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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Study of the history and administration of the British mandate in Tanganyika Territory
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Study of the history and administration of the British mandate in Tanganyika Territory
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A STUDY OF THE HISTORY AND AD INISTRATION OF THE BRITISH M ANDATE IN TANGANYIKA TERRITORY. A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of History University of Southern California In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master or Arts by Mary Alice Foster July, 1939 I : J I Tlzis thesis, 7L ritten by _ _ .. ___ _ __ ___ . _ . ___ . _ .. __ . ~ - ! !Y!Y.. _ _ _ 4: ~J_ t -~~- . .. ~-~ - :: . t - ~ r. _ ___ . _ . _ _ . ........ ___ . _ . _ J under the direction of h ... :!: F acuity Co m111 ittee, and approved by all its 111e111be1·s, has been presented to and acce fi led by th Coun cil 011 Graduate Study and Research in parti11l fulfi/1 - ,n en t of th e ,. e q It ire m e 11 ts f o r th e de 9 re e o f De6n J 12-y 19:-'50 /)rzte _ ___ __ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ __ _ ___ __ ___ ____ __ _ _ ______ _ _ _ _ ___ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ Faculty Co,nmitt<'e ' • . ' TABLE O F' CO T~, TS CHAPTER PREFACE •••••••••••••••••••• (PART I.) HISTORY OF TANGA NYI TER !TORY TO BRITISH CONTROL • • • • • • • • • • • • I. INTRODUCTIO N •••••••.•••••••• • Origin of the M andate Ide a • • • • • • • • • • Definition of a M andate • • • • • • • • • • • • Countries and Territories I nvolved The W orkings of t ~e a ndat e yst em • • • • • • • • • • • • The M andates Com.issi on The 1 andatory . eport s • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • The I · andatory Texts • • • • • • • • • • • • Criticism of t he nandat e yst em • • • • • • Limitati on of Subj ect • • • • • • • • • • • II. BACK GROUND OFT DR.l I TO y • • • • • • Geography and •t hnology of a nganyi ka Territory Physiographical Chracter i stic s and boundar i es thnography ••••••••••••••••• Historv of Tanganyika Territ or y to t he Jer m an Occupation • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • II T. G AN ... ~ AST AFR ICA • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ◄ arly x l orati on an Int r at i nal ~, v nt • • The German Admi nis t rati on • • • • • • • • • • 1 PAG iv 1 2 2 4 6 7 8 g 11 12 15 16 16 16 23 28 36 3 6 45 '1 .. ·CHAPTER Discontent •• • • • • • • • • • • • • • Transportati on ••••••••••• • • Native Organization •••••••••• 11 page 46 47 48 Justice • • • • • • • • • . • • • • • • 51 White ettle .ent and Labo • • • • • • • 52 Technical ervices • • • • • • • • • • • ( PART II.) TIIE BRITISH AD "I IT ' TION I T I TER ITORY • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 61 IV. v. VI. I DI .LE T ULE vs . I CT • • • • • • • Contrast of Dir ect le an In irect . le Arguments for and a ain t I ire J e . • • • • • • • • • The nentral G overnment • • • • • • • • • • The Departments of overn ent . • • • • • • Pr vincial di istr ti on • • • • • • • • • The Native Authorities • • • • • • • • • • • The Judicial O r ganizat i on The ative Treasuries an Tribal Amalgamation • • • • • • • • • • • • axa i on • • • • • • • • • • • • • Sum nary • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 0 TI O I • • • • • • • • • Liquor Control Pro lem • • • • • • • • • • Population Problem The ransport role • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ducation and i ss i ons • • • • • • • • • • 62 63 67 74: 74 77 7 85 92 99 100 1 102 10 1 5 1 CHAPTER VII. esearch • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ~ e dical 'e r vi ce • • • • • • • • • • • • • Pr od c t ion-- ,'hit ' ettl t , a an abor CLO R UNI ON flTH b A IC .. .L ~ DO .:I I ON • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • History of ovement • • • • • • • • • • • Pro os e d c he es a. rgu nts for Feder ti on • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • oun Re or t a t ·v11 so port • • Prob lems I nvolved • • • • • • • • • • • • ," 1 t e e t l e en t vs • ative Lan .La or an Produc t i on O nositi o o c lu s i ns to 0 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ov . ent • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • BI I • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 111 age 117 120 1 3 12 128 1 2 1 4 1 g AP ~NDI CES • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1 1 144 1 149 1 5 165 Anne x 1. 'ovenant of the Lea ue of ations rticl e 22 • • • • • • • • • • • 1 6 Annex 2 . • • ex t f or te ast frica. • • • • • • • ritis . andate f or • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • .... a p of fric a • • • • • • • • • • • • • • a p of _.. a a i r~a er 1 tor • • • • • • • 1 8 174 175 iv Because of the abundance oft aterial on the subject deal with not ev ry to ic could be iscus ed . uoh infor ati on on the workings of the andate ,ystem of the League had to be omitted 1 ord r to be brief and al with t 1 ai · • _ e author tried to select her bibliogra hy i mpartially and therefore any books of a lase nature were not used; however , it should be unu r~tood that because of the nature of the topic, no book is entirely free fro rejudice . The author wi hes to xpr ssh r gratitude for the hel she recei ed fro . the t lJr . l ar nee T • il i- land, as an inspir tion; fro the elp ul suggestion of r. ilbert . - enja .in, air an of he - Thesis Com ittee, as ell as the su sti ons fr t e other mem er of hr cor.1: ittee - Dr. . ·., . · allban and r •• ' .Harley . The author also wi s hes to xpress her thanAs for the use o doc Lo r.nge le s ub of alif or 1a ents, books and other .aterials at the c Li rar. , t e 1 rar t the ni ver i ty Lo n ele , the oh ny .e .orial Library at the Un varsity f o thern Califor ia as well as the International Relations Li rary at the same institu tion. o he .other, the author owes an unending debt of ra itude for her 1 .spiratio and encouragement alon the way. PART I HISTORY OF TANGANYIKA TERRITORY TO BRITISH CONTROL 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Origin ot the Mandate Idea. The mandate idea is not a new one but one which originated far back in the evolution of Europe 1 tselt. The "Vlhi te Man's Burden" and the humanitarianism and trusteeship of the Eigh teenth Century was really an excuse tor 1mper1al1sm. 1 The Berlin Conference ot 1884,regarding Colonies,estab lished certain rules tor international relations 1n re- gards to Atrica. The countries of Europe agreed to 2 respect each other's rights of free trade, to observe certain rules in regard to the occupying of territory and their duty to watch over the weltare of the natives; but there was no organ of enforcement. Later the governments realized the tutility of the wholesale exploitation of the natives which had been carried on and they began to develop consistent policies for native welfare, and public opinion now condemned the old policy or ever_ y nation for itself. Then came the World War of 1914-1918. There were four post-war alternatives for the Allied Powers to take, in the dealing with the German colonies which Germany oss essed in Mrioa, the Pacifio Islands and other places. Firstly, they could have been returned to t~elr former 1. An interesting discussion of the legal aspects of this is given in A.H.Snow, Tho Question of Abor1~1nes !!! the Law and Practice of Nations, ChapterXxrv an XV. 3 rulers. This was impossible for the natives favored the allies. Secondly, they oould have been given their independence. This would have meant reconquest by Turkey for the Arabs, and exploitation of the natives in Africa by the whites. Thirdly, the y could have been distributed as spoils of victory, but the Allies had contended through out the war that there would be no annexations, and this was again emphasized in Wilson's Fourteen Points. The fourth alternative was to establish a Mandate.I General Smuts in a pamphlet published late in 1918, entitled, The ~eague of Nations,!. Practical uggestion,"suggestad that suoh territories should be self-governing under the super- vision of the Proposed League of Nations and be administered by it in the interests of their own 1nbab1tants."2 This proposal was not practical in the for J it was made, for the League could not administer such large areas. 3 Thus it was decided to assign the areas in question to members of the League to administer as "Mandates." ,ir F.D.Lugard in his famous Dual Mandate states: 4 --------- -- 1. Freda White, Mandates, p.12 2. J.S.Bassett, The League 2!. .. Nations, p. 23 3. It must be remembered that in tha thirty years from 1884-1914 Germany acquired her Colonial Empire and came into possession or nearly two million square miles of territory in the world with approximately twelve million peoples. 4. F.D.Lugard,Dual Mandate, p.53 The Mandate system was an attempt to compose conflicting claims, pledges, and ideals ·••• They sought, (referring to the framers of the Treaty of Versailles) moreover, for a method which should remedy the defects of the Berlin and Brussels Aot by providing something in the way of a supervising authority to ensure the observanoe of the pledges given. Definition of a Mandate. According to Articles 119 and 125 of the Treaty of Versailles at the close or the World War, Germany renounced all rights and titles in favor of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, and by Article XXII of the Covenant of the League of Nations, those German oolonies which can not yet govern themselves shall be placed under a mandatory government. Also included in this category were those colonies taken from Turkey at the close of the World War. The first principle was that the ad 1n1strat1on of these colonies was to be carried out, under international supervision, by a single state. "The second principle was that a very broad statement of resnons1b111ty of the ruling 4 Powers could be formulated to cover all the Mandates." 1 Even then the mandates had to be divided into three classes. According to the Covenant, they are classified by "stage of development of the people, the geographical situation of the territory, its economic conditions and other similar 1. Freda White, op.cit., p. 14 - oiroumstanoes." 1 Class "A" includes t ose territories whioh are almost self-g>verning - those peoples which in a short time can be expected to stand alone. Clas "B" includes those peoples, especially in Central Africa which need governing, with the interests of the natives always in mind. These are the more backward peoples. Glass "C" includes the lowest peoples. "Lowest", in the sense that they are incapable of governing themselves. 5 According to the theory of the mandate system, the nation governing these mandates do not own the land. They are merely to hold this land "in trust" for the natives, until such time as they - the natives - will be capable of governing themselves for the best interests of all concerned. The oase of Rex v.Chr1st1an2 laid down the principle that the Mandatory is Sovereign and by the South Atrioa Act, the Executive Government is vested in the King and is administered on his behalf by a Governor General aoting on the advice of an Exeout1ve Council. As regards amendments of the terms of these Mandates, Sir F.D.Lugard, quoting from a report by Monsieur Hymans, adopted by the Council ugust 5, 1920, states," ' It is 1. See Apuend1x 2, Section 3 of Article 22 or the Covenant of the League of Nations. 2. Hudson's Cases on International Law - Rex v. Christian. ---- --- - ------- -- not in the power of the Council of the League or or the Principal Powers to alter these. Amendments can only be made if the Covenant 1s revised.' "1 that brietly: Thus, it is A Mandate is a oom~ission of authority granted by the Council of the League to a Particular Power enabling it to administer the affairs of a specified territorial area. A Mandatory is a given Power to whom the League of Nations Couno11 entrusts, under the terms of the Mandate, the governing of a 'backward area•. A Mandated area, or, an area under mandate, is a territory, the administration of which has been confined to a supervising Power by the Counoil of the League of Nations, subject to the terms of a written charter of authority. Briefly, this idea implies there is a territory to be governed, the people occupying it are incapable of selt government, it is the duty of the community of Nations to govern it, and a strong power to be chosen and given authority to do so. 2 Countries and Territories involved. Following is a chart of the countries and territories involved, together with the dates when the terms were defined by the Council of the League of Nations. 3 1. Lugard, ,2£•oit., p.53 6 2. Helen Corinne Kadook, The Mandates System or the League -2.!_ Nations. (M.A.Thesis l93l}p.e - 3. Compiled from Denys P. yers, Nine Years or the League of Nations, 1920-28. (Ninth Yearboo1c:), pp.l53::J'56, and7'rom B.Ger!g, The Open Door and the Mandates System, p.107 Territory Class "A" Palestine Trans-Jordania Syria and Lebanon Mesopotamia (Irao) Class "B" Cameroons Cameroons Ruanda Urundi Tanganyika Togoland ~ogoland Class "c" Southwest Africa Capr1v1 Zipfel Western Samoa Nauru Former German Pacific Islands south or Equator Mandatory Great Britain Great Britain Franoe Great Britain Franoe Great Britain Belgium Great Britain France Great Britain Union of South Africa New Zealand Great Britain and Australia Australia Former German Pac1f1o Japan Islands north or Equator '1 Terms Defined by Council July 24, Sept.16, July 24, Sept. July 18, July 18, July 18, July 18, July 18, July 18, Dec. 17, Deo. 17, Dec. 17, Dec. 17, Dec. 17, 1922 1922 1922 1922 1922 1922 1922 1922 1922 1922 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 The United States had to a prove of the M andates in the Treaty, and by this she shared the responsibility for the supervision of them although she 1s not represented on the commission. The Workin5s of !he Mandate System. "The supervision of the fulfillment of mandatory obligations rests with the Council of the League". 1 But, as it was obvious to the authors of the Covenant, this was an unsuitable body for 1t consisted of many persons who knew little or nothing ot colonial adminis tration. Therefore, a Mandates' Commission was constituted by the Couno11 November 29, 1920. 2 1. Freda White, £E_.c1t., p.31 2. Ibid., P • 31 8 The l andates Commission. The members of the andates Commission special ize in different tonics connected with their work. This enables them to subject the Reports to a reasonable study of great exactitude ••• An enor mous burden of work falls on all the members; and its quality may be judged by the fact that the two sessions of 1924 included forty-three meetings~ no single one dwhich was spent in pointless talk. The report whioh the Cocrm1ssion prepares and sends to the Council embodies much detailed, sober criti cism and often constructive suggestions. 1 There are ten ~embers, the majority of whom are nationals of non-mandatory states, "a pointed by the Council and selected for their personal merits and competence. They shall not bold any office which puts them in a position or direct dependence on their Governments while me□bers of the Com 1ss1or.." 2 " ince the post1on and treatment of women in some of the M andates is an 1m ortant matter, it is required that at least one m e ber must be a woman." 3 According to the Constitution of the Permanent andates Com .. ission, it ma . regulate its own procedure, subject to the approval of the Council; shall sit at Geneva; may summon technical advisers; and shall be paid 100 gold francs per day during the meetings in addition to their travelling expenses which is all borne by the League of Nations. 4 1. Freda · hite, £_E.c1t., pp.34-35 2. Cons ti tut1on of the Permanent !'..and ates Co .1ss1on ,Sec. (a) - 3. Basset, £_E.c1t., p.26 4. Constitution of the Permanent andates Commission, Sections (lf,\j/,and (k). · 9 There are certain other regulation and d ties oft 1s Permanent Mandates Corn 1ss1on which are embodied in their Constitution, and 1n their Rules of Procedure, such as time and place of meeting, technical organiza tion, questions of parlia entary procedure, the form of reports, etc., which will not be discussed at length here. 1 The i&ndatory Reports. The Com 1ss1on receives the annual reports from the mandatory, made out by author ized representatives of the andatory who sometimes offer supplementary explanations or 1nformat10. The Authoriza tion for these reports 1s found in . aragra hs seven end nine of the Covenant of the League of Nations, to- it: 2 In every case of .andate, the and a tor shall render to the Council an An ual eport in reference to the territory co .mitted to its charge. A Permanent Commission shall be constituted to receive and examine the Annual eports of the Mandatories and to advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance of the andates. These reports are exa~ined 1r. the resence of these authorized representatives, who often oart1c1 ate 1, the discussion. The Co~~ission, however, acts alone on its conclusions and reco en dations and then co unicates its findings to the representative ho is then allowed to submit com ents. 11 the documents are 1- For further information see the Amended r cedure of the Permanent landates Commission. - -- ------ ----- ------ 2. ee Annex 2. ules of ---- 10 forwarded to the Council whioh then acts on the Commission's report, for the Commission may not give decisions or recommen dations to the Mandatory Power direct. "Major que tions re quiring Council decision have been raised chiefly in the form of applications to change frontiers, which are parts of the Mandate texts." 1 The reports demanded of the mandatories in the _ast years have beco e more and more searching and cer tain questions are demanded to be answered by the mandatory. 2 These questions incl 1 d information on the tatus of the Terri tory; the Status of the Native Inhabitants of the Territory; International Relations; General Administration; Public Finance; Direct Taxes; Indirect Taxes; Trade Statistics; Judicial Organ ization; Police; Defense of the Territory; Arms and Ammunitions; uocial, Moral and Material Condition of the Natives; Conditions and Regulation of Labor; Liberty of Conscience and orship; ~ aucation of Natives; Aloo ol, Spirits end Drugs; Public Health; 3 Land Tenure; Forests; Mines· Populati~n. After the Council has acted, (the Council being made up of members of fourteen states) these reports, including the obser vations or the representative of the Mandatory Government, in 1. Freda White, ~-cit., pp.31-32 2. D.P. yers, ~.cit., p. 157 3. For a 11st of these questions see: Band C. andates:List ~ ~uest1ons Which the Permanent andates Com 1Ss1on Desires S6ould ~ ealt with in the Annual Reports of the Mandetor Powers. 11 turn are handed over to the Assembly of the Represe 1 e of all the 'tates Members of the League at their annual meet ing to reject or accept. It must be remembered that these reports, although ouroe Material, cannot help but be influenc ed to some degree by self-interest and 1t is practically im possible to get strictly unbiased material, but to the best of the author's ab1 1ty, this has been striven for. The dandatorz Texts or Constitutions are based on rticle 22 and cannot be changed without the consent of the League. As fa1 as the termination of the agreements 1s concerned there 1s no termination date - it 1s indefinite and may go on forever if need be. The saving clause 1s that the mandates are supnosed eventually to be turned over to the natives for their own self-government, when and if they are capable of governing themselves. Transfer of mandates has oocurred 1 although there has been rectification or frontier boundaries by direct negotiation between the Mandatories, with the consent or the Council. There are certain things prohibited in Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, suoh as slave trade, arms traffic, liquor traffic, the establishment or fortifica t ions or ilitary and naval bases, the military trRining of the natives for other than police purposes and defense of the territory, etc. It is for the purpose of seein that these 12 speoifio things are followed as well as the general etter ment of the natives that the mandates system was set up. Criticism of the Mandate ----- - -- ---- ystem. However one finds that the power of the League to supervi e is limited by the fact that it cannot enforce by hysical force its recocunenda- 1 tions and censures. Another weak point in the Mandatory system is the inability of the Couno11 of the League of Nat1o s to verify the state~ents made by the Mandatory powers in their Annual Reports and to avoid ambiguous statements. Howe r, the obligations of the Mandatories are limited y Ar 1 le 22 of the Covenant of tte League of at 1 ons, by the right of su erv1s1on by the League and by the adverse publicity that m ay as a consequence be given. 2 Lugard cites six defi 1te criticisms or defects of the andate System: 3 1. The fact that there is no injunction 1 .n the "B" and "C" Mandates that 'the wishes of the communities must be a rincipal consideration in the selection of the mandatory.• 2. "The andate to ranee for Togo and the ameroons differ in one respect from the British andate for those cou.n- ries, in that it appears to permit the recruit ent of troops or service in emergenoy outside the territory. It seems in - 1. Elizabeth Van aanen-Helmer, The landates elation to Africa and the Pacific Islands, p. 47 - --- -- -- ---- ---- 2. Van laanen-Helmer, ~.cit. p. 47 3. Lugard, op.cit. --- .54-56 ystem 13 difficult to reconcile this clause with the terms of Article 22." 3. That there is no stipulation in Article 22 or equal oommercial opportunity in the "A" and "C" mandates, and so the United tates refuses to recognize the "C" mandates except in case of Japan and she bas a separate treaty with her. a. b. c. 4. ' It constitutes only"~ titre precair!'" for: the mandate is revokable (theoretically) "The mandatory may resign the mandate without the loss of national prestige which would be involved if it were a part of the national ~osse as ions;" • • • • • • the mandatory may prematurely consider that the country 1s ripe for salt-government, and ma transfer contro · to native authority unable o~ unwilling to grant adequate protection." All these make it precarious and therefore large sums are not expended in the economic development,and firms and industries do not like to take too prominent a place there either. 5. The question of the national status of the inhabitants of the country. 6. "Fears have been expressed lest the fact that the Powers who now control the former German and Turkish Colonies and act in the capacity of "Mandatories of the League" may deter Germany and Turkey from joining the League, and so hamper its main purpose of preserving peace among the nations - a fear which has recently been shown to be ground - less so far as Turkey is concerned." (And also in the case or Germany - it might be added). Regarding these difficulties, Lugard states that some of these could be solved by a declaration of a protectorate by the present mandatories, but that the principal objection to this is one of sentiment. One cr1t1o1sm of t he Mandates systerm is found in Mrs. van Maanen-Helme~•s book when she states: 1 ••• and while the mandatories continue to carry out their obligations under the Covenant with the same loyalty and generosity which they have shown hitherto, submitting to increasingly thorough-going supervision on the part of the League, there can be no question of the Mandates system's being simply the old policy or annexa tion in disguise. 14 This criticism seems to be borne out in the quotation from Padmore when he 1s quoting Sir Donald Cameron in his opening address to the first session of th e Legislative Council in Tanganyika in 1927. 2 'There 1s no provision in the mandate for its termination or transfer. It constitutes merely an obligation and not a form of temporary tenure under the League of Nations. This obligation does not m ake British control temporary any more than other treaty obligations (such as those under the Berlin and Brussels Acts or the Oonvent1on revising those eta) render temporary British control over Kenya or Uganda, which are no more and no less likely to rem ain under that control than is the Tanganyika territory. 1. Elizabeth van Maanen-Helmer, .2E_.cit. p. 47 2. George Padmore, How Britain Rules Africa, p. 57 'I make this statement with the full authority of his Majesty's Government. And let this not escape the attention of all who may hear it or read it ••• Tanganyika 1s a Eart of th! Brit!sh EmEire and will remain sol Limitation of the Subject. Because of the vast amount or material on the subject, the Bibliography has been selected impartially, where it oould be, together 15 with the original sources at hand. It is the purpose of this paper to take the criticism above mentioned and quoted about the mandate being a mere annexation in disguise and either verify it or explode it within the territory of Tanganyika. In order to do this, the administration of Tanganyika, which will include the background of the Territory and the History of the administration of the Territory and the present administration, will be studied. Ths administration includes three main heads with various sub-heads - the political structure built on the chiet system, the judicial system and the financial system, together with the problems involved in each. 16 CHAPTER II BACKGROUND OF TANGANYIKA TERRITORY In order to understand thoroughly the administration of Tanganyika Territory as it now is, it is necessary to know a little about its geography and ethnology, the history of Tanganyika Territory, and of t he German Administration. Therefore those topics shall be taken up at this time. I. GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOLOGY OF TANGANYIKA TERRITORY Physiographical Characteristics and boundaries. The Tanganyika Territory is t he most important of the four man dates under British administration in Africa, 1 and is the largest, having an area of 365,000 square miles. Briefly stated, the territory is bounded on the north by Kenya Colony and Uganda; on the west by the Belgium Congo, on the south west by Rhodesia and Nyssaland, and on the south by Portu guese East Africa. 2 The coast line is about 500 miles long, with three large islands off the coast. These are Pemba, Zanzibar (which is a protectorate of Britain) and ofia "which although included in Tanganyika Territory has hitherto been administered from Zanzibar." 3 The boundaries were fixed 1. N.P. M itchell, Land Problems and Policies in the African Mandates or the British Commonwealth, p. 28 - 2. Report on Tanganiika Territorz £I His a~sty 1 s Government tor th8Per1od from the Conclusion of the Armistice to the end or 1920, P• 4 (Hereinafter cited asReport ror 1920) --------- 3. Ibid., P• 5 At the end of the World ' ar when the mandate was estab lished and later changed in 1924 with negotiations with Belgiu~,and so in 1924 the British Annual Report reeds thus: 1 The coast line extends for a distance of approx imately 500 miles from the Umba River on the north to the Rovuma iver on the so th. The northern boundary runs in a northwesterly direction to Lake Victoria at the intersection of the first parallel 17 of latitude with the eastern shore of the lake (Mo huru Point), and thence al ong the first parallel of latitude until it strikes the Kagera River about 70 miles west of Lake Victoria. Fro ri this point the western boundary, if the reoent dem aroat1on 1s rat ified, will follow the Kangera iver to approx1 ately latitude 2° 25', ~nd thence along the eastern boundary of Urundi to the lagarass1 River which it follows to Lake Tanganyika. The boundary then follows a line due west until it reaches the centre line of Lake Tanganyika which it follows the Kasanga (formerly Bismarokburg), at the south end of the lake. Thence it follows the boundary of Rhodesia to the northern and of Lake Nyasa to a point due west of the Rovuma River whenoe the boundary runs east and joins the Rovuma River whose course it follows to the sea. The total area of the territory 1s about 373,500 square miles, which includes about 20,000 square miles of ster. In the report for 1927, the boundaries are the same but 1 t says: "The total area of the territory is about 374,085 square miles, which includes about 20,000 square miles of water." 2 The 1933 report, on the other hand, states: "The total area or the territory is about 360,000 square miles, which includes about 20,000 square 1. Report for 1924, p. 3 2. Annual Report for 1927, P• 3 miles of water." 1 Thus it 1s seen that new surveys or the territory, as the gov~rnment goes in and takes over the country, reveal different figures. The area though in round terms 1s about one and a half times that of France, three times that of the United Kingdom, or mo~e than twice the size of Cali ornia. Along the coast there is a plain, which varies 18 in width from ten to forty miles, behind which the country rises to a plateau that co sists of the greater part of the interior. 2 This plateau drops sharply from about 4,000 feet to the level of the lakes - Tanganyika, 2,590 feet and Nyasa, 1,607 feet. 3 One finds the highest points in the territory in the extinct volcanoes in the north east, Kilimanjaro, which 1s 19,720 feet and ount Meru, which is 14,960 feet. To the southwest, one finds the Living ston Mountains, where the highest peak is over 9,000 feet. 4 "The only 1 rnown active volcano is 01-doinyo Tengai ( God I s ]ountain) at the south end of Lake Natron. This volcano was very active in 1917 and the whole surrounding country was strewn with lava." 5 Earthquakes are comm on in Usambara, 1. Annual eEort tor 1933, p.4 2. Annual Report tor 1935, p.1 3. Annual ~epo:rt for l935t p.l 4. Annual Repor~ tor 1935, p.l 5. Annual Re_Eort tor 1920, p.6 Ufiome, and in the north in the Livingston Mountains, and throughout the southwest generally. The coast is protected by coral reefs and numerous lagoons fringed with mangroves and cocoanut palms. The harbors are shallow and must be approaohed with caut1on. 1 Thus there are few good harbors and they have to reload to lighters in order to land their goods at the customs wharves. The harbor of Dar-es-Salaam, the capital, however, could be developed so that two ocean going steamers could have berthage am thus there would be a saving of expense and tim e.2 The main harbors 1nolude 19 Tanga, Pangan1, Bagamago,Dar-es-Salaam,K11wa, and L1nd1.3 The difference in the level between the coastal belt and the plateau highlands are believed to be due to extensive faults running north and south and also are believed to be resnon sible for the rift depressions. 4 The three lakes or primary importance are Lake Victoria Nyanza, the largest lake in Africa, Lake Tangan yika, the second largest, and Lake Nyasa, whioh is third. 5 1. Annual Report for 1920,p. 5 2. Ibid., P• 49 3. Ibid., P• 7 4. Ibid., p. 6 5. Mitohell, .2£•C1t., p. 29 20 The southern part of Lake Victoria, the eastern shores or the lower part of Lake Tanganyika, and the north and northeastern shores of Lake Nyasa are included within the boundaries of Tanganyika Territory. The river system is divided into two divisions, (1) Those that flow into the Indian Ocean, and (2) those that flow into the Great Lakes. 1 Included in the first group are the Pangan1, the Wani, K1ngani, Rufij1m Ulanga, Mandandum Mbemkuru, Tukuliki, Rovuma; and those included in the second group are the Mori, Mara, Kagera, Mlerganasi or Kasagme, Sais1 (Rukwa), the Songwe and the Ruhu. Of these the Ruf1j1, the Ulanga, and the Kagera are somewhat navigable. The climate is divided into four climatic zones, varying greatly according to elevation: 2 (1) The warm, damp coastal region am adjoining hinterland with tropical conditions; (2) the hot, dry zone between the coast and the central plateau (300 feet to 2,000 feet in altitude), with a low humidity and less rain and a temperature of great variation; (3) the hot, dry zone or the central plateau (between 2,000 and 4,000 feet). This zone differs in different sections but generally is of low humidity. There is little rainfall, although at Tabora, there is an 1. Annual Report for 1920, p. 7 2. Annual Report for 1935, p. 2 21 annual average of thirty-two inches. A fairly high mean temperature is common but with daily and seasonal varia tions. It is a dry heat and not so trying, but at night it gets coolJ (4) The fourth zone is the Semi-Temperate regions around the slopes of the Kilimanjaro and the Meru, the Usamba Highlands, the Ufipa Plateau, and the mountain ous area to the north of Lake Usjasa and extending 1n a northeasterly direction to Iringa. 1 This is about 5,000 to 12,000 feet in altitude. There are frosts at these higher altitudes and cold nights. It is a bracing climate and it is the only place considered really healthful for Europeans. It is, however, often wearing on the nervous system.2 The climate of Tanganyika is influenced to a considerable extent by the warm Indian Ocean.3 There are two well-defined rainy seasons in Tanganyika and as a general rule, "the long rains begin in February or March, and continue for two or three months, while the short rainy season extends from October to November. Yet, for a tropical country, the amount of rainfall is low, and as a result, in some years, great droughts have occurred." 4 1. Annual Repor~ for 1935, p. 2 2. Ibid., P• 2 3. Mitohell, ££-Cit., p. 29 4 • Ibid • , p. 30 22 There are several natural hinderanoes to the country, among which are the wild beasts and other pre datory animals which prey upon both the people and their green-stuffs, the Tsetse fly which infects man and beast alike with sleeping sickness and cattle fever, and the natural inclination of the native to refuse to work in agricultural pursuits, for that is considered women's work.l These will be taken up more in detail in the chapter dealing with the British Administration and how it has overcome, and still attempting to overcome some of these natural hinderances. The agricultural products are determined large ly by the different climatic zones and products include sorghum, rice, coffee, copra, groundnuts, ghee, Simsim, ooooa, sweet potatoes, spices, tobacco, cotton, hemp, oil palms, oocoanut palms, rubber, and various fruits. In the northwest, life-stock is the principal industry and there cattle, sheep, goats, and hogs are raised, with hides and skins being the chief animal oroducts. 2 • There are several valuable mineral deposits whioh produce gold, mica, copper, lead, silver, potash, coal, marble and precious stones. 3 These, also, will be discussed more fully later. 1. White, ~.cit., pp. 116-120 2. Annual Report for 1920, pp. 52-59 3. Ibid.pp.62-69. For a brief but interesting exposi tion of the geography of Africa as a whole see ~.D.Hubbard, "Africa Emerging from Darkness",Current Historz,Vol.28, pp.442-446 (June 1928). •,· .. • 23 Ethnography. 1 Africa 1s the country with the lGwest density of land masses, due to the unusual great amount of land which 1s totally unsuitable for habitation. There seems to be a relation though between the population density and the rainfall, due to the fertility of the land and agriculture. 2 Africa is not inhabited by Negroid peoples entirely but by several races. These racial groups may be divided for sake of clarity into two large groups, (1) the Negroid peoples and (2) the Non-Negroid peoples.3 In the first classification, there are the Bushmen, Ne grillos. Hottentots, ana Bantu-Negroes. The second group includes the Ha□ites and Semites. The Semites and Hamites are mainly in the north, and if a line were drawn from Cape Verde_ to the junction of the Jile and Sobat and thence up the Nile to its source in the Victoria Nyanza, and on to the ~outh of the Tana River, it would be the northern boundary of the territory occupied by the emitic and Hamitic peoples. South of this line, there 1s a great black belt from the Atlantic to the Nile. There 1s in this region a medley of negro tribes and a confusion of. 1. See Sir H.H.Johnston, "Race Problems in the New frioa 11 , Foreif;: Af'f airs, Vol.2, PP• 598-612 ( June 1924} f'or an excellent aScusslon of Ethnology, especially the migrations. 2. Willoughby, Race Problems in the New Africa,p.15 and Fitzgerald's, Africa, A. Sociil ,Econonlic and Politice.1 Qeographi, .107. 3. Fit l • 112 24 tongues, with mono-syllables prevailing. They vary in stature from the tall and shapely and self-res act ing Semites and Hamites to the purely Negro of the Malaria swamps on the Gulf of Guinea. The southern boundary of the negro belt is approximately a line drawn eastwards from the Camaroon ~ ountein in the Atlantic to Congo, which is below the northern bend of the Ubangi River, and thence by the south of Lake Albert to join the southern boundary of the Hamitic peo le. The term 1 negro 1 is often used of all very dark-skinned people; but it is better to reserve the term for such people as those who inhabit this belt •••• All tribes south of this line, except a few H ottentots and Bushman •••• are Bantu. 1 One finds much intermingling though where the different groups come in contact with one another and thus there is a confusion of stature, culture, and speec h . In Tangan- yika, there are three main groups - the Hamites, the Bantus, and the Swah111, with the Bantus in the preponderance. The Bantu negroes form the largest number of the negroid corru. unities in Africa - about one-third of the total. There are about 226 different dialects and various lan guages within the Bantu race~ but one single type with the same set of social and cultural restr1ot1ons. 3 1. Willoughby, 2£•01t. P• 15 2. Johnson in his "Storz or ~ ry Life", p. 428 states that he has collected 460 types or antu and Semi-Bantu tongue and dialects, but later, on page 438, states that there were 226 principal forms. 3. Ibid. p. 33 25 The proportion of Hamitic strain in the Bantu stock varies, but in the east and southeast of Africa it is very strong. 1 The Bantu is a race of ~ome fifty millions of people. When these tribes were discovered, they used a sign language, or notched tally-stic , but the missionaries taught them to write. Sir Harry Johnson thinks the race originated many years ago in the watershed of the ile, from a fusion of Negroes and Hamites. 2 The race has amazing fertility, doubling its numbers about every thirty years. Their tend- ency to move about has prevented the development of arts and crafts which is found wherever peonle maintain a settled life for long periods in the same locality. 3 ''The negro component of this mixed race gives bulk and weight to the figure,and the Hamitic confers greater ability." 4 The men are mainly herdsmen, hunters, and follow pastoral pursuits, while the women are left to take care of the land where it is adapted to such enterprise. This is in contrast to the Negro race which 1s mainly agricultural. The Negro race is the race with the projecting lips, the broad nose, flat nostrils, 1. Fitzgerald, _££.cit.,p. 119 2. Willoughby, ££•Cit., pp.35.36 3. Ibid., pp.36-37 4. Ibid., p.38 26 and projecting jaws, whi le the Hamites are tall, broad shouldered, well-formed, prominent,straight nose, fine ly ohiselled nostrils and rather thin lips. They have a strong love of ersonal freedom with a tendency to split into small oom munities. 1 The natural characteristics of these different races have complicated the administration of Tanganyika for the British. It is not the urpose of this pa per to go into the races which habitate Africa except insofar as they affect Tanganyika Territory itself. The Ham1tes and the Bantus have been briefly discussed, leaving the Swahili (or Swahali) to be dealt with. These people for the most part inhabit the coast and are hybrids of Arabs or Persians and all sorts of African blood. They live soattered along the coast, with no sort of political union, but exercise a widespread influence, mainly through their language. 2 "Swahili is a bantu tongue resem bli g luganda much as Frech does Ital1an". 3 In religion, the Swahili are ohammedans with a taste for literature and a pride in geneology, unlike the other two groups in Tanganyika. Other than the ~ oham edan 1. Willoughby, 91?..91t., P• 16 2. Annual ~eport for 1920, P• 29 3. Johnson, The s tory of !!!.l Life, p. 339 '• 27 Religion of the Swahili, along the coast, there are very few religious observances in Tanganyika and external signs are wanting. There are two classes of religious ideas other than Christian, brought in by the mission aries, and the M oham medan, left fro ra the days of the Persians and Arabs. These are: (1) the worship of a sky spirit called ~ng-ai {rain) and of As1sta (sun) among the tribes allied to the Nand1, and (2) among the Bantu speaking people there is a religion based on ancestor worship which still prevails. There are various names for the deity, among them "M unngum Y mgu''. They seem to be ghosts, which are deified. Among these tribes, corpses are buried and offerings made on the grave. Nitchcraft plays a great part in the lives of the natives and often innocent victims are killed due to the influence of the W itch doctors.1 In Tanganyika, itself, one finds an average density of population of 12, of which nearly half are concentrated about its southern shores in the district of Mwanza Tabora, North Bukoba. 2 These features and characteristics of the natives all help to make up some of the more important problems of native administration in Tanganyika Terr itory which the r1t1sh Government must solve. 1. Annual _eport for 1920, p. 30 2. A.G.Churoh, •ast Africa - ~ New Dominaion, P• 110 II. HISTORY OF TANGANYIKA TERRITORY TO THE GER AN OCCUPATION. 28 There has been on the coast of •astern Africa, an ancient civilization since early times. 1 The natives of Eastern Africa had trade connection with rab ia and India before the beginning of the C r1st1an era. The Greek geo grapher Ptolemy in 150 A.D. gives some account of East Africa as it was then known. Earlier descriptions are to be found in the Peri lus of the ~rythraen Sea.2 Active colonization by the rabs from Omun on the eastern coast of Arabia was begun about the eighth century A.D., but from the remains that have been dug up there 1s a possi bility or earlier settlers from Arabia and Persia some three centuries previous. It is not certain, however, whether the Persians cam e before or after the Arabs, but it is cer tain that thay were there. There was a fair amount of trade, but there 1s no accuracy of detail with regard to the oolo- nization of the coast in the tenth and following centuries. Its history is one of complicated quarrels. The oldest known town is K11wa-K1s1wan1 (Kilwa-on-the-Island). This Persian town was probably founded on a much older site by the son of the King of Sb11az about 925 A.D. 3 The 1. Annual Report for 1920, p. 23 2. Ibid., p. 23 3. Ibid., P• 23 .. C • . 29 ruins of two mosques built there in the Twelfth or Thir teenth centuries are still visible. The Arabian aoo Per sian colonies in East Africa were at their height of pros perity between 1100 and 1300 A. D. The Chinese, too, were found on this coast, and it is seen that "attracted by the ivory, gold ,tortoise shell , ambergris, and slaves, they despatched fleets on several occasions to ast Africa, the last known visit occ urring in 1430. Chinese coins dating between A.D.713 and 1201 have been found at K1lwa and M ogdishu. '' 1 The Arabs intensified the principle of slavery. "All prisoners of war were turned into slaves whether they were white or black, but the black slave proved the more contented and docile. Consequently, all through the rule of the dynastic Egyptians and down to the Rom an and Byzantine periods, the Sudan was raided for slaves; or troops of negroes and negresses were obtained by purchase when slave-trading became a matter of private enterprise."2 When America was discovered and colonized, the slave trade became more lucrative and therefore on the Eastern coast of Africa, including the territory under discussion, the A rabs supplied the British, French, Dutch, Portuguese and 1. Annual eport for 1920, p. 24 2 . H. H. ohnston, !he Opening!!£ of Africa and Spaniards, and later the ritish ericans. In most parts of regro frica, the r~b acted as he instigator rather than the actual rai er and snatcher of lave .. r.1self. I e rought trade ·oods with w ich he ribed t e native chiefs, or he intervened as advisor or rove er in their quarrels and set one tribe to fight another in order that he i ht receive a roportion of the slaves captured in \1ar. 1 - hey penetrated fries to the uttermost regions with their syste~ of slave trade. H.H.Johnson also states: 2 O\vevcr, e find that 'ir. s a set-off a gain t the dama e done by the slave-trade, the ra s · eo.tl , 1 roved the circumstances of negro life as they first found it. To them seems to be due the introduction of rice and oft e sug~r-cane fro~ India. The cotton plant .ay also ha~e been brought by the CT . They certainly spread its cultivation over all arts of frica which they could reach poss1 ly brin ry ing indigo with them at the same tie. They may also have introduced hem, which preceded tobacco as a narcotic (and a very unwholesome one). They spread the use of the horse; even if they did not introduce it into Negro frica - which they pro bably did. They seen to have bro ~ht from India before and after the Islamic times the ebu type of humped ox, and introduced this into 0 omaliland and !Ja st .hf ri ca. 30 Lastly, they conferred on fetish-ridlen Africans, tortured in min an(1 o y y o e of the . est · deous forms of religion ever invented, t e conparative blessings of the ~Coha m. 1edan faith, a with it t ey conveyed a wonderful f elin ~ of self-res ect, which ,as artl aided by a suitable and ictures ue costume. 1. H. "R .,To .nston, The Open·n 0 ~ of frica, .194 2. I id., • 150-151 .. . . . . . . 31 Usually it has been found that M oha mmedanism has arrested o1v111 zat1on (as in Syria, Persia, Asia inor and N orthern Africa) but in Negro Africa it has been a bless1ng. 1 The authentic history of East Africa rea l ly begins in 1498 when the first Portuguese expedition under Vasco da Gama sailed along the coast on his way to India. He round there a series of independent towns of Arabic Population, not, however, united to rab1a by any politi cal ties. "Between 1505 and 1508, Portuguese captains of fleets captured from the Arabs, Sofala, ue11msne, Sena (on the lower Zanbez1), M ozam bique, Kilwa, Zanzibar, M om- basa, Mail1 di, Lamu, and M agdishu - all on the East African coast. • • " • 2 The mistake that the Portu- guese made was in not occupying any of the southern part along the Cape of Good Hope which they had discovered. The o1v111zat1on known as Bushongo prevailed at the time the Portuguese penetrated i nto t he region of East Africa of which Tanganyika is part. "They were work ers of metal, weavers of grass-cloth or of cloth made of Palm-fibre, they made beautiful pottery by hand, they carved ivory and wood, and had an elaborate religion, a hierarchy of nobles and a sovereign re garded as se~1- sacred." 3 1. Johnston , .£E_.cit 9 , p.152 2. Ibid., P• 165 3. Ibid., pp.169-170 32 This civilization prevailed in Tanganyika around the areas of the great lakes - Victoria Nyanza, Tanganyika and Nyasa and the Zabezian e~pire of 1 onomotopa. Else where a semi-savage state was more prevalent. In the latter part of the Sixteenth Century two new powers appeared - the Turks an:1 the Zimbas. In 1585, a Turkish corsair ejected the Portuguese from the majority of their settlements, but eventually the Portuguese gained the upper hand and defeated them by allying themselves with the Zimbas, a tribe of Zulus from south of the Zambes1 . Upon the defeat of the Tur 1 s, the Portuguese turned around and made war on their allies, the Zimbas, eventually over throwing them entirely.I During their stay, we find that Sir H.H.Johnson records: 2 During the sixt vent~ and seventeenth centuries, they made haste to 1ntroduoe into W est and ast Africa cultivated plants from Brazil whioh might give the Negro a more permanent food supply. Thus to them, and to them, alone,is due the introduc tion of the pineapple, which now grow wild over much of the Congo Basin and the ~est African Wood lands. They introduced tobacco, the useful mon1oo or arrow-root, ground-nuts (arochis), sweat potatoes, maize, oranges, limes, sugar-oane, red pepper, toma toes, onions, the guava, the papaw tree, perhaps the oocoanut; the pig, several breeds of cattle, dogs, cats and horses, the musoovy duok (a common do est1c bird now in Negro Africa), the turkey (which has taken root on the eastern Gold Coast) and many utensils, weapons, musioal instruments, and indust ries which it would be tedious to enumerat. l.Annual ~eport for 1920, p. 24 2.Johnston, _2£.oit., • 177 , 33 Due to t~e wea foundations upon which the -Portu guese rule rested, the rabs of Oman and Muskat succeeded in throwing them out or Oman in 1650 and then proceeded to attaok them in Afr1oa. The period from 1660 to 1700 there fore was a period of warfare and burning of towns. 1 The Arabs obtained Mombasa (1698) Pemba, Zanzibar, and Ilwa, leaving the Portuguese with little else but Mozambique. This marks the downfall of Portuguese power north of oza□- bique, even though they assumed control from 1727-29. Few traces are left of the Portuguese occ1. ation of East Africa, only a few buildings and numerous goans. There is no proof of penetration of the inland terr1tory,altbough it is known that they had heard of Kilimanjaro. Nothing of very great importance happened along the est coast of frioa in the eighteenth century. The tie with the rabs was mainly a religious tie and that became more and more vague until the year 1740 when the Governor of ombasa and the Nabobon King of Porte declared themselves independent and began to fight for supremaoy. 2 This is probably connect ed with a revolution in Oman "when the Yorubi were replaced as the ruling family by the Bu a1d1, from whom the present sultans of Zanzibar are desoended. For nearly 100 years, 1.Annual Report for 1920, p.24 2.Ibid., p. 25 34 the Bu aidi did not trouble much m ore than the Yorubi had done about their African possession until Said bin Sultan, the fifth of t he line,transferred his capital in 1832 from M uscat to Zanzibar, whioh until then had played a compara tively small part in the history of the coast." 1 Seyid Said bin Sultan conceived t he idea that it would be good to have a chain of trading stations extend ing from the coast to the Congo and Nile. Thus there are Baga□oyo, Saadani , or Pangani as the usual points of depart ure, and Tabora t ~e most imoortant inland centre. This second period of Arab domination was t h e great eriod when the slave trade was most im ortant and the uttermost parts " of Africa were penetrated. At this tim e The Arabs made no attempt to introduce M ohamm edanism or to conquer the countries of the interior, but merely deported the inhabi tants to the coast or elsewhere. As a result, the Congo Free State was founded to protect the oountry and the nat ives from these Eastern raiders." 2 Aft er the death of Seyid 0aid in 1856, his terri tories were divided between his two elder sons, and Zanzibar becam e an independent sultanate. 3 However, his sons quarrel ed over his possessions and Lord George Canning arbitrated 1. Annual ~eport ror 1920 , p . 25 2. Ibid., p . 25 3. Ibid., P • 25 35 the matter in 1861 and Zanzibar and East Africa went to Majid, the younger son, who left them to Barghash, his son, in 1870. Barghash claimed all the territory extend ing from Tungi Bay northward to Witu and the Island of Lamu and also controlled the interior as far as lakes Tanganyika and Victoria Nyanza. He had military nosts to keep the trade routes open and the chiefs of the region paid him tribute and "recognized the supremacy of Zanzibar." 1 However, the Sultan did not control the interior to the extent of the powers laid down in the Conference of Berlin for the establishment of claims of sovereignty in Africa: It was this agreement concerning the occupation of territory, and the extension (at a later confer ence) of the Congo free-trade zone straight east to the Zanzibar coast which brought upon the Sultan of Zanzibar the loss of most of nis possessions on the mainland, and led to the creation of the German and British East African proteotorates. 2 Thus we have come to the period when Germ any begins to exercise her influence over East Africa. 1. Harris, Europe and Africa, P• 86 2. Ibid., p. 86 ' . . . 36 CHAPTER III. GERMAN EAST AFRICA I. EARLV EXPLORATION AND INTERNATIONAL EVENTS. The year 1873 marked the legal end of the slave trade in the Sultanate of Zanzibar although it flourish ed illegally for several years. This act of the Sultan was reached after considerable pressure from outside in fluences. The interest of Tanganyika Territory (then East Africa) arose from the interest of the ~nglish in the abolition of the slave trade and because of the German and English explorations. few of those who went into the interior of the country were Rebmann, Kropt, Bur ton, Spake, Grant, Cameron, Thomson, Van de Decker, Living ston and Stanley. And then later, after the German occupa tion, the country was explored more carefully by the Germans among whom are Wisemann, von Gaetzen, Barnhardt, Fullborn, Meyer, Haumann and Stuhlmann. 1 It was Burton, sent out by the Royal Geographical Society in 1865 with Speke as his lieutenant, who discovered Lake Tanganyika although he only mapped out the northern half and spake who discovered the south shore of the Victoria Nyanza. 2 1. Annual Report for 1920, p. 25 2. Johnston, A History of the Colonization of Africa, p. 209; and Churoh, EastAfrica - a New Dominion, p. 30. - . . . 3'7 In 1866 Livingston resumed his explorations in East Central Africa, exploring the lakes and rivers, and he and Stanley, who was sent out by the New York Herald to relieve him, travelled over Tanganyika several times.l It was Livingston who exerted such a tremendous influence against the slave trade in Afrioa and especially the horrors of it in East Afrioa. 2 Later Verney Lovett Cameron mapped out Lake Tanganyika for the first time accurately and was the first Englishmen to cross the whole of Afrioa.3 Then, too, the Royal Geographical Sooiety sent out an expedition to Zanzibar to explore the country between Tanganyika and Nyasa. This was under Keith Johnston, who died, leaving his task to Joseph Thomson, who was v;ry successful and discovered the north end of Lake Rukway. 4 The annexation of East Africa by Germany was not a new idea, either, for while these explorations were going on, Kersten of the von der Deeken expedition in 1865 urged annexation of this regi~n. At that time, and again in 1875, 1. See Esther May Barry,Dav1d Livingstone & His Influence On the Exoloration & Partition of Africa-- an A .A.Tbesfs-;tfntvers!~y of Southern Califoriifa, 1917. For a detailed account of these explorations, ee also Gen.J.c.smuts 1 book, Africa & Some W orld Problems, pp . l to 23; as well as the very interesting books of Henry '1.Stanley, In Darkest Atrica - 2 volumes. (Beciuse of the limitations of this paper the history of the explorations,eto. cannot be gone into more thoroughly.) 2. Smuts, .212..01 t ., pp. 12-13 3. Johnston, op.cit •. p.212 & Smuts,!!,E..cit., pp.19-20 4. Johnston, op.cit., p. 212 - 38 the German Vice-Admiral L1von1us urged that Zanzibar be taken under German Protection.1 During this time, the English •ere not asleep. They could easily have seoured oontrol of all of East Africa if they had desired, for the efforts of John Kirk, who was the British consul to Zanzi~ar for twenty yea~s , had made him the Sultan's most trusted adviser. "Barghash, in fact, offered to lease his entire continental possessions to Kirk and Mackinnon in 18?7; but the Foreign Office hesi tated. The British Government was not ready at that time to consider seriously any general policy of colonial expan sion.u 2 In 1878, the African Lakes Trading Company also sprang up from missionary zeal and the Universities Nission in 1881 advanced overland from Zanzibar to the east shore of Lake Nyasa. 3 In 1879, the German - Ernest von Weber - drew attention to the same territory by reiterating the views of Gerhard Roholfs of this same time. Count Joachim Pfeil urged Germanyto occupy these districts too. 4 The 1.Keltie, The Partition of Africa, p.231 -- ----- - --- 2.Harris, Europe and Africa, p. 87 3.Johnston, £E_.c1t., p. 181 4.Kelt1e, ~.cit., pp.231-232 , 39 Bri ti s- h, on the other hand, even though not wanting to assume direct responsibility there, did not want their subjeo·ts fettered by Portuguese control. 1 Therefore Lord Granville attempted to define the two spheres of influence in the Congo Treaty of 1884. It was never ratified and therefore the Nyasa uestion with the Port uguese arose again later; however it settled the matter for the time. In 1884 Bismarck started his aggressive colonial policy and during the next few years nearly a million square miles of territory in fr1oa came under the German 2 protection. German ~ast Africa is the largest and the most densely populated of the territories taken. Dr. Gehard Rohofs, in 1884, who went out presumably to explore the ~ast African Coast turned up as the German Consul General in Zanzibar. Bismarck claimed that he sent him " 1 to exert his influence to secure freedo ~!1 f commerce in the Sultan's domain' in accordance with the plan agreed upon at the Conference of Berlin.' 3 British suspicions were aroused but Bismarck managed to allay them. 4 1. Johnston, .£E_.cit., pp. 181-182 2. ~vans, The British in Tropical Africa, • 323, and see Townsend's Oriplns of Mo"d 0 rn German Colonization, for detailed account o theUse of these coJonies; (Columbia niversity Studies in History, etc. Vol. C III,No. 1) 3. Harris, Europe and Africa, • 87 4. Discussion of the colonial intrigues with Britain may be found in Towns~.1d, .2.E,•Cit., pp. 185-192 Meanwhile, the Society for German Colonization had been founded and Carl Peters was elected President. 1 Thus it is found that Peters in Novem ber and December goes to East Africa with Count Pheil and Carl Juhlke. They arrive at Zanzibar on Novembe r 4, 1884 as deok passen- 40. gers and disguised as mechanics. "Officially discountenanced by the German consul, they nevertheless left at once for the interior where on November 17, the first treaty was signed with a native chief and the German flag was hoisted in Usue gulu." 2 In six weeks, he concluded twelve treaties with native chiefs making their territory Ge rman Territory. 3 Also a blook of 60,000 square iles was ostensibly obtained on paper. 4 "During the year 1885 no fewer than eleven German expeditions were organized at Zanzibar.'' 5 Later in February 1885, the German Bat Africa Company was organ ized and this company received a protective charter fro m the government upon the presentation of these treaties and the word that the Sult~n of Barghash possessed no sovereignty over them or their lands. 6 t. Harris, 2.E_.cit., p . 88 2. Johnston, 2.E_.cit., p. 254 3. Annual Report for 1920~ p. 25. This report also states that Peters went with three other friends. 4. Johnston, 2.E_.cit., p. 254; and Harris, 2.E_.cit., p.88 5. Lewin, The Germans and Africa, p . 178 6. Harri s , 2.E.•c1t., p . 88 ... The Sultan of an ;., i • ar naturall rote sted to t. the German overnment on ' pril 27, againnt this treat . eking of Peters and Ju 1 e in "Usa ara, Hguru, Useguha, and Ukami, claiming those districts as his possession; and on Jay 11, he ade a similar rotest to Great rit ain through '"")ir ,John Kirl~." 1 ismarc "' , hovJever, accepted t he treaties made at their face v ~lue and stood his u~ound ~ayin 0 that Jer ,any v a ,e ely e tahli hing thee osts 4] .or the "prot9cti o an a , ance .. ent of trade in ;Jast frica, as any · 1 .--uropean ower as entitled to do by the te m of the Berlin Agreement." 2 Bis arck even as ed r-.,ritain to recog nize the new GJr an rotectorate and to ai t em in securing the recognition of Barghash of such and t i e acceptance of of certain commercial a gre ments. Thus it N as that Lord · rtranville ordered ir to help Rohlfs in brir@.ng about a satisfactory adjust ment of the Latter anci the ''ultan _,ar ghash was compelled to accept the ultimatum laid before him. reco Gnized the German protectorate in ast frica and tracted his retest and ronised to ithdraw his troops 3 fr om th,J 7 ands. In eturn Ger. any su orted the 1 ~ r tish claims that a .2r1ti h Con_ any e allo,ved to • Har i , ~. t . , • 2. Loe. cit • • This story may be ound in _arri ,o .nit .• 88 ; --- ohnston, ~.cit., pp.234- ;55; an Le 1 , _££.cit. . 183-184. develop the country between the om asa coast and the Victoria Nyanza.1 This was forced to be accepted by the Sultan in view of t he fact that a German battleship anchored just off the coast. Great Britain did not neglect her own interests either for she: - ••• insisted on an investigation of the claims 42 of Barghash and a delineation of the territorial boundaries of the Sultan's domains, as a pre- requisite to all further action in East .frica . A commission of thre e was suggested, France, as one of the guarantors of the integrity and sover eignty of Zanzibar in 1862 being asked to name a member with Germany and England. Granvi l le no in- ated in October, Lieutenant-Colonel (later Lord) Kitchener; Germany, Dr.Lohmidt, consul at Cairo; and France, M.Patrimon1o, consul-general at Beirut . The cor.,mission rendered its report on June 9, 1886; and on the basis of their decisions, Barghash was assigned in an agreement between Germany and England dated October 29, 1886, the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, Lamu, and M afia, and a strip of the coast ten miles wide extending from the middle of Tung1 Bay in Kipini at the mouth of the Tana River - approximately one thousand miles - with five towns north of Kipini including Kismayu. This was acce pted on December 4 by the Sultan anl recognized by all the powers, except Portugal, which had not been consulted and which seized the whole of Tungi Bay by force in 1889. 2 Germany and Britain then defined their 'spheres of infl~enoe' in East Africa and Germany took the southern portion from the mouth of the Rovuma to the Umba Riv er - 1. Johnston, 2E.• cit., p. 255 2. Harris, .2.E•cit., pp 89-90 ~6._JO iles) iVhi .e "'· ncland to or the northern 1alf, from the Umba to the Juba iver (405 1ile ). c;reat d eal of uncertainty still re m ained re garding t Je inland territory, but it was understood that both states were to go as far inland as Victoria yanza with the GArmans eeuin south of' Lake Victoria and t he ri ti sh north of it. 1 ~h Ger an Colonization ~ociety an] t he German Colonial oociety ere u ite d und er the lett e r title an t he Ger r.1an / ast ricnn oci - .. tion incorporated by I perial Charter. Lat r , mor com panie ,i er e organized and by 1888 numerous nlant atio .shad been esta~ l ished in the orth of re r man 1 • ast \.f ic e , close to t he coast. ? On . r il 22, 1888, a rovisional agr ~ ent wit the Sultan ·,as obtained for t he lease of 30 year ~ of t ~ e \1hole coast l ine previously recognized as und r t r.e Ger□an sphere of i nfluence by the nglo-German Convention of 1886. hus Jer . any obtained ore adequate seaports and t he control o t he coast trade. 3 I n 1890 upon pa, in the ultan of Z: nzi a r t l e su of ~ 200,000 the .- t oo ov , t .e coast str i entir el .4 gre t evelo ent t oo 1. ar r is, £12.•Cit., n . 90 2. Johnston, £E_.cit., n . 25 3 . ar r is, _££.cit., p . 90 lace in the 4. Annual Re port for 1 9?,0 , • 26; an ~ va n , he British in Tropical A frica, o. 324 43 . . . . .. . . , 44 Company's operations for more than 70 officials were sent out to carry on the new administration. 1 Sir Charles Evan Smith, who succeeded Kir~, warned the German administration that greater care for Arab susceptibilities should be shown in replacing the Sultan of Zanzibar's gov rnment on the coast. However, five days after taking over the administration of the country a serious revolt broke out led by the valis or Arab governors who had been virtually independent under the old system of the Sultan. An animosity also began to be directed not only against the Germans, but against al l Europeans, and the s1tuat10n became very serious. In 1889, the resources of the Company having broken down, Captain Hermann Wissmann (now M ajor von iissman) was appoint ed Imperial Commissioner for East Africa. With 1000 native troops, mainly Sudanese recruited with the help of the British Government 200 German sailors and 60 German officers and non-commissioned officers, von Wissmann carried on a vigorous campaign against the Arabs and Swahili and by the end of 1889, he had put down the revolt and captured and executed the leader or it, Bush1r1. It took six months longer, however, to quiet some of the interior districts ~nd those near the River Rovuma. 2 Thus we find that a German Protectorate was declared October 22, 1889. 1. Johnston, .2,E•cit., p. 256 2. Ibid., p. 256-257; The Annual eport for 1920, p . 25 also tells of this. 45 Count von Capr1v1, the Imperial ~hanoellor, in the middle of 1890 concluded an arrangement with Great Britain by which all German possessions to the north of the British boundary at the Umba iver (nam ely Uganda and Witu) were given up, and a British protectorate over Zanzibar was recognized, while the German boundaries were carried inland to the frontier of the Congo Free tate, (obtaining Heligo land). 1 "On the south, Great Britain was admitted to the south end of Tanganyika, and secured all the west coast or Lake Nyasa." 2 The Anglo-German treaty of 180 roused violent criti cism from both the British and German Press and the people of each country tried to prove that their government had need lessly sacrificed a quarter of the frican continent. Harris in his book 3 thinks that the treaty contained decided advan tages for Britain, for she acquired a good neighbor aa3 re lieved her own coJonial budget of a heavy burden and also closed an involved and heated controversy. II. THE G ERMAN ADM I JI STRATIO N. Let one now turn to the German Administration of the country from 1890 to the W orld 1 ar in 1914. 1. Evans, .2..E_.cit., p. 323 and Harris 2E_.c1t.,p.93; also Johnston, .2.E,•cit., p. 257 2 . J ohnst on , o . c i t ., • 2 7 3. Harris, 2£.eCit., p. 94 46 Discontent. In spite of the pretty picture that Johnston presents 1 of the smooth-running German protector ate and the sunny prediction for a lovely future, it is found that there was discontent all over for quite a while. In 1891, the Wahehe 2 uprising on the plateau to the south of the Rufiji River took two to three years to quell. The introduction of the Hut Tax also caused more discontent in 1897 and the policy of forced labor by the Europeans was a source or discontent too. Then in 1905, a serious rebellion broke out among the natives between Lake Nyasa and the Kilwa coast, known as the Maj1-Maj1 rebellion. Two years or ruth less warfare ensued and about 70,000 natives were killed, 3 and later the total is said to have been some 120,000. 4 The Germans were literally murdered, being taken by surprise. Almost all of the tribes, Mohammedan and Pagan, took part and the period following was one of even greater suffering for the natives, for the military authorities would seize all the available food supplies either for the German force or to keep the enemies from having any. 5 1. Johnston, ~.cit., pp.257-258 2. In the Annual ~iport for 1920, p. 26, they are called merely the Hehe, wh e ~vans, _££.oit., p. 325 calls t 1 em the Wahehe. 3. Evans, ~-cit. p. 326 4. Annual Report for 1920, p.26 ; see also Padmore,How B r itain Rules Africa, p. 58 5. Annual Report for 1920, p. 26 In 190? - due to these uprisings - a separate colonial office was created and Dr.Dernburg was appointed the 47. first Colonial Secretary. 1 From this time on the German administration was comparatively peaceful, for the natives learned to stop and think tw1oe before rebelling again. 2 Transportatio~. One of the pressing problems facing the Germans was an improved system of transportation. ~arlier plans for railways had been lost and the trunk line construct ed by the German ~ast African Co. from Panga to Victoria Nyanza only got as far as M ukesa, 25 miles 1nland,and nine years later in 1905 it was only extended to Mombo, 80 miles from Tanga. Other plans for railways lacked financial support. In 1904 though "a concession was granted for the construc- tion of a railway to Morogoro, one hundred and thirty miles inland, the Hom e Government giving the concessionary an interest guarantee or three per cent. upon the authorized capital." 3 It was completed in 1907 and from this time on the Government took more interest and would provide large sums for railway oonstruction. In the north the U sambara Railway was extended to M osh1, giving the planta tion owners transportation and bringing them within twelve 1. Evans, ££•Cit., P• 320 2. Annual Report for 1920, p. 26 48 ,iles of British · ast Africa. The Great Central Trunk line reached Tabora in 1912 and Kogoman on Lake Tanganyika two years later. The Tukuga ailway in the Belgium Congo had also by this time reached Lake Tanganyika.l The ~orld War interrupted further railway plans but a revolution in trans portation had been accomplished in the last seven years. ' ome 1,250 kilometres occupied t e Central Railway and one could travel fro Dar-es-Salaam to Kigoma and cross to the Belgium Con o and by one way or another get clear to ape Town. "If one plans carefully is connections, he may cros ; from Dar-es-Salaam on the ast Coast to M atad1 on the est Coast in nineteen days." 2 The Usa bara Railway fin ally occupied about 354 kilometres. 3 Greek contractors were 1 orted to build these railways and they were ob iged to secure their own labor, accounting for the large number or Greeks in the terr1torJ today.4 Native Organ1zat1o. The nativ organization when the er ans got ther was an advanced tribal basis in Ruanda,Urundi, nd Bu~oba, while else here tribal organization had virtually 1. ~vans, 2.E.•c1t., p. 328 2. Buell, ~ative Problems in frica, Vol.1, pp. 425-426 ---- 3. Figuring a ki ometre as 3,280.8 feet or nearly 5/8 of a .ile, it would be approximately 220 miles. (The distance from a. Luis Obispo is 208 miles and from Los ngeles to 1 Centro,224 mi.) 4. uell, ££_.cit.,426 disaopear • Th refore, t e Ger an re a ned these as "~sidencies," and divided the total protectorate into 24 districts; 19 civil districts; 2 ilitary districts, o r ,1ahenge and Irin a, called azir,.. ; and the thre e esidencies already menti ned. 1 The residencies were admini tered bv native sultans und r t he su ervision and ., general direction of rman " e sidents ''. ~ ' lse here the er m ans ruled t hr ugh interm ediary officials of the ~rab and ·wahali. ◄ach was und r a istrict Comr issioner or administrator called a zirksamt ann, who was responsible forte maint enance of p ace nd ood order, but only the colored eople could be dealt with in their courts. 2 The G erman Com issi oner "was assisted by a native Judge or s sessor to whom e cold assi n irportant legal duties, us .ally where i oham edan law as involve • In c ontrover ies ~here t he su j ect ~atter e~ceeded a thousand rupees in ralue, the native cold ap eal to the governor . " 3 These distr:lcts ,ere su divi ed i to ,roups or illages and vere und er ·rab of _ icials called the Akida and Jumbe, a s.Tstem introduced by the Sultan of Zanzibar 1 . · eA n ual ! erort for 1920, • 30 and Evans, Of .cit., _ . 328, and Bue 1, ££·cit., • 448 . 3ue states that only 17 di tricts ~ere established, while other author ities say 19. 2. Annual Renert for 1 20, • 0 3 . uell, ££•Cit., • 449 50 in the 40 1 s and 50 1 s. 1 This alien rule helped out in an administrative service so grievously understaffed that about 70 German administrators ruled a population of about 7,600,000.2 As can easily be seen, there was no adequate control over the Arab subordinates who collected the Poll Tax (substit ted for the Hut Tax in 1912). Their influence over native life was paramount and instead of alien rule with enlightenment there was nothing of the sort tnere. The Swahali were mainly used for the co. anding of native soldiers. The Jumbe was ordinarily under the Aki a, but if he were an influential headman of his village he was direct ly responsible to the District Com missioner (Bezirksamtmann) and was given magisterial jurisdiction over the natives as an Akida. The duties of the Jumbe were chiefly in finding labour for European travelers. 3 In the coast towns there were also Tiwalis or Arab Governors who were really nothing more than superior Akidas. The Akidas were usually oblivious to native ideas and customs and regarded the Islamic culture as the only and obvious road for advancement. Beyond the duty of collecting taxes and labor, they had no official duties, but were allowed to ex loit the peonle as they leased. 4 There fore we find that "If an Akida is efficient he is dangerous; 1. Annual Report for 1920, p. 31 2. Buell, ~-cit. p. 448: Annual efort for 1920,p.32 ivas 79 as the exact number. (24 Bezirksam mann; 46 uecretarres; 6 esidents; and 3 other officials.) 3. Annual eport for 1920, p. 31 4. Ibid., P• 32 51 and 1 1nefficient, he 1 edund nt. 1 The Jumbes model- cd thPMselves after the kir a , but u ually prang from the people they r ed and th refore a lit le r presenta tion was tainea. 2 At the head of the local ov rnment , as the governor a~ sisted b: a council which met twice a year at Dar-es- ~ ala • The functions, o ri ev r, .iere only of an advisory nature. ,xce t for the postal and telegra h department, the gov rnor ,a the supre civil and 111tary authority. In 190 , how v r, the nrotectorate troops ~ re nut under a separate co 1. an er. 3 Justice. or the ai tenance of justice, there 1 ere established five high courts at ar-es- l alaam, Tang , .Joshi, rfwanza, and Abora. The uupre . e Court ras at ar-e s : :;alaam with a judge and four ~uropean assessors. As a method of laN enforcement corporal punish .ent was an important method and in 1911-12, 5,944 floggings were iven and in 1912-1~, 8 ,057 vere given. 4 The usual number of lashes esto1ed as twenty-five, and if to floggings were as igned a period o t 1 0 ,veeks had to e apse . et veen • ~here is no recor o the unofficial flog ings of " arental correcti on' 1. Annual . port for 1920, • 33 2. I id. , • 32 3. I id. , • 0 4. I id. , • 31 52 but the number was probably great. 1 The Germans, moreover, do not always appear to have understood the limitations of force as a method of government. The flogging and chaining of prison ers seems to have been of common occurrence, and natives who violated a labour oontraot were liable to receive corporal punishment, though only after thorough investigation into each individual case. While there can be no doubt that the application of this system became notably less harsh after 1907, the system itself was maintained. 2 In 1912-13, 107 employers were convicted of assault ing their laborers and this does not indicate the nwnber of other assaults "for natives were punished if they brought charges against their employers which they were unable to prove, and therefore, usually suffered in silence." 3 In addition to corporal punishment there were fines and imprisonment. "Fines ••• exceeding two hundred rupees ••• as well as sentences of imprisonment for more than six months, required the aonroval of the governor. The final 1nf11ot1on of the death penalty was in his hands alone. 4 White Settlement ar.rl Labor. The German government favored white settlement within the protectorate and two mountain areas were the most suitable for such settlement: (1) the Kilimanjaro country in the Northeast, and (2) the Highlands at the north end of Lake Nyasa in the Southwest. 1. Annual Report for 1920, p. 31 2. Evans, .2£.•Cit. pp.329-330 3. Annual Report for 1920, P• 31 4. Buell, op.cit., p. 449 - 53. The alienation of land to German settlers was authorized by a decree of 1895, making all the land of ~ast Africa "crown" land, with ownership vested in the Empire, subject to the rights of the native chiefs and communities. It established a commission, the Lan:ckommission, appointed by the governor, and including the Akida and the Jwnbe of the land concerned, which was to set aside certain suitable re- erves for the natives. 1 It was, however, authorized "to offer the natives a certain sum for withdrawing from their lands." 2 This led to encroachment on the native lands, especially in the Kilimanjaro regions. The difficulty of transportation in the southwest hindered European settlement. By 1914, however, there were about a total of 5,000 white population, the majority or whom were German nat1onals, 3 and about 175 reserves, totalling 756 square miles in the northeast highlands, wh1oh had been marked out by the land commissions. 4 This German land system was based on an old Prussian law whioh was modified from time to time by local ordinances. The governor had wide powers as to imposing conditions on making of the land grants. Adequate areas, besides the areas for native use, might be kept for public 1. Buell, £E_.c1t., p. 486; Evans, .£E.. C 1 t • , p • 330; and the Annual eport for 1920, pp.70-71 2. Buell, .2£•Cit., P• 48'7 3. Evans, .2£eC1t., P• 330 4. Buell, £.E_.Oit. P• 487 54 purposes. These included mineral reservations, forest 1 land, land for railways, roads, canals, etc. At first all agreements for the transfer or ownership of land or leaseholds exceeding fifteen years, was subject to the sanction of the governor. But an Imperial Ordinance of November 26 , 1895 laid down that this was not required in case of land owned by a non-native. 2 Transfers from nationals to non-nati onals still r equire the sanction today . Registration of land titles were ke pt in a Grundbuck. 3 This assured an indefeasible title. Previ ous to this, registra tion surveys were made but little progress was made and so the Grundbuck was established. It was only established, however, for Dar-es- alaam, Tanga, and Tabora.4 Land Registers were established in sooe of the other districts and were available for non-natives, but they were really only for purposes of record as a preliminary for the es t ab lishment of a Grundbuck. ntry in a Land egister carried no assurance of an indefeasible title, though. Under t he German regime, the settlers used native labor exclusively and thus plantati on labor increased from 1. Annual Report for 1920, p . 71 2. Ibid., • 71 3. Ibid., p. 72 & Buell, 2E_.c1t., p . 487 4. nnual eport for 1920, p . 72 55 about 80,000 in 1912 to nearly 92,000 in 1913. 1 Wages for this labor varied, being between 3 and 4½ rupees a month in the remote districts and 12 to 15 in Morogora, and along the Tanganyika Railway 1 to 13. 2 Somewhat less than a fifth of the total male population were under European employment in 1913 3 , and the plantation owners could not find an adequate supply of labor in this v1o1n1ty. Thus they were forced to secure pro fessional recruiters who would go to the thickly pop ulated centers and pay the chiefs to get the natives to work. 4 Thus we find that migration of laborers was built up. "The best workers in Tanganyika, such as the Nyamwez1 tribe, are also the best agriculturists, and have the most highly developed tribal society. But instead of encourag ing the growth of their natural qualities, the government assisted the European plantations to entice away as many m en as possible." 5 The German government of necessity put the recruiting of labor under severe control in 1913, limiting the number of recruiters, suppressed the deception of natives and prohibited the recruiting of women and children, but increased the term of engagement from 180 to 240 working days. 6 T~is was designed to correct the policy of having a 1. Buell, on.cit. p. 496 - 2. Ibid. , P• 496 3. ~id., p. 496 4. Ibid., np. 496-497 5 Ibid. , P• 497 6. Buell, op.cit., • 497 - 56 aborer work only a few days a week and also to prevent the laborer from not working after he had signed a con- tract, for either violation of this sort was liable to punishment. In order to supervise this, the government established five district commissioners to i nspect labor / conditions. "They signed recruiting permits, vised con- tracts, inspected working conditions, and exercised dis ciplinary nowers." 1 Like other administrative officials they could admi nister fl oggings to natives negligent in their work. 2 It became clear to t 1e Ger an government that the land and labor problems were such that they began to doubt the wisdom of their earlier policy of feverish development. M any tribes were unsuited for labor and the demand was far in excess of the supply. 3 Proble m s of wages, contracts, and injustice were prevalent from every corner and the fear of the development of an impossible situation was gradually arising. Thus in the later years, the German government decreed that no more Crown land should be alienated in the districts of Tanga, in the districts of Pangani and W ilhelmsrol north of the Pangani River, or in the cultivated areas of t he !, os h1 and Arus ha 1. Buell, ££•Cit., • 497 2. Ibid., p . 497 3. Annual Rep or t for 1920, p . 34 57 districts, round Kilimanjaro and 1eru 1 ountains. 1 The plantations of the country were ainly producers of fibre, cotton, maize, and other cereals, copra, coffee, beans, potatoes, timb ~r , cattle and shee. , hides and skins, and possibly, minerals. 2 The isal plantations v;ere n1a1nly in the north of the country. Co ,o~ was attempted to be raised but there was a natural disinclination of the native to produce cotton. Seed and 1nstruct1o in growing of things was given to the natives. Technical ~ervices. In its technical organization, the German ov~rnment can point to "achievements which all colonizing nations might well consider w1 th care." 3 The Agriculture Institute founded at Amani in the Usaffibara ou ~ tains in 1902 was merely one of its kind. Amani devel oped an admirable scientific establishment studying intense ly the problems of vegetable physiology, both on the nutri tive and genetic side; and plant pathology, both as regards diseases caused by pathogenic fungi and those due to injur ious insents. It also studied the chemistry of the soil and of plants. 4 It was well-equipped with three large stone 1. Annual eport for 1920, p. 35 2. Ibid. , p. 34 3. vans, .2£_.cit.,p. 330 4. Ann al ~ eport for 1920, P• 99 58 buildings - a chemical and biological laboratory and a library and a house for botanical and seed coll ctions. There were sixteen dwelling houses, various stores, a book-binding sho, a machinery shed, workshops, drying and propagating sheds, a pottery factory, etc. 1 There were 230 acres under cultivation and the remaining 370 acres were mainly valuable forest. At the outbreak of the ~orld ar, t he staff was gradually reduced, and when the British came in only one director, a botanist, the head-gardener, two Javenese, one Indian mechanic, and fifty laborors remained. These were retained and carried on their duties till 1919 when an ~nglish direc tor wasappointea.2 Other experimental stations included 3 Kilongota, for tobacco; 1 panganya, ahina, ~yombo, for cotton farms end institutions for the instruction of the natives on how to plant and grow cotton; Norogoro for various types of fruits; and Mombo for sisal. The Dockyard at Dar-es- alaam where ships are built and repaired is the only one of its kind on the Bast African coast between Suez and Durban. 1. nnual f-eport for 1920, p. 100 2. Ibid., p. 100 3. Ibid., n. 100 ff ~ The educational system of the Germans was very good and well worked out. 99 government schools, 10 higher and 89 primary, were established in ast Africa between 1902 and 1914. 1 or these 6 were purely indus trial schools. The val le of the G rman educational system may be stated as follows: 2 The results or their syste are today evident 59 in the large number of natives scattered through out the country who are able to read and write, and it must be admitted that the degree of useful ness to the administration of the natives of the Tanganyika Territory is in advance of that which one has been accustomed to associate with British African Protectorates. , hereas the British offi cial may often have had to risk the mutilation of his instructions to a chief by having to send them verbally, the late Garman system has made 1t poss ible to communicate in writing with every Akida and village headman, and in turn to receive from him reports written in Swahili. The Swahalis, Arabs, Indians and all races learned side by side with no distinction. In 1914, the number of pupils was 6,100 with a staff of European teachers of 24 and plans for increase and additional primary schools were in progress. 3 There were besides 1,832 mission schools fro~ the nine Protestant and two Catholic societies active there, with 229 uropean workers and 108,550 children en rolled.4 The German government ap . ropriated money for 1. Townsend,The Rise & Fall of the German Colonial Emo1re, p. 291 - 2. Annual epor! for 1921, p. 41 3. Townsend, .2E.•c1t., p. 291 4. Ibid., p. 291 60 these schools and they w orked in co-operation with one another. One can s ee the result in the num ber of nat ives working as clerks and stenographers in the govern ment offices. The neT'mans had worked marvels with their educational syste~ when t he orld W ar broke out. Thus, in oonclusicn, M r. Church m akes this concise summary: Magnificent research stations were established for the investigation of human, animal and plant dioe ase, and plant and animal breeding, an enlight ened system of education was introduced under State control. Their new towns were admirably planned and not allowed to beoome plague centres. Railways were constructed from three coast ports inland,that from Dar-es- alaam reaching Ujiji on Lake Tanganyika, admirable topographical surveys preceded geological and economic surveys which the war interrupted before their oomoleti~n. Their scholars made invaluable contribution to our knowledge of the language and customs of the native races. The Germans brought to Africa, in fact, that thoroughne s s which character izes their Home adm1n1stration.1 Then came the W orld N ar of 1914-1918 . As far as the administration of the territory 1s concerned, the campaigns carried on under General Smuts do not concern this study. Therefore one turns to the British adminis tration established as a 1andate under the League of Nations and term ed "Tanganyika Territory". The Consti tution for the M andate of Tanganyika 1s included in Annex 6 herein attached. 1. Church, 2.E_.oit., p.33 61 PART II THE BRITISH ADMINISTRATION IN TANGANYIKA TERRITORY 2 1 t the end of th ·orld ~ar, it w sat first in tended that ritain should have the whole of J' ast Africa, but the Belgians ohjected and claim ed ~~ast frica as far as Tabora and the Portuguese bank of the Congo. Thus,the .ilner-Orts Agreem ent was reached ~ ereby Belgium received Ruandi-Urundi to hold under fiandate while the rest of ~ast frica, Tanganyika Territory, went to ritain. 1 It as not until arch, 1921, owever, that t e Bel ians fina .ly e v - cuated the terr itory. he bou dary which was fixed by t his co~promise "ran the line .. est of the Ka gera Hiver giving to the ~ritish a stri ofter itory t hirty ilo etres ide and a hundred 11lometres long , called "Kisaka", v hic h contained about a hundred thousand peonle, in order t hat t hey could have a right of~ ay fort e pro osed Cape-to-Cairo railway."2 Thus they cut Ruanda in t wo. a nd t e i -f e li n of the natives were a oused. But due to a ~itation, it ms turne over to · elgium so as not t o interfer e with the inter sts of the natives, but al so no·ng away 1th 1 ro a y the r eat est source of labor for t ~e settlers. CHAPT~R IV. T In ta in 0 ove t ea i ~istr ation of Tanganyika Terri- t ory, the British had to alt ernative before t he m. very 1. . L. ue . 1 , ative Proble m in Africa, ol.l, . 428 -- ---- ---- - --- 2. Ibid., p. 428 63 good statement of the problem 1s found in Luaard's Repre sentative Forms of Government and Indirect· Rule 1 when he - was quoting from a speech of [r.Amercy, then Secretary of State, at the Nigerian Dining Club as follows: •There are two methods of dealing with the Native in his own country. One could begin by wiping out all institutions, all the traditions and habits of the people, and superimposing thereon what was con sidered to be better administrative methods and better prinoiples, but destroying everything that made the administration really in touch with the customs and thoughts of the people. Then, when everything that was really native had been destroy ed, there was built up a class of half-educated, dissatisfied and ambitious men, neither true Euro peans nor true Natives and one day in a sudden access of desire for self-determination there was thrown into the hands of those men, not only the fate of the Empire, but the fate of hopeless millions of natives. There was a better way -- that of checking the worst abuses and trying to graft the higher civilization upon the soundly rooted native stock. The aim was to bring out what was best in the native tradition, and moulding and shaping it into lines consonant with modern needs, and at the same time enlisting into service the real forces latent in the people. That system had been criticised because of some of its detailed imperfections. ~ven if a little imperfect, it was a growing and a living system, and no oechanical perfection imposed from without on a people could last.• Contrast of Direct Rule and Indirect Rule. The prin ciple of Direct Rule is a British contribution to the methods of colonial administration. The central government working through agents appointed directly by it, ad□1n1sters the native peoples, collects their taxes, settles their disputes, 1. Lugard, epresentative Forms of Government & Indirect Rule in British Africa, p. 2b - - - -- - ---- ---- 64 provides them with schools, hospitals, seed farms, irri gation works and other necessary social and economic ser vices. This means that local administration has to be put into the hands of paid headmen appointed by the govern ment. They were not looked on as tax-gatherers only, and alien to the actual life of the people, their ideas and customs. Under this rule which was employed by the Germans in Tanganyika and the English in Kenya before the War, tri bal organization, with its customary law and its traditions l would gradually disintegrate. In Indirect Rule, the existing social and cultural institutions of the country are employed for all possible purposes to which they are adequate. They are gradually moulded, by use of the taxes, laws, and administrative guidance, into channels of progressive change - wide free dom being given to local organization to keep its own tradi tions and basic ideas, and to develop along its own lines, with very little central dictation, however benevolent, or tutelage, however well-meaning. ir Frederick Lugard started and invented this system in Nigeria, and it 1s in his book, Dual Mandate, that the essence of this system is found. 2 The application of these principles in Tanganyika lies in the fact that in this territory even the most advan- 1. Julian Huxley, Africa View, p. 106 2. Sir J.D.Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British TroEical !rica; see also Gaorge Padmore, How Br1taln7ruies Africa,p.66 65 cad native institutions were on a far more primitive plane than those of northern Nigeria, or even than the more de veloped systems in the neighboring parts of central Africa. It would have been far easier to ignore the native tradition and social structure. The differences between direct and indirect rule are well brought out by Huxley, who gives four main differences between Direct and Indirect Rule. 1 In the first place, in Direct Ru~e, the chief is a creature of the Government - a mere appointee - while in Indirect Rule, the traditional representative of the peo le is t he chief. In the second place, the Headman or Chief is paid a salary from head quarters in Direct Rule, while in Indirect ule, he is not paid at all by the Central Government. the re ository of local independence. He 1s looked unon as ... In old tribal days, chiefs received from their subjects either tribute or ser vice. Under Indirect Rule this is modified. Although the Central Government fixes for each District the amount of the native tax (hut and poll) this is collected by the native authorities and paid into their own treasuries. A certain percentage is turned over to the Central Government for gen eral administration, and a fixed sum 1s paid to the Chief as his "civil list" and as salaries to various officials of his admir.istration. In this way, t he people feel that the Chiefs 1. Huxle , .Q_.cit., pp. 110-111 66 belong to them, and the Chiefs realize that they are not mere puppets. The atlve ~reasury receives other revenue from f ines and fees imposed in local native courts, and from var ious minor sources, such as market dues, salt royalties, etc. In the third place, in the Direct Rule, any surplus of money rom native tax goes into the general revenue, and ls expend- ed by the Government according to schemes planned out at head quarters, while in Indirect Rule, the balance is placed in the Native Treasury and is under the control of the local ativa Authority - expended as the Chief and his council think fit for the benefit of the district. Naturally there will be need for guidance and advice from the District Offi cer for many years, but the system does work out in practice as it was intended. It encourages foresight and responsibi lity and enhances patri~t1sm and interest in the development of the district. Under Direct ule, in the fourth place, an lready over-burdened white man has to deal with the legal affairs of tens of thousands of natives. Conseque tly, a great many cases are neglected. However, in Indirect Rule, the Africans are fond of going to law. Native courts are recognized as the mouthpiaoes of local law and custom. The law which regulates the dealings of a native people with e c h other is no more imposed upon them from without than is the chief who rules them. It is their own law. In time the~ will have a local co m mon law, a legal system adapted to local conditions. 67 Argumen~~ for and against Indirect Rule. Indirect Rule, as developed in Nigeria by Sir F.Lugard was a necessity for there were not enough white officials to administer it and so he had to devise some way in which it could be adminis tered effectively. There has been muoh controversy over the question of Indirect Rule. Some authorities believe that it 1s Britain's greatest contribution to the field of n t1ve administration, while others believe that it 1s "camouflag d in hypocrisy". Everyone, whatever his ouinion ~ay be in regard to direct or indirect rule, will agree, I think, that it is our duty to do everything in our nower to develop the native on lines which will not V esterniza him and turn him into a bad imitation of a European - our whole eduoation policy is directed to that end. ~e want to make him a good African and we shall not achieve this if we destroy all the institutions, all the traditions, all the habits of the people, super-imposing upon them what we consider to be better administrative methods, better principles; destroying everything that made our administration really in touch with the customs and thoughts of the people. We must not, in fact, destroy the African atmosphere, the African mind,the whole foun dation of his race, and we shall certainly do this if we sweep away all his tribal organizations, and in doing so tear up all the roots that bind him to the people from whom he has sprung. It may be argued that we can achieve our object by continuing the present practice of using the chiefs as our instrmnents, as our mouth-pieces through whom the orders of the Government are issued to the people, but with all the disintegrating influences that are at work to impair the authority of the chief over his people, e.g., the introduction of the "T.Vhiteman's Court', the periods of absence on work where the orders are the orders of the' hiteman', above all, the orders or the 'Whiteman' to the ohief, that authority will be under- mined arrl will completely disappear as certainly as it 68 is disappearing on other parts of tropioal Africa arx:l in this Territor itself•••• I say that if we do nothing to build up the native institutions, using them in the meantime merely as our instruments as long as it suits us to do so. they will be shattered and will disappear, and can we not see this around us already in Tanganyika? Large portions of territory are at this moment being administered by native politioal a ents, often alien in race to the people on whom we have imposed them, because the tribal organization has been broken up or is in process of being destroyed. With the decay of the tribal organization, we shall get a numerous body of broken and disgruntled chiefs, disaffected quite naturally, and hostile to the Admin istration. The natives will have oeased to be tribes men, and - no longer attached to their tribal institu tions - will have become mere flotsam on the political sea of Tanganyika. No native will have any share in the administration of the country, but a class of politioally minded natives will have arisen in the m eantime ••• and the seed of the agitator will have had a very ripe and fertile soil prepared for it. On the other hand, we co uld employ the other m ethod of trying, while we endeavored to purge the native system of its abuses, to graft our higher o1v111zat1on upon the soundly routed native stock, stock that had its foundation in the hearts and minds and thoughts of the people, and therefore on which we could build more eas1ly,mould1ng it and establishing 1t into lines con sonant with modern ideas and higher standards, and yet all the time enlisting the real force of the spirit of the people, instead cf killing all that out and trying to begin afresh. Under this system, the native becomes a living part of the machinery of government and the cry or the agitator for a large share in the ad 1n1stra t1on of the country on western lines loses any weight that it might otherwise possess. But, in any event, what is the object or destroying the institutions of the natives? It is quite impossible ror us to administer the country directly through British offioers, even if we quadrupled the number we now employ, 69 and I cannot foresee any future politioal state in which it would be possible to do so exoept under a oomnletely Europeanized system of government in which the native would express himself through the ballot box ..•• It has been said by some eople that indirect administration is merely an easy way of shifting our responsibilities for good government on the shoulders of others. But this is to take a very narrow view of the question and ignores the vitally imnortant principles which are involved. o far as I am con cerned, personally, it would be much the easier path for me if I left things as I found them, but so con vinced am I that the whole future of Tanganyika is bound up in this question that I should be lamentably lacking in my duty if I adopted that course •••• " l Thus the Governor of TanganyiAa in 1926 gives the official view on the subject as to whether Direct Rule or Indirect Rule is the best policy. Again, 1r . D.Lugard 2 points out that any attempt to govern the natives otherwise would be artificial for it does not consider the fundamental characteristic of the frican - that 1s, his intense loyalty to his chiefs and the solidarity of clan tradition. In the absence of this tribal cohesion, the government would have the almost impossible task of dealing with a great many in dividuals each of whom are a law unto themselves, and collec tive action which is often needed, (e.g., as against a scourge of the Teetse fly) would be impossible. Education would 1n the end build up a discontented minority, and when the time 1. Annual Report for 1925 pp.6-8,10 2. Sir.F.D.Lugard - epresentative Forms of Govern- m ent & Indirect Rule, pp.23-24 · - - ------- 70 came that the people demanded some voioe in the control of their own affairs, the plaoe of the natural leader would have been taken by tbe agitator against any consti tuted authority with nothing constructive to offer. This state of affairs would be brought about by the destruction of the indigenous institution of the country and the de privation of the community of its natural leaders, teach ing them only to follow the voice of duty and obedience. "Direct Rule could ••• only permanently succeed if, as in the slave states of America, education were permanent ly withheld from the natives." 1 However, it is pointed out that the native institu tions and customs are based on superstition and that the hope of betterment is only to be found in European con- tact.2 This is aimed at the whole philosophy of Indirect Rule. It all de pends on which view-point a person takes as to whether the institutions are entirely wrong or not. If one were an African, the N estern civilization and cus- toms would seem hopeless to him; however, 1f one were a European or" bite" one oritloizes the Afr1oan, or native institutions in point of view to what they have been raised to, and brought up in, and anything totally different seems impossible. The same thing is noted in the differenoe between - 1. Sir. ~.D.Lugard - Representative Forms of Government Indirect Rule, p. 24 2. Ibid., pp 42-44 71. the Oriental and the Occid ntal points of view. The system is also attacked on the ground that the work of departmental and technical offices and of traders 1s impeded. If, as it is set forth in the Covenant of the League of Nations, eventually self-government is to be the ultimate end in view for the mandate, then the nat ives themselves must learn the work of the different technical departments and must have actual training in it themselves and how better to learn a thing then to do it under supervision? It i also charged that the system is wilfully blind to the inevitable change which contact with Euro e is bringing. Th author of this aper does not believo that this 1s nPcessarily so. Of course , industires will come and many of the natives will be in dustrialized and take nn more of the V estern manners and customs, but that 1s a gradual process and will come only after they have learned to be a good frican - that is, to live up to the id eals and customs that they have in their own tribal units and then to gradually want to better those institutions. It will be a rocess of evo lution, one might say, in building a large democratic state out of their own native tribal institutions. And, as was ointed out in one of the discussions of the Permanent andates Comr 1ss1on: 1 1. Permanent :andates Com iss1on, M i nutes, 18th e sion (1920) p. P.5 72 The Native Administration had great advantages. The . uropean authorities only intervened in order to guide, control, redress the wrongs, which were really the duty of the responsible chief. Under the system of direct administration, the uropean Official could, even with the best intenti ns, incur the enmity of the natives by falling foul or their custo s, by causing disorder while he believed that he was working to obtain better order. A good government according to W estern ideas could some ti es develop a de .. lorable policy from the colonial point of view. As Lugard points out: (l ) No one could wish to perpetuate the conditions of tribal life, but clearly if chaos 1s to be prevented, it is nece sary that the inevitable change should be made as gradual as possible, so that existi g conditions may have time to adjust themselves to the new demands, and that the nature of the education given should be such as to build up new social conceptions, and to act as a cohesive and not as a disintegrating force •• ••• The maintenance of the existing tribal system during the transitional period of a more advanced social system, and the building up or that system on foundations adapted to the mentality and tradi tions of the people, does not mean that customs inimical to progress should ·bo stereotyped and perpetuated. It means rather that the change should be effected, not by imposing systems foreign to the country and people, but by re taining and adapting to new needs all th~t is best in the African's inherited traditions and aptitudes under his ovm leaders, so that a higher form of civilization may be grafted onto a native stock. The natural evolution from the patriar chial or family stage to that of the tribe with an acknowledged chief, and from the tribe to that of the kingdom with some measure of delegated authority, can thus be accelerated. For, in the economic sphere, does it mean that the lands should lie derelict, and produce be allowed to waste, or the native be encouraged in idleness in deference to customs no longer apnlicable? 1. ir • Indirect Rule, ------- .Lugard,Representative P• 26-27. orl"!ls of Governn ent --- - ------- However, "It was clear, nevertheless, that the two dangers of the system were the risks of the abuse of power on the part of the chiefs and irregularity 73 in the payment of taxes and in the emnloyment of funds." 1 These two dangers of Indirect Rule, though, are really not dangers as worked out in the Tanganyika System as it will be noted on the sections on the Native Authority and the section on Finanoe and the Native Treasuries. 1. Permanent M andates Commission, 1inutes, 18th ession (1930) p. 25 74 CHAPT R V AG NCihs O F ADrINISTRATION. In Tanganyika, the Governor, 1r . Ca meron, in 1925 1 introduced the Nigerian system of Sir F .D.Lugard. When Britain first took over the Territory, the German system or Direct Rule had been in force for many years and, of course, it was impossible to change immediately, and so, for a time, the old system of Ak1das was ke pt. Meanwhile, a careful study of native organization (ethnological research) was carried on and when the traditional rules of a tribe were asoertained, its authority was recognized and reinforced, but always under the supervision of the Central Government. Thus by a gradual process, this system of Indirect Rule has been built up in Tanganyika until today it is one of the highlights in Colonial Administration. An examination of the component parts of this administration is one of the chief tasks of this paper and as such will be discussed at this time. The Central Government. The Central government of the territory is made up of the Governor, assisted by an Executive Council which forms the Administration. A Tanganyika Order in Council, in 1920, established this Executive Council and six years later, on M arch 19, 1926 , 1. See Previous section on "Indirect ule and Direct Rule". 75 another Tan anyika Order in Council provided for a Legisla tive Council, consisting of a governor and thirteen offi cials and not more than ten unofficial m em bers, nominated by the governor, without r egard to interests re presented {e.g.,raoe, l ocality, public b ie s,etc.) Up to 1926,the Governor had promulgated the laws of the Territory but now the laws were made by the Governor with the advice and con sent of the Legislative Council, subject to the a roval of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. This meant a great deal to the Territory for now the laws would not be nassed until full disoussion had been held and all the views of the Territory expressed. The work of the Legislative Council consists of enacting legislation and passing the annual financial budget in Decem ber or in January. The unoffioial members are an important part of this body. The most i m portant part of their work was done outside the Legislative Counoil Chamber. very penny of Government expenditure had to be passed by the unofficial m em bers, and they sat on a Fin ance Committee of which the Chief ecretary was Chairman. The Treasurer was t he only other offi cial member of that Committee. This Finance Com ittee scrutinized the annual budget, vote by vote, and any supplementary expenditure, as nec essity arose; informal discussions took place on any subject arising out of the budget. In M r. Jardine 1 s opinion, the co-operation of the un official members was extremely effective. They were very well selected, and the territory was dee ply indebted to them. He would not say,however, that they necessarily represented all phases of public o inion in the territory; undoubtedly, they did not represent the extreme views of certain people. 1 1. Permanent M andate Commission, inutes, 18th ession (1930) p. 26 76 The Executive Council was to exist and perform the same functi ons as before, and t he Le gislative Council was to be supplementary to it, and all draft legislation would be considered first by the ~ xecutive Council and then by the Legislative Council. The xecutive Council was to dis cuss it in private while the Legislative Council discussed the question in public before enactment. All mem bers of the Executive Council have seats in the Legislative Council and were included i n the 13 official members. 1 The Executive Council, however, was purely advisory and the governor was not compelled to accept its advice. No natives as yet are on the Legislative Council, but the British explain that by the fact that as yet the natives cannot s peak English well enough, but that in time it is hoped they also will be represented on the Council, and it 1s intended to have the Indians represented too. Hopes have also been express ed that the Le gislative Council in time will have jurisdic tion over the whole oountry. 2 The De partments of Government. The government 1s divided into about eighteen different departments and includ es the departments of Customs, Educ ation, Finance, Legal 1'Iatters, Justice, Lands, M ines, M edical ork , Public Health 1. Permanent M andate Co nmission, inutes, 9 h ession (1926 • 138 2. Ibid., p. 136. 77 Police, Prisons, Posts and Telegraphs, Public Works ,Railways and Surveys, The Veterinary, Tsetse Research and Geological Survey Departments, A griculture and Forestry Departments, and the Game Preservation epartment. 1 Plans for the amalgamation of the Land, Survey, Geo graphical Survev and M ines Department were in process in 1934 and it was hoped that it would go into effect in 1935. 2 Provincial Administration. The Territory 1s divided into eight Provinces, the estern Province, the Central Pro vince, the Lake Province , the Iringa P1•ovince , the Northern Province, the Southern Province, the ~ast ern Province, and the Tanga Province. ach of these provinces is in charge of a Provincial Com□issioner who 1s responsible to the Gov ernor. These eight Provinces are divided into forty-four districts, of varying size, in charge of District Officers who are responsible to the Provincial Commissioner. 3 •••• the most important duties of a Provincial Commissioner, of a District Officer and of an Assistant District Officer was to maintain a close supervision over the conduct of the Chiefs, more particularly with regard to possible opp- ression of the native peasantry and possible de falcation of native treasury funds. The accounts of the native treasuries were kept by native clerks; and it was the duty of the administrative officer to exercise a close and constait superv1s1~n over their financial transactions. 1. Ann al Report for 1933 p. 7 2. Ann\lal Report for 1934, p. 10 3. Ibid., P• 11 4. Permanent Mandate Commission, inutes, 15th ession ,, PP• 113-114 78 The division of the Territory into Districts was based on the princi _ le of decentralization and the officers in charge had full administrative and legislative nowers with some reser vations; and the natives looked upon the local administrator within the district as the Government, which is a new idea not existing in the other mandated territories. 1 "All admin istrative officers went through a course of accountancy at an English University before going to Tanganyika, and that when they arrived in the territory, they were given further instruction. There was consequently no reason to suppose that 2 they were not qualified to carry out the vvork." According to the theory of governm ent, there 1s no special reserve "unless the territory occupied by the asai might be so regarded, generally speaking, the dministration looked upon the whole country as a large native reserve.u 3 The Masai are a Hamitic peonle who entered Tanganyika at the end of the Eighteenth Century. The Germans had made a re serve for them, but ~heir warring and wandering tendencies could not confine them. They were difficult to administer because of this reason. They would trespass on private land and raid the stock. hen Tanganyika Territory was formed at the end of the World War under a ~andate to Britain, the 'asai tribe was divided between Tanganyika Territory and Kenya. There was trouble between the t no sections of the 1. Perm anent Mandato Commission, f inutes, 18th ~es ion (1930) p. 20 2. Ibid., 9th Session, P• 136 3. Permanent - andate Co es sion (1926, p . 136 1. s1 on, .~inutes, 9th - 79 asai tribe but finally one chief was agreed upon by the 1 ,asai tribe to rule both grou, s. The ! andates Commission realizes that the division of this tribe 1s not th e best thing but they say also that they would not consent to the uniting of them unless all of the territory involved were put under their control and this Kenya will not do. The people themselves, howev r, look towards Tanganyika as the governing agent. The Native ut horities. The native authorities con- sist usually of a c ief and 1s eld r • As has been stated , the policy in Tanganyika is to rebuild, as far as possible, the tribal syste m where it was destroyed and to extend it where it already existed. This system 1s terned "Indirect L ule". The exact part that the native chiefs play in the administration of the country has already been discus sed in the sect1~n on Direct and Indirect Rule and so at this time they will not be gone into again. However, the Per m anent andates Com 1ss1on made the following comment on this system of Indirect Rule in Tanganyika in 1925: 2 (Commenting on t he Annual Report for Tanganyika) 1. R.L.Buell, The Jative Proble m in Africa, Vol. 1 p .445-447, presents a ·tnorough discusslonof the question. 2. Permanent Mandate Commission, 11inutes, 6th ,ession (1925) P• 126 The re! ort did not clearly state, owever, the native olicy of the M andatory ower nor its guid ing principles. Did it conte. late maintaining and perfecting the native groups 1n order to teach them to administer themselv sunder the direction of a British ad inistrator in a way similar to that adopted in certain areas in India? Did it intend to develop the natives of Tanganyika with a view to giving them an autonomous admi nistra tion? 80 It was necessary to reme m ber that there already existed in Tanganyika an imnortant foreign popula tion and that lar ge interests had been created there in the form of plantations, railways, etc. The se interests must be taken into acoount because they were of use in the social development of the native. • • • • Consideration must be given to the question whether, in extending the syst m explained in the report of its logical limits, there was not a risk of creating too sharp a distinction between the natives and the other races alr eady established in the territory or to be established there in the future. Instead of keeping the natives apart in such conditions that they retained a large part of their customs and traditions, would it not be preferable to lead them to adopt gradually the qusto□s and methods of the more civilized race that was destined to live beside them and demonstrate to them the advantages of modern administrative m ethods and encourage them as far as possible to collaborate amicably in the co mmon task? The advantages of indirect administration were well known, but, in carrying it too far, difficulties might be created in the future. Nevertheless, the polic y of the gov~rnment in Tangan yika has been that of Indirect Rule. In 1934 "The Governor delegated to the Provincial Commissioners power to 'recognize' ersons who by the laws of their tribe and the wishes of the people are the rightful successors to vacant offices of Native Authorit1es." 1 1. Annual eport for 1934, p. 12 81 "In attempting to review the course of native administration of the Terr1tory •••• 1t 1s necessary to have regard to the fact that there is a marked absence of uniformity and a consequent danger in generalization." 1 Thus a short,brief slretoh of the different provinces and sorne of the problems within eaoh will be taken up at t 1s time. 2 In the Northern Province, there is the industrious Chagga tribe, which 1s mainly occupied in cultivating coffee. Also., the Arusha and Meru peoples who are trying to keep up with the Chagga and hope to form a co-operative society for the marketing of their crops. The Masai are also included in this district. They live mainly on the plains; and lead a nomadio life, with a blood and ilk diet. There is little contact with civilization here. In the Southern Prov1noe, there 1s a huge area of bush infected bv the Tsetse fly and therefore it is sparsely ponulated by the Natives of the Gago, Konde and other tribes. The main problem here is to keep them fed. In the astern Province, the main task of the Provincial Commissioner is largely with the detribalized natives in the coastal belt. It is an indigeneous popula tion of almost evory East African tribe and little tribal solidarity. The hot, humid climate makes it necessary that •••• "the Administrative Officers have their energies 1. Annual eport for 1934, p.19 2. Ibid., pp.19-20 ---------------------------------------- ~ 1!1111- "'J 82 taxed to the full to stir up the requisite initiative amongst them by which they may raise themselves above subsistence level." 1 In the Western Province, the main feature is the tribal solidarity, in contrast with the Eastern Provi nce. I n the Central Province periodic droughts cause much hafdship, but the altitude being higher and drier, the po ulation is more virile and even though there are large areas of Tsetse fly bush, still the Gogo, the largest tribe, are mainly pastoral, and thus it is found that the proble m of f inding grazing land is the main concern of the Provincial Officer. In the Lake Province, there are nearly one and a half million natives to administer, including the tribes of the Bahaya, Bukoba, Kuria, and the Sukuma, which are the most law abiding and diligent in husbandry. The Sukuma are capable of raising cotton, groundnuts, s1ms1m, etc., even on the poorest of land. In thelttinga Province, there i s approximately 11,000 square miles (about the size of Kern County and San Luis Obispo County together). The population density of the Iringa District is 7.3 per square mile, while the district of Mbeya, just half as large, is only 5 square miles, and the small Rungwe District has a population 1. Annual Report for 1934 p. 20 83 density of 111 per square mile (the densest in the terri tory), but there 1s a heavy rainfall and the cool climate here provides asturage and an un ailing food supply. In the Tanga Province, the wor1 deals a ~ ain with the detribal ized natives of the most varied origins and yet within t he same district, there is one homogenous tribe of 50,000 - in the Para District. Thus it may be seen that different districts have different problems and each has to solve its own with the help of the Provi~cial and other Adminis trative Officers • ••• A native aut hority under the control of an administrative official and of his superior native authority may issue orders for eighteen main pur poses, such as prohibiting or controlling the man ufacture and consumption of intoxicating liquors, preventing the pollution of the water in any stream, restricting migration of natives from or to the area under their authority and requiring any native to cultivate land to suoh an extent and with such crops as will secure an ade quate supply of food for the support of such native and is de pendents. Viola tion of these orders by natives within the area of the native authorit y concerned or interference with the exercise of the powers of the native authority may be punished with a fine of two huna 1 ed shillings or imprisonment for two months or both. In 1935 there was an amendment to the Native Aut horities Ordinance - ••• to provide for the assum tion of the duties of a native authority by an administrative officer in certain events, e.g. the succession of a minor chtf, delay in succession caused by local pol1tial difficulties, failure by a native authority to main tain a pro per standard of administration, or any other reason whioh akes the tern orary re lacement of a native authority desirable.2 1 •• L. uell, The Native Problem in frica, Vol. 1, p . 454-455. (Also note the discussion or LUcy P.Mair,Native Policies in Africa, pp. 151-153) ---- 2. nnual eport for 1935, P• 8 84 n en ral , t he native authorit y can m a ke P le s f o peace good order and t he welfare of the natives subject to the approval of the governor. If and when the Provincial Officer desires to give · an order to a native, he gives the order to the native chief, who in turn gives it to the native. No orders are given directly. M any peo le, both in Europe and in frica, are apt to think and speak of the native chiefs in Tanganyika as if they were constitutional, autocratic monarchs. The truth 1s t hat the basis of authority am ong the peo le of Tanganyika is the corporate office of Chief or head, whether it be of a tribe, or of a section of a tribe, or only of a clan. So far from being an in dividual autocrat, the chief is subject to many forms of constitutional control; for exam le, the control of the holders of certain hereditary of f ices, or again of the elders, or, in matters of gre a t i mportance, of the will of the people themselves expressed in Baraza,That 1s to say, at a general pmblic meeting. The au£nor1ty of the chief therefore rests on the broad foundation of popular support. He has a very real personal rela tionship within the clan or the tribe reaching right down to the peasant in his village. This is a very valuable feature in the Tanganyika native administra tions and great care is taken that nothing should be done to impair it.l Another polioy of the government is to encourage the members of the better eduoated elements in the population to take part in public affairs and sit on the native courts which have been set up. The rogress made by Britain in the administration of Tanganyika has been noted by the Permanent M andate Commission, which, in its 11th Se ssion states: 2 1. Permanent M andate Commission, inutes,18th Session 1930, P• 17. 2. Ibid., 11th Se ssion, pp .202-203 85 The Commission has been greatly impressed with the pro ress made in building up, in accordance with the program of the governor of Tanganyika, whose ersonal explanations in this connection were greatly appreciated, a system of native ad mini stration which makes use, as far as possible, of traditional tribal organization, subject to the supervision of the M andatory Power. There are three m ain oarts of 1 nd1rect Rule as adminis tered in Tanganyika -- the Native Authority, the Native Courts, and the Native Treasuries. The Judicial Organization. There are four m ain divi sions to the judicial Organization: (1st) a Hi gh Court wh1oh was established by an Order in Co ncil in 1920; (2nd) a SpeoiJl Tribunal, having a Chief Justice; (3rd) subordinate Courts, established by a Courts Ordinance in 1930; and (4th) the Native Courts, which exercise jurisdiction as directed by the Governor under the native authorities. The High Court 1s just what the name 1m lies -- the last court of resort of a ppeal. It is similar to the uprame Court of the 'tate of California. The Special Tribunal was set up at the close of the World W ar to settle claims caused by the war conditions, and in 1934 the work was almost finish- ed for no new cases had then come up. The Subordinate Courts have both criminal and ci vil jurisdiction. There are three classes of subordinate courts. s ubordinate co,rt of t he first class may pass a sentence of i mpriso nmen t for a t er m not exceeding t w o year s, of a fine not exceeding thre e t housand 86 shillings, and o cor ora punishm ent, but not sentence exceeding twelve months' imprisoTh~ent (whether it is a substantive sentence of imprison ment or a sentence of imprisonment n default of payment of a fine or a combination of such senten ces) or sentence exceeding twelve strokes may be carried into effect, and no fine exceeding one thousand shillings may be levied, until the record of the case or a certified coy of it has been transmitted to and the sentence has been confirmed by the High Court. A subordinate court of the second class may pass a sentence of imprisonment for a term not exceeding twelve months, or a fine not exceeding one thousand five hundred shillings, and of corpor al punishment not exceeding twelve strokes; but not sentence exceeding six mo1ths' imnrisornnent (whether 1 t is a subs tan ti ve sentence or a sentence of imprison ment in default of payment of a fine or a combination of such sentences) or a sentence exceeding eight strokes imposed on an adult may be carried into effect, and no fine exceeding seven hundred and fifty shillings may be levied, until a record of the case or a certified coy of 1t has been transwitted to and the sentence has been confirmed by the High Court. subordinate court of the t hird class may pass a sentence of imprisonment for at rm not exceeding three months, or a fine not exceeding five hundred shillings, and of corporal punis ment on juveniles only, not exceeding eight strokes; but before any sentence of imprisonment exceeding one month {whether it is a substantive sentence of imprison ment or a sentence of imprisonment in default of a payment of a fine or a com bination of such sentences) is carried into effect, or any fine exceeding one hundred shillings is levied, it must be coP11rmed by the District Officer. 1 In Civil Jurisdiction, "Subordinate Courts of the first, second aril third classes have civil jurisdiction up to a limit of~ 200, ~ 100 and~ 90, respectively, except that in the first class, courts of iv1wanza and Bukoba ,~ hen 1. Annual Report for 1935, pp.69-70 • ,. 87 presided over by a Res id nt r~ agistrate, jurisdiction has been given up to a limit of I. 750." 1 The Jative Courts are the courts mot often used by the natives themselves and play an important role in the system of Indirect Rule. There were 650 native courts in 1929 and during that year they tried 69,1?8 cases; super- vised, of course, by the Administrative officers, and t heir records were scrutinized by the Secretary for Native Affa1r9. In 1925, a Native Courts Proclamation was issued under the Courts Ordinance of 1920 and setting forth the type of case s to be heard by the two t ypes of native courts, composed of chiefs. 1. First Class Courts, having jurisdiction to hear and decide: 1. Civil Cases (a) In which the amount or subject matter does not exceed in value 600 shillings, or (b) Relati ng to personsl status, marr iage and divorce under A ohamm edan or native law, or (c) Relation to inheritances which are not governed by the provisions of the De ceased Natives ,states Ordinance 1922; such jurisdiction shall be in addition to any jurisdiction conferred under the said Ordinance. · 1. Annual ReEort for 1934, p . 70 2. Perm anent M andate Corn 1ss1on,M inutes,18th ~e sion {1920) p. 17 II. 88 Criminal Cases, rovided always that no punishment other than imprisonment of either description~ for a term not exceeding six m onths und a fine not exceeding two hundred shillings and whip ing not exceeding eight strokes shall be inflicted by such Court, and that in no case where fine has been ordered shall the imprisonment passed u on the offende r in d efault of pa yment of fine to gether with the original term of imprisonment (if any) exceed a total of six months. Provided that a sentence or whipping shall require to be confirmed by the Supervi sory Court. (a - with or without hard labor) III. Appeals from Native Courts of the Second Class. B. Second Class Courts, having jurisdiction to hear and decide: 1. Civil Cases II. (a) in which the am ount or subject matter does not exceed in value two hundred shillings, or (b) relating to personal status, marriage and divorce under 1 ohammedan or native law, or (c) relating to inheritances which are not govern ed by the provisions of the Deceased Natives Estates Ordinance, 1922; such jurisdiction shall be in addition to any jurisdiction conferred under the said Ordinance. Criminal Cases, provided always that no punishment other than imprisonment of either descri tion for a term not exceeding one month and a fine not exceeding fifty shillings and whip 1ng not exceed ing s1! strokes shall be inflicted by such Court, •••• It will be noted that the native courts do not have jurisdiction in cases involving life imprisonment or death 1. Native Courts Proclamation (1925) issued under the Courts Ordl~ance 1920, Annual Report for 1924, p. 77, or see .L.Buell, The Native Problem in Africa, Vol. 1, pp.456-457 -- -- -- --- - - - - - 89 penalty or in connect1on wit ~ Civi or Christian marriages , except in a few specified cases. Appeals m ay be had from the second to the first class native courts and from the first class court to the administrative officer who acts as a "supervisory court". In 1930 another Courts Ordinance N a s passed. This made no immediate change in composition and only minor changes in jurisdiction and form. However, the native courts by this aot were brought under the direct and per sonal supervision of the district officer and the Provin cial Commiss i oner, but with final a peal to the Governor. ubordinate courts of t h irst,second and third clas ses may, su ject to any direction of the igh Court, transf er to any native subordinate court or any native court constituted under the at1ve Cour ts Ordinance, 1929, the determination of any case,c1v11 or crirr-inal, ?tlere the parties are natives. If it appears that in any Civil case tried by a court sub ordinate to the High Court, in which a native 1s a part y , there has been an error m aterial to the mer its of the case involving great injustice, the High Court may revise the proceedings and may pass judg ment or order therein as it thinks fit. 1 By 1934 and 1935, the Court system seemed to be running smoothly. The right of appeal was appreciated, but few appeals went beyond the Provincial Commissioner of the Province. Twenty-three appeals were made to the Provincial Commissi oner in 1934 and of these the Lake Province, and especially the Bukoba 1str1ct, gave the majority of these. 2 In that District the people love 1. Annual elort for 1935~ p . 70. See also Permanent andate Commission, M nutes, 18th Session, p . 17. 2. Annual eport for 1934, p . 21 90 litigation for !ts own sake. In 1935 only one appeal was ade to the rov1nc1al Commission and none to the Governor. A Travelling Court was initiated in 1934 for the · astern Province instead of the several small courts that they did have. "The president of the Court is the Chief who sits with not less than three of too minor Chiefs. There are seventeen such Chiefs, all of whom are members of the Court." 1 It seems to be very popular with the natives. Fees levied in the native courts are fixed at 5% of the amount involved (in civil cases) and this goes into the Native treasury. Detribalized natives go to the native courts in the district where residing except for the Tanga District which is under direct administration and the native court work is carried on by native subordinate courts, established in 1930. The magistrates in these courts are natives paid a salar by the government and subject to the jurisdiction of the High Court. Layers are debarred in any subordinate court ins its where both parties are natives but the natives can still go to them for advise. any cases are settled by family councils or groups of vi lage elders. There is no legal authority to enforce t heir deci s1 ons and no attem t by the gover•nment is made to 1. Annual port for 1934, p . 21 91 interfere with this ractice for it sav s the time of the Courts and gives satisfaction to all conce ned. The offi cials take a liberal view in regard to certain aspects of native law which are not compatible with the 'uropean prin ciples, and they are told not to lay too much stress on the difference betw en civil and cri inal law and not to insist on fines if the native law awards compensation. "An interesting case of an adaptation of the Courts Ordinance to local circumstance is that of the Mbeya district, where five chiefs have been given extended jurisdiction to deal with marriage cases in w hich the m oney value of the cattle at stake exceeded the limit of their competence." 1 There was no universal legislation re ealing all the German legislation and laws, but gradually it was changed, so it is that the fundamental law in Tanganyika was t he Indian Penal Cod e in 1923. Gradually the nglish Comnon law is becoming the fundamental law, though. The Prison system is under a separate department with forty-nine different prisons of three different classes; nine of the first class, six of the second class, and thirty four of the t ird class which are those situated in the dis- tricts and are for ter~s less than six months. The prisoner is first taken there as in the City Jail of our modern city in the United ~tates. There is a special leper prison at Dobona, 1. Lucy • 1 air, Native Policies in Africa, • 156 - 92 and Lutindi. The Native Treasuries and Taxation. In the German administration, it was the custom to allow the chief or sultan to collect tribute from his subject so that he in turn could meet the obligations to which he was subject. Often this tribute was taken in the form of labor and grain. The German would supplement this tribute with a stipend of one to three per cent of the hut and poll taxes collected by the aid of the chiefs. 1 Britain also carried this on until April, 1925. M any abuses were comm on as can be seen from the following quotation: Thus the ultan of Ugandu had an income in the form of produce which was valued at 12,500 shillings a year. Two fifths of this sum he distributed as salaries among his sub-chiefs. The Sultan spent about two thousand, eight hundred shillings in the support of twenty-five members of his household, including his wives, while he devoted the balance tote entertainment of visitors and charity. Sultan aidi of Tabora in 1922 had an income of six thousand shillings - his three per cent from tax collectio~s. Of this sum, he distributed four thousand shillings as salaries to his thirty-two sub-chiefs. In the same year, he expended eight thou sand shillings upon the poor and in entertaining visi tors. He made up the deficit from the tribute in the form of grain which amounted to forty-eight thousand shillings, or about four shillings per subject. Like wise, be received unnaid labor estimated to have a value of 66,248 shillings -- making a total of 114,648 shillings a year, or about 5,735 pounds -- a sum which the Sultan administered entirely on his own responsi bility. In addition to meetin · these demands, the nat ives were obliged to pay a hut and poll tax to the ritish Government. 0 1. R. L. Buell, The Native Problem in Africa,Vol.l. p . 458 - 2. Ibid., .458-459 93 Origi nally these contri utions were u ed f or triba l pur osas , such as the poor, the war chest , food f or tribal s e .blies , tc . , but t h ne~ i1ur opean c o . ,. erce .ade i t ossi le fo t e ultans to use t f or a 01rce of comnercia l pro it an they inc~eased their d ands of t ribute on the people , e 0 eciall fol ow· t e . orld Jar . Te people were very har d utan cr i ed for relief . In 1924 , therefore , the Briti h Jovern .ent increased the ut and poll tax f om s i x to ten il . ins so that t he a ed revenue could e used t o pay the chiefs a re ula n salarJ , hopin~ that the chiefs ould the n bol i sh tri ute in 1 in an unpai labor . l on J -: ith this, t e id e a of t u r ning only part of this ov r to the chief for e r onal use an. havin a nativ J t reas J.ry ;,ras instituted . ere t e tr i be could nrof it a a hole . T i . last VJ8S be g':..ln in 19 5 . T e overn nt of icial tal \..ed over t he vhole ues - t ion with the c ~iefs a a t heir eo le a t a azas . T e c , i fs as ed to esti .ate the value o as t tribute, in order to eter j ne t he i r sa l arie , and e pecially , hat they had spent on them selves . : 1 a c h nat i ve authori t y as to have i t O P_ n t e sur y . a t i ve treasuries Jere organized i n istr i cts • ;here o tri ute vas exacted too . The ~rea uries \ ere sati factory or the chiefs ere not certain of a steady i nco e, and they ··er ""' opular ~1th their people who were relived of the i rre ~ular exaction s of bef ore . The eople l ike it for it . eans 8t er chi efdom a nd expenditur es f or the co 1 .10n ood . he ves re bein taught t o hel themselves in the {ay of n al . i nrr et t er meter sy t etc . The sti a t e are 94 drawn u "':J t e native uthoritv and L is t·ribal council where local ad inistrative it exists and then it is sent tot officer and t~ence to the provi cial co r . ission and then to the Governor for a .proval. he clerk of the native authority has a cash book an a vote oo ~l ic deterr ines the amount he may spend, butt ad nistrative officer countersi ns all chec s, ,->0 1eti r1e a lump sum is g iven to the ~'ultan TNho then distri.,1utes the salaries of t e sub-chiefs. ''hen buildin a ourt-ho se and the lik:e, t e a inistrative officer r erely u 7 ests the general lan and the actual construction is eft to t e r.,ulta • T .. us rnore an , o e the natives . ve ~l ore of their o v n a . inistr ti on to take care of. In 1926, it as decided to a olish tribute to be aid to the c iefs u ~ to t' i fl en e an attitude of the c iefs the□sel,e • It ~ as elieved to be e ces ive tro ub_ e an i _ .c:,ic 1 ty an • ...., O' Cl .... 1 • • 1 • ir loss vas co~ nsated for~ y a ying them etter salaries. al o a olis ed. 1 co . p~lsory labor for the c iefs , as ri ute ~as . er ly added to the regular a s ard a fixed a aunt vas ai over into the native treas ries, t ~e funds of nich were in control of the hief ho re~ a salary from the treasury and aid his sub- or ina~es fro~ it. The re ainder then could be used in ~ublic 1 . or _ rs • . e oft ~ is ,as prevented by th J fact that re- • i c . ~sion of this nreviously and the followin on .13 9 err.1anent .. an jate Commission inute 9th e ssion 95 ceipts were issued and the amount NBS fixed by the govern ment ahead of time. Thus the chief was revented from ask ing for more than he should. By 1934, t e finances of a. 1 native administrations were managed by their own treasuries except in ~afia Island and in parts of Tan a !strict, and each treasury submitted its annual budget separat and apart from the others. By 1934, ninety-three treasuries ,ere o era ting • 1 Grants-in-aid by the Government are given if th ..., r 1 reasury is unable to bal ance its budget, but this is rare and in 1934 , only four were assisted to a total value of~ 535, 2 and in 1935, ninety seven separate treasuries were in operation with only three grants-in-aid having a total value of~ 655. The Treasury staffs are entirely native and where ossible local natives are employed. It is fully recognized that this is the ost diffi cul~ branch of native administration work. Deliberate dishonesty is comparatively rare. But the African, vague and easy-going by nature, is not the best nat erial from which to make accurate and reliable account ants. It will be a very long ti me before British Offi cers will be justified in relaxing the extremely close supervision which 1s now enjoined on them. 3 By the end of 1934, an accumulated sur plus from all of the treasuries amounted to socie ~ 130,000 4 , while by the end 1. Annual Repor~ !~ 1934 P• 22 2. Ibid., p. 22 3. Permanent andate Com.1 1ss1on, 111nutes, 18th ession 1930, p. 17 4. Annual ~eport for 1934, p . 16 96 of 1935, the accumulated surplus balance in the hands of t-he native administrations was l, 312,000. "Generally speak-, ing, the native authoritie are ta ing a much greater int erest in the financial affairs of their areas and the desire to expand their social services 1s often greater than the funds at their disposal will permit." 1 The sources of revenue come from two sources - irect Taxation and Ind_rect Taxation. There are seven sources of Direst Taxation -- the Native Hut and Poll Tax, the non native poll tax, substituted for the non-native Education tax, the Levy on Officials salaries, Motor Vehicle Licenses, House tax, unic1pal tax and trade l icenses of all sorts. Companies are liable to pay all except the first three. 2 The Non-Native Poll tax was substituted for the non-native education tax because, " ••• to af ord security to Government for the repayment of loans made by non-native com unities for building schools, and bal1nces being used to supplement annual votes for European and Indian education." 3 Then, too, the educational tax in reality was an ungraded non- native poll tax with every male adult, European and sian, being required to pay Shs. 30 whether he received any edu cational benefits or not. Thus it came about that every 1. Annual Report for 1935, p. 19 2. Ibid., 1934 • 54 and for 1935, • 50 3. Ibi~.,1935, P• 51 97 little isolated community in the Territory came to expect some educational benefit and when there was none discontent arose. The situation was aggravated by a financial depress ion and thus this tax was devised and substituted for the other tax. 1 "This tax is a graduated tax payable bv every non-native male person in the territory (official and non official) of the age of 18 years or over. The tax is levied at rate ranging from the income receivod in the erritory by the tax-payer during the year of assessment, such rates varying from a minimum of~ 2 to a maximum of~ 500 on in comes in excess of~ 10,000 per annum" 2 The non-native poll tax was used instead of an income tax because there were no large industrial companies operating in Tanganyika except as branches of firms operating in other arts of Dast Africa and therefore, it was necessary if a proper assessment of incomes was to be made to have it in all three territories, but this move was not contemplated by the other territories. 3 In 1934 receipts of the Hut and Poll Tax amounted to~ 592,119 and the estimate for 1935 was~ 635,000. In January 1935, a New Native Tax Ordinance went into effect. The Indirect Taxes consist of Imports and ~ 'xc1se ~uties. The 1moorts in 1933 netted~ 404,730 or 26 i of 1. Annual Report for 1934, p. 56; and Ibid. for 1935, P• 52 2. Ibid., for 1934, p. 57; and Ibid, for 1935, pp.53-54 3. Ibid., for 1935, p. 52 98 the total rave ue; and in 1934, ~ 476,267 or 28 of the total revenue.I In 193 , excise duties roduced ~ 7,460 and in 1934, ~ 11,626. There is a sugar consu ption tax which was introduced on the 15th day of M arch 1933 of - "Shs 3 per 100 lb. on all sugar released from customs con troJ irrespective of origin." 2 In 1933, it netted lit 2,403 and in 1934, ~ 11,347. A tax of 25 cents on each package imported · into the territory began ovamber 1933, producing ~ 7,000 in 1934. It was only a tern orary financial expe dient and therefore expired Dec ember 31, 1934. Other in direct taxes are placed on cotton, coffee and sisal. The proceeds are used for the benefit of the industries con cerned exclusively. In order to counteract to some extent the enor mous fall in world-wide rices, it as necessary in 1934 to en~ct legislation amending the Customs Tariff Ordinance, whereby specific duties on c r tain low-priced imports -- mainly textiles -- were substituted for ad valorem rates. The ob·ect of the measure was no~the imposition of incre~sed taxation upon the consumer but to a1nta1n the rev enue of the Territory at a normal figure.3 "Labor in lieu of taxation is permitted in Tanganyika {though •only sparingly and as a last recourse in the case of recalcitrant natives who are suspected of habitually avoid~g their liabilities to the ,tate') in districts where 1. Annual eport for 1934, p. 58; Ibid for 1935, p. 53 2. Ibid., for 1934, P• 58 3. Ibid., for 1935, P• 53 99 cash is not easily obtainable in exchange for local produce. It is stated that in no case 1s labor substituted for tax ation if the tax is forthcoming in cash, produce or live- stock". 1 At the end of the World ar, the budget of the Terri- tory was in bad shape, but due to loans-in-aid equilibrium was reached by 1926, and since then the Territory has pros- pered. Tribal Amalgamat1o~~ There has been a movement for tribal amalgamation with one paramount chief over several small tribes instead of each having its own chief, due to the fact that if the native treasury is to ·succeed then amalgamation of the smaller tribes into larger groups must be brought about. Many of the tribal units are too small to finance projects for com~unal intorests for if there is only a few hundred tax-payers, they can't afford the equipment or tools that a large district can. Several amalgamations have already taken place. So i e of these are among the Vasu kuma in the hinyunga sub-district which was divided into nine independent sultanates; the Usukuma federation in the Tabora Province and the M wanza Province has extended one aramount chief over the sub-chiefs now also. 2 1. Permanent Jandate Commission, inutes, 3rd ession p.268-269 2. Ibid., 13th ession 1928 P• 140 and R.L.Buell, The Native Problem 1n Africa, P• 461 - 100 These amalgamations are government instigated but the peo le have to accept them and want them before they are put tn. These tribal amalgamations have one paramount chief and a common council for the purposes of financial bettorment of the natives. There is no attempt to form a centralized political unit, howevor. "Its members may exercise joint executive authority in matters of enter prises undertaken jointly, and act jointly as a Court of Appeal from decisions of any one of them, but each retains full powers over its own area in ever. other respect. At the sametime meetings for the joint discussion of problem s within the sphere of individual me bers are encouraged, and it is becoming the practice to hold them at regular inter vals." 1 Sometimes jealousy of chiefs,ho,vever, prevents a successful amalgamation of some of the smaller groups as in the Mbeya district, w hich amalgamation was dissolved in 1929 with hopes to come together again soon. 2 Summary. Before discussing the different roblems that confront the administration, such as education, Tsetse fly, medical service, agriculture, improvement of native life, white settlement, etc., it is best that an overview of the system of Indir ect Rule as found in Tanganyika be given. uch an overview can best be gained by a tim ely quotation from Smuts: 3 1. Lucy u air, Native Policies in frica, P• 153 - 2. Permanent M andat e Co~m1ss1on, 1nutes,18th ession 1930, P• 17 3. Gen.J. C. ~muts, f.rica & om e ~ orld Proble s, pp .89-90 --- - ---- 101 . ••• The foundation of the system is the ainte nance and building up of the authority of the chiefs in their various rank s •••• Their office is hereditary, but deposition and popular elec- tion are both possible in accordance with native ideas. The chief is responsible for the adminis tration of his tribe, maintains order and good government within its area, and prevents the commission of offences. The heads of families pay an annual tax of ten shillings, which goes into the tribal treasury, from which a fixed amount 1s paid to the chief for his maintenance, the balance being devoted to tribal purposes. The chief can issue orders for a large number of purposes, such as prohibiting or controlling the manufacture and consumption of intoxicating liquors, preventing the pollution of the water in any stream, controlling migration of natives to or from his area, and requiring any native to cultivate land in such a wsy and with such crops as will secur e a proper supply of food for him and his family. He may also make rules imposing fines and other penalties for the enforcement of his orders. Native courts are also instituted, administering native law and custom both civil and criminal cases between natives within a certain jurisdiction; and from their decisi ons or sentences appeals lie ultimately to a white author ity, who has also to confirm certain cr i minal sen tences before their execution. The white administration remains responsible for the larger functions of government, such as the combating of human and animal diseases, the organ ization of education, the improvement of agriculture, and the construction of public works, and maintains a staff for these and similar purposes. But all the purely tribal concerns are left t o t he chief and his counsellors whose actions are supervised by the white officer only in certain cases inte nd ed to pre vent abuses. 102 CHAPTER VI PROBLE 0 AD , I ISTRATION. There ar J m any problems of the administration besides the defense of the Ter itory, whic h is taken care of by the Southern Brigate of th9 Yings African Rifles. om e of these problems will be taken u briefly at this time, among which are: -- The Liquor Control Problem, The Po pulation Problem, The Transportation Problem, due at ion, e search, ~ 1 ed 1cal Care, and the exceedingly large and weighty problem of pro duction, which includes willingness to produce, and native labor policies and white settlement and land polici S e It is not the purpose of this section to attempt to solve any of these problems, but merely to open up the field for fur ther interest and research of the reader. Liquo,t Control Problem. The British l' Iandates, of which Tanganyika is one, present the most difficult pro blems in this aspect for two reasons: (1) The natives hab itually brew alcohol for themselves (especially pear and palm-wine), which are made in unsanitary conditions and carry disease and harmful bacteria; and (2) there has been and still is a large import of "Trade Spirits" •••• that 1s to say, · cheap spirits, usually labelled as something thay are not. Sometimes they are called "Imitation whiskey", "Imitation brandy", etc., but under the Convention of .Jt. 0 103 Germain of epte ber 10, 1 19, they are rohibited and better class s irit~ ere to be heavil~ taxed. mhe only way that tt is can be effectivel_; controlled is when all the terr itories in Africa put up a united front - "For if the customs officials of one Africa territory are efficient, and those of the next slaok, the spirit dealers will run their goods into the slackly-guarded orts and smu 0 gle across the land frontiers of the strict country. In hfrica, these frontiers are so eno1• ous that they cannot ossibly be guarded." 1 Thus negotiations are being carried on between t e Prench and the British regarding the d Jfinition of the term "s irit ous liquors" and the im o t duties thereon. Population Problem. Africa is under neonled and there - ., is a wide-spread belief that the population 1s shrinking. This state of affairs has arisen from tribal wars, the slave trade, ignorance and superstition of the tribes resulting in ineffect ive hygiene and rules harnful to health, boredom of the native with life in general causing a low standard of living ands iri tual decay, the Great ar, and t e lantation labor which causes disintegration of tribal 11 e, and □igratory labor, etc .2 The pov rt. of the Natives is also a problem, but this is not so extrem e in Tan anyika as in yasal nd, here it is 1. Freda · ihi te, v1andate · , p. 95 2. Ibid., n . 84-86 104 lower than any other territory. However, the natives from Nyasaland migrate to Tanganyika and cause comulications of the population roblem in Tan 0 any1ka, itself :r .Church points outl that the peo ling of ◄ 'ast frica is an urgent necessity, for if it remains unpeopled the pestilential insects will increase in untenanted parts aoo the only remedy is cultivation and pasturage. He believes, however, that the only method of increasing the population there is to encourage migration from congested areas, and put in the unsettled portions. For instance - have the W ac hagga tribe doCTiciled in different parts and not altogether as they now are. Though this al o means detribalization, which 1s another population probleCT. Then, there is the race problem -- the whites, blacks and the Indians - all trying to live in one country together, and do this amicably. The Indians complain that they should have the same rights as other Europeans. They ut forth the claim that they were there first and that since clim ate there is similar to that of India, their productivity is good. However, the Europeans all over Africa oppose it very much on an anti-Asiatic basis, and the only way ir .Church be- 1. Church - East Africa, a New Dominion, p. 118 ------ 105 . , lieves it will be cleared up 1s when all economic and social causes for racial antagonisms have been .orgotten. 1 Both the Indians and the hites court the favor of the Blacks and yet both look down on him. The Indians out number the Whites considerably and are employed by the government in medical and technical services, providing most of the labor in the skilled occupations. They serve also as clerks in local administrations and commercial houses and have a virtual monopoly of the retail trade. Many of them are extremely wealthy. This situation - ••• led !lr. i-)rinavser astri, India's re resenta give, speaking at the Asse bly of the League of Nations in 1921, to sug ryest that Indians were worse treated in the mandated territory of Tang anyika--for which the League accepted trusteeship- than they were under the Germans, a challenge to the moral authority of the League itself {Yet, if the fundamental cause of the antagonism i s the conflict of economic interests inherent in the lower standard of living of the Indians as a whole, the solution lies rather in India than in fries) 2 --- The Transport Problem. This problem inter locks with the population problem and the production problem for it is useless to raise crops unless cheap transportation to markets is available and there is the problem of who is to do it, etc. Today, porterage takes thousands and thousands of natives -- a terrific waste of 1. Church, £E,•Cit., • 120-1~1.1 ee also Rudolph Asmis, Africa as a World Problem,Vol.312.pp.255-263,which gives a brief out-interesting survey of many of these problems.I 2. Ibid. , . • 190 106 labor. Two quotations from Major Orde rowne's Report on Labour in Tanganyika will suffice to illustrate the point. 1 ••• Costly, slow inconvenient, and intensely unpop ular with most tribes, it represents a stage of de velopment from which we should escape at the earliest possible mocient. As an illustration of the amount of labor absorbed in this form of employment may be cited the figures for the station of ilosa; during the year 1924,porterage for Government loads alone accounted for 400,000 working days, i.e., the entire labor force of a considerable plantation. In addition to this, there were probably even larger numbers engaged by private employers, since the economic development of the country still largely depends upon head porter age. The above is a good example since it has been possible this year to introduce motor transport from Kilosa to Iringa, with the result that the former figure has already been largely reduced. any other stations, however, resent almost equally startling figures; in fact, the numbers required for Government transport alone, must be positively colossal for the whole Territory •••• M any thousands of tons of grain are exported ever year, and it is probably well within the actual facts to say that this represents an average of three days' head carriage for every fifty pounds. Native-grown cotton, again -- a valuable crop -- is frequently carried fourteen days' journey, and even more; all native produce in fact, involves more or less labor for its transport, frequently, to an extent which prevents further development. Education and 1ss1ona. ~ducation may be classed into three main divisions -- African education, Indian Educa tion and European education. Native Education is based on the foundation of vernacular rimary schools. "After com pleting four standards in the wahili vernacular, there is a b1farcat1on in the syste , one branch continui the ver- nacular course for two further standards and then leading to 1. eport by i a.or G.St. J.Orde Browne , O.B. t., upon Labour in the Tan~anyika Territorz, 1926, Col.No 19 pp 36-37, and again on p. 37. 107 either training of vernacular teachers or training in industries, and the other branch starting the course in ~nglish, leading to secondary and special work at Tabora and thence to the entrance to .akerere College, Uganda."1 There are six main divisions in the Native ducation; the Primary Village chools, the Girls' chools, the Native Administration Schools, the Primary Schools, the ,ission Schools and the Government chools. The Primary Village Schools are vernacular schools and teachers are being trained for them as fast as can be. There 1s a definite need for them. There is a training school at Mpwapwa as well as the mission training centers. 2 The Girls' Schools show the appreciation for them because of the fact that the demands far exceed the accomoodations now. "Increasing numbers have entered the Government village schools situated in townships such as Ujij1; proof that the requirement of female education first makes itself felt in the towns." 3 There 1s a dearth of trained African female teachers here too. There are thirty-six Native Administration schools with an average daily attendance of 2,16? in 1934 and of 2,057 in 1935. 4 These schools are huilt in most cases from 1. Annual Report for 1935, p. 106 2. Ibid., for 1934, p. 87 and for 1935, p . 106 3. Ibid., for 1934, p. 87 and for 1935, p. 106 4. Ibid., for 1934J p. 87 and for 1935, P• 106 108 the Native Treasury funds and the Native Administrations finance the boarders, the building and furniture and usually part of the cost of salaries for the staff. The total expense for 1934 was estimated at~ 8,162. The curriculum is the same as in the Government village schools and the teaching starr are members or the Education Depart ment. The Superintendent of Education supervises and inspects these schools. The only practical difference between these and the government schools 1s uthat the responsibility for ex-classroom activities and the expenditure connected therewith is accepted by the Native Administrations.• 1 The Native administrations also largely support the Primary schools of M oshi, Mwanza, and Malangali. The Primary schools are for those pupils who have completed four years of village schooling. From here they go to the Government English Schools or Verna- cular Schools. "In Government schools the English course is followed chiefly at the schools of Dares Salaam,Tanga and Tabora, while the advanced vernacular course is follow- ed at !-1Iosh1, Mwanza and Malangali. Junior secondary e,duca- tion is developing in a very satisfactory manner at Tabora. 0 2 The Mission schools are also an important factor in the 1. Annual Report for 1934, P• 8? ~- Ibid., for 1935, P• 107 109 educational scheme of Tanganyika. They receive grants in aid to help carry them on. Instruction is given main ly in Swahili, the accepted medium in East Africa. There has been an increase in the Roman Catholic missions and in 1934 they applied for 200 more new schools in the Kigoma District and 100 in the Iringa District as well as several in other Provinces. 1 Some eighty new missionaries came into this territory in 1934 - largely Roman Catholic Societies. There are ten government schools, staffed by Euro peans. 2 The Tabora Boys' School, the Tabora Girls School, the Mpwapwa Vernacular Teachers' Training School, the Dar es Salaam Boys' School, the G rls' 'School at Dar es Salaam, the Tanga Boys' School, the Tanga Girls' School and the three schools of Mwanza, Moshi and Malangali. The students are allowed to choose industrial training or English train ing at these various schools md go to the school eqhipped for such instruction~ Indian Education is provided for by three government schools, eleven government aided schools and thirty-six unaided schools. 3 The Three Government Schools for Indian Education are: the Government Indian Central School at Dar es Salaam, the Government Indian Junior School, (Preparatory 1. Annual Report for 1934, PP• 87-88 2. Ibid., 19~~, P• 89 3. Annual ReE ort 1934, P• 91 states 30 of these latter receive aid from the balance◄of the Indian Education Tax Re serve Fwld. The 1935 Report gives the number of unaided schools at 39, of which 31 receive aid from the Indian Education Tax Reserve Fund. 110 to the first) and the Tanga school. "Instruction is given in Gujarati or Urdu in the lo·1er clauses of all Indian chools in the Territory, after ~hich - at such schools ,.vhere numbers and e ic iency V11arrant it - .,~nglish is grad ually introduced until it becomes the medium of instruc tion." 1 There are over t wenty different J uropean national i ties in th m er r itory a nd t us there are four divisions in the .~uropean .L.Jduc ation: 1-~nglish; 2- ('lout b _frican Dutc h; 3-German; and 4-Gree l{ . The !Jnglish - ;,ducation is urovided for by two government schools at rusha and the Union 'chool at Dar-es- ~ alaam. The Ngare-1airobi : chool ~as closed because of the ne w school at us ha \I\/ hi c h gr e v, from a few until in 1935 there were 36 boarders and seven day pupils. 2 The Junior School is for the ages from five to fourteen. There is also aver small school in the Iringa Province run by a ~cottish ninister on his far m with government assistance. ~here i about an average of ei 0 ht oardine children t here. The Sout 1. 1 frican Dutch ~ ~aucation is taken car e o . by three schools. One of these · fas closed in 1934 due to the migration oft e utch to the gold di gins of Lupa, but later t :vo small one s \Jer - open d i n t ha t dist1 ,ict. 1. A nnual Repo:! for 1935, p . 111 2. Ibi ., for 1935, p . 113 - 111 There are two other small ones in the Iringa Province. The German Education is provided for by four schools, while the Greeks are educated in one school in the Northern Province at Kibosho and another in the Northern Province at Diluti •• For Secondary Education, the Europeans, as well as Natives~ have to go to Kenysola, Ugarxla, at Makerere College. There used to be a chmr-ge for non-residents but this has been withdrawn and they now pay the saroo as those living in Kenya. Government aid therefore has been withdrawn too but travel ing expenses are still paid. However~ if the need is deserv ing, the government does help pay some of the school fees. Makerere, a technical school was started in 1923. It 1s open to any young East African who has reached the proper standard. "As th.e educational systems or Kenya and Tanganyika catch up with that of Uganda ~- which · has had a quarter of a century start -- the n11mber from other terri tories will increase; and in due time,~ think there can be no shadow of doubt, 1 akerere will become a true Wlivers1ty, the University of East Africa." 1 The cost of Education is borne by the community, in part, and by the government grants-in-aid. The following chart shows the government Education Expenditures from 1931 to 1935: 2 1. Julian Huxley, Africa View, P• 293 2. Annual Report for 1935, p. 103. For Government distribution of the1revenue to the African, Indian and European education see also Ibid., p. 105 Year 1931/2 1932 9 mos. 1933 1934 ~-1935 Expenditure on Education from General Revenue iJ 122,666 73,924 89,355 86,704 82,100 * Revised estimate Total Revenue (Excluding Railways ) it 1,522,368 1,290,891 1,564,538 1,720.285 1,960,356 112 Percentage of Revenue spent on Education 8.06 5.71 4.18 Payments by the Native Treasuries for the upkeep of native administration schools were as follows: 1 1931-32 It 6,008 1932 I, 3,734 1933 i, 6,092 1934 ~ 7,008 .,:-1935 I, 3,085 i:- Estiinated School attendance varies at th~ different schools. There is, of coU1~se, no question of attendance at the boarding schools. At the government day schools, a high average of attendance of 95% is reached - the other 5 1 being accounted for by siclmess; 80%, however, is considered satisfactory for government village and native administration schools although in certain sections not more than 70°/o is achieved. 2 1. Annual Report for 1935, p. 104 2. Ibid.,for 1935, P• 111 113 Missions have great difficulty in regular attendance in certain sections although there is marked improvement shown in the last years. "There are many causes for irre gular attendance; some are beyond human control, such as the existence of famine, or a plague of locusts. Among other causes may be truancy of pupils or the apathy of parents.• 1 Then, too, the influence of money and wealth on the natives has caused them to desire their children to stay at home and help cultivate the farms for more money and they believe tl1at education is a waste of t:tm.e. This is not such an unsimilar situation than the lower classes in America or in England - especially just a few years ago. Agricultural training, industrial training, ma.ternity and child welfare clinics, tailoring , weaving, joinery, San itary Instruction for training of inspectors by the Health Department and the Veterinary Surgery training, carpentry, Railway workshops, and public works and transport tra1.. ning 1 and other practical courses are all offered by the government at various schools. A course of study for the different classes has been worked out by the government and tl1e classes are now beginning to become standardized, and modern methods of education are beginning to be used such as visual educa- tion. 1. Annual Rep~r~ for 19~5 1 P• 111 114 The Sons of the Chiefs are being educated at a special school established at 1abora. The purpose of this school is for culture as ~ell as training in the duties in citizenship and obligations to the community. It was established so that the educated class or the Whites would not sooner or later break down the traditional authority of the chiefs. As Lugard states,"' The educated chief may••• himself become detribalised, and even Europeanized, into a mere native official', eager to adopt measures which he thinks will please the government. The education he receives should be shared by his principal councillors, and should be such as to minimize this danger." 1 Therefore, they try to get the Sons of the Chiefs at the age of 8 or 9 years and a course of instruction for six years 1s given to them. It works on the same theory that the Catholics use when they say, YGive the child to the church ~or his first six years and he will never leave it. n The first three years are the ordinary education in Swahili, includ ing the three "R's', agriculture and hygiene. The second three years, include some English acquired incidentally to courses 1n other subjects, and work in bookkeeping •• The school has its own herd of cows and bulls and there they learn animal husbandry, the making of butter, agriculture, etc. Each boy works in the garden so much each day. There is also a block of chickens, a bee-hive, a carpenter shop, 1. Sir F.D.Lugard, Representative Forms of Govern ment & Indirect ule i!l British Africa, PP• 34-30 115 a metal shop, etc. Principles of mechanics, of sanitation, fertilization, and irrigation of the soil, instruction in singing (native songs), and courses in citizenship are given them. There is no religious instruction but mission aries are allowed to enter the school for this purpose. The boys are divided up into tribes, each tribe electing a chief, and each tribal group does one task of work so long and thEtirotates with another tribe. Discipline cases are taken to a school court modeled after the native courts. The chief of the tribe on duty for the day acts as judge; and the other chiefs sit on the council. Before judgment is made, the judge asks the chief of the tribe of the de~endant what his opinion is: - a procedure which makes it less likely that the chief will favor his own man. The opinion of the majority is followed, and the punishment, which must be approv ed by the European master! usually consists of extra duties or of a school can ng by a school sergeant major in front of the whole school. 1 . 0 By means of this school, many of the future rulers of Tanganyika are receiving not only a literary education, but a simple lmowledge of western science, the application of which will result in the immediate improvement of the life of their communities. Added to this, they receive a dis cipline and training in character which only the English public school system can bestow.Y 2 There has been a Boy's school established by W . B. Mumf'ord at Bukoba which is of great importance too. He 1. R.L. Bue ll, Th e Nat~Y._£ Problem in Africa,Vol.l, p. 484 2. Ibid., P• 484 116 works on the tribal basis within the school also giving the boys excellent training in community life. 1 The whole education system, as far as can be, is based on the principle of adaptation of the school program to the needs of the natives, -- it is attempted to adapt the education to the mentality aptitudes, and the occupa tions and traditions of the various peoples. The Reports given by the Governm ent seem to imicate that the children are very happy in their schools md yet in spite of all the material given and the remarks of various men that have · ,_,it ~ the country., it is foWld that Church still states: 2 ••• ' in 1935 Tanganyika estimated to spend roughly ten times as mucl1 on its military forces, police, and prisons, as it did on its education services. Ex penditures on these services relative to education is less in Tanganyika than in any other territory except I~enya." He believes that the problem of native education is one of money and of substituting the deficient and poor quality of teachers with more and better quality. The natives however are clamoring for education and one of the best incentives to get a native to work for a European is to provide a school where he can be taught the elements of reading, writing and arithmetic. There is increased demand for education by the natives themselves and especially l. See A. G.Churcl1 - East Africa - a New Dominion, pp. 147-149 for a full discussion of the system set up by Mr.Mumford. 2. Ibid.,pp. 153-154 117 ·spiritual education . They even offer to rovide the uild- 1 in s if t e teachers are rou ht to them. Research . ~l ✓Pi ~ic. n s.:1 or Trynanono . iasis is caused by th e ts etse fly bite. There are t10 t e~ of • J.. trypanosor e i. J., t e para ites w ich cause the disease (1) lossina .orsitan , hi c ~ 1 is not dependent o Nater and i found t hro lghout ·a t 1 ·,ica, nd ( 2) :_-:· ossina palpalis, hioh is f ound along t he river~ a nd _ a es. The first type reeds in thic 1 {ets, ut .1ot i n cultivated ground or i n high and thic { forests. h .&1,r• · th· ~ e o _. __ 1 c er s 1. n that t e best way to destrov the germ is to destroy its breeding nlace. chnee points out that there as no enidemic of sleeping sickness when t . e German's controlled Tanganyika? ut today, the Tsetse fl ~ is one of t ~e ,ain scourges in nanganyika for it drives cultivation away because t he people become fri ht ened fhe n t eir animals becorie sick an leave. It can best be destro ed by f irA, and to burn it completely, it i best urne d at high sum ner when it is dry and before the ne,~ growt h of the net season One oft e difficulties, ho~~ever, is in get tin tbe native co-operation in this :- ork. he result of t l e t ets -fly ~est is exe _ 11fied in a uotat ion from the Re port of the ~ast ~frica Co .1 ission: 1 ravel inu b y the Central anganyika 1 ail~ay, Ne as sed through ell-~opulated and pro ductive areas fro . the coast to o oma. fe~ miles beyond Dodoma an extraordinarv change i noticeable. lt hou the ysical features and the climatic con- 1. Church, .£12.•Cit. • 151-152 2 . Heinrick chnee, "Th ,., - fan ates ~ yste . in ermany' s Lost olonies, Current Histori, ol.32, p . 79 118 ditions appear to be similar in all respects, there are no signs either of cultivation or of cattle, or or population, except for a few railway workers. The fly is responsible.' And half of the whole area of Tanganyika is under this malign dominion. 1 When an area is cleared, it is either turned over to grazing or to cultivation, both of which aid in keeping down the fly. Travelers are stopped when they enter a fly cleared area to see that the / and their vehicles do not bring others in. Compulsory labor seems to be justifiable in this work of inspection when no voluntary labor is at hand. The League of Nations Health Section has been carrying on an investiga tion of this and it will prove invaluable. "Another natural difficulty of the country is an over large number of predatory wild animalsu. 2 Elephants which have been separated from their herds dtU~ing the World War have acquired a taste for succulent green-stuff on the native plantations and then there has been a plague of man eating lions who came to like human flesh during the W ar. Guns are given to the natives for self-protection, but they prefer to use them on the antelope, and the Europeans prefer to shoot the old bull-elephants carrying heavy tusks rather than the young raiding cows. Then tl1e Veterinary department carries on research· and inspection to detect and eliminate cattle diseases of which r1nder-pest is the most important. This disease has 1. Freda White, _2£.cit., pp. 117-118 2. Ibid., P• 118 119 almost been eliminated but it is still a problem. The natives are trained in animal husbandry too. Experimental farms for agriculture as well as Veterinary are provided t hroughout the Territory. Tested seeds are sent out to native cultivators. There is also a stock-farm where ghee (clarified butter) is made and sold. These are all ventures of the native administra tion due to its initiative ,and. financed out of the local money in its treasury. Also, the government is amas sing thousands of lady-birds which will be liberated to attack the mealy-bug, which causes so much loss on coffee planta- tions. A quotation from Church will suffice to sh ow the neglect of the Great German Amani Institute, as well as some of the other research activities. l Under the aegis of the Colonial Office millions of pounds have recently been spent on an Empire Exhibition at Wembly •••• And while each of the East African Territories are encouraged to spend much on the W embley Exhibition, the world-famous Amani Research Institute in Tanganyika was being allowed to fall into desuetude for want of less than~ 20,000 a year ••• when M r.Ormsby-Gore and I visited it, we walked through the W1tenanted liv ing quarters, its unused library, its museum, its laboratories, where costly apparatus was rusting and deteriorating, its plantations which, in spite of years of neglect, retained a semblance of their former grandeur, anct at every step we took, we raged the more at the incredible folly and blindness of those directly and indirectly responsible for the waste of an Imperial asset. 2 Unf'0rtW1ate1y, it is 1. A.G.Chu.rch, ,2_£.cit., pp. 95-98 2. Julian Huxley in African View, states,however, that in his travels after the W ar, the accommodations were doubled, and it was re-established as a center for fllllda mental research in agriculture (incl .ding soil science to biology of locusts, etc.) 120 no isolated instance of our neglect of our opportuni ties. Within the same territory is a veterinary re search station, situated. at Mpapway ••• where one man has to bear the burden and responsibility of the investigation of animal diseases and the prepara tion of sera for inoculations. Vlhen he is 'on leave' the work of investigating ends ••• At Dar-es-Salaam is the medical research laboratory founded by Robert Rock, the discoverer of the bacilles of tuberculosis. Here again we put an intolerable strain upon the energy and enthusiasm of the two members of the staff, supporting their efforts grudgingly. They have no chemical laboratory for research or for the prepara tion of drugs. Yet their work is of paramount import ance in relation to the increase and efficiency of the black population •• Lastly, we have only Just re-established the geolo gical survey in Tanganyika. Our comparative neglect of these research institu tions in Tanganyika is a monumental ~~ample of our indifference to world opinion ••• It wou.ld have been mere hypocrisy to say \Ve could not afford to maintain researcn erficiently. Our Colonial Office, almost immediately on the assumption of responsibility for the territory, authorized ~ 60,000 for a palatial residence at Dar-es-Salaam ror the Governor, Sir Horace Byatt •••• It may be urged that our attitude towards the scientific services in the newly acquired territory was in harmony with our policy in the terri~ tories for which we had all the time been responsible. None of these territories cared for or hoped nru.ch from res~arch. Sc1ence was a frill •••• 1-,1edical Service. M edical gervice is now provided but it is terribly under-staffed and it has been impossible to fini a sufficient number of officers. Indians are tratned as Sub assistents to help out. There is hope that each district will have a medical officer in charge of a hospital or dis pensary with a large number of native dispensers who are being trained. More doctors though are needed and thus many 121 of the Germans are now taking part in it. Sanitation inspectors for the towns and the rural country are trained and sent out. At Mpwapwa, the administration has built a lymph laboratory, where a quarter of a million vaccination doses are kept in reserve., and whence tl1e whole territory, three times the size of the United Kingdom, is supplied with vaccine fo.· the campaign a ainst small-pox. Huxley tells us of I v lr. and f~s .Maynard, American Missionaries, who devoted most of their time~ for years, to the health of the populati&n. They started a tiny hospital with a few beds and an out-patients• room; they started a leper colony; they started a maternity and child welfare center. Then the District Officer persuaded them and the Chiefs that it would be well if the medical center had some official connection with local government with voted moneys for an extension of the buildings. There has been good results from the leper hospital, and more than 300 patients a day are cared for in the out-patient department. Vhen the maternity hospi tal was opened the women were very suspicious, but after one of the important chiefs sent his wife there, there has been a steady flow of expectant n1others. Under normal conditions, they are only in bed long enough to rest from the ordeal. Mrs. Maynard, who is a doctor, has traa..ined native girls to help her. She takes girls around fifteen years of age and pledges them not to marry for at least three years. They start in with menial tasks an develop 1nto good nurses, uite capa le of d 9alin vith birth, or ad inist r ing an injection. 1 l:edical is i ons , al ,ost v11t 01t exception, are accom~ lishing first class and indisnensable ~ork. About one-ftfteenth of the revenue is d ~ voted to medical care, and. t less than one-twenty-fifth of the native" are ithin reach of it. 2 The facil~tie are very bad, as brought out b~ the following quotation: So e of the n - .tive hos itals ·Je visited vere such as to discourage natives with any sense of decency from remaining in them. t Bukoba, in one of the 122 most populou districts of Tanganyika, t1ere vas a so-called hospital i n charge of an Indian sub-assist- ant surgeon. he accon .1odations co nsisted of a number of dark, adly-ventilated huts ~ith only a single entrance, containing three or four tiMes the proper number of atients. 00Me of t he patients had beds, but the g ent number slept on the floor. I •.:en, ornen, and children ,~ere huddled together, suffering fro . every kind of disease. ome were provided with blankets but many had none. On entry a noisome stench offended t he nostrils. T Indian,~imself, only partially qualified, was carrying on \J i th out adequate assistance. He a re o sible for major and m;nor operations, and had to superintend dress ings. Ho~ever, t e 1 eo , le ·n char e ar 6 not to bla e for the bad conditions. hey arA .1erel .1 the victi r.1s of circumstance • The Nhites created the demand for medical attention by breaking the paver of t . e Nitch doctors an· medicine man of the tribes, and now they cannot supply itl 1. Huxley ££•Cit., p . 127 2. ' 1 r◄ r, hurc h • • .J 'J 912..cit., p. 130 3. Ibid. , • 130-131 123 "Due to our demands for labor in mines, or on high plateaus, pulmonary diseases ar e m arkedly on the increase, and due also to our i gnorant interference with the native agriculturist, and t he demands upon natives to perform tasks unsuitable tot . em on their existing diet, debility diseases due to malnutrition are increas i ng." 1 tnlight ened education would stamp out a great majority of the diseases, such as hookwor m, malaria, plague, dysentary, sp1rilum fever, etc. Production - ~hite ettlement, Land . and Labor. This 1s so large a to pic that a Thesis could be written on this subject alone. Suffice it to say that a great deal of re search and study has been put on the problems involved by the British government but as yet no satisfactory settle ment of the problems have been found. For the purpose of this paver, some of the major problems involved will be pointed out, but no attem t to discuss or solve any of them will be made. Because t ·he Territory is governed under a mandate, the Administration tries to encourage native agriculture. Already having as ortage of labor within the country and this taking more of their labor away from them, the ~ Vhite settlers complain. everal times, the government has 1. Church , . cit. • 132 124 vacillated back and forth, first favoring native labor and then native agricul ture. ii gratory labor with all its social and morel evils of leaving of homes behind has been a problem with the dmi nistr ati on. There is strong opposi tion to any competition of the black man with the white settler. Petitions have been addressed by white settlers in Tanganyika to t he Governor as {ing that native coffee growing shall be prohibited. The Governor re plied that he had no nower to rohibit natives growing any crop they like« on their own lands, and felt it was not right to enc ourage native production in Tanganyika. "What the ··~hites have not been able to achieve through political m easures, they are gradually doing through economic pressure. Their aim is to make East frioa an exclusive area for uropean trade. Every where one hears the cry about the "Asiatic m enace" -- Indians and Japanese. The Indian traders i ast fric a are being made the scapegoats for the crisis, in just the same way as " 1 the fascists are trying to m ake the Jews in E 1rope res ponsible. The problem of get t ing the black to work at all is important. They wold not work at all if they di ot have taxes to pay and they will wor k only long enough to acquire sufficient money to pay their taxes. Therefore, in order to get the native to work, the European plantati on ovmer pays them lower wages. Then too, the natives hate losing their 1. G eorge Padmor H ow Britain ~les frica, p. 72 land. They look on it as the propert. of the tribe and not an individual. The -~uropeans have already acquired many of the best watered, the most fertile and the best climates in the country, leaving the natives Jith infer ior lands, and often insufficient to su TJort the. selves. The cli~ate 1s ot and the natives do not generally Nant to :Nork hard for the sun is an ener y an toil is a tor1 ent and they iork as sloNly ann ently as the. can i return for this very loff, vage to a . i .I. oll ta~. The i nfluence o ihi te settle ent o native life is a question of i ortance. In Tanganyi{a, there is a small area suitable for whites in the center op a larger area where tive reduction and native develou ent are being pushed forward. This is not esirable, as it with draws the majority of able- odied ~en fro r their villages for lar 0 e erts o . t he ea • On t e oth .1and ," , here 125 the world has need of frican crops and ~inerals and cannot get t ~em ~ithout w ite settlem ent, or can get t ~em better with "V1ite settlenent, then white settlenent 1s legitimate." 1 Then, too . , O\V r uch o t land i .... frica should be ~eserved for blac 1 civilizati on? T.ere a e _only certain areas t hat a .. e uitable for hite settle i nt. In the hi bland area, both white and lack can live an ·ork. 1. Julian I-Iuxle~ , .£E. cit. , • 440 126 "The on y rights which ·.Juro e has in the matter are those of conquest, occu. ation and superior power. ~hat she uro oses to do ind tail will depend upo how she t mpers those rishts derived from ~ower with th~ rinciples of corresponding duties, and with considerations of long-range efficiency." 1 co. 1 prornise of certain rules and principles see ms to be the only solution •••• If rhite settle !.l e t i s ot re arde s n end in itself, but as su o inate to the general progress of a country in which the social and economic de velopment of t ~e native population is the first ai. , then d if icul ties can be ad justed as they arise." 2 Tanganyika has tried to take a mid-way policy toward the force d lahor olic • . The 7 reco nize the need of labor on t1e lantations and so a low th w ites to uy land where t ere iv room an emnloy native labor for re a son a le ~r-; a es an ood o s· ~g and other s anit ary con- diti ns, incl din ~edical care. Over-heavy recruitin of labor is forbidden, a _d t 1e 2 tives are aided in t heir ONn cultiv ti on. a har cour se to fol ow an it is foun t at the olicy of ten egins to ·~aiver bac and forth. 3 ~ . .. asters and 0ervant'"' Ordinance in 1924 atte pts to re gulate . ite canital an colored labor . ... It re gulates the recruiting of labor for lant a one by private a 0 ents and the agents no,v en:oy a riono· olyfor oreign recruiters are ot per itted to enter the territory. Labor cond_tions the~selve s are a an v r i o s ordi ances have een assed \ 1. uxley, _££. Jit., n . 440 2 . I i d • , _ • 449 • • xa les of sue a t . pol1.cy . Conf r ce . o n ovJ no1 ro-' ite noli . an~ al . o v 0 m by .,o cori --- 1 sion avor t c ci d as ~ ort tiv I to remedy the situation. 127 The mere fact that they have to walk so far to go to work 1s a bad thing, and efforts are being made to tr to eliminate so e of thee bad features. The evil of porterage has been m enti ned in a previ us section. Padmore 1 in di cus~ing the roblem believes that thew ite settler are gainin t u per . and and t hat unless so□ething is done aw ite settlement area with al its evils will be roducea. 2 1. George Padmore, o~cit. • 60- 65 2. Lucy P . .. aire , ative 01·c1es in f ica, p .1 -157 gives a very good discussion n subject ascfoes R.t. ue 1 in The Native Proble in Africa Vol . 1. p. 486-510, and N. P . ~itche11 aeals witb~f roBlem alone in his boo, giving an excellent chapter on Tan any ka . 128 CHAPTE VII CLOS R IO ' TH ST AFRICA, OR A ·N DO , IN. ION OF 'AST AFRICA. History of 1 ovem nt. There has bee a ovement in 'ast Africa to unite all the ritish territ orie ere in o one big unit a a o i ion in the 13ri tish Co .. on ealth of Nations. t f irst thi mo e ent included yasaland and the Central African territories but later it involved only Kenya Colony, Uganda, and anganyika, nrimarily. Au ,ified native policy 1s becoming important for each of thes e territ ries has a different olic in regard to white settlement, land and labor whic are the os t c ontroversi 1 issues in this program. In the ast, there were many different policies: Great Britain regarded it territories in the light of 1 pe ial estate upon whic. it hoped ulti- mately to settle large numbers of its people. Ger- many regarded t e colonies as sources of raw mater - ials, and preferred the large ulantation system operated by syndicate~ to inte sive settle 1ent. France, Belgium and ~ortugal for years followed the policy of undiluted exploitation, the natives unfortu- nate enough to be brought within the s here oft eir influence eing treated, if anyt ~inc, rather worse than under the Arab system of domestic slaver. The entry of ◄ uro eans into the countr had th~ effect of disru ting tribal life and breakin 0 down tribal customs. That was inevitable, and i n so e respects, it was ot alto gether disadvantageou to the natives themselves. 1 Thus a co ~ , .. on syste~. of native policy 1s needed. During the '-lorld / ar hen the ritish gained control of ·,ast Africa, this confederation i dea ca .e into being. But, 1 • • G. Church, East Afric a,~ Jew Do ini~n, p. 292 129 after the treaty a versailles, many had to change their concept of it, for the andate concept was made a reality, and also because of the allocation of uanda to Belgium. Lord Islington and others raised the ~uestion again but little notice was taken of it at this tie. Later, Lord Delamare, the leader of the settlers of enya, sponsored the idea and it was discu sed at the unofficial 'ast African Conferences at Tukuyu, Living ton, and Nairobi, with the decision that the time for federation had not yet arrived. Nevertheless, the issue became a living and vital issue. This was abott 1927, and up to this time the policy in ast frica had been set forth by a Vvhite Paper (c. · .D.19221) issued in 1923. The policy followed in this report was that of "Trusteeshin" for the native, and native interests were held to be p)l'a1ount. However, in 1924, an ~ast African Commission reported (C. ~.D.2387} 2 and their report focused attention on the common needs and problems of the Dependen- cies. In 1926, at Nairobi, a Conference of overnors of the British East African Dependencies was held and while there, . they discussed the dual problem stating: The Dual policj, however, raises co siderable prob lems of its own. On the one hand, there is the obliga tion which rests on every civilized government of raising the capacities of its human subjects to their• fullest expression; on the other, there 1s the equally imperative duty of developing to the utmost the produc tive power of its possession. This latter duty cannot 1. c.1 .D.1922, "Indians in Kenya", 1923 2. C.M.D.2387, "eport of .Afr1.Commiss1on 1925"; 130 be performed under any s~tem which sacrifices the native human being to foreign exploitation of the soil. It is not possible to allocate to each area the quota of human labour required for complete commercial success. The whole problem 1s to arrive at a just and far-seeing method of harmonizing the best progress and welfare of the native inhabitants with the maxi .. um of production. 1 Because of agitation, the Britist Government sent out another Commissionto investigate the possibilities of Closer Uni~n in East Africa. This was in 192? and was com posed of the ~airm an, Sir .Hilton Young, ir egina d ant, Sir George . chuster, with r.H. F . Downie & Co., C. 1 · • G. Jalker, as Secretaries . In their report, they reaffir~- ed the principles of the first white pa er rrindians in Kenya" (CD 1922). They went to ~astern and Central fries in Decemb er 1927 and returned in ay of 1928. Their re ort ,as publish ed in January 1929. There was a stor _ of rotest froffi various quarters in both England and ast frica and so the Government sent out Sir amuel ~ilson, the Permanent Under-Secretary of State fort .e Colonies. He was to only proceed to inquire into the possibilities for Closer Union, the recomGendati ons of the H.Young Com .ission and try to put them am a working basis; that is to say - he was to limit himsel f t o the pacific problem of closer union and not delve into the roblem of native policy as had the . ilton Young Comm ission. 2 1. C . Iv_ . 1J.2904"Future Policy in - egard to - astern Africa", 1927, p . 4. Also Lord Olivier, in his article," re we Going to c ustl: in Africa?" Contemporart eview ol. 118, pp. 198-207 (Aug. 1920) discusses t e vac:11ation of the government w1en tr ing to make up its ind as to what olicy to follow. 2. ~ s 5-nstructions 1 c . ,.1 . D.33'78 , p. 5 and in , c •• D.3574, • 11! also Lord 011 1er• s articl ,'Th Br t h Trust in Africa",Contemporary Review,Vol.135,op.2?!- 282 . 131 Let us sum up at first, as briefly as possib1e the different opinions that have been voiced since the Comnission was first foreshadowed -- only a few months ago. uropean opinion in Kenya was first heard, but not representatively. Then came a Notable Memorandum frcm the Kaboha, or King, of Buganda dis playing some qualms as to the safeguards to be pro vided for native tates. The next important voice to be audible was that of the ~xec tive of the Conven tion of Associations of Kenya (~uropean) which issued a lengthy memorandum on the subject and expressed the view inter alia, that 'it must be a postulate that of any Federal Constitution Nairobi must be the capi tal," and -- subject to the acquiescense of the other territories --that, for a start, the High Com ~ission er should e also Governor of Kenya. The Convention stated that the ltimate aim was a British Dominion from the ile to the Limpapo, but that federation of a part should be the fir st step ••• The objects of federation 1ere defined as co-opera tion on sucl matters as Customs , Posts,Telegraphs, Co!JUilunications; poolin of inter sts co mmon to all; simplification of and economy in ad ministration ••• a note was add ed that 'no lace should be found in native representation for native political associa- tion ... The likuyu Central ssociation ( ative) contended that "natives should be allow~d self-expression, and that no European could have true sympathy towards the native." ••• The Kavirondo Taxpayers' ssociation op~osed an elected ~ur opean ajority in the Legislature, but 'welcomes federation unless it were on yin the interests of the whites ••• Further south, : asala.nd, which is in □any· ways a border 0tate between · outh an East .frica, sees divided on the whole question ••• . hile orthern Rhodesia is still more divided. None of these seems to favor federation u less ossibl. ' outhern odesia •• should elect to com e in too ••• The above fairly sums up the confused position towards the end of 1927. 1 The main steps in the ove ent for a New ominion ~f ~ast frica have been: First, the dem and of the settlers 1 • ran1 H. "e land, "Closer nion in i 'ast frica" - Fortnightly ! eview, Vol . 123, 1928, pp. 749-751 132 for self-govornment, especially in Kenya, and, Secondly, the 1 ovem ent to coordinate the different policies t hroughout the East African Territories, t hrough the variaus onferences for Governors and for different Departments such as Transporta tion, Veterinary, etc. Prouosed sche□es and argum ents for Federation. There have been many schemes - those for a New Dominion; those for a federation, and those for merely closer union in the tech nical services and services for t he natives, i.e., the ser vices such as transportation, currency, communication, hos pitals and medical care, roads, health stations, research bureaus, prevention of the traffic of firearms and liquor, and for the sake of uniformity of policy of the different political units. Other recent developments also point to the necessi ty for some closer union between the administrations. (a) The authority given by the LJast fries Guaranteed Loan Act for loans amounting to~ 10,000,000 to be guaranteed by His fiaje s ty' s Government r or the pur pose of develo p ent in ~ast frica necessitates the proper co-ordination of policy in regard to railways and other transport facilities for the country as a whole, rather than the pursuit of the narrower aims of each particular territory. The construction of new lines is already bringing railwav and port systems into competition with each other. (b) There is a gen eral movement in favour of effective co-operation between all the territories as regards research ser vices. The gricultural Institute at Aman1 in Tan ganyika Territory is being re-opened by means of contributions from each of the Governments. All the ~ast African Governments have contributed towards the expenses of the Sleeping ickness Commission recently sent out by the League of Nations to Entebbe in Uganda, and it 1s proposed that the necessary to continue the work of this commission shall be financed mainly from the joint resources of the 133 British ast l frican ependencies. • imilarly,the proble ms of Veta inary research are to be dealt with on a co mon basis, and it has been su gested that the Teterinary research jnterests of all the Territories shall be centralized at Kabete, in Kenya (c) Again, there are actually in existence identic customs tariffs in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika, with actual customs and postal union between Kenya and Uganda, but difficulty is exper ienced in e3tablishing a com lete customs union and in preserving unifor .it J in Customs administrati on. 1 The proximity and clossness with ready accessibility for the three territories 1s an argument for some sort of cl'J ser union. They ach hav ..,, governors; they each have sub assistants, etc., down the line which could easily be in or porated into one central government. Besides t hat , Uganda has, com orativQl speaking , few healthful stations and a freer and more frequent change by the off icials f om un healthful posts to a ~ore wholesom post would be a goo thing. ach section co, ld develop and progress just the same but many di ficulties would be removed. It would be easier to lessen the autocratic rule for the growth of the constitutional and the Governor-General being resident in East Africa would have much closer contact with the local feeling of the inhabitants. M ore highly qualified men for the research and technical positions oould be obtained, much waste avoided, co mmunications ,ould be agreed upon, improv ed methods of comm unicatimn would facilitate all work,especially economic; and financial; the ederal overnment would save 1 C . ii" . D.2904 " uture Policy in Hegard to .!Jastern Africa", p. 4 1927. 134 money. 1 efore t e elections in 1927 in Kenya seven ele t members o t h Legi lative Council , in their election m ni- festo pro osed "a schem e of co-ordination oft orthern .,,ast Africa err itories," w ich later wold take in the Rhodesias and Nyasaland. It was based on an elected major ity in the Legislative Cou cils, and each tate sho ld re main a separate entity, with control of its ovm finance s , but that they should be co-ordinated under a High Com□1- ssioner at Nairobi.2 It 1s generally agreed, however, tat it is wise to have some s r of closer uni n and if it is to be done, it should be done soon for the longer they are apart, the ~ore divergent their aa~·nistrative system and olicies grow. The situation, noweve~, 1s compli ated by the fact that there are 25,00 whites while there are 10 million natives and it is further complicated by the Indian population which outnumbers the Europeans two to one. The !oung Report and the Wilson fieport. Sir Edward Hilton Young, as has been m entioned previously, and .-11s commission invest1gat~d the problem in 1927 and 1928 making their report in 1928. This report talces up the principal factors in the problem, the general principles governing relations between native and im igrant co ... . unities, the 1. Fran]c H. ""ell and, "Closer Union in · ast frica" ortnightla Review,Vol.123 (1928) pp. 747-760, gives an excellent iscussfon of this. 2. Jee . L. Bue 1, The Native Problem in fric~, ~ol. 1, un 514-51. 135 nolitical problem and the coordination of the various er vices, in the first part of the report. The second part of the report sets out the specific recommendations, with one chapter interpolated on the Central African territories explaining why they s ould be separate and then ecom.enda tions on Zanzibar . The co~rnissi n was primarily concerned in working out economic and ocial principles for ~ast Africa, insuring the natives the same op ortu 4 ity for devel opment that they had elsewhere; and in establishing a politi cal system guaranteeing the ap~lication of these for~er principles. T~e Com -1ssion again declared the policy of His Jajesty's Government to be to prevent any condition from arising that would hinder native development, to guarantee the rights of the natives and prevent destruc tion of their tribal unit', and they believed this policy could best be carried out by more effective i mperial con trol and not by the Europeans there for the conflict of interests was too great. 1 The Young Report gave definite recommendations for action. It reposed a High Com nissioner with wide powers over native policy but each colony was to have its own governor and legislat .1re, subject to the veto of this High Commis ioner. The High Com .issioner, with executive powers, was to aid in the co-ordination of the native policy: 1. See •• D.3234 "le ort of closer Union of the Dependencies in Africa" (1929); also uelJ's "Crisis Nation, Vol. 129 (1929 on. 532-534 . t he Commission on astern & Central in - ast frica", 136 The chief need in ~aster . and Central Africa today is that there should ea nlied through out the territories as a whole, continuously n without vacillation, a 'native olicy' which, while adapted to t he varying conditions of differ ent tribes and di ferent localities, is consistent in its main princi les. 1 Thus does ,ir ilton Young express the chie need for the federation or rather closer union in ''as t frica. HowevAr, he also thinks that ~o,thern R odesia, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland be und Jr a separate High Commission- er, which □ight result, as Mr. M elland points out, in two native policies, and defeat the purpose of the closer union.2 1u,. I1elland further believes that all five of the territories should be included and not just Tanganyika, Kenya and Uganda. Regarding t e native political development, the report states that the right line ••• "appears to be to give the natives as are i n the anagement of their own tribal affairs, starting with the natural village or tribal units and gradually building up larger associa tions by a process of enforced coalescence," 3 and rejects the proposal of vari ous of the white areas that they should ave the control of the government and as Buell puts it in quoting from the East frican tandard:4 1. c. l .D.3234," 1.eport of the Comnission on Closer Union of the Dependencies in Eastern and Central Africa" (1929) 2. Frank ~ elland, "East Africa - Our Opportu ity" ,Fort nightly Review,Vol. 125 (1929) pp.502-503; 3. C .!1 .D. 3234, p. 75 - Vol. 6 4. R.L.Buell,"Destiny of E.Africa",Foreign Affairs (1928) pp. 422 - 13? The responsibility for trusteeship rests pon the shoulders of every British man an~ woman who comes into Africa, a responsibi ity to respect the traditions and the ideals of justice, fair play, honesty and Christian spirit which have made the name of Britain honored in the world ••• ve are con vinced that 1 .migrant com unities in 'ast Africa will prove to the satisfaction of the world that the faith has not been misplaced . However, he continues: Experience shows that when a _ ,uropean co .munity acquires complete control over a primitive people, its policies are liable to be dominated by what it regards as racial and economic self-interest rather than by humanitarian conceptions or by the interests of the primitive people . The comm1ss1o devoted CTost of its time and energy to the attitude towards the native , while on the question of federation, or closer union, they di find possibility for certain administrative services to be co-ordinated, it still believed this was of minor 1m ortance in comparison with the other. 1 hen 0ir Samuel Wilson was sent out there was quite a furor going on in - ast Africa about the Young eport. In making his report, 'vilson made no mention about the native view-point or the necessity of laying down clear and de tailed principles of native policy and he emphasizes the point of view of the uropean community and to a small degree that of the Indians. In his r oposal for cl ser union he withholds all authority from the igh Commissioner in regard to native policy , but merel gives him power to unify the economic services as customs and railways, etc. 138 This report recommends, too, the establishment of a Central Legislative Council, with a large settler majority, in order to contro the acts of the igh Co m issioner . Thus one can see that this imperial representative would be submitted to local pressure -- one thing t e ilton Young com ission wished to a oid. 1r Samuel ·11son 1 s report was the result of only a hurried trip to ast frica,and he considered only those governmental changes which wou a be uacceptable" to those who had criticized the other report . The two re orts are contradictory in regard to native ~ol1oy , although they agree as to the co-ordination of the econo 1c services. V 7 1lson's re ort, too, separates railway b ilding, road building and customs-adjusting from the native po icy. AB can easily be seen this is a fallacy for at every step in the govern ant the netive policy is affected - by the use of the land and by other institutions, such as railway trans portation, educational institutions, etc. mhe Hilton Young J cheme provided for an advisory council to the igh ommissione , but this report advised a council for le islative duties , with the settlers in the preponderance and not to be c ontrolled by the High Commission- er. 1 rob le he Par anent 1 andates Co .ission has discussed the 1t to o no o .ficial acti~n on it. Ho ev r in 1929 139 at the Fifteenth ess1on 1 ~. a Ree expressed himselr against the measure as being a ainst the rinciples of the mandate. The proble m that ritain has to decide 1s 10w to keep their pledse to the m andate when there are uropean residents within the area. The problem 1s the fact that there are two co mmunities existing i n the sam e territory - one white and the other native. The Hilton oung c001r1ission decided against the Federatio and instead substituted closer union of a type involving the economic services 2 , while the ~ilson eport favored a federation. Problems Involved. There seems to be two main prob lems with various sub-heads. First, the question as to whether it 1s lawful from the point of view of the mandates system as a whole; and, secondly, having settled the first point, is the method of application of this proposed union, in accordance with the provisions of the andate for Tangan- yika.3 Article 10 of the Tanganyika andate provides that "The Nandatory shall be authorized to constitute the terri tory into a Customs, fiscal and a ministrative union or federation with thA adjacent territories under its own sov ereignty or control; provided, always that the measures adopted to that end do not infringe the provisions of this mandate." The Permanent Tu andates Com ission has agreed that 1. Permanent andates Com 1 1ss1on,11nutes,15th Session 1929, p. 169 2. C.l\1.D. 3234, "e ort oft e Commission on Closer Union of the Dependencies in ~astern & Central Africa". (Jan.1929) pp.99-102 3. Permanent M andates Con1 ission, inutes,19th Session 1930, page 148 • 140 it 1s lawful in pr1nc1ple 1 , but the second oint is still a matter of debate, and to date it has had no aefinite action taken on it officially. There are three main planks to this movement, the first of which is the settlement of the Highlands of hast Africa with white settlers. It ~as for this pur _ose that Lord Delamare called the Tujuyu Con ference in Tanganyika in October 1925. It was a conference of settlers and passed resolutions encouraging settlement and discouraging native agriculture in European areas. "The second plank demands some for m of self-government for the white settlers in each of these territories, ••• " 2 The attitude of the British Government at home has waivered. For a tie t he hopes of Lord Delamare and his followers were dashed by the fammus ~hite Paper of 1923 which declared that His Iaje sty's overnment 'could not but regard the grant of responsible self government as out of t he question within any period of tim e w ich need now be taken into consideration.' The Governm ent would not even contemplate the possi bility of an unofficial majority on the Legislative Council, ut in 1926,Sir ~award Gri 6 g , the Gove,nor of Kenya, intimated that a legislative council should be established containing an unofficial m a jority of representatives of the European, Indian and native co,~unities. Com ons that 'the day will co□e, when, with the growth of a large settled community no government i n this House can ultimately resist the demand for self-government.' 3 However, the British gover nment nows that ser i ous racial questions would arise wi t h any step toward European self- 1. Permanent • A andates Commis s · on , I ,' inutes,15th Session. 2. R •• Buell ,"The stiny of ~ast Africa" ,E_oreign Affairs, Vol. 6 (1928) P• 410 3. Ibid., p . 411 141 gov~rnment and federati on . The third lan of this campaign de~ands the co-ordination oft e different colonies, especial- ly Kenya, Uganda and ' anganyika with a view towards e3ta - lishing a Dom i nion of ., i'ast fric .1 Harri s loolrs at the problem fro~ the a gl e of "Trust e - ship" of t he .~tive . 2 He takes Tr teeship f ~ om the angle, First, of citizenship; 0 econd, of the land; Third, of Labor; and Fourth, of taxation. In Kenya, the natives have little voice in the government, they do not hold land, an the direct returns of taxati on to the ative does not exceed ~ 137,000 of a total collected of~ 500 , 000 . s re ards labor, the Belgiu□ government is cited as an authority on the subject and they are ver vi goro s a ainst migratory labor and 111ill not a O\V ., ore than 5 7o of t he natives of any one area to be withdrawn even when ultilized local y. Thus, it can seasily be seen that t he problem is a co□plex one - overla ing yith white settlement, land, labor , native services ano medical care, transport, etc., and can ot be settled bys ch a a ~ a ~ t i s . White settle□ent vs. ative Land ,Labor and Production .· - -- The policies toward hite e tlem n , native land~ labor and producti on is different in the three territori s invol ed. The Kenya High and are chiefl uro ean and enya has consi tent- ly followed a Europea et 1 m ent plan , while anda i ~ almost 1 • · .• L • Bue 11 , .2E.. c 1 t • , J • 41 O 1 ff s , • 1928) 0 ~a 1 ng to _ruste ship", 142 entirely native and Tan anyika has tried to strike a ed1um between the two policies. "Coming to the more vital issues, the 6h1ef factor probably is this: who is to rul and whose interests are really to predominate?" 1 question nicely:2 "The que tion in ·ast Buell nuts the ... rica comes to this: i 111 the native population, which outnu .bers the white 400 to 1 be better or worse off as a result of the extension of white settlement ond the granting of self government to ~uro ean settlers?' In Kenya, the ansqer to this question has alread been marked o t. The settlers have taken the land of the natives forcing t he .l out and then for getting to provide for them elsewhere, and then if a native leaves his employer before his contr act is fulfilled, he m~y be put in jail for it. Fingerprint records of each native man 1s filed with the governmen and he is required to carry a pass outside of the reserve. "A Kenya native is not even allo\ved to purchase land outside the re erve areas." 3 Three main arguments are put forward in holding for white settle 1ent : (1) The contact theory that t ~ en tivee profit fro the contact with the rhit .. t , rough i itati of the English especially. They a sorb the virtues of veste n civilization more quickly than if the white o ulation were restricted; (2) The Econo ic Gains of • ~ihite Settle ment. The 1. Frank H. !· , el and, "Closer Union in - ~,as l frica", Fortnt ~htly Review, \bl .123 ( 1928) _ . • 754-755. 2. Euell's, ·rrcrisis 1n 1 ;ast ·frica", Nation, Vol. 129 (Nov. 6, 1929) p. 532. 3. Ibid., • 53? 143 ' whites are sup osed to be better producers than the black, but evidence proves to the contrary, and (3) the third argument used 1s that of climate - that the climate 1s suitable for white settlement. This last is somewhat justifiable, but does this outweigh the other evils? 1 The tendency, however, in this whole pro~lem is to give in to the settlers, but Tanganyika is safe guarded by the fact that t he com .ission of the League of Nations guards over her and sees to it that the ro i- sions of t he m andate s are enforced. ff Colonial office debate in the Dritish ouse of Commons seldom gets i to a foreign newspaper, but when t e i andates Com .ission spea , it speaks with a united voice upon a single issue, and from a forum w 1ch may extend not only to ~ngland, but around the world. This "fu:nctio alu type o control pro mises to be m uch more effective in enforcing t e ob igations of trusteeship than parliamentary control. The future of East Africa may, therefore, rest on the lap of the randates Comn1 ission." 2 However, it is found that the different governments in ,ast Africa tend to influence each other. 3 Thus it is that the rr is s ionary spirit of Kenya" 1s vievved with some alarm. Lord Delamere and his cohorts have de finitely taken the stand of pushing white settle ent through- 1. See discussi on of Buel on this,The Native Problem in Africa, Vol. 1, pp.528-539; and also R.t.Buell ,nDe stiny of East Africa", ~_oreign Affairs, ol 6 ( 1928 ) p .408-426. 2. .L. ue 11,The Native Proble m in ~rrica,Vol 1 . . . 539-540 3. 3ee discuss ion of Buell in "The trug le in frica", Foreign Affairs,Vol.6 (Oct 1927) p .22-21 _ esp • . • 23 . 144 out the whole of the ast African Territories, and this se ms to . have been the attitude adopted by the Governors in theizt Conferences 1 -- the Tukuju Conferences and subsequent conferences. It seems to be a policy which is gradually encircling Tan anyika and threatens to involve her and make her take part in the movement for a New Domin ion wherein the ihite Settlers govern the territory, and racial discriminations become co mon as they have become in Kenya of late. However, in regard to Uganda, Kenya does not hope to bring it under her control for it is too strong ly intrenched in the native policy. 2 The problem of labor recruitm ent becomes a vital issue in the problem and Kenya seems to be doing verv well in getting the natives to work and even in Tanganyika the government officials exercixe all the inducement they can to get the able-bodied natives to go to work in the labor fields. With this, as has been mentioned before the bad policy of migratory labor comes in. 3 QEposit n to _ovement. O_ position to the m ovem ent as well as the settler movement for federation may be found and evidenced in these ast frican Territories. At the time of the Hilton Young eport, a telegram from the acting 1. R.L.Buell, The Native Problem in frica,Vol.l , n .523-528 -- ---- ---- - --- 2. .L.Buell, "Destiny of .&ast fr car, oreign Affairs, Vol. (1928) p. 410. 3. ee previ us iscussion. 145 governor of Kenya to the ecretary of Jta e for the Colonies, dated the 30th of January 1929, 1 voices the sentim ent of ~ ast Africa as being astonished, suspici ous, and controver sial, for they res ented the fact that this report conde ned the white settlem ent polic ~ t hat t he y were foll owing , Other letters, etc. cam e i n at t he ti m e that W i ls on v,ent to "T~ a s t Africa voici ng the same sentim e nt. Great anxiety and ~r r itati on was created in Uganda against the Federation idea and King avid expressed him self on the subject, stating that Britai n would have to assure him that nothing would be dona to infringe on t he Treaty of 1900. This, of co urse, Britai n hastened to do for she would hate to lose t he Protectorate which gives her a through way for her railways, especially the Cape to Cairo. Uganda 1s a native kingdom with its own free polit i cal status established and recognized and guaranteed by Britain's protecti on. It inc l udes t he Kingdom of ·uganda , and the three Principalities of Ankole, Tole and Bunyor o . In a petiti on to the - 1 ,as t Africa Cori1mission, the Kabak, and ministers of Bu anda protested a gainst the id ea of federati on as follows: 'Our Honored friends, you are quite aware t hat our Customs, M anners are totally dif ferent to those obtaining in the neighboring countries and that the Kabaka and the Native Parliam ent {Lukiko) are empowered to administer all Natives as already stated. Again ••• we are being alarmed as to how the proposed amalgamation if it comes about will affect us, because a great deal of state matters that are at present being dealt with by the Native Govern ment will come under the administration of the Govern- 1. The text duplication may be found on p. 31 C . :M . · • 378 "Report of ir ~amue1 ~ilson, etc. On His is1t to ~astern Africa 1929. 146 or-General's Council in which case our Country will be burdened with all sorts of taxes, Native egistration ap roved by the Governor-General's Counc11 ••• Before we close this netition, we have to mention that although t e proposed amalgama tion may not necassarily affect our greement, we being a Protected Nation, do not wish to be under a Governor-General and administrating the Federated Colonies •••••• 1 The Indian population also has expressed its opnosi tion to federation and has sent in various petitions to the British Administration i n Tanganyika. The natives of both Tanganyika and Uganda have sent in etitions. Conclusi ons. fter all this controversy occurred, and the Young Report and the ~ ilson Report were in, the British in another Vhite Paper 2 re-iterated the past policy on native interests; that is to say, it upheld the Young Report and the previous policy stated in C. ~ •• 1922 , and drew up a final plan of Federation, 3 which was very similar to the policy outlined by Sir Edward Hilton Young. It 1s difficult to see how any federation of the type proposed by the Kenya settlers can be apnlied to Tanganyika, where the organization of a native military force is prohibited except for police and the defense of Tanganyika Territory, and where land transfers to other than natives are all subject to severe restrictions and oversight. The settlers of Kenya recognize this, and bluntly demand that the Allied and Associated Powers, in conjunction with the League of Nations, should re-draft the 1viandate of Tanganyika so that it confoI'ms to the aims of the 2,000 settlers of Kenya; -- as not 1. R.L.Buell, The Native Problem in frica,Vol. 1,p.517 -- ---- ---- - 2. C .i: .D.3573 " emorandum on Native Policy 1n - ast Africa", ( June 1930) 3. ee out l ine on .4-6 of C D 3574 - " i...;tate ent ot' the Conclusions of His .aje sty's overnmen~ in the United Kingdo as regards ]os r Union in · .• fries : June 1930) 147 merely the League of ations, but the United ~tates of merica, would be required to sanction such changes in the [andate, the tim e required to obtain sanction for any re-drafting of the m andate would exhaust the patience of t he ' ◄ 'ast frican settlers. 1 However, to date, nothing officially has been done about the problem. There has been much talking and m uch noise about it, but no official action and as Buell thinks2, "As a ma·tter of fact, there is no n ast Africa Problem" today. There 1s the problem of Kenya and the problem of Tanganyika, each of them dissimilar and requiring a different solution." Today, it seems that the two views of white settlement and native policy are so divergent that t here is little hope for closer union other than i n the economic services where some co-ordination has already taken place. --- ------ - 1. Sir John H.Harris,"The Challenge to Trusteeship", Contemporarz Review (Feb . 1928) p . 206 2. R. L . Bue 11, "De s tiny of · H ' a s t Africa" oreign Affairs Vol. (1928 n. 424. 149 • SUMMARY & CONCLUSION The preceding chapters have discussed Tanganyika Territory at so e length - a ountr with much the same climate as Southern California, but higher altitude and more variance, peopled by blacks, whites, and Arabs. This Territory has developed from a long commercial history, and with a great deal of international jealousy over the country. The ill-treatment of the blacks at the hands of the rabs and the Germans has been noted. But also it has been noted that the technical services of t he Germans were excellent. Probably the one a jar reason for the poor success of t he Germans was due to the fact that they put their own inexperienced m en in charge along the coastal region where the rabs were in pre ponderance. The Arabs were used to being treated with deference and when the inexperienced Germans with their first taste of authority became over-officious and tried to dictate to the Arabs they revolted. From ther~ it spead inland and by the time that the experienced administrators from the interior had reached the coast, the revolt had proceeded too far. It would have been much better in tho opinion of the author, from an administrati 1 re point of view, to have the inexper ienced men in the interior or in minor positions until such time a the~ had ac ui ed suf icient ack ground and exper ience to handle the local administrative d ties di lomati- 1 0 cally and in t hj ~ y the i r i stakes woul d r ot e so notice- a le. The questi on r e solves it elf into this: - i d the Germans rule according to t he " Trustee" principl e and try to develop the na tive s according to the culture and institu tions which they already new? ram t he study of the Ger man ad ministration given in Chapter III, it may safely be said that the. d i d not. - O \vever, unon t he establishrnent of the 1andate, t . )rit i sh overnm ent undertook the Indirect Hule System. 1 Iany evil s of t bi s system be not9d , but it i s cert ainl y t ru e ta t it i s better to train the na~ives to rule the~selve s , although at ay the tim e inefficiency and slowness result than to allow the m to continue in their own ignorance under adminis trators, and then later thro -; t he ~ out U 1 • on their ow n resources when the ti m e c ame to give them self-govern- ment, as it surely Must com e so e day . he fact that Tanganyika is still a oritish andate and an integral art of the ~mpire does not i n t he author's opinion do away with the possibility of self-government for the natives in due time. It ill b e noticed that t he educ ational system 1s progressing int e training of the youth to take t heir 1. I e e C a t er I V. 151 ulaces in government, agriculture and trade; that the technical services are being rebuilt to the position that Germany left them. In brief, the situation may be summarized in the words of Tlr. muts: 1 The native syste~ may not be as efficient and incorruptible as direct white ru would be,but a certain amou~t of inefficienc ~ or even injust ice, according to wl ite ideas, is excusable, as long as the natives are trained to govern them selves according to their own ideas, and ear the responsibility for their own smal l mista es* In this way, they learn to stand y thems0lves, and will in the long run be trained to do all their own local govern□ent worx r.. It is not only the training in self-government that nill bene fit them. They will develop the sense of respon sibility which goes with it, and whic h is in it self one oft _ e ost val1able lessons of lif e . In looking after their own concerns they will in addition, cultivate a sense of pride in their own syste arid increase their self-respect. And, above all, they will, develop an active interest in their own public affairs, which will be of enor 1ous moral and social value. The white m an does the native gra·e injury by doing everything for him in the way of government, an d thereby depriving his life of all public interest. Gone is the excitement of his petty wars; and if in addition there is the repression of all his former public activities and the su ression of his native values, we must expect a sense of frustration which will take all the zest out of his ife. The questimn bas been raised whether the white man's rule, in taking all the i nterest out of native life, is not responsible for that decadence, lowered birth rate, and slow petering out which we see in the case of many primitive peoples. At any rate the new policy of native self-government will provide the natives with plenty of bones to chew at and plenty of matter to wrangle over -- and they do love to talk and dispute ad infinitum -- and in that way help to fill theirother~ise e npty lives with interest. 1. Smut , ~-cit •• • 90-91 152 The sug escion that Herr Hitler will purcoo se Tanganyika, or even be granted a M andate over it, is hardly possible for it would give Germany a strategic position on the continent as ar as the Cape to Cairo Air Route 1s concerned and allow her to attack ritain in the event of another war. This ritain would scarc e ly allow liermany to acquire~ However, if the andates' Commission does not beoome bolder i n t he futur e i n regard to handling s0r.1e of the questions which arise, ritain might eventually be able to bring about more of an annexation tha~ she has at present. To date, the author believes that Britain has tried to fulfill her obligations as a mandatory. he has attempted to give the native sel - help, and has ada irabl y withstood the pressure of Kenya to establish a ' hi te ! an I s Gove n 1ent. The autnor does not agree with rrr.Church who states that the hi gher the proportion of whites to blacks, the M ore rapidly the blacks will gain in intelligence and civilization end the greater the intelligence will be. 1 The Bishop of Zanzibar states - i n estimating the British rule 2 - that ther e are three exam les of -,ritain' s failure to observe the trust entrusted to her. The first 1. Church, ££•cit., P• 219 2. Bishop of Zanzibar,"Af ica and the Blight of Comr1erc1al1srri" , Nineteenth Centurz . Vol .8?, p • 10 75-1076 9 June 1920. 153 instance was when she handed over part of the territory to Pol'tugal. "I do not hesitate to say that were the · riti h government to publish al] it nows about Portu guese mis-government, or about the sufferings of the Africans und·,r it, the ublic would recognize that the new "protector" of the people will be far \.Yorse in every way than the Gern1an Govern□ent •••• " 1 The second example which he cites is the fact that one-third of the population has been handed over to Belgium, and the third example is that the remainder of the population was threat ened with the prospect of becoming an Indian colony. How ever, this last is not true today. In _egard to the second example,Bishop Zanzibar states: 2 Of course, it is the fashion to believe that Sir ·· oger Casement invented t he Co r:go atrocities to oblige the Kaiser. It is forgotten that the Belgian Government was so oved b y those very attrocities as to take over the Congo from its King, while the record of t he Belgian forces in the ast African war is kept out of sight. e who know the truth are aghast at our Government's betrayal of the African ••• I do not for a moment suggest that 'atrocities' await these new subjects of Belgian. But that they will suffer many ills I cannot doubt, and that for two reasons established in the British nind during the war in ~ast frica. The Belgian officers, for the most art, showed themselves unable to cope with the cruelty and rapacity of their f..frican soldiers • . ape and looting were very co G1lllon. The Belgian black soldier of the Congo is a hard task master to hi fellov -subject, and there is good cause to fear that he will not easily m end his ways. 1. Bishop of Zanzibar ~-~1~ , o . 1075 2. Ibid. PP ~ Ory5- ~076 154 And, secondly, the el ian officer were amazingly slack and inefficient in caring for their African carriers. I am told by eye-witnesses of quite scandalous failures to feed their porters, even when, by taking trouble, food could have been found. eaths f~om starvation were far too fre quent to be labelled 'inevitable.' ..... y great . ear is that Belgian ~ast frioa which is the best part of t he conquered territory for settlers, will be filled with European planters. If this be the case, the chances are that forced labour will bet e order of the day. As far as the first tno criticisms of the ishop are concerned, Britain was not the only one to blame in this respect. She could not dictate absolutely the terms of the Treaty of ersailles, and it was this treaty which gave the territory to the Protuguese and the Belgians. As regards the challenge of Ir.Padmore and of iss Van Maanen-Helmer mentioned in Chapter I, the author concludes that at present it may look like Britain has virtually annex ed Tanganyika Territory but it neverthele s 1s also preparing the Natives for self-government som etime in the future,whether next year or the next fifty years , the natives will attain self-government by a gradual proce~s of assuming more and more of the government responsi oilities as they are able to manage them. B I 'LIOG H Hy I. PIM RY SOURCE ' A. 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Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1930 now, A.H., The uestion of Aboriiines in the Law and Practice of Nations. :aw Yor: G •• Putna , 1921 ('tanley, 1-Ienry • , In arkest frica, 2 vols., New Yorl{ : Charles--S-cribner 1 s Sons, 1890. r, 4 ary ve yn :,,-, r n of r: odern Gerr.1an C olonialisrn 1871~1985 of t~e Coiumbia University Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law,Vol.XCVIII No. 1, ew York : Co um ia University, 1921. , The Rise and Fall of ermany's Colonial Empire , ------1884-1918. ew York:The ·acrnillan Company,193O Van M aanen-Helmer , •liza eth, The 1andates lstem in elation To frica and the Pacifi~ I slan s. London: - P. 0 . King an ons Ltd. Orchard ouse Vestminister 1929 ~hite, !reda, M andates. Published under the Aus i ce s oft e League of Nations nion . London: onathon Cape I,td., 1936 1 N illoughby , Re • 'Ii .c., Race Problems in the Oxford: At the Clarend on Press, fr ica. 3. Wright, Q, incy, 1!andates nder the Lea~ue of 1ati ons . Ch cage , Illinois: The University o C"hrcago Pres , n.a. Afrioanus, "Awalcening frica", Living Age, Vol308, pp.152-154 January 15, 1921 Ano11ymous, "Fate of the German Colonies rr, Cu-rrent History, Vol.X. t. 1, 448-51, pril, 1919 ----- ~ " . ., out h · fr c a ' J e ~ · n .sr - 8 o, June 2 , rov nee," 1921 ation , l 2 Asm 1 1 s . • · f r i ca a s '. 'or J d Pro h 1 e " , L 1 v i g Vol. 12, p p . 2 ~- 26 . e ru- r 4, ishop of anzibar, " fric and the light o Co n ercial i sm" Yneteent ~enturx, Vol. 8 n . 10 4- 88 , Jun 920 Bo a s , F • , "C o _ . n 1 e s and t he e a c e v o nf ~ enc e " , ol .108 , p p . 47-49 , ·e rua y 15, 1 ation 9 Buell, .. . L., ' risis in ~ ;ast Africa , ation, ol . 129, pp. 532-34, ovember 6 , 1929 , "Destiny of ast Af r ica 11 , Forei~ Affaire , (U.S.) Vol. 6, pp .408-26 , April 19 , "The ianda te s ------- Current History, Decer1ber 1929 yste L fter n Year s " , ol . 31, p p . 545-51, , "The Stru8r le in rica ' 'oreig ff a res, -----~l- .. ) . ~. p . r.2-41, October 1927- , '~wo Les ons ------- ffaires Burns, " h • • , e . -, an -◄ a p . 5 7 • ~n ol onial Rule 11 , Fore:t~n · ol . • , p p . 43 - 54 , . pr 1 929 a Campbell, ~., 'The } o . 125, -re .,f a -:,-an\Tika ", ortnig tlx ~ evie\· , . • 123-30, Jan ar 19~9 . - - - Gallagher, _ • • , '' he a s s i n f the , .. it e . .. a ' s ur den rican _') g ie t, , ol. 4, pp . 406-17, J 1 r 926 - --- , e Pr o l e 1 t e f orme Co l oni e , ' -------,..- u r rent :1s r , ... ebru -ny 0 • 1927 - -- a□ ly, . •• , ' lacial o lict in T istory, ol. 12, p p . 5 rica," Jo al of .. egro -590, Oct r , 19"27 Har is , John T ., "he Chal n c-e the . ... anda"-es , " Contenpo£!3:_rz - evie , o . 119, • 462- 11 '7, ril , 1921 . 'Col ol. 2 ohn • , " '"ati eview, Vol . 6 , "The Chall enge to T u tee shi , " Conte :1por r:.11. .~------ ..-review, Vol ., 133, pp . 201 - 207 , ebr-ary 1926 , "The .. andatory yster after -------~e-ontemporary eview , Vol . 12 , F'e'61 1 ary 1925 1 iv Years ' \ 1 or .ing , '' p . 1 1-179, Haydon, J.H., "Plans for t he Union of t:..re t ri nir..'s ~ast r and Central frican Colonies ," Current History, Vol. 2, p p . 1022-1025 , _!arch 1929. , "The Jat1ve Problem in British frico. ," - ·-----current istori, lol. 31., pp . 780 - 7 9, January 1g30 Hub ard, , r . D. , n fri a . i~ ! 1erg1ng fro r.. Da 1~ e , Current History , ol. 2 , p . 44 2- 44 , June, 1928 Huxley, Julian, "Pr Century, ci les of Ind i rect ule", 1ineteenth o. 10 , p . 753 - ? oO, ~ecem ber 1930. Jenkins, 'j .C., " 1 conomic Eq alit v and the /andates Co r:1is sion," Johnston, Journal of Political Economy, Vol . 37, • . 04 - 6]7 , October T9'"29. - ir arry Foreign • , 1 ace Pro bl s in the e ~ ~ fr ic a," ffairs, ol . 0 , p . 598-613, Jun l 24 Lew 1 s , !.:_ • :. • , "M and ate 'Perr 1 t or i e "" , " Law < ., u art er 1 y · ~ e v 1 e vv , October, 1923, ) . 458-47. Lugard, Lord ( r Pred 0 rick Ii , "The ·vhi te LV an• s rras <: in Tropical frica,' 'oreign Affairs, ( U •• ) October, 1926 - p . 57-59 r1 r e 11 an a , Fran ,r , C 1 0 s er Di on in 11 a st r fr 1 Ca ff ' ..:. or t nigh _t 1 z .eview, Vol . 123, p p . 747-760, 1928 , "~aster-r frica -- Our Opportunity," Fortni,B.b_t}.-y ------~ 1evie , Vol . 125, . • 500-508 , pril 1929 Olivier, Lord, "Are N e Going to ct ,J stly in 'frica?" ontemporary eview, Vol. 118, • 198-207 , August ]920 164 Olivier, Lord, "The Britis rust i n f ica," Contem ,E_- orarfi evie w, ol. 135, p _ • 273-281 Marc T929 Pruan, S.T., "'W hat the Germans did in ~ast f rica,' Nineteenth Century, Vol. 77 , pp . 768 - 772, pr il 1915 chnee, H., ''I\ andates ystem i Germany's Lost Colon i es ", Current History , Vol. 3 2 , n . 7 b- 8l, April 19~0 V I/right, q,uincy, " overei gnt y of th , ~ andate s ," merican Journal of I nternational Law, Vol . 17 , p. 691-704, 1923 165 A P P E N D I C E S ·• . 166 ANNEX 1. AUTHORIZATION FOR THE EST~LISHMENT OFT~ MANDATE SYSTEM THE COVENANT OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS ARTICLE XXII 1. To those colonies and territories which as e consequence of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the States which formerly governed them and which are inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world, there should be applied the principle that the well being and developn1~nt of such peoples f'.:>rm a sacred trust of civilization and that securities for the performance of this trust should be embodied in this ~ovenant. 2. The best method of giving practical eftect to this principle is that the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who by reason of their re sources, their experience or their geographical position can best undertake this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and that this tutelage should be exercixed by them as Mandatories on behalf of the League. 3. The character of the mandate must differ accord ing to the stage of the development of the people, the geo graphical situation of the territory, its economic conditions and other similar circumstances. 4. Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally ~ecognised subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these com munities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the M anda tory. 5. Other neoples, espeo1ally those of Central A frica, are at such a stage that the M andatory must be responsible for the administration of the territory under conditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience and religion, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications. OI' military and naval bases and of military training of the natives for other than police purposes and the defence of the territory, and will also secure equal opportunities f'or the trade and COr!lmerce of other M embers of the League. 167 6. There are te~ritories, such as outh- v est Africa and certain of the South Pacific Islands, which, owing to the sparseness of their population, or their small size, or their remoteness fro m the centres of civilisation, or their geographical contiguity to the territory or the Mandatory, and other circumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the anda tory as integral portions of its territory, subject to the safeguards above mentioned in t he interests of the indigenous population. 7. In every case of iandate, the 1 andatory shall render to the Council an annual report in reference t o the territory committed to its charge. 8. The degree of authority, control, or adminis tration to be exercised by the Mandatory shall, if not previously agreed upon by the M ambers of the League, be explicitly defined in each case by the Gour.oil. 9. A permanent Comrission shall be constituted to receive and examine the annual reports of the M anda tories and to advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance of the Mandates. ,.. 168 ANNEX 2. BRITISH ANDATE FOR EA ST AFRICA. THE COUIJCIL OF THE LEAGUE OF ATIO S : Nhereas By rticle 119 of the Treaty of Peace with Germany signed at Versailles on June 28th, 1919, Germ any renounced in favour of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers all her rights over her oversea posse ssions, includ ing therein German East Africa; and Whereas, in accordance wit h the treaty of June 11th, 1891, between Her Britannic 1ajesty and His ~ ajesty the King of Portugal, the ~iver Rovuma is recognised as forming the northern boundary of the Portuguese possessi ons in 'a s t Africa from its mouth up to the confluence of the River l\f ~inje • and Whereas the Principal Allied and Associated )ower s agreed that, in accordance with Article 22 , Part I (Covenant of the League of Nations), of t he said treaty ~ a andate should be conferred upon His ritannic M:a j e sty to administ er part of the former colony of German J~ast Africa, and ave proposed that the mandate should be for mulated in the follow ing terms; and Whereas His Britannic M ajesty has agre ed to accept the mandate in respect to the said territory, and has undertaken to exercise it on behalf of the League of N at ions in accord ance with the following provisions; and V hereas by the afore-mentioned Article 22, parag aph 8, it is provided that the degree of aut hority, contr ol or admi!'listration to be exercised by the .1andator , not havi ng been previously agreed upon by the (.embers of t e League, shall be explicitly defined by the Council of the League of Nations: Confirming the said mandate, defines it ~ term s AS follows: ARTICLE 1. The territory over which a mandate is conferred upon His Britannic M ajesty (hereinafter cal led the M andatory) comprises that part of the territory of the former colony of German East Africa situated to the east of the following line: From the point where the frontier between the Uganda Protectorate and German East Africa cuts the River 1 avum ba, a straight line in a south-easterly direction to point 1640, about 15 kilometres south-south-west of r ount G abiro; Thence a straight line in a sout herly d1rect1mn to the north shore of Lake I:ohazi, where it terminates at the eonfluence of a river situated about 2~ kilom etres wes t of t he confluence of the River M silala; If the trace of the railway on the west of t he nivet ~ agers between Bugufi and Uganda approaches within 16 kilo tres r ,he line defined above, the boundary will be 169 carried to ~he Nest followi ng a minimum distance of 16 kilometres fro ~ the trace,without, however, passing to the west of the straight line joini g t he terminal point on Lake ohazi and the top of ount Kivisa, point 2100 , situated on the Uganda-German East frica frontier about 5 kilometres south-west of the poi~t where the River avumba outs this fron ier; Thence a line s outh-eastwards to m ee t the southern shore of Lake ohazi; Thence the watershed between the Tar uka and the M karange and continuing southwards to the north-eastern end of Lake Mugesera; Thence the media line of this lake and continui ng southwards across Lake ~sake to □eet the Yagera; Thence the cour s e of the Kagera downstream to meet the western bound ry of Bugufi; Thence this boundary to its junction with he east- ern boundary of Urundi· T' ence the eastern and southern boundary of Urundi to Lake Tanganyika. The line described above is · _ shown on the attached British I: 1,0 0 ,000 m a • G. ) ••• 2932, shee t Runada and Urundi. The boundaries of Bugufi and rundi are drawn as shown in the eutscher Kolonialatlas (Dietrich-Reimer), scale I:1,000 , 000, dated 1906 . RT I CLE 2. Boundar y Com. i s sioners shall be appointed by His Britannic M ajesty and His ajesty the ring of the Belgians to trace on the spot the line described in Article I above. In case any dispute shoul d arise in connection with the work of these com issioners, the question shall be re ferred to the Council of the League of ations, whose de- cision shall be final. The final report bv the Boundary Com Mis s i on shall give the precise descri tion of this boundary as actually demarcated on the ground; t e necessary m aps shall be annexed thereto and signed by the com i ssioners. The report, with its annexes, shall be made i n r1 licate_ ; one copy shall be deposited in t he archives of the League of Nations, on shal~ b e <ept by the Governr.ient of i s M ajesty the King of t he Belgians and one by the overnm ent of His Britannic 1ajest. RTICIE 3. The M andator shal b e res ponsi le for t he eace , Order and good gover nment of t he territor· , and shal1 undertake to promote to the utmost th aterial and moraJ well-being and the social progress o it s inha itant s . The Mandatory shall have f l o 1er s of l e i lation anc'l a dmini. - tration. · l?O ARTICLE 4 The i andatory shall ot establish any military or naval bases, nor erect any fortifi ati on, or organize any native military force i n h terr itory exc pt for local police urposes and for a fence o t e territory. ARTICL 5 The I.Landatory: (1) shall provid e for the ev .ntual e ancipation of all slaves and for as speedy an elimination of dom estic and other slavery as social conditions will allow: (2) shall supnress all forms of slave trade; (3) hall rohibit all for s of forced or com pul sory labour, except for essential public works and services, and then only in return for adequate remuneration; (4) shall protect the natives f r o . a use and measures of fraud and force by the careful supervision of labor con tracts and the recruiting of labour; (5) shall exercise a strict control over the traffic in arms and ammunition and the sale of spirituous liq or s . A RTICLE 6 In the framing o laws relating to the holding or transfer of land, the 1 andatory shall take into consider ation native laws and c sto ... s, and shall respect the rights and safeguard the inter sts of the native popula tion. No native land may be transferre c 1 , except between natives,witho t the rev1ous consent o~ the public authori ties, and no real rights over native land in favour of non-natives may be created e cept wit t he ame c onsent. The : r andatory will pro□ulgate strict r•egulations against usury. ARTICLE 7 The l andatory shall secure to all nationals of tates Members of t he League of ati ons the same rights as are enjoyed in th rritory by his own nationals in respect of entry into and residence in the territory, the protecti o afforded tot eir person ~nd property, the acquisition of property, movable and i m ovable, and the exercise of their profession or trade, subject only to the requirements of public order, and o condition of compliance ·.vi tb the local law 171 urther, t e ;, an "e1.tory, shall ensure to all nationals o States e ber oft e League of 1ations, on the same foot in as to his o, nationals,freedo□ of transit and naviga tion, and com_ lete economic, conmeroial and i ndustrial equality; provided t hat the andatory sha l be free to or an ise essential pu lie yor s an se viced on such terns and conditions as he think s just. Concessions fo r t he developm ent oft e natural re sources of t e territory shall · .:..J anted by the v andatory without distinctio. on roun · o nati onality t ,veen .. nationsl of all ~tates ~e bers of the League of Nations, but on such conditions as will m a ntain i ntact the au; hority of the local T OV r ent. Concessions having e character of' a '"·eneral m ono poly shall ot be rant e • hi pr vision does ot aff ct the right of the M andat ory to create onopolie s of a pur ~l fiscal character i n the interest of t he territory under mandate, and in order to pr ovide the territory with fisaal resources which seem best suited to the local requirements; or, in certain cases, to carr out the develoJment of natur al resources either directly by the •'tate of by a controlled agency, provided that there s hall result t herefrom no □ono poly of the naturaJ esources for the benefit of t he · anda tory of his nationals, directl or indirectly, nor anr pre ferential advantage w ich shall be i nconsistent wit h vhe ·· economic, com ercial a 1 i nd str:!.al quality e einbef ore guaranteed . The rights conferred by this article extend e qually to companies and associations organised in accordance with the law of any of the M a_ ers of t he League of _ations, sub·ect only to the require ents of p blic order, and on conditi on of compliance wit h t he lo al la i. A TICL 1 8 The M andatory shal l e n sure 1 the territory com lete freedom of conscience and free exer ise of all for~s of worship which are consonant wit 1 public order and morality ~ missionaries who are nationals of states embers of the League of Jations shall be fre to ent e r t he territory and to travel and reside therein, to acquire and possess property, to erect religious buildings and to open schools throughout the territory; it being understood, however, that the A anda tory shall have the right t o exercise such control as may be necessary for the maintenance of public order and good goveru- ment, and t.o ak all measures required by such control. 172 RTIC :, The J.!Jandat r ., al l a ly to t territory any general international conventions already existing, or which may be concluded hereaf t er , with t e approval of the League of Natio s , respecting the slave trade, the traffic in arms and am unitions , t he liquor traffic , and the traffic i n drugs , or relating to conmercial equality, freedom of transit and navigation, aerial navigation, railways, postal, telegrap hic, and wire l ess commun1cat1on, and industrial, literary and artistic property. The M andatory shall c o-operate i n the execution of any common policy ado ted by the League of Nations for preventing and com bating disease, including diseases of plants and animals . R'rICLE 10 The t 1 1 andatory shall be author i sed to constitute the territory into a customs, fiscal and admi nistrat i ve union or federation with the adjacent t erritories under his ovm sovereignty or control; provided always that the measures adopted to tha end o not infringe the provisions of thts mandate. ARTICL~ 11 The 1 andatory shall ake to the Council of the League of Nations an annual report to the satisfaction of the Council, conta1 ing f ull i nfor mation concern ng the measures taken to a ply the provisions of t his mandate. A copy of all laws a nd regulati ons m ade i n the cou~se of the year and affecting roperty, cor merce, navigation or the moral and material well-heing of themselves shall be annexed to th · ·.s report. ARTICLE 1 2 The consent of t he Counci l of the Lea~ue of Nations is required for any modification of ~he t er1s of this mandate. ARTICLE 13 The fandatory agrees that if anv dispute whatev9r should arise between the andatory and another iember of the League or Nations relating to the interpretation or 173 the apnlication of the provisions of the andata, such dispute, if 1t cannot be settled by negotiation, shall be submitted to the Permanent Court of International Justice provided for by rticle 14 of t i~ Covenant of the League of Nations. States I embers of the League of Nations may likewise bring any claims on behalf of their nationals for infractions of their rights under this m andate before the said Court for decision. The present instrum nt s l all be deposited in original in the archive s of the League of ations. Certified copies shall e forwarded by the (ecretary General of the League of ati ons to all e· bars of the League. Done at London, the twentieth da. of July one thousand nine hundred and twenty-two. Certified true copy: SECRET R Y-GENERAL 174 ., M A p s .... ' . · .. . : : ' , :': . · .. Cartocraft Desk Outline Map, Africa. No. 7004 I I . I I - - - -,-- .. - - - , ·' · - .. ,. #'' - ... ... \ . .\ E6 I \ j - - - - - - -· - - . \ 1- \ I~ • r:: \ I: ·--- --- ---- 20 I I \1 ~ ~~ i AN6~p :~ t i G6r ! : s _,, ,-7 Ir/IN ,.;',., ~ SUDA~ ... / ·. -': - ~ I . -A4-~-..,_+.........,,.....,....._-=-..,...-----l-.-l--~_...__+----+- ...__._:;)~----i~~,L__1--~~ .._ial~lllll.\~U . ' : : .. . ·. ·_::-::: ::_ · ·:.:: (· ·:/'._\/:/_( .• •\+>. \/ :_ · .. · _.:\ · :/·:::·,:"-:_. ·. _ ... · . . : . 1 :' . . < . : ' ... ; · · .. : :-~. : ... . . . . . . . . . . . . ' . . . . ~ . . . . . . ' . . . ' . . Scale af' Miles n -, o 100 1000 f. '.M I Pl1blished by DENOYER~GEPPERT CO . ., Chicagc, , T A N G A N Y I K A T E R R I T O R Y 30 O O UGANDA KE NYA COLONY , , I ' I TABORA, 1 I , M US OMA -- - - - - -~• Ta~ora -1ka UFIPA NORTH EAST RHODESIA ..... _ ..... Railroads----------- - ... - \ -- ... -l_.... .Dodoma ..... _ ' D O D O . A USANG A SONGEA NYAS - LAD KILW A EAS T FRI CA .176
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Foster, Mary Alice
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Study of the history and administration of the British mandate in Tanganyika Territory
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History
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1940
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07/01/1939
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