research has shown Indian women predominately work in IT industries and are faced
with immigration issues, which causes stress (Nagarajan, 2019). By offering counseling services
for the individual and family, Indian women would be served well in dealing with stressors
related to immigration policy. Immigration reform in the United States for technology
professionals has been impacted by low monetary compensation, as they are unable to switch
jobs because they are stuck in visa sponsorship and restricted hiring. Participants from the study
indicated they did not understand immigration laws or how to maneuver through their
complexity. Providing access to immigration counselors is helpful in gaining knowledge of
available options and future steps. The uncertainty Indian women face due to their immigration
status can be alleviated through professional support from an organization.
Limitations and Delimitations
Although qualitative designs are appropriate for the research of phenomena about which
little is known, they also pose some restrictions. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) stated the sample
used in a study depends on the research question, the data collected, the purpose of study, and the
time and resources needed to conduct qualitative research. The sample is, thus, restricted in the
number of participants as well as the diversity of the participant pool. If this study could have
been conducted with a higher representation of Indian women and a wider number of social
identities or categories, it could have yielded more information. The age range could be widened,
and the pool of Indian women could be opened to those from Pakistan and Sri Lanka.
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Additionally, industries other than the IT sector could be included. Moreover, researchers could
include men as part of the study, which would yield additional perspectives. The purpose of
utilizing a qualitative design, however, is to gather information about an understudied
phenomenon regarding the lived experiences of a small population of participants (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016).
This study had three primary delimitations. First, I focused on second-generation Indian
women to understand what barriers American-born Indian women face in the United States. The
second delimitation is that I examined only Indian women employed within a technology
company, which narrowed the scope. I chose this narrow scope because the technology sector
seemed to be the highest-ranked population that employed Indian women. Finally, I only
recruited second-generation Indian women employed in a leadership position (manager and
above) in technology companies for this study. Because the purpose of the study was to enhance
Indian women’s pursuit of career progression, this specific population helped to understand what
programs or support Indian women can receive.
Recommendations for Future Research
The research was insightful and helped uncover the cultural barriers to Indian women’s
career success. Through the interviews, a few other topics came to fruition, all of which yielded a
list of recommendations for future studies. Including Indian men in the research could reveal
important information on the barriers. Because the discussions involved only Indian women’s
experience, understanding a man’s perspective may provide insights on other recommendations.
During the analysis process, it became apparent that each set of questions could evolve into a
unique study of its own. Participants suggested differences in geographic locations have an
impact on their careers as well as the color of their skin and accent when speaking. Each of these
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topics can lend its own study regarding the impact on participants’ careers. Additional topics to
consider based on the interviews with participants include the study of Indian women from South
India and North India and the challenges they face in their career progression. It may be helpful
to study the impacts of male mentorship on Indian women in organizations. Researchers could
also examine lower age brackets to understand setbacks women face early on in their careers.
Finally, studying the role of caste and class in Indian culture and their impact on career
progression could prove useful.
South Versus North Influences on Career
There are cultural differences in the various regions of India. Vera-Sanso (1999) shared
that differences in family units, roles of senior women, and acceptance of allowing women to
work served as key distinguishers in geographic dispersion. Added focus on differences can aid
in understanding whether this creates barriers for women who migrate to the Unites States for
their careers.
Men Can Be Mentors
This research study revealed that mentorship is critical for Indian women’s career
success. However, previous researchers have mostly examined women mentoring other women
rather than men acting as mentors. Bickel (2014) stressed the importance of men playing an
active role in mentoring women. Bickel shared there is a greater impact and positive influence in
a mentorship relationship when men are mentors. Because Indian men were not part of this
research study, future researchers could try to understand how often men play an active
mentorship role for Indian woman and whether the impact is positive or negative.
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Early in Career Study
This research study focused on an age group that included women above 30; therefore, I
did not account for Indian women who were second-generation and early in their careers. The
participants shared that they did not have support postcollege regarding their career choices, thus
limiting their options. Adya and Kaiser (2005) shared that social and structural influences affect
people early in their careers. These include gender stereotyping, role models, family, and friends,
which can affect their career choices. A thoughtful study of these individuals could build added
recommendations for aiding Indian women through their career journeys.
Study of Caste and Class Systems in Indian Culture
In addition to race and gender, caste and class are also a deterrent to Indian women’s
careers. Caste-based tradition, culture, and societal discrimination regarding the lower castes is
prevalent against Indian women (Haq, 2013). Researchers have indicated professional Indian
women usually come from privileged classes who have access to higher education and higher
family incomes. Further study on the influence of caste and class may aid in understanding other
barriers that can inhibit Indian women from progressing in their careers.
Education Differences in India
Finally, education differences exist in North India and South India. Bourne and Walker
(1991) shared women in South India have higher levels of education and literacy than North
India. Therefore, South Indian women pursue career more than women from North India.
Further study on education differences may aid in understanding educational differences and
impacts on Indian women’s careers.
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Conclusion
Drawing from the literature review regarding the lived experiences of Indian women in
the technology industry who face cultural career barriers, I sought to explore the circumstances
and conditions of barriers, support systems available, and professional setbacks faced by Indian
women. The qualitative interviews provided detailed information regarding the cultural
expectations, religious practices, family and friend support, and access to professional
networking, such as mentorship. Through the main family unit theme, I explored the negative
and positive consequences caused by the emphasis on family units and offered alternative points
of view regarding this family unit emphasis. The second main theme described the positive and
negative effects being a mother and wife had on the participants’ careers. The ability to manage
household chores, be a mother, and hold a career was instrumental in understanding the lived
experiences of these women, personally, professionally, and culturally. The third theme emerged
in the professional area, where participants shared experiencing a lack of access to mentorship
and difficulties in networking with peers. For Indian women to function optimally, it is essential
to examine the cultural barriers and dynamics within organizations to determine how to enhance
employees’ career pursuits. This study’s findings have implications for self-help groups, access
to organizational training mentorship, and education for Indian men to share in household
chores, allowing their wives more opportunities to flourish in their careers. This research study
brought visibility to the participants’ personal and professional aspirations and allowed for a
better understanding of the role of cultural and religious practices in the lives of Indian
professional women in the United States.

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Appendix A: Sample Email to Participants
Hello. My name is Divya Rajagopalan, and I am a doctoral student at the University of
Southern California. This email aims to inform you about a research project I am undergoing.
Because you are a potential study participant, and I am reaching out to seek your assistance in
participating in the study. This study aims to learn more about the cultural barriers faced by
Indian women in the United States. I hope to interview approximately 18 Indian women for this
research study. Your participation is voluntary, and you are under no obligation to accept the
request. However, if you would be willing to participate, I can discuss the process with you more
in detail over the phone. If you are interested in learning more about this study, please contact
me at divyaraj@usc.edu

Thank you for your time and consideration,

Divya Rajagopalan
105

Appendix B: Research Questions and Interview Protocol
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I appreciate the time you have
provided to answer my questions. As I indicated the last time we spoke, the interview should
take from 1 hr to 1.5 hr and may require an additional hour on a different day in case we do not
get through all the questions. Does that still work for you?
As a reminder, I am a student at USC and am conducting a study on existing cultural
barriers that impede Indian women from pursuing leadership roles. Before we begin, I want to go
over the study I shared in the email and consent form and answer any questions you may have
about your participation. I am particularly interested in learning about your work experiences as
an Indian woman, and if you have been able to break any cultural barriers—and, if so, how?
I want to ensure you know I am wearing a researcher hat today, which means my
questions are not evaluative, and I will not be making any judgments on your experiences. My
goal today is to understand your perspective. Please also note this interview is confidential, and I
will not share your name and other related details with anyone outside of the research team. I
will also not share the information with your employer or other co-workers. Although I will
capture a few direct quotes from the interview, I will not share information regarding who
provided the quotes. I will use a pseudonym to protect your confidentiality and will not identify
you in the data I gather. I am more than happy to provide you with a copy of my final paper if
you are interested.
As stated in the signed consent form, I will keep the information I gather from the
interview in a password-protected computer, and please know I will destroy all data after 3 years.
Do you have any questions about the study before we start? I will be using the recording
feature on Zoom today to capture our interview. Please be assured I will only use the recording
106

for the purposes of capturing your perspectives and will not share it with anyone outside of the
research team.
That is all. I would like to start our interview now. May I have your permission to record
our interview?
Main Questions for Study and Conceptual Framework
1. What are the barriers and facilitators in the microsystem, and how do Indian women
overcome the barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
2. What are the barriers and facilitators in the mesosystem, and how do Indian women
overcome the barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?
3. What are the barriers and facilitators in the exosystem, and how do Indian women
overcome the barriers in pursuit of leadership roles?

Table B1
Data Sources: Interview Questions
Interview questions Potential probes RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
I’d like to start by learning more
about you and your culture. Can
you tell me about what is most
important to you as it relates to
your Indian culture?
3 Exosystem
As an Indian woman in the United
States, how did Indian culture play
a role in your pursuit of a career?
2 Mesosystem
Intersectionality
How has your gender and race
affected your career?
Intersectionality
Could you describe any barriers you
have faced in the United States in
relation to your career?
If yes, what were the
barriers, in your
experience?
If no, what did you
find went well in
your career?
2 Mesosystem
Intersectionality
107

Interview questions Potential probes RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
How did you deal with the barriers
you faced in relation to your career?
Mesosystem
How did your culture as an Indian
woman influence your job?
2 Mesosystem
Intersectionality
When you think about your
workplace and culture experience,
what would you change for other
Indian women looking for career
growth?
What has helped you
in your career?
What has not helped
you in your career?
2 Mesosystem
Can you tell me about the people who
supported you in your first job?
Who were they and
how did they
support you?
1 Microsystem
Describe a time when you felt
included or excluded in work
activities due to family or cultural
issues?
Please provide
examples of how
you felt included
and excluded.
1 Microsystem
Describe how your family feels about
your choice in pursuing a career.
How do they support
or not support your
career?
1 Microsystem
Did you have to change your lifestyle
in relation to your family or friends
to start a career?
If yes, what changes
did you have to
make? Were they
positive changes or
negative changes?
Can you provide
examples of the
positive or negative
changes?
1 Microsystem
Can you describe a time when you
could not focus on your career due
to family obligations?
If no, how has your
family helped you
focus on your
career?
1 and 3 Microsystem
Exosystem
Can you give me an example of a time
when a friend supported you in
your career?
1 Microsystem
You may or may not consider yourself
religious, but, either way, can you
talk about how religious practices,
beliefs, or norms have played a role
in your career?
2 Mesosystem
In your current role, have you
encountered any obstacles
regarding career progression from
within the workplace?
If yes, what obstacles?
If no, what do you
believe has helped
2 and 3 Mesosystem
Exosystem
108

Interview questions Potential probes RQ
addressed
Key concept
addressed
you not face any
obstacles?
Have you had a mentor within your
organization?
If yes, how did you
find the mentorship
with your career? If
not, do you feel this
would have
benefited you?
2 Mesosystem
Is there anything else I should know
that I haven’t asked?
1, 2, and
3
Mesosystem
Microsystem
Exosystem

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Rajagopalan, Divya (author)

Core Title Lived experiences of Indian women facing cultural barriers in the U.S. technology industry

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-05

Publication Date 01/26/2023

Defense Date 12/06/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Barriers,cultural,Indian,OAI-PMH Harvest,technology,Women

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Filback, Robert (committee chair), Crawford, Jenifer (committee member), Pritchard, Marcus (committee member)

Creator Email divyaraj@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC112718984

Unique identifier UC112718984

Identifier etd-Rajagopala-11442.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-Rajagopala-11442

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Rajagopalan, Divya

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230126-usctheses-batch-1004 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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