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The perceptions of cross cultural student violence in an urban school setting
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The perceptions of cross cultural student violence in an urban school setting
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Content
THE PERCEPTIONS OF CROSS CULTURAL STUDENT VIOLENCE IN AN
URBAN SCHOOL SETTING
by
Darryl Xavier Pearson
________________________________________________________________________
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
May 2010
Copyright 2010 Darryl Xavier Pearson
ii
Dedication
To my wife and kids
iii
Acknowledgements
Nothing comes easy in life. This work has been a testament to God’s total belief
in me. I have learned to trust in Him despite the negative comments that many thrust
upon me. From my wife not believing that I would ever finish and wondering what is the
point to all of this, to my children who don’t understand the incredible benefit they will
receive from my completing this project. It has been quite a journey, but well worth it. I
know I started this entire endeavor as a dedication to my departed father who always
pushed me to believe in myself, to go beyond what anyone expected and to give 100%.
Even in death you left an incredible legacy for me and my children. I hope that I can do
the same for my grandchildren. My dad would say it is more honorable to fail with great
effort than to fail not trying. You left me in 2000 and though I miss you tremendously I
can still hear your voice. I know you are very proud of me and I appreciate all you did
for me while you were living. Through you this project became more than even I
anticipated. To my mom who passed in 1982, you were my love and my life. I did
everything to please you. I hope you are now pleased with me. I miss you still even
today. I know in Heaven you are telling all the Angels, “that’s my baby!” To my
chairpersons, Dr. Astor and Dr. Sundt, you have shown incredible patience and restraint
with me. I certainly appreciate your support. Even as the years from graduation to
completion of this project distanced themselves you never wavered. You have never
made me feel like this was something I could not accomplish or finish. To Dr. Edlyn
Pena, even though our time together was short you influenced this project greatly. To
iv
Roberta and Bill, thanks for your love and input (without you two being lifelong friends
where would I be?). To James, you left me early buddy but I know you are still with me.
You continue to be an inspiration for me daily and I never (as you know) hesitate to bring
you up in conversation. To Kathy and Linda, do I need to even say it? You two have been
my Rock(s) in my many times of need. Thank you both for allowing me to be a part of
your circle of friends. To Lilly and Marsha, thanks for assisting me with my terrible
computer skills. Thanks for the lunches, love and listening, my three favorite L’s. To
Lavyddya and Mama Anderson, thank you for helping me make it through the surgeries,
false accusations and job movements. Who would ever think that so much could happen
to one person in 2 short years? Thank you for your prayers and support. Thank you for
reminding me that the enemy always attacks those that he sees as a threat. To Dr. Leroya
Jordan (name it and claim it) you were calling me “Doctor” long before I had even
envisioned it myself or God had manifested it to me. I love you and your incredible
family. Thanks for your prayers and your believing in me and just making me smile. To
Pauline, your strong will and believing that God has a plan continues to encourage me
day and night. You are an incredible person for putting up with me the last 20 years. You
are simply the best. To Harry, thanks for pushing and encouraging me. It was incredible
how you seemed to email me exactly when I needed encouragement the most. It was kind
of scary too. To Willie, miss you boy! To Derrick and Anthony, my life long friends, now
you can tell your other friends you know a “Doctor!” Thanks for your flat out everything,
the years of tears and laughter and always “just being there.” To my wife and kids, sorry
that this took so long. I know the time I spent away from you, can never be recovered, but
v
I promise that I’ll do my best to make it up to you. Thanks for loving me in spite of me.
Thanks for not touching the computer in those “crazy days” and for ignoring my noise in
those late night hours. I LOVE YOU GUYS. And lastly to my best friend Martin, I am so
glad I permitted you to be my friend almost 40 years ago. We have been through so much
together. Thank you for being just someone who listened when I moved away from this
project. Thank you for encouraging me. I appreciate you and all that you represent. Your
mom and dad took me in like I was their child, so I guess that makes us brothers. That
means I believe that we’re stuck together for life. I guess that’s not so bad. Thank you for
your love. To anyone who is reading this and is saying, he forgot to mention me. Don’t
worry I didn’t, my spirit was just full. To God be the glory!
vi
Table of Contents
Dedication ii
Acknowledgements iii
List of Figures ix
Abstract x
Chapter 1 Introduction 1
Background of the Problem 1
Prevalence of School Violence 4
Statement of the Problem 8
National Response 9
Changing Demographics 10
Influence of Poverty 10
Education and Poverty 11
Violence on Campus 13
Gangs and School Violence 15
Gang Influence 18
Perceptions of school Violence 19
Purpose of the Study 20
Research Questions 21
Significance of the Study 21
Methods 22
Assumptions 22
Terms 22
Limitations of the Study 22
Organization of the Dissertation 23
Chapter II Review of the Literature 24
Social Theories 26
Violence Theories 27
Culture, Ethnicity and Race 28
American Life for Blacks and Latinos 29
Segregation, Integration and Assimilation 32
vii
Race Riots 36
Race Relations 36
Government Initiatives 38
Media Influence 43
Chapter II Conclusions 45
Chapter III Methods and Procedures 47
Conceptual Framework 47
Overview of Method 48
Sample and Population 49
Instrumentation 51
Data Collection Procedures 52
Data Analysis 52
Chapter IV Analysis and Interpretation of Results 55
Research Question 1 55
Definition of Ethnic Violence 56
Exposure to Violence 57
Black Male Students (Population Boom) 57
Latino Male Students (Empowerment/We Belong) 59
Black Female Students (Relationships) 60
Latino Female Students (Lack of Communication) 61
Adult Perceptions 62
Black Adult Males (Shared Resources) 62
Latino Adult Male (A Matter of Respect) 64
Black Adult Female (The Need for Program) 66
Latino Adult Females (Family and Heritage) 67
Summary of the Findings Research Question 1 67
Research Question 2 69
Improved Relationships 69
Community Influences 71
Gang Influence 73
Parental Influence 75
Disrespect of Heritage 77
Influence of Lack of Communication 78
Research Question 3 79
Security 80
Summary of the Findings Research Question 3 81
viii
Chapter V Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations 83
Discussion 83
Effective Implementation 84
Effective Programs 85
Ownership 87
Reconnect to Students 88
Chapter V Summary of the Findings 89
Implications 91
Recommendations for Further Research 95
Chapter V Conclusions 97
References 99
Appendices
Appendix A: Student Focus Group Questions 110
Appendix B: Adult focus Group Questions 112
Appendix C: Data Collection Procedures 114
ix
List of Figures
Figure 1: Table of Participants 51
x
Abstract
While America fights an international war on terrorism a greater war looms in our
own backyard. Poverty, the lack of resources and a failing educational system continues
to strangle our urban youth. Violence between youth in urban schools perplexes our
society everyday. Within this context lie the ever growing confrontation between black
and Latino youth. School age youth in Los Angeles County have become accustomed to
violence. The sounds of sirens and police helicopters have become a mundane part of
everyday life for these inner city youth. Broken curfews often end up in broken lives,
shattered by violence.
Two out of every four black male youth in America will not finish high school,
and these numbers decrease for Latino males to one out of three (The Rap Sheet, 2005).
Out of those black youth who do finish high school, only 1 out of 3 will attend a four year
university (The Rap Sheet, 2005). Only 1 out of 2 will finish. Latino males fair no better.
Only 1 out of 2 Latino males will attend a four year university with only 40% of those
finishing (The Rap Sheet, 2005). Approximately thirty percent of all black and Latino
males between the ages of 18-25, end up incarcerated (The Rap Sheet, 2005).
Now these youth are turning on each other. The line in the sand has been drawn.
Blacks and Latinos struggle with each other to gain economic and political power in the
urban city setting. Gaining this power may end the continued submission to living a sub-
standard existence. So the battle wages, a battle that has surfaced in our public schools.
For this reason cultural events are turned into violent stands for cultural pride at our
schools.
xi
This study sought to investigate the causes of violence between our black and
Latino youth in our inner city schools in hopes that better interventions could be
formulated to prevent or eradicate it. The study investigated the perceptions of those who
are closest to the epidemic. Using a qualitative approach, information was gathered from
structured interviews with inner city high school students and staff that represented
different ethnic and gender backgrounds. The objective of these interviews was to
develop key concepts that could help explain why cross-cultural violence exists between
black and Latino youth. This study identified the perceptions of the participants and how
their perception may be influenced by an intrinsic or extrinsic source. In trying to identify
the causes of ethnic youth violence this study revealed that there are many factors that
should be considered. Although we know that this study could never answer every
question to the causes of youth violence, we hope that it will serve to help formulate
prevention methods that can assist in the reduction of this epidemic. It is simply time to
stop the violence!
1
Chapter I
Introduction
The roots of conflict cannot be found in one set of issues or attributed to one event
or development (Rabie, 1994). According to the Department of Health and Human
Services (2001) there are several risk factors that may be present in school age youth that
influence violent behaviors. Antisocial beliefs and attitudes; poor academic performance;
involvement in gangs; diminished economic opportunity; high concentrations of poor
residents and high levels of transiency are said to be direct correlates to violent behavior
in youth (Lipsey and Derzon, 1998). Conflict resolution researchers believe that unless
effective communication is present, conflict cannot be resolved. “Unsuccessful
interactions--those that lead to conflict escalation and relational deterioration--are
characterized by antagonistic communication that emphasizes autonomy over connection,
resulting in negative long-term outcomes” (Jameson, 2004 p.254). This study explores
student and adult perceptions of violence that occur between Blacks and Latinos at
Lynwood High School in Los Angeles County.
Background of the Problem
Tensions between Blacks and Latinos in Los Angeles County have been
simmering for years (Los Angeles Times, 2005). The increase of immigration has
exploded the number of Latinos living in urban and poverty stricken areas that were once
predominately black settlements (Vaca, 2004 pg. XI). According to Johnson, Farrell and
Guinn (1997) this rather dramatic demographic transformation is radically changing the
2
racial and ethnic composition of neighborhoods, bringing with it increased competition
for resources and political power (pg.765). On occasion this tension has led to violence.
Students have turned to violent interactions when the competition for resources has
reached its apex (Los Angeles Times, 2005). Living in poverty, with exposure to
violence, sometimes breeds more violence (Duhart, Candenhead, Pendergrast & Slaven,
1994). As a practical matter, there is a powerful and growing need to develop effective
educational interventions that give our ethnic children a solid basis of knowledge about
conflict resolution, violence prevention, peace with justice, and mutual accommodation—
in short, decent human relationships from family to community to humanity on a
worldwide basis (Hamburg & Hamburg, 2004). These interventions may be effective if
we analyze the perceptions of those who are most affected by this violence and their
beliefs about its causes.
School age youth are perpetrating violence upon one another at an alarming rate
(Lubinsky, 2000). Recent and continued confrontations between black and Latino
students in Los Angeles County area high schools are indicators that violent behavior has
spilled over into these two cultures. Many of these confrontations are referred to as hate
crimes and not as racial conflicts (Hate Crime Statistics, 2003). This Hate Crime statistics
report suggests that if left unchecked, the number of ethnic youth hurt or killed by this
type of violence could reach epidemic proportions. The nature of these racial conflicts
may go undetected by crime reporting institutes that look at race or ethnicity for their
reporting mechanism. Race as defined by Webster’s dictionary, is a group of people
related by common descent or heredity. In comparison, Webster’s dictionary defines
3
ethnicity as membership in a particular racial, national or cultural group and observance
in that group’s customs, beliefs, traditions and language.
At times, Latino youth are labeled as ‘white’ when race is applied; however,
Latinos are viewed as Hispanic when one looks at ethnicity (Uniform Crime Report,
2003). The U.S. Department of Justice reports that there were over 1200 violent acts
perpetrated against Hispanics in the year 2003. The data also show that there were over
3000 incidents perpetrated against Blacks in this same time period (U.S. Dept. of Justice,
2003). The data indicate that these incidents occurred because of anti-Black and anti-
Latino sentiments (Hernandez, 2007).
In order to get a true accounting of “Black against Latino” youth conflicts, we
can look at cross-cultural conflicts where ethnicity is a factor. The Los Angeles Times
reports that there were at least 3 major incidents of Black and Latino confrontations in
area high schools in the first half of 2005. A fight involving about 100 students at
Jefferson High School on Thursday April 14, 2005, left at least three people with minor
injuries and a city tactical alert was called as students were being released from school
(Los Angeles Times, 2005). Less than one week later, violence erupted again on the
campus of Jefferson High School, when a group of Latino students began taunting a
group of black teens during lunch. It was estimated that as many as 100 students were
involved in the subsequent fight (Los Angeles Times, 2005). These confrontations
between Blacks and Latinos, which have struck campuses from the South Bay to the
Inland Empire and Antelope Valley, suggest that cultural differences, racially charged
4
gang feuds and social and economic competition may combine to cleave Southern
Californians along unexpected racial lines (Banks & Shields, 2005).
Unfortunately because of varying reporting mechanisms, available hate crime
statistics are little help in trying to gauge conflict between Blacks and Latinos. While
national figures show around 100 Black-on-Latino hate crimes for each of several recent
years, this number according to Buchanan (2005) vastly understates the violence
Moreover; the FBI has no similar statistics that would cast light on Latino violence
against Blacks. Beyond just labeling them as hate crimes, there are studies that examine
the causes of the violence that is being perpetrated between black and Latino youth. For
example Hughes’ (2005) study on youth gangs, suggest that gang violence may be a
contributing factor to cross-cultural violence. Hughes makes a suggestion but fails to
study the impact of this cross-cultural violence. In his study, Hughes indicates that the
competition for “turf” represents a financial gain for the warring gangs.
Prevalence of School Violence
The prevalence of school violence refers to the proportion of American youths
involved in one or more violent behaviors while in an educational setting (Dept of Health
& Human Services, 2001). The Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) allows us look at long-
term trends for juveniles in the U.S. and may assist us in identifying tendencies in youth
violence. The UCR also looks at types of crimes and provides data on arrest results. UCR
arrest rates however, probably should not be used to calculate prevalence of violent
behavior, because the report gives data only about crimes that lead to arrests. In contrast,
5
many acts of youth violence are not reported. One national youth survey from which
long-term trends in self-reported violent behavior can be measured is the MTF
(Monitoring The Future), which began in 1975 and is conducted annually by the
University of Michigan's Institute for Social Research (Dept. of Health& Human
Services, 2001). These self –reports ask a nationally representative sample of high school
seniors about a wide range of social attitudes and behaviors. Although this survey is
administered at school, it asks about violent behavior and victimization across all
community settings.
Using the MTF survey assists in analyzing students’ perceptions about violent
behaviors. Self-reports, whether by offenders or victims, may be used as a research tool
for determining the extent of youth violence (Dept. of Health & Human Services). This
gives us a look into violent behavior that may never reach the police. For example, the
National Crime Victimization Survey reveals that the majority (58 percent) of serious
violent crimes committed by youths are not reported to the police (Snyder & Sickmund,
1999). Estimates indicate that only 6 to 14 percent of chronic violent offenders are ever
arrested for a serious violent crime (Dunford & Elliott, 1984; Elliott, 2000a; Huizinga et
al., 1996; Loeber et al., 1998).
The MTF gathers data about five acts of violence and from them compiles a
violence index for the specific offenses (Dept. of Health & Human Services, 2001). The
violence index of the MTF is not the same as the UCR violent crime index, which
aggregates four types of arrests. According to the MTF's violence index, about 3 out of
6
10 high school seniors reported having witnessed a violent act in the past year, an annual
prevalence rate of about 30 percent. Prevalence rates of high magnitude—10 to 15
percent of high school seniors—for the most serious types of violence are confirmed by
other self-report surveys (Surgeon General Reviews).
Two general city surveys—the Denver Youth Survey and the Rochester Youth
Development Survey, which use the same measure of violence as the National Youth
Survey—report somewhat higher prevalence rates among 17-year-olds: 12 percent and 14
percent, respectively. Like the MTF, these studies rely on self-reported behavior. When
looking internationally, only England/Wales, the Netherlands, Spain, and Italy used an
instrument that provided national estimates of violence comparable to the violence index
used in the MTF survey. Self-reported serious violence among young people age 16 to 17
in these countries in 1992 or 1993 ranged from 16 to 26 percent. These prevalence rates
are lower than the U.S. rate of about 30 percent for the MTF’s violence index. Thus,
while the questions in the international study may be somewhat different, the findings
show that while a higher proportion of U.S. youths commit violent acts, youth violence is
not increasing.
This trend would continue into 2002. According to the Department of Justice’s
Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) and the Department of Education’s National Center for
Education Statistics (NCES) during the years 1992-2002, school crime dropped from 48
violent victimizations per 1,000 students to 24 per 1,000. These numbers are
encouraging, yet the problem of youth violence in schools still exists. The recent fights at
7
schools in California are an example. These recent violent interactions have galvanized
public concern about school safety. Contrary to public perception, schools have had
fewer homicides and nonfatal injuries than homes and neighborhoods. However, some
students are at greater risk of being killed or injured at school than others—specifically,
senior high school students from racial or ethnic minorities who attend schools in urban
districts (Kachur et al., 1996). According to an August 2002 Department of Education
report, ‘School Crime Patterns,’ “High schools with the highest levels of violence tended
to be located in urban areas that have a high percentage of minority students (black and
Latino), compared to high schools that reported no crime to the police.”
While we continue to put maverick interventions into place to solve youth
violence, it simply continues with varying negative effects. Violent victimization can
negatively impact psychological functioning by increasing symptoms of depression,
posttraumatic stress disorders and generalized anxiety (Bell & Jenkins, 1990). This
victimization will continue to result in a negative social interaction between youth of
different ethnic backgrounds. This negative social behavior also affects a youth’s ability
to adapt in an academic environment (Wilson & Rosenthal, 2003). Schools today focus
lots of energy, attention, time and money on school violence (Snell & Volokh, 2000). As
a result, students’ education is compromised because our schools have become places
where violent acts perpetrated against them are common (Pixley, 2000). There are as
many, if not more, concerns about safety as there are about academics. Students are faced
with incorporating safety issues (weapons, ingress, and egress) as well as meeting
8
rigorous academic criteria. The aforementioned violent occurrences between black
youth and Latino youth in the Los Angeles Unified School District have prompted school
officials to review and revise safety policies and programs (Los Angeles Times, 2005).
Many antiquated school safety programs are being dusted off and put back in place
throughout L.A. county schools (Los Angeles Times, 2005). School violence intervention
programs are now hastily being introduced on these campuses to reduce further incidents.
Statement of the Problem
Many violence intervention programs in Los Angeles, as well as in other parts of
the United States, are being used without the real cause of the violence being identified
(Astor, 2003; Snell & Volokh, 1997; National Institute of Mental Health, 2000). Violence
interventions are often formulated on the perceptions of those who are not affected by the
situation, often making them ineffective. Not basing violence intervention programs on
the perceptions of the target group may be a factor in the continued failure of these
intervention programs to deter cross- cultural violence.
This study looks at the relationship of student violence perception and effective
intervention programs. “Student fear and student assessment of school violence could
affect how politicians, parents, and educators judge school settings” (Benbenishty, Astor,
Zeira & Vinokur, 2002, p. 71). For example, political figures, not school personnel, have
suggested that school violence is a symptom of moral deterioration within our nation’s
youth, families, schools, and in society at large (Astor, Behre, & Meyer, 2001). It may be
reasoned that the interventions that are put into place should be generated from the
9
perceptions of those closest to the problem. Invention programs are usually set up as a
reaction and not a cure for youth violence. There is very little literature about
interventions that are established after looking at the cause of youth violence. This study
will fill the void in the literature that exists about this type of cross-cultural violence.
National Response
Though many states are witnessing violence in their schools, few are taking
extreme measures to rectify the problem. Schools in America already have much to deal
with in the area of student achievement. Federal regulations concerning failing student
achievement have put a higher expectation on schools to be “academically sound”. The
ineffectiveness of public schooling to meet federal guidelines has been most evident in
the inability of the quarter-trillion-dollar a year Education Empire to provide a large
number of children with even the “minimal literacy necessary to prepare for their future,
and to understand their past” (Arons, 1997, pg. 38). This statement suggests that schools
that are already dealing with failing students, to take on the additional burden of
correcting societal problems may be too much to ask. “In this era of explosive capitalist
growth, massive immigration, and urban development the public schools have expanded
and become organizationally complex” (Katznelson & Weir, 1985, pg.12). This
complexity is becoming even greater with increased violence behaviors seeping into the
schools.
10
Changing Demographics
American neighborhoods are changing at an incredible rate and this is also having
an influence on youth violence. De-industrialization is turning once affluent
neighborhoods into barrios and places of imbedded poverty (Sugrue, 1998). Declining
affordable housing has also played a factor in the reconfiguration of neighborhoods and
schools. Neighborhoods that once saw a heavy influx of African Americans are rapidly
becoming neighborhoods containing more and more persons of Latino descent (Harrison,
2002). For example, since 1992, 40% of Blacks have fled South Los Angeles and moved
to the San Fernando, and Antelope Valleys, Riverside County and to the Southern states
(Hutchinson, 2003). The fast changing demographics have at times imploded in inter-
ethnic battles between Blacks and-Latinos over jobs, housing, and schools (Miles. 1992).
The recent clashes between black and Latino students-at Jefferson high school (Los
Angeles Times, April 2005) was a prime example of how ethnic violence can spill over
into our schools. It is also a warning that racial conflict is no longer framed in black and
white. In Los Angeles County the pattern of ethnic conflict has been between Blacks and
Latinos, Blacks and Asians, and Latinos and Blacks (Hutchinson, 2003).
Influence of Poverty
Poverty, the state of being poor or lacking the means to provide material needs or
comforts, is a barrier to successful achievement and may contribute to youth violence in
the public school. The effects of poverty on achievement, and on violence, have been
detailed numerous times in educational literature (Brown, 1995; Moore, 1997; Fine &
11
Weis, 1998; Leroy & Symes, 2001). Poverty unfortunately, is sometimes accompanied by
violence (Gurr, 1970). The connection between economic poverty and violence is not
clear-cut; many economically deprived people are not violent, and many violent people
are not economically disadvantaged (Lungren, 1994). According to Lungren, the risk
factors for violent crime are tied to economic hardship. The factors are evident in the
absence of good health, education, recreation and jobs, “which contributes to a sense of
despair and lack of regard for human life among young people growing up in poverty”
(Lungren, 1994, pg. 1). The data generated show that disadvantaged individuals and
people in low socioeconomic status are at far greater risk of committing or suffering from
a violent act. According to Wintemute (1994) children in many poor, urban
neighborhoods become experts in combat survival, "as they must do" in order to make
sense of their daily lives. The effects of poverty manifest themselves in health and mental
health problems, hopelessness, isolation, broken and fatherless homes, and alienation. A
study by Attar, Guerra, and Tolan (1994) indicates that first through fourth graders
exposed to high levels of ‘stressful life events,’ including violence, are also more likely to
display high levels of aggression themselves and incrementally within a year after the
first measure.
Education and Poverty
Sampson, Raudenbush and Earls (1997) found a positive relationship between
youth violence and concentrated poverty. To subdue this relationship many Blacks,
trapped in the northern ghettoes of major cities, pinned the hopes for advancement in
society on their children's ability to get a quality education (Clarke, K., 1967). With this
12
concept in mind, education becomes a means by which poverty can be overcome,
violence eliminated, and achievement established for today’s youth. Unfortunately, living
in areas of poverty, at times, hinders these hopes.
In 2004, the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) reported that
most minority and poor students were below national averages in the area of reading on
National and State assessments. Schools that are located in areas of poverty are where
most states face the greatest gap between their expectations for students and the reality in
terms of resources, achievement, and teacher quality (Olson 2003). Olson’s study
indicated that the lack of resources in lower socioeconomic areas has a direct influence
on academic success. To thrive, children--especially at-risk kids--need religious
institutions, family-support centers, recreational activities, cultural enrichment, libraries,
and a host of other resources that contribute to their civic, social, emotional, and
educational development (Heath and McLaughlin, 1995). Schools in high-poverty
neighborhoods tend to have the least experienced and least prepared teachers (NCTAF,
1996). Not having qualified teachers is itself a major contributor to the widening of the
achievement gap (Center for Public Education, 2005). Olson (2003) suggests that having
quality teachers is a resource that many poor and minority students lack.
Many immigrants come to this country with the desire for the opportunity that an
American education can grant their children (Behrman & Shields, 2004). The
conventional perception would be that a good education could fix other social and
economic woes. Researchers believe that education gives minority students a chance to
move beyond their poverty stricken existence (Moore, 2002).
13
Students enter schools with much enthusiasm about their pending futures.
Somewhere in their educational trek, however, enthusiasm wanes, and school is viewed
as a hostile and uncaring environment (Pine & Hilliard, 1990). Many times schools
located in areas of lower social economic status (SES) don’t adequately prepare ethnic
youth for the future (Rothstein, 1994). African American students, for example, are
grossly underrepresented in academic tracks designed to prepare them for postsecondary
education, and they receive inadequate amounts of math, science, and computer training
while in high school (Lomotey, 1990).
According to McLoyd (1998), youth who live in lower social-economic status
(SES) areas must often deal with elevated levels of violent crime. In this study, through
the exploration of community perceptions, beliefs about poverty and social inequalities
were analyzed to understand to what extent these factors play a role in the academic
achievement of Latino and black students. The area of achievement for black and Latino
youth has been well researched and documented (Anderson, 1984; Committee for
Economic Development, 1987). The research shows that at all levels of schooling and
comparable levels of ability, black and Latino students earn substantially lower grades
and attain less education than non-Latino white students (Ensminger & Slusarcick, 1992;
Mickelson, 1990; Fashola & Slavin, 1998). These researchers suggest that this trend also
cannot continue if Blacks and Latinos are to be successful in today’s society.
Violence on Campus
Gang violence is certainly infiltrating our public schools. Kaufman, Chen, and
Choy (1999) examined data from the U.S. Department of Justice and Education that show
14
that the presence of gang affiliations in school doubled from 1985 to 1995. Two
nationwide studies of school homicides were conducted by the Centers for Disease
Control (CDC) and Prevention in collaboration with the U.S. Departments of Education
and Justice. The first study covered a 2-year period from July 1992 through June 1994
and identified 68 students who were killed on or near school grounds or at school-related
events (Kachur et al., 1996). This study found that those at greatest risk of being killed
were from racial or ethnic minorities, from senior high schools, and from urban school
districts. According to the study, the homicide rate in urban schools was nine times
greater than the rate in rural schools. The vast majority of offenders and victims alike
were male, under age 20, and from a racial or ethnic minority. The most common motives
were an interpersonal dispute or gang-related activities.
The second study, using the same methodology, updated the figures through June
1999 (CDC, 2000a). It identified 177 students age 5 to 19 who were fatally wounded in
this 5-year period. Thus, trends throughout the 1990s continued to show that the number
of school fatality incidents had declined. In regard to nonfatal injuries at school, the
National Crime Victimization Survey found that in 1998, the rate of serious violent
crimes against youth age 12 to 18 was one-half as great when they were at school as
when they were not. The findings revealed that at school, the highest victimization rates
were among male students and younger students (age 12 to 14) (Kaufman et al., 2000).
The rate was highest in urban schools in 1992, but by 1998 the rates at urban, suburban,
and rural schools were similar. Overall, between 1992 and 1998, the rate of serious
15
violent crimes at school remained relatively stable at about 8 to 13 per 1,000 students
(Kaufman et al., 2000). The stability of this trend was corroborated by a 1998 MTF
survey, which asked high school seniors whether they have been victims of violence. The
percentage of seniors reporting that they had been injured with a weapon at school
remained stable at about 5 percent.
Gangs and School Violence
While poverty may be viewed as an indirect influence on youth violence, gang
involvement is seen as a direct one. Although gang members represent a relatively small
proportion of the adolescent population, they commit the majority of serious youth
violence (Spergel, 1990). Two major longitudinal studies from the cities of Denver and
Rochester, reported that 14 to 30 percent of the youths surveyed were gang members at
some time during the study, and they accounted for 68 to 79 percent of the serious
violence reported (Thornberry, 1998). Similar findings have been reported in other
studies using nonrandomized local samples (Battin et al., 1996; Fagan, 1990). In
Rochester, 66 percent of chronic violent offenders were in gangs (Huizinga et al., 1995).
With such great numbers it is a certainty that many of these youth attend public schools.
The characteristics of gang members and violence seem to share relational
identifiers. Two of the behaviors closely linked to serious violence, drug sales and
possessing a weapon, are often also associated with gang membership. A 1999 National
Youth Gang Survey (a national survey of law enforcement agencies) estimated that 46
percent of youth gang members were involved in street drug sales (Egley, 2000). In the
16
Rochester study, more than 66 percent of youths (with gang affiliation) reported they
carried a gun for protection and 32 percent reported they sold drugs. Eighty-five
percent of youths who owned guns for protection were involved with peers who owned
guns for protection (Huizinga et al., 1995). Coincidently, rates of violence are higher in
schools where gangs are present. The rate of victimization in schools with gangs is 7.5
percent, compared to 2.7 percent in schools without gangs (Snyder & Sickmund, 1999).
A gang presence in schools is not only relegated to urban settings. Gangs are also present
in many suburban and rural schools. Between 1989 and 1995, the proportion of students
reporting gangs at their school increased from 15 percent to 28 percent (Snyder &
Sickmund, 1999). By 1999, however, this figure had dropped to 17 percent (Kaufman et
al., 2000). A decline in the number of gangs in U.S. schools between 1996 and 1997 was
also reported by law enforcement agencies (National Youth Gang Center, 1999). Yet a
2004 report issued by the U.S. Department of Education and Justice found that the
presence of gangs in school still accounts for the majority of incidents of violent acts
between students.
Investigating the characteristics of gangs may help to identify their influence on
cross-cultural student violence. Gangs are known to have clearly identified territories
(Valdez, 1998). These gang territories do not exclude schools. Many gang members and
family members of gangs attend public school. With the presence of gang members on
campuses, schools can no longer serve only as vehicles to educate our disfranchised
youth, but also may be relegated as a place of safe haven for them. For some of our youth
17
today, safely making it to and from school is just as important as graduating (Barrett,
2004). Survival, while youth egress and ingress for school in gang infested
neighborhoods, may be seen as a success indicator. Researcher Malcolm Klein (2002)
gives this definition of a gang:
[W] e shall use the term gang to refer to any denotable adolescent group of
youngsters who (a) are generally perceived as a distinct aggregation by
others in their neighborhood, (b) recognize themselves as a denotable
group (almost invariably with a group name) and (c) have been involved
in a sufficient number of delinquent incidents to call forth a consistent
negative response from neighborhood residents and/or enforcement
agencies (p. 250). Klein's definition rests on lay assumptions and provides
a good grounding in that it recognizes that the community has a hand in
defining a gang. However, the perception of gang identities would
probably include more delinquent groups in community gang definition
than the police would. If school staff used Klein’s definition of gangs it
would probably include a lot of delinquent groups, especially "doper
groups," many of whom would meet all of Klein's criteria.
The overarching goal of this study is to investigate perceptions of why interracial
violence exists and to identify interventions that will help eliminate the causes. Gang
identification and gang influence on violence could be a pivotal factor in violent
perception. By identifying people’s perceptions about cross-cultural youth violence we
may be able to identify interventions that are more effective in its prevention. It is the
hope that this study will be used as a resource for schools that are currently facing violent
incidents between youth regardless of their cultural or ethnic backgrounds. This study
contributes to present literature by investigating the most recent incidents of cross-
cultural violence at the high school level. This study will narrow the range about what we
don’t know about this type of violence.
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Gang Influence
Los Angeles County is known as a hotbed for gang activity throughout the United
States (Valdez, 1998). Many people perceive that the continued rise of gang membership
among school age children is a major contributing factor in school violence (Clay &
Aquila 1994). But the actual increase in violence is the key -- not just fear or reaction to
rumor and innuendo (Clay & Aquila 1994). Youth gangs today are found in almost all 50
states (Spergel, 1995).
Gangs perpetrate many of the violent acts that occur on or near schools (Clay &
Aquila 1994). According to the Long Beach Press Telegram (2005), there are about
100,000 gang members in more than 1300 gangs in Los Angeles, Ventura and San
Bernardino counties. Over 30,000 of these of these youth are reportedly school age
children. The sheer number of school age gang members leads one to believe that schools
are not devoid of gangs. With the continued influx of gang activity in schools, violent
incidents can be said anecdotally to be rising (Buchanan, 2005). This study will look at the
perception of this cross-cultural youth violence through the eyes of the members of the
school community. This study will investigate differences of perception, if there are any,
behind the causes of youth violence between groups. This study will also investigate the
risk of exposure to community violence and its relationship to cross race violence between
black and Latino youth.
19
Perceptions of School Violence
School-associated violent deaths decreased by 40 percent between the 1998 and
1999 school years (Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, 1999). Although the overall
risk of violence and injury at school has continued to drop substantially over the past 5
years, both students and their parents report being apprehensive about their schools
(Indicators of School Crime, 2005). Studies reveal that, during the early 1990s, students
grew more fearful about being attacked or harmed at school and that they were avoiding
certain places within their schools (Kaufman et al., 1998). By 1999, these fears had
subsided somewhat (Kaufman et al., 2000), but parents still say they are afraid for their
children at school. A 1999 Gallup poll found that nearly half of the parents surveyed
feared for their children's safety when they sent them off to school, whereas only 24
percent of parents reported this concern in 1977 (Gallup, 1999a). In May 1999, shortly
after the shootings at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, 74 percent of
parents said that a school shooting was very likely or somewhat likely to happen in their
community (Gallup, 1999b). Today, many of these fears have dissipated (Gallup 2006).
However, these fears may change with any recent violent interactions on our school
campuses.
This information may help us understand how the perceptions of students are
shaped. According to Astor (1998) different people have different perceptions of violence
as a function of their experiences. In addition, socio-cultural theorists emphasize the role
of cultural transmission of value and the associated cognitive patterns that follow (Staub,
20
1979). With this in mind, the perception of a parent may unknowingly transfer to their
child. To support this reasoning, Ramirez (2001) indicates that the ideals you promote
become your child's moral guide and form the cornerstone of his conscience.
Still, public perceptions about school safety seem at odds with the evidence that
the risk for serious violence at school has changed substantially over the past 5 years
(Indicators of School Crime, 2005). While gangs and weapon carrying have declined
recently, the rates of drug use and physical fighting were still high as recently as 1999
(Brenner et al., 1999). Today's school bullies are still more likely to be carrying guns than
those of the early 1980s, and the proportion of students reporting that they felt too unsafe
to go to school has not changed greatly since the mid-1990s. This leads one to believe
that the incidents of school violence may be far from over.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study is to gain an understanding about ethnic youth violence
by examining the perspectives of students and staff members, while looking at violence
theories. The objective of the study is to contribute to our understanding of school
violence between ethnic youth. Specifically, this investigation will look at perceptions of
the cause(s) of conflict particularly involving students of black and Latino ancestry in the
Lynwood Unified School district. LUSD is located in Los Angeles County.
21
Research Questions
1. How are students and school staff members explaining violence between black
and Latino students in their community? To what extent are their explanations:
(a) similar (b) rooted in a sense of limited resources (the economic argument)?
2. What are the perceptions of students and staff that are exposed to cross-
cultural violence and how are they influenced?
3. What solutions do students, community members and staff members offer to
reduce the violence?
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because conflicts between black and Latino students are
still occurring. This study will help identify what youths’ perceptions are about this
violence, points of agreement and disagreement between the perceptions of black and
Latino youth, and, ultimately, how perception should play an important role in the
intervention methods used to confront youth violence. When responding to tensions and
violence between ethnic groups, a growing number of non- governmental organizations
have developed innovative programs and approaches to help resolve conflicts, prevent
violence, and promote more cooperative relationships between groups (Sharpiro, 2005).
However, many of these programs often have complex and overlapping assumptions
about the causes and effective responses to ethnic conflict (Sharpiro, 2005).
This study was significant because there are few studies that identify why the
communities from which black and Latino youth come believe they perpetrate violence
against one another. With this in mind, the researcher will identify why perceptions may
22
assist in driving interventions. This study will fill the void in the literature that exists
about this type of cross-cultural violence.
Methods
A qualitative approach was used with in-depth interviews. A data set was
gathered from structured interviews with 32 students and 16 adults from Lynwood High
School. These persons represented the major ethnic and gender backgrounds found at
Lynwood High School. The objective of these interviews was to gather perspectives as to
why cross-cultural violence exists between black and Latino youth.
Assumptions
Students are assumed to provide an accurate assessment of their feelings and
attitudes in responding to the interview questions. Students are assumed to have
witnessed, been a victim of, or have a true perception of the cause(s) of youth violence.
Terms
For the purpose of this study the terms cross-cultural violence and ethnic violence
will be used interchangeably.
Limitations of the Study
This study is limited to students who attend or recently attended Lynwood High
School, and employees of the Lynwood Unified School District. Because this sample is
accessed locally, it may have limited generalization.
23
Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation is divided into a total of five chapters. Immediately following
this introductory chapter I offer a review of the literature on what experts say the cause of
youth violence may stem from. This second chapter ends with a conclusion that
identifies how social, economic and political conditions may influence student and
adult/staff perspectives concerning violence in general and ethnic youth violence in
particular. In the third chapter I explain the research design and method used to analyze
student and adult/staff interviews, observational notes, and written responses. The fourth
chapter presents the results of the analysis of the interviews that concerned student and
adult/staff perceptions of the explanations, influences and solutions for ethnic conflict
between black and Latino youth. The results of the study are presented in the fifth
chapter. In this last chapter I also provide a discussion of the conclusions I have drawn
from this study and implications for practice and future research.
24
Chapter II
Review of the Literature
The purpose of this study is to investigate the perceptions of groups about the
cause(s) of violence between black and Latino youth in schools. This information is
important because perceptions about the causes of this type of youth violence may be
critical in designing appropriate interventions for its dissolve. This chapter looks at the
history of race violence, with an emphasis on the black and Latino races. The chapter
explores social and violence theories and their relationships to cross cultural violence.
The chapter continues by investigating the prevalence of violence on school campuses
through national data collections. Data and factual numbers about violence on school
campuses are examined. The chapter continues by analyzing national surveys that address
student and adult perceptions of violence. Culture, influenced lifestyles, segregation,
assimilation, and the history of race riots are also explored to assist the analysis of how
these conditions affect violence between these ethnic youth. Finally, this chapter
reexamines government initiatives and the media influence on creating a situation that
has become a brewing pot for racial conflict.
In many American communities, schools are no longer safe environments for
students or teachers (Volokh & Snell, 1998). Community violence in the United States
has been recognized as a major public health problem (Centers for Disease Control, 1990,
1993; Cooley, Turner, & Beidel, 1995; Koop & Lundberg, 1992; Fingerhut, Ingram, &
25
Feldman, 1992a, 1992b; Martinez & Richters, 1993; Reiss, 1993; Richters, 1993; Shalala,
1993). This research shows that many times violence from communities finds its way to
our urban public schools. In such communities, with neither economic opportunities, nor
social intervention, the likelihood is that exposure to violence will produce only more
violence (Fine & Weis, 2004). In its institutional form, education also has always been a
means of imparting and certifying skills and knowledge essential to the welfare of
society, a fact that has made it a topic of great public interest in recent years (Rury,
2002). In fact, researchers and educators are convinced that education is the best means
of bringing equity to different cultures living in America. Research theories give us
additional insight to the social, political and violent aspects of trying to bring about this
equity. Unrelenting violence in our urban schools destroys the opportunity that education
presents to produce this equity (Hutchinson, 2005).
Violence in schools is also a serious public health problem and includes overtly
violent acts such as homicide and battery, as well as concealed crimes like child sexual
abuse (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1999). School violence is one kind
and an important form of youth violence. Youth violence is contributing substantially to
the epidemic of violence in America (Elliot, 1994). Between 1992 and 2002, reports of
the most violent acts, including homicide, assault, and suicide, decreased for young
people across the United States (Baum, Devoe, Kaufman, Miller, Noonan, Peter &
Synder, 2004). While this overall trend indicated a decline during this time frame, no
26
difference was detected between 2001 and 2002 in the total crime rate, the rate of theft, or
the rate of violent victimization either at or away from school (Baum, Devoe, Kaufman,
Miller, Noonan, Peter & Synder, 2004). The problem still exists. "A 1997 Justice
Department report noted that teenagers are more likely than any other group to be victims
of violent crime"(Gellert, 1997 pg. 72). Using these reports as a guide, a look at social
and violence theories may give us an additional insight in identifying the root causes of
youth violence.
Social Theories
The Social Influence theory when studied is viewed as an influence on changing
people’s attitudes but the change is actually in people’s behavior (Milgram, 1983). This
change in behavior, which one causes in another, is a result of the way the changed
person perceives themselves in a relation to the influencer (Milgram, 1983). Examining
this theory may make it possible to identify how this change influences a person’s
perception of a situation. In the Social Comparison Theory it is ascertained that a person
can learn about their own abilities by comparing themselves to others (Hornstein and
Fisch, 1968). This comparing may help an individual identify perceptions they have as
belonging to a certain group or culture. The Convergence Theory proposes that collective
behavior is the result of people with similar interests coming together and acting upon
these interests. With this theory, people with similar class, racial or residential
backgrounds are likely to respond similarly to precipitating agents (Griffin, 1997). This is
27
important for this study as it may assist in identifying common themes in perceptions
concerning youth violence.
Violence Theories
The Frustration Aggression theory and the Relative Deprivation theory suggest
that individuals become aggressive when there are obstacles, whether perceived or real,
to their success in life (van de Goor, 1996). These theories give us insight into the
possible causes of youth violence. Dollard (1939) argued that “the occurrence of
aggressive behavior always supposes the existence of frustration and contrariwise, that
the existence of frustration always leads to some form of aggression” (p.338). The
'frustration-aggression' theory, was later substantially refined by Berkowitz (1978) to
state that frustration, caused by ‘interference in goal-directed activity’, does not
automatically result in aggression but produces a ‘readiness’ for aggression which if
‘triggered’ can result in aggressive responses. The ‘trigger’, according to Berkowitz,
“may be an insignificant element of behavior - such as a casual joke, gesture or mild
criticism - which would normally be overlooked, but to the frustrated individual may be
enough to provoke an aggressive response,” similar to the one that occurred at Jefferson
High School. This theory combined with the ‘relative deprivation’ theory may give us
further insight into the factors that contribute to cross-cultural violence between Blacks
and Latinos. The ‘relative deprivation’ theory (Gurr, 1970) posits that people perceive
themselves to be deprived relative to others, which occurs with the sharing of depleted
28
goods and/or services. According to Gurr, it is this perception that “creates inter-group
hostility.” These theories suggest that poverty and violence are interrelated. With the
deterioration of race relations between Blacks and Latinos, and the economic burdens
associated with their coexistence, student conflict becomes a very real presence in our
schools today (Mindiola, Niemann & Rodriquez, 2002). This chapter will seek to identify
the relationship between school violence and ethnicity.
Culture, Ethnicity and Race
Bourdieu (1939) states that “cultural capital” is attitudes and knowledge that
makes the educational system a comfortable familiar place in which one can succeed
easily. Culture according to Webster’s (2009) is the behaviors and beliefs characteristic
of a particular social, ethnic, or age group. Ethnicity is a social, communal category we
use to identify a heritage based on religion, geographic location or culture (Thomas,
2003). It comes from shared values, shared upbringing. Race is very much like ethnicity
in that way; it also is based on shared beliefs and shared experiences however it differs
because the term is based on persons related by common descent or heredity.
We tend to think of race as biological, but race is also a socially constructed
phenomenon. Cultural capital is especially useful in thinking about schooling, because
education can itself be defined broadly as the process of cultural transmission. If we
address these issues by looking at their definitions, then a question arises. Can cultural
capital, ethnicity and race ideologies coexist in schools that are responsible for providing
29
a safe environment for its students? According to Rury (2002), "if society is to function
smoothly, all familiar types of behavior need to be taught to each succeeding generation.”
The term ‘smoothly’, according to Rury (2002) is a metaphor for different races of people
sharing resources where cultural behaviors do not put a strain on the relationship between
the groups. This does not mean that new generations have to accept the old patterns of
behavior or the ideas and attitudes that accompany them. Modification of these old
behaviors may be needed to improve upon the relationship. When a pattern of new
attitudes and behaviors develops with today’s ethnic youth, that have a positive effect on
societal relationships, one can speak of cultural change. And because schools are directly
involved in the process of teaching ideas and shaping attitudes, they stand at the very
forefront of the process of this change in culture. A major issue in the history of
education, schooling and youth violence, in this study, concerns the process of cultural
transformation. In order to see the effects of this transformation on student violence we
should look at how identifiable patterns of behavior, customs, attitudes, and ideas have
changed in America for inner city youth (Spindler, 1964).
American Life for Blacks and Latinos
To Blacks there is nothing easy about life in America (McDonald, 2006). The
historical vestiges of legally sanctioned exclusion and discrimination, coupled with the
contemporary pervasiveness of unequal outcomes and racism, interact in complex ways
and have a grave impact on black youth (Pine & Hilliard, 1990). Any sense of ownership
30
comes hard because Blacks encounter so much resistance in making their way through
the ordinary occurrences of life (McDonald, 2006). Many Blacks perceive that the
struggle for resources, such as better schools and living conditions is heightened with the
influx of another minority group. This attitude holds true today for many of America’s
Black youth (Forman, 2004). Latinos, on the other hand, are the fastest growing
population in many American cities thus increasing their competition for resources. In
1965, the Immigration Act relaxed long-standing entry restrictions from Latin America
and Asia. This law facilitated the growth of a large, legal, Latin American immigrant
population which, over the succeeding 35 years, has combined with already-existing
Mexican-American, Cuban-American and Puerto Rican communities — not to mention a
steady stream of illegals — to make Latinos this country’s fastest-growing minority
(Podair, 2001).
In most large urban cities Latinos and Blacks compete for city services, jobs and
political offices. The alliance that Blacks and Latinos formed during the civil rights
movement has become divergent because of each communities differing interest
(Hutchinson, 2003). Instead of fighting together, these communities now fight each other.
A perception of competition now exists between Blacks and Latinos (Hutchinson,
2003). Old political and social allies, that once identified a strong coexistence of Blacks
and Latinos, have now become enemies. This mentality seems to have spilled over into
the minds of our children. Rieber and Kelly (1991) refer to this process of enemy making
as "enmification." The authors continue to say that “the target of violent behavior,
31
whether a stranger, a relative, or even an offender (as in case of auto aggressive behavior)
must have a number of qualities eliciting a fear-hatred feeling” (p. 38).
Apart from causal encounters, researchers report that recent Latino immigrants and
Blacks usually live socially and culturally apart, even within the same neighborhoods.
Sharing a common settlement space, however, the two groups inevitably cross paths in
routine activities of community life (Rodriguez, 1996). Part of this routine activity is
schooling. Rodriquez suggests that there is no other place in society that youth interact
more than in the school. The influx of immigrants often changes the demographics and
political agendas of schools. Communities change. An influent race can be literally
replaced over night. For example in 1995, the Cooke Elementary School in Washington
D.C.’s Adams-Morgan neighborhood –home to upper middle class whites, poor Blacks
and Central American immigrants- received a $1 million dollar federal grant (Behr,
2000). The windfall became a source not of celebration, but of fierce dispute. The grant
was awarded to make the school completely bilingual- and much of the outrage came
from black parents and teachers. Black teachers feared that they would be transferred
because they didn’t speak Spanish. As for the parents, one mother told the Washington
Post, “This is my neighborhood. My brothers and sisters and cousins went to Cooke, my
kids go to Cooke, and I don’t want to see the nature of the school changed” (Behr, 2000).
This incident illustrates an important question about our schools and academics. How do
such changes affect the relationship between black and Latino students? All
manifestations of socio-cultural oppression, whether it is racism or poverty, are seen as
32
acts of violence according to Hardy and Laszloffy (2005). They believe that when these
conditions co-exist, between different cultures, that violence is inevitable. These
conditions exist in our urban public schools (Pollock, 2003).
Research indicates that violence may occur when the outgoing dominant race or
outgoing major stakeholders and a new power structure clash for resources and power
privilege (Ow, 2009). The tensions between democratic schooling and the new power
structure are of two types. The first concerns links between schools and the increasingly
differentiated residence communities. These communities are divided from each other not
only by class but also by nationality and ethnicity. With the rapid growth in scale of most
cities, the introduction of new kinds of mass transit, the shifts in the nature of work and
the further segregation of workplaces from residential communities, members of ethnic
groups sharing income levels choose to live close to one another. More and more large
American cities, once dominated by Black influence, are taking on the aspect of an urban
Latino mosaic (Hutchinson, 2003). With a new face to this differentiated world, schools
grapple with such new issues as language instruction and even bilingualism (Miller &
Paulson, 2006). Old issues, segregation, integration and assimilation are also being re-
examined (Quiroz, 2003).
Segregation, Integration and Assimilation
Through the examination of inter-group perceptions between Blacks and Latinos
this study revealed that each group holds a complex view of the other that includes both
negative and positive feelings and identities (Mindiola, Niemann and Rodriquez, 2002).
33
“Latino immigrants often hold negative views of Blacks, which they most likely brought
with them from their more-segregated Latin American countries,” a Duke University
study shows. While Latino immigrants have been documented to express negative views
of Blacks, and to demonstrate a preference for segregation from Blacks, the violence in
Los Angeles has been perpetuated by U.S.-born Latinos (Hernandez, 2007), it is U.S.-
born Latinos who, in becoming Americanized, experience themselves as socially
undesirable raced subjects. Those who are not wealthy enough or light-skinned enough to
be permitted the social access of assimilation are seemingly locked into the urban poverty
quagmire of underfinanced schools, violence, inadequate health care and scarce
employment opportunities according to Hernandez (2007). Blacks in the U.S. face a
similar dilemma. According to Hannaham (2007), Blacks have long been held back by
economic circumstances, but poor Blacks are further held back by social factors,
including racism, isolation, insufficient cultural capital, crime and lack of assets.
According to Vaca (2004), these years of terrible social conditions has produced a
volatile mix in many cities, especially among the Black and Latino youth. Increased
Latino immigration has also added to the social discord between Blacks and Latinos. A
2005 poll conducted by the Pew Hispanic Center captured the ambivalence among blacks
over immigration. Many Blacks said that they or a family member had lost a job, or
simply not gotten a job, because an employer hired an immigrant worker (Swarns, 2006).
Doherty (2006) states that when surveying 100 Blacks more than three-quarters (78%)
34
say jobs were difficult to find in their community due to increased Latino immigration. In
addition, 65% say the availability of good jobs is a "very big problem" for the country.
With so much local and National tension between Blacks and Latinos, the children of
these groups are inadvertently affected.
Segregation has always been a means to keep races apart (Charles, 2003). Its
effectiveness relied on rumors and untruths about one race and the negative perception of
mingling with another. Segregation also helped fan the flames of one races’ superiority
over another (Massey, 1998). Fear, more than anything else, played the most significant
role in continuing segregation in the United States. However, integration or desegregation
is the bringing of people of different racial or ethnic groups into unrestricted and equal
association, as in society. These are terms associated with the abolishment of racial
segregation. "School segregation and desegregation have been at the center of conflict
and have aroused the passions of Americans for many decades" (Raffel, 1998, p. ix).
Assimilation is taking on the characteristics of a race (Reyhner, 2001), a sort of
fitting in, if you might. Integration differs from assimilation in that it is a forced inclusion
of a race of people with another (Charles, 2000). Integration seeks equality in areas such
as schools and housing (Charles, 2000). Integration in its earliest stages of American
schooling was met with violence and apprehension (Levy, 1998). The better schools in
early America were exclusive to the white race. Blacks and Latinos were subjected to
poor and dilapidated schools often a reflection of the same neighborhoods that they lived
in (Mindola, Niemann & Rodriquez, 2002). America's exclusion of African-Americans
35
from the mainstream (including schooling) forged a new vision based on multiculturalism
(Rodriquez, 2001). Though it encompassed other minority groups, Blacks gave the
multicultural movement its key moral impetus (Rodriquez, 2001). The civil rights
movement begun by advocating racial integration, but by the late 1960's its message had
fused with re-emergent Black separatism that fueled the growing multicultural movement
(Rodriguez, 2001). Because of this multicultural movement and earlier minority desires
to recognize their cultures in America, many non- minority groups countered the idea by
pushing the theme of assimilation (Reyhner, 2001). A region or society where
assimilation is occurring is sometimes referred to as a melting pot. This idea of
assimilation is the belief that this country can transform people of every color and
background into "one America"(Booth, 1998). The assimilation for Blacks may be easier
to accept because of the lack of connection to ancestal African national cultures
(Gordon, 1964). Several sociologists contend that assimilation or the “melting pot” often
means little more than Anglo conformity (Branigin, 1998).
Latinos are in a very different stage in their assimilation than Blacks. Many
Latinos probably face less racism than Blacks since they are a diverse ethnic and
linguistic group comprising many nationalities (Grow, 2004). They are in a dangerous
stage because people are becoming Americans at a moment when a demographic
leapfrogging effect is taking place (Quesada, 2001). That is dangerous for everyone
because expectations of who follows and who leads, and who gets what, are very likely to
change quickly. Part of the job we have in common here, in our dialogue today, is to help
open the kinds of conversations that unsettle expectations in ways that force people not to
36
be able to think and do things in regard to race and ethnic relations the way they have
been doing them. If they keep that up, Blacks and Latinos and others are heading for a
disaster as the implications of the demographic shifts become evident. According to
Reyhner (2001), many riots and ethnic violence are the results from the loss of traditional
values and culture.
Race Riots
Race riots are nothing new to America (Gibson, 1979). Race riots represent some
of the earliest forms of ethnic violence due to poor race relations. The early 1900’s saw
an influx of race riots in America. Gibson notes that in 1919 there were 26 race riots
recorded in the United States. Several of these riots were well documented; many had
very little coverage but may have been very significant in the plight of race relations.
School segregation, eliminated instances of negative race relations in the 1800’s and the
mid 1900’s (Kennedy, 1998). Court ordered desegregation brought race relations back
into the forefront in the late 1900’s (Kennedy, 1998). Race riots are not only an American
phenomenon. Other countries experience race riots as (different) cultures interact. The
Oldham riots in the UK are a case in point. These riots occurred in the late spring of
2001. The riot began as an argument between Asian youth and White youth.
Race Relations
What is the current state of race relations in America? Race relations in America,
has always been a political “hotbed” (Johnson, 1998). Many presidential candidates have
run on a ticket that used the race-relations agenda as a vote getting tool. President Clinton
37
called racial division “America‘s constant curse,” in his inaugural speech in 1997.
According to the Houston survey in 1999, race relations don’t seem to have improved
since that statement. Failing race relations in America has come to be an acceptable evil.
Over the years many organizations such as the NAACP (National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People), have developed with improving race relations as a
goal. Laws have been written that at times improve race relations but at other times
deepen already open wounds. Jim Crow laws in the 1900’s for example, continued to
manifest such wounds. The Jim Crow laws were state and local laws in the United States
enacted between 1876 and 1965 (Barnes, 1983). They mandated de jure segregation in all
public facilities, with a supposedly "separate but equal" status for black Americans
(Barnes, 1983). In reality, this led to treatment and accommodations that were usually
inferior to those provided for white Americans, systematizing a number of economic,
educational and social disadvantages (Haws, 1978).
Author Jennifer Blue (2001), writes about how divisive some of these laws can be
to a melting pot society, such as the one that exists in the United States. Laws written to
mainstream society are at times not effectual in bringing about improved race relations.
Blue writes, “It follows logically that while it is necessary to learn about other people, it
is also imperative to study one’s own history. It also stands to reason that both black and
Latino youth may lack the connection between today and their storied pasts” (p. 54).
Focusing on the Civil Rights Movement of the 60’s the author looked at how laws based
on discrimination can widen the gap between the races.
38
The gap between Latinos and Blacks is even wider today, even though many
Black and Latinos share living spaces within America’s urban communities (Rodriguez,
1996). Unfortunately the close proximity of living space does not breed friendliness.
"Macro-structural re-composition may bring different ethnic and racial groups into the
same spatial setting, but it does not necessarily produce extensive inter-group relations
initially" (Rodriguez, 1996, p.8). Living together does not necessitate liking each other
when it comes to African American and Latino youth. Many times these youth hardly
interact with each other within their close proximity of living space.
The lack of Black and Latino tolerance, as suggested before, is often seen in
political structures and community agendas. Black and Latino adults may unknowingly
transfer a negative perception of each other to their children. Community opportunities
once delegated to Blacks may now be perceived as being granted to Latinos. This may
bring a negative sense of loss of entitlement among black residents. Nationally, laws once
seen as beneficial mostly to Blacks have been reinterpreted to include all races, as they
were seemingly originally intended. This too may bring resentment to black residents.
One such law is that of Affirmative Action.
Government Initiatives
Relationships and attitudes between different ethnic groups in America on many
occasions have been quite strained. Yet many initiatives have been put in place to
alleviate these burdens. When Affirmative Action started in the 1960's and was promoted
in the early 1970's, it seemed to be Government and society's attempt to redress past
39
injustices and diminish current inequities (Innis, 2005). Affirmative Action by definition,
is the process of a business or governmental agency in which it gives special rights of
hiring or advancement to ethnic minorities to make up for past discrimination against that
minority (Innis, 2005). Today when people are asked about Affirmative Action they
immediately perceive that it was an initiative that benefited only African Americans
(Innis, 2005). Soothed by this comforting stereotype, many whites respond negatively to
even the direst reports of race- based disadvantages as excuses for black Americans not to
achieve on a higher level (Innis, 2005).
One of the most hotly debated topics of the year 2001 was that of Affirmative
Action. Focusing in particular on education and jobs, Affirmative Action policies
required that active measures be taken to ensure that Blacks and other minorities enjoyed
the same opportunities for promotions, salary increases, career advancement, school
admissions, scholarships, and financial aid that had been the nearly exclusive province of
whites. From the outset, Affirmative Action was envisioned as a temporary remedy that
would end once there was a "level playing field" for all Americans. In the wake of a 1995
Supreme Court decision that restricted granting of contracts based on race and gender,
President Clinton vowed to "mend not end" Affirmative Action. In May, the Clinton
Administration revealed a new policy for awarding government contracts. The policy
40
would end racial preferences in sectors where minorities are prevalent, but maintain them
in sectors where discrimination persisted. Minorities and other economically
disadvantaged business owners account for 6.6% of all federal contracts for goods and
services. Apparently not satisfied with Clinton's proposals, House Republicans crafted a
more far-reaching bill to ban preferences in all federal hiring and contracts. The bill,
christened by disgruntled Democrats as the "Equal Opportunity Repeal Act of 1997,"
passed the House Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution in July.
The affirmative action debate continued as President Clinton vowed to make
improved relations between the races a top priority in his second term. He convened an
advisory committee on race relations, and promised to act on their recommendations,
which were expected in mid-1998. The races, at that time, were particularly divided in
their opinions of the progress being made in race relations. According to a June 1997
Gallup poll, 79% of whites believe that African-Americans had an equal chance of
getting a job as whites, while only 46% of Blacks agreed. One unfortunate area of
agreement also emerged from the poll: 44% of both groups believed that whites are
highly prejudiced. The good news is that 62% of both groups considered themselves to
hold little or no prejudices; clearly there is still work to be done on this front.
Latinos on the other hand may feel that Affirmative Action is not relegated only
to Blacks (Dougherty, 2003). Using Affirmative Action regulations, Latinos have forged
ahead in business and economic status. Mr. Juan Perea, a professor of law from the
University of Florida's Levin College of Law, and others argue that the strong economic
41
gains enjoyed by U.S. Latinos in recent years are at least partly attributable to affirmative
action policies (Dougherty, 2003). Latino owned businesses now often seek after
government contracts. Black businesses however suffer from the inclusion of Latino
business competition regulated by Affirmative Action criteria. This is never more evident
when we look at the city of Paterson in New Jersey. In this racially divided community of
Blacks and Latinos, the number of Latino businesses rose from 893 to 1222 from the year
1992 to 1997 (Llorente, 2004). According to Llorente (2004) the payrolls in this time
period for Latino businesses in Paterson rose by 575 percent while black business
plummeted by 42 percent. This example of competition has further divided race relations
between Blacks and Latinos in Los Angeles County (Hutchinson, 2005). What once
belonged as opportunities for Blacks is now shared or consumed by Latinos. In the year
1996, a ballot initiative in California, Proposition 209, gave a resounding mandate to
efforts to roll back the affirmative action policies put in place over the past 30 years to
redress discrimination against women and minorities. The California law, approved by
voters in November 1996 (54–46%) and based on policies instituted at the University of
California a year before, prohibited admissions and hiring policies from using race,
gender, or ethnicity as factors in choosing candidates.
Governor Pete Wilson lauded Proposition 209 as an opportunity to create the
nation's first color-blind society. He would have his work cut out for him in 1998, as the
legislature would need to revise some 30 statutes to conform to the new law. The effect
of the policy was evident in the first year in which it affected admissions; at Boalt Hall
42
Law School at Berkeley, admissions of black students dropped by 80% and Latino
students by 50%. Civil rights groups petitioned Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day
O'Connor, who handled emergency requests from California, to block enforcement of the
new law, which was to go into effect in August. Regardless of whether O'Connor chose
to act on the emergency request, the Supreme Court would hear a number of formal
challenges to the law during its 1997–98 sessions.
Another initiative that seemingly was originated for the well being of Blacks was
the Voting Rights Act. On June 4, 1965, President Lyndon Johnson delivered the
commencement speech at Howard University. At the time of his speech, Congress was
preparing to pass the Voting Rights Act. This Act attempted to right a wrong
acknowledged by the Congress concerning Blacks’ right to vote, Johnson’s following
remarks to the audience seemed to address the future of Black Americans:
Freedom is not enough. You do not wipe away the scars of centuries by
saying now you're free to go where you want and do as you desire and
choose the leaders you please. You do not take a person who for years has
been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line
of a race and then say you're free to compete with all the others, and justly
believe that you have been completely fair . . .. It is not enough just to
open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to
walk through those gates.
In what Johnson called “the next and the more profound stage of civil rights”, the
objective would be “not just freedom but opportunity--not just legal equity but human
ability-not just equality as a right and a theory but equality as a fact and equality as a
result.” Johnson cited statistics showing Blacks lagging behind whites on a number of
measures, such as employment. He dwelt on ‘the breakdown of the Negro family
43
structure’. “But the socioeconomic condition of Blacks wasn't their fault,” he
emphasized, noting the centuries of slavery and segregation. The President placed on
whites the moral duty to remedy the nation's “one huge wrong,” and he said that the
federal government would take the lead. Black poverty was being attacked through “our
poverty programs, our education programs, our health program and a dozen more.” They
would be expanded, he declared, “until this most enduring of foes yields to our
unyielding will.” Johnson promised other government programs to strengthen black
families, and called for a conference later in the summer that would continue the work of
this “more profound stage of civil rights.” Through these means, Johnson said, the nation
would pursue “equality as a result” and do justice for a racial group so long denied it.
Soon other ethnicities, including Latinos, detailed denial of voting rights (Perales, 2006).
Media Influence
Many perceptions about race relationships are garnished from what we receive
through media sources such as newspapers and television (Cortez, 1986). That is what
seems to drive misunderstandings between races. Fear and its escalation through these
Medias help improve television ratings and newspaper sales. But what is this fear based
on? Few can probably answer this question. During the week of May 5, 2005 this email
message was sent to various recipients in California:
Unfortunately, the word on the street (which has been confirmed by a
probation officer) is that the 60's stole 160 kilo's of cocaine from the
Mexican Mafia. In retaliation, the Mexican Mafia and other Mexican
gangs have decided to target and kill 400-1000 black men of all ages who
are wearing white t-shirts. This is not limited to the freeways..... I
understand that this is very real and very serious. Please pass this on to
44
EVERYONE that you know. I suggest you do not wear any white shirts at
all if possible. Also, if you have on a dress shirt, consider wearing your
jacket over it....
Several news agencies carried this story. Parents went into a panic. The Southern
California based newspaper ‘Press Telegram’ ran an article dated July 5, 2005 that spoke
of increased school security due to the rumors. The following quote by the spokesman for
the Long Beach Unified School District appeared in the article, “according to our school
safety personnel, who are in close touch with law enforcement, there are some rumors
countrywide (concerning race violent), but none of these rumors has been substantiated
including anything directly related to schools, however, as a precaution, we will have
more security at our schools. Assumptions in this situation were based on fears and not
facts. Many perceptions about violence are garnished from media hype and not fact.
Dorfman (2001) indicates that three quarters (76%) of the public say they form their
opinions about crime from what they see or read in the news, more than three times the
number who state that they get their primary information on crime from personal
experience (22%).Media propaganda may further diminish the deteriorating relationship
between the Black and Latino cultures.
Fear and misunderstanding drive people of color to interpret any negative
message as having legitimacy or merit (Dias, Drew, & Gardiner, 2005). The email
message caused a ‘stir’ in the black community and lead to several newscasts
interviewing black community leaders about the severity of relations between Blacks and
Latinos. Many black leaders attacked the authenticity of the message but few discounted
45
it entirely as a hoax. Many spoke about ‘keeping your guard up’ during this time. Not
once was a member of the Latino community interviewed concerning this email message.
Ethnic violence in schools often feeds on fear and lack of knowledge. “We need
to develop theories and models that identify the contexts, factors, and mechanisms that
bring about victimization in school and are responsible for its detrimental consequences”
(Astor, Benbenishy, Vinokur, & Zeira, 2002, p. 71). These authors propose that we
investigate and analyze why violence occurs. Through our investigations we may be able
to identify the causes behind cross-cultural school violence.
Chapter II Conclusions
This chapter reviewed literature that outlined some factors that might be
influential in forming the perceptions of today’s ethnic youth concerning violence. The
literature however, did not indicate that any interventions that were formulated to reduce
ethnic youth violence used the perceptions of any individuals during its makeup. We
looked at theories that might be beneficial for bringing understanding for reasons of
ethnic violence between black and Latino youth. Again there was no apparent connection
between these theories and the perception of individuals concerning ethnic youth
violence. From the attitudes of American society about ethnic youth to the influence of
media to exploit these attitudes, we attempted to look at these influences separately as
well as jointly to find commonalities among them and how these conditions may effect
46
the perception of these youth. We found that while there are many influences that exist
many are conditioned by the interpretation of the individuals exposed to them. None of
these influences exist in a vacuum however their connection to each other may only
manifest itself in the pending results of youth violence. As a result, our understanding
about why ethnic youth violence occurs is incomplete. This study continues to pursue a
connection between the perceptions of why youth violence occurs and interventions to
eliminate it.
47
Chapter III
Methods and Procedures
This chapter details the methodology of my study. This chapter also describes the
research procedures used in this study including the population and sample, the survey
instrument, collection of the data, research procedures, and analysis of data.
Conceptual Framework
Social Influence, social comparison, and convergence theories, proposed by
social scientists, specify that one's perception and behavior are influenced by the
perceptions and behavior expressed by members of groups to which one belongs and by
members of one's personal networks (Center for Communications, 2005). As discussed
there is a lack of research focused on youth violence intervention methods that use
perceptions of individuals as a base for their formulation. Using the aforementioned
theories, this study investigates the perceptions of students and high school staff members
about the causes of ethnic youth violence. People rely on the opinions of others,
especially when a situation is highly uncertain or ambiguous and no objective evidence is
readily available (Sherif 1935; Festinger 1954; Asch 1955; Suls 1977; Latane 1981;
Rogers & Kincaid 1981; Moscovici 1986; Kincaid 1987 & 1988). To help us further
understand this phenomenon, this study addressed the following:
48
1. How do students and staff members explain violence between black and
Latino students in their community? To what extent are their
explanations: (a) similar (b) rooted in a sense of limited resources (the
economic argument)?
2. What are the perceptions of students and staff that are exposed to cross-
cultural violence and how are they influenced?
3. What solutions do students, community members and staff members
offer to reduce the violence? Why?
As discussed, the purpose of this study was to examine perceptions about why
cross-cultural violence occurs between black and Latino youth. I researched how
perceptions differ between different groups of people. The goal of this study was to
identify various group perceptions of cross-cultural violence so that interventions can be
designed that will be more effective when dealing with school-age youth.
Overview of method
For the purpose of this study I drew upon qualitative data collected from
interviews from persons who have been affected by cross cultural student violence. The
qualitative method is being used because this research is exploratory in nature. According
to Bredenfoerder (2006), “qualitative research can be used when you really want to
understand why an individual does something (p. 1). This research seeks to explain the
“why” behind cross-cultural violence. That is why the qualitative approach was chosen.
49
The data was collected from staff members and students and who work at, attend,
or recently attended high school in Lynwood, California. The research questions involve
a search for causality within a reflective context. Therefore a large number of factors are
involved, and considerable depth of understanding is required.
The interviews enabled the study to identify commonly held perceptions of the
causes of violence between black and Latino youth. This method was appropriate for the
study because it was a reliable way to identify emerging themes that emanate from the
data. This site was chosen because of the low socio-economics of the neighborhood and
reports from law enforcement agencies about repeated cross-cultural violence at the
school. The participant groupings chosen had a likelihood of being exposed to these
violent acts.
The transcripts were coded to identify emergent themes. The transcripts collected
were analyzed to compare coding structures, review theme exemplars and reach
consensus for differences. This helped to identify perceived causes for cross-cultural
violence. The interviews consisted of approximately 5 questions. Each subgroup had the
same general question, but some questions were modified to match the subgroup. This
method gave me an accurate tool to assist the study with an analysis of the perceptions of
ethnic youth violence.
Sample and Population
The sample consisted of approximately 48 individuals from an inner city high
school in Lynwood, California. There are 12 elementary, 3 junior high, 1 high school, 1
50
continuation school, 1 opportunity program and 1 adult school in Lynwood and
enrollment for grades kindergarten through 12th grades, have reached 15,000. There are
also 3 parochial schools, 1 Baptist and 1 seventh day Adventist schools in Lynwood.
The city of Lynwood, incorporated in 1921, has a population of approximately
70,000 residents according to a 2000 city census. This population census confirmed that
82% of the residents are of Latino descent and approximately 13.5% are of Black
descent. Lynwood High School has approximately 3500 students. The ethnic makeup of
the school population reflects that of the community with approximately 86% being of
Latino descent and 11% being of black descent (Lynwood District Web Site, 2008).
The study samples came from the following groups of individuals who are
representative of the high school: high school staff members and high school students. I
interviewed 16 students from each group (racial/ethnic) and 16 staff members from the
school setting. An equal split between genders and ethnicity was preferred so that the
study could identify differences in the way the participants interpreted the event(s). The
following table details the groups:
51
Figure 1 Table of Participants
Latino
Student
Latino Staff
Member
Black Student Black Staff
Member
Male 8 4 8 4
Female 8 4 8 4
Instrumentation
In open-ended interviews, subjects were free to respond as they wished with no
right or wrong answers. A list of approximately 5 researcher-developed interview
questions (see Appendix, p. 107) were created to probe responses from subjects about
their perceptions of why they believe ethnic conflicts happen between black and Latino
students. Interview questions focused on the 3 research questions (“How do students and
staff members explain violence between black and Latino students in their community?”
“What are the perceptions of students and staff that are exposed to cross-cultural violence
and how are they influenced?” What solutions do students, community members and
staff members offer to reduce the violence? Why?”). Participants were asked to discuss
the major concepts described in the theoretical framework section of this study in order to
identify the perceived causes of ethnic youth violence. With this information I am
seeking to prove that inventions used to combat ethnic youth violence are ineffective
because they are not created with enough analyses of the causes of this type of violence.
52
Data Collection Procedures
After identifying the participants, I asked each participant to respond to
approximately five open-ended interview questions. A focused (semi-structured)
interview was the mode of data-collection. I chose this format because it allowed for the
collection of targeted information that was directly related to the topic. Each interview
was conducted individually. The interviews were conducted in 30 to 45 minute sessions.
I anticipated that these interviews would be concluded within a 60-hour period. The
interviews were an ongoing process that involved reflection, asking analytical questions
and writing notes throughout the study as suggested by Creswell (2002). The
participants’ narratives were examined to identify emergent themes about ethnic youth
violence. The interviews were audio taped. These audiotapes were transcribed and the
transcripts coded for major themes, categories and sub-categories.
Data Analysis
Using the Narrative Summary Analysis Technique (Stevens, 2003) the
participants responses were analyzed to help identify causes of violence between Blacks
and Latinos. Narrative summary analysis is analysis of a told story, with a focus on how
the past shapes perceptions of the present, how the present shapes perceptions of the past,
and how both shape perceptions of the future (Riesman, 1993). I feel this method of data
analysis was best because I am concerned about uncovering knowledge about how people
think and feel about ethnic violence. This strategy involved analyzing a response and
comparing it to others that may be similar or different to develop conceptualizations and
53
identify possible relationships between them. With this in mind, the participants were
asked to identify if the occurrence of ethnic violence was a major or minor problem in
their environment. The problems were given a frequency rating and analyzed for the
opinion if it rates as a major or minor problem. All participants were asked if their
perceptions of cross-cultural violence were internal or external. Internal, being identified
as some violence occurrences that may have been prevented with some personal
intervening, and external, because a factor for prevention, other than individual personal
intervention was necessary. All group perceptions about cross-cultural violence were
charted. This technique was invented by Carol Gilligan (Stevens, 2003), as a response to
the Grounded Theory and also in response to the movement in literature and history
called Deconstruction.
Gilligan (Stevens, 2003) reminded us that after taking our data apart to get at
essences, we also could gain valuable insights by putting the data back together, not in
their raw form, but in re-ordered form to tell stories from the points of view of different
participants. Narrative Summary Analysis Technique is also called "threading". I also am
interested in how perceptions are alike and different when looking at groups of people
across race, ethnicity and sex.
This chapter detailed the methodology of my study. This chapter described the
research methods used in this study including the population and sample. The survey
instrument used, the method of data collection, research procedures, and the analysis of
54
the data was also examined. The next chapter details the results of this analysis as well as
possible solutions to the problem of ethnic youth violence.
55
Chapter IV
Analysis and Interpretation of Results
This chapter presents the results of the analysis of the interviews that concerned
students and staff perceptions of the explanations, influences and solutions for ethnic
conflict between black and Latino youth. A data set was gathered from structured
interviews with 32 students and 16 adults from Lynwood High School. I interviewed 8
students from each group (Black/Latino) and 16 staff members from the school setting.
An equal split between genders and ethnicity was preferred so that the study could
identify differences in the way the participants interpreted the event(s).The chapter is
organized by research question. For each research question, interview questions were
asked of each participant. From these responses emergent themes are presented and
discussed. When questioned each gender and ethnic groups gave different responses so
different themes were evident and discussed.
Research Question 1
How do students and staff members explain violence between black and Latino students
in their community?
Two themes emerged in response to the student interview question, “when I say
the words ethnic violence what do you think about?” These themes were the self-
proposed definition of the term ‘ethnic’ and views of black and Latino students
concerning the cause of school violence. The responses from staff members concerning
56
the research question “what reasons do you believe influence ethnic youth violence” were
so similar to student responses that they were included in this section.
Definition of Ethnic Violence
When I questioned Latino students, whether they were males or females, many of
them did not view themselves as being part of an ethnic minority background. They
viewed themselves as being a dominant culture without the label of ethnicity. Several of
them questioned the term “ethnic” to my trying to refer to them as having conflicts with
black students. Latino students saw the black students as being the ethnic individuals that
I was referring to and not themselves. One Latino male student even questioned me in
this manner when I used the term. He announced “Ethnic? Oh you mean the black Kids?”
When interviewing black students, they overwhelming identified the term “ethnic
violence” as referring to conflicts between Blacks and Latinos. No students from the
black youth that I questioned asked for a further definition of the term. The black students
simply began to discuss the various types of ethnic violence that existed or that they had
been exposed to such as ‘gang assaults’ and ‘drive by shootings.’ To many of the black
youth, ethnic youth violence meant ‘fighting’ and ‘vandalism of property.’ Most of the
black male youth referred to fighting when responding to this question. The responses
from the black male youth reflected gang influences when fighting was mentioned. The
black female students who were interviewed included property loss as a result of ethnic
violence. This property loss seemed to be a significant reason for the escalation of
fighting between black and Latino youth according to this group.
57
Exposure to Violence
Violence manifests itself in many forms for the inner city youth that were a part
of this study. Violent video games and media reports enter their homes and airwaves on
a daily basis. Gang violence and drug trafficking are sometimes a catalyst to violence in
the community. Bullying in school may yet be another means of violent exposure and
may at many times go undetected or not reported due to fear by the victim. The
participants of this study acknowledged that the exposure to violence was very prevalent
in their daily experiences. Attempting to deter such exposure may be difficult if not
impossible, but if overlooked may prove to be costly (Zillman 1979). One black female
participant said “that many of the fights that occur are because the Mexicans try to jack
our shit!” This theme (vandalism) was slightly evident when interviewing Black male
youth but the ‘wording’ not so eloquent. One black male student participant said that
“they are always trying to be like us, dressing like us, stealing our stuff, always trying to
be like us. We always have to protect what’s ours.” Latino youth seem to understand that
violence was just a way of life in their community. One Latino female said that the
violence here (Lynwood) was far less from where she came from in Mexico. Latino
males have seemingly grown so accustomed to the violence that one participant simply
shrugged his shoulders and said, “It’s just something we have to go through everyday!”
Black Male Students (Population Boom)
An interesting discussion that emerged with the black male student group was the
feeling that black youth were being outnumbered by Latino youth. One participant stated
58
“…there are just too many of them [Mexicans]. We’re outnumbered about 25 to 1. That’s
what I think about when you say ethnic violence, a bunch of them trying to roll up on a
few of us.” Black male students felt that school-wide programs targeted more of the
Latino population than the black population. Programs like ESL (English as a Second
Language) and MECHA (Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan) were viewed by
the black male students as giving Latinos more of an advantage to be successful in
school. Many of the black male students talked about how the soccer team gets more
attention than the football and basketball teams. One black male participant reasoned,
“We (black youth) simply don’t get the same attention as the Mexican kids.” These
comments included the outstanding support that the parents gave to Latino targeted type
events as opposed to others. “You would think the soccer games were for the World Cup.
I can’t believe how many parents attend those soccer games.” This seemed to bring out a
slight bit of animosity with the black male student. Another black male student
commented, “I don’t think Latino hommies like our sports. When we have games they
don’t come out and support them. But when there are soccer games you should see the
crowd!” Another perspective on the violence was acknowledged by an eleventh grade
student. He said:
“the only reason it happens is because Latinos think black people look
down on them. Why? I don’t know. They get everything. They only get
so much because our people fought for Civil Rights long ago. It’s like they
are going for the ride without paying for gas.”
59
Latino Male Students (Empowerment/We Belong)
The Latino male student felt that the term “ethnic violence,” referred to Blacks
having some sort of problem. One young man was quick to say “ethnic violence is
trouble the Black kids are having.” The participants from this group seemed to feel that
Blacks (especially boys) were not pleased with their presence on campus. One young
man stated, “We didn’t do anything to provoke the hate that the Blacks seem to have
against us. My parents came here so we could have a better life. They (Blacks) need to
get over it, we’ve here to stay.” This theme seemed to under gird the feelings of most of
the Latino male students that were interviewed. Another Latino male student believed
that the violence continues because Blacks are jealous of them (Latinos). He stated, “I
don’t know why they hate on us. But if they think we’re just going to move away, they
are totally wrong!” As you can see these two responses were very similar. Male Latino
students also spoke about a sense of pride in making it here in school. One young man
stated, “My parents are very proud of how well I’m doing in school, I don’t want to
disappoint them. I don’t have time to get caught up in the race stuff.” All responses
however were not this positive from this group. Some young men spoke about a mutual
hatred with their Black student counterparts. “I can’t stand those niggas, no disrespect to
you, but they think they’re all that and they’re not! Another student stated “I don’t
understand why Blacks think they can run up on us and we’re not going to do anything.
Most of the stuff that happens they start.” Several responses were similar to these and
indicated that many Latino boys were not going to back down from the violence when
60
confronted by it. This group seemed to have a desire to prove themselves and letting
everyone know that they were not going to be pushed around.
Black Female Students (Relationships)
To the same interview question, “when you hear the term ethnic youth violence
what do you think about?” one Black female student responded, “African Americans
fighting with Mexicans. That’s what I think [about].” No one particular theme was
evident with this group when looking for the definition of ethic violence. Responses were
varied. One participant identified several racial groups, Asians, Mexicans, Blacks and
Samoans as having conflicts between themselves and others, as a definition for ethnic
violence. She did not identify Blacks and Latinos as the only groups covered by this
terminology. When looking at gender based responses, a common theme was found
among the Black female students about the causes of ethnic youth violence. [Most felt
that Latino girls showed too much interest in the Black male students]. One Black female
responded with “there is just too much jungle fever around here with these Mexican girls.
They are taking all our men.” Ironically most of the Black females I interviewed were
unable to name many Black male, Latino female couples. One Black female student
made this comment when asked to identify interracial couples that she knew of
personally, “I don’t know their names but there are far too many of them!” Most of the
participants either talked about Black male, Latino female pairings, or hinted at it. One
Black female subject commented …”a lot of times fights occur because some Mexican
girl is messing around with a Black guy.”
61
Latino Female Students (Lack of Communication)
The Latino Female student viewed the violence as “ridiculous and unnecessary.”
The Latino female student group dismissed the idea of resource depletion being an issue.
One Latino female student going as far as to say, “the students don’t care anything about
resources, all they care about is when someone is disrespecting them.” Another Latino
female student agreed. She stated. “jobs are resources but Latinos and Blacks are not
fighting over jobs. If they were that might actually be a good thing.” Most participants
from this group indicated rumors and a break down of communication as a primary
reason for the trouble between the two ethnic groups. One participant stated, “I can’t tell
you how many times there are fights at this school between one of us and a Black girl
that was started because someone else told one of them (those fighting) something.”
Another interviewee from the group was really displeased with the negative interactions.
“I don’t understand it,” she says, “we’ve been hanging out with Black kids all of our
lives. I don’t understand why we get to high school and everything changes! It’s really
silly.” Yet another young woman was troubled by the negative image it gives to the
school. “We don’t need this stuff around here,” she quirked. The theme of unfounded
rumors generating conflicts between black female youth and Latino female youth was
very consistent with every member of this group during the interviews. Another theme
that emerged but on a lesser scale was that male students, both Black and Latino, seem to
understand less about why they participate in the violence. A senior from this group said,
“The guys here think that fighting is a way of proving yourself, to show others not to
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mess with you. I think they’re just a bunch of scared little boys.” This group noted that
there were not too many Black female versus Latino female violent interactions and that
most of these types of incidences involved boys. Ethnic violence by this group was
identified as racial tension with little understanding of its cause or purpose.
Adult Perceptions
When asked the question, “What reasons do you believe influence ethnic
violence? The adult staff participants showed very different responses based on their
gender. Male participants whether Latino or Black tended to view the battle over
resources as a major contributor to ethnic youth violence. Female participants from both
adult ethnic groups responded heavily on relationship and gender role issues. The
ethnicity of the participants had a slight influence on their responses. For this reason each
section that follows identifies a theme(s) based on ethnicity and gender.
Black Adult Males (Shared Resources)
The economic theme was very consistent with Black adult males. Most of the
members of this group pointed to an obvious evaporation of resources by the Latino
community as a reason for the tension between Blacks and Latinos. These members felt
that resources that once belonged to the Black community, such as lower level jobs for
black youth were now either eliminated or are a scarcity in the community due to the
increase of the Latino population. For years researchers have viewed violent crime as a
consequence of economic inequality and the depletion of community resources (Martinez
1996). As a result, feelings of alienation and frustration are particularly high for the
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disadvantaged group. According to Martinez, a groups’ response to social and economic
deprivation is increased aggression, including high levels of violent criminality. Thus,
Martinez postulates that economic and resource inequality should be viewed as a primary
influence on criminal violence in urban areas. The Black adult male participants from this
study also believed that the continued violence between the two youth groups was
directly related to this sharing and absorption of these community resources. This
depletion of economic resource argument by the Black community is nothing new.
According to Vaca (2004) the continued influx of numbers by the Latino community will
continue to drain community resources. During his research, Miles (1992) interviewed
several members of the Black community who shared this viewpoint about resource
depletion. Immigrants and refugees in particular have been targeted for blame, violence
and civil rights abuses when community resources become depleted. Fears of
overcrowding, the burden on local communities, competition for scarce jobs, drainage on
public resources through the education and social welfare systems are all commonly held
apprehensions about the impact of immigrants in our communities (Miles, 1992).
The Civil Rights theme was very evident. Many pointed to the past fights for
justice by the Black community, and how the Latino community has benefited from such.
Many members of this group were disgruntled with the political, social and economic
power that the Latino community enjoys today. One member commented “they have only
gotten what they have because of the sweat from our brows.”
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Many of the members of this group felt that the lack of father figures and Black
role models plays a significant role in the perpetual cycle of violence in these
communities. One interviewee explained, “I had no father figure in my household. My
influence was the streets. You know as a kid in Black America, there's nobody out there
teaching a man how to be a real man.” Albrecht and Amey (1998) denote that studies
have shown that disruptions in the family structure, such as father absence, may increase
the chances that the child will participate in gangs and violence (p. 283-289).
Latino Adult Males (A Matter of Respect)
The overwhelming theme from the Latino adult male participants was that they
believe that violence is perpetrated against the Black community because they are so
insulting to Latinos. One member commented that “blacks don’t respect us, our culture
our heritage. They want us to respect theirs yet they don’t respect ours!” Many Latino
adult males also emphasized that they are tired of hearing about the struggles of Blacks in
America. “We” one member lamented, “do the jobs that they don’t want to do. These
jobs pay very little money yet are important to a lot of people. If we (my people) don’t do
them, then who will?’ Catanzarite (2003) calls these “brown- collar jobs,” because so
many Latino immigrants fill them. The Atlantic Monthly expounded on this thought
when they published "Blacks vs. Browns," by LA Times reporter Jack Miles (1992).
According to Miles, the civil rights era coalition between blacks and Latinos was
threatened by an emerging class conflict. Fearful of the ‘nihilistic’ tendencies in black
urban culture, he claimed, white and Asian employers were increasingly passing over
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poor blacks in favor of Latino immigrants, who were willing to work on perceived (by
Blacks) meaningless tasks, but also for lower wages. Miles (1992) posits that within the
urban geography of Los Angeles, African-Americans seem to be competing more directly
with Latin Americans than with any other group. This competition can even be seen on
the high school campus. “The increase in studies that include the Latino culture is very
prevalent and necessary,” according to a Latino adult male participant. “We have to focus
on where these kids came from before we can direct them to where they are going.”
A lesser but more prominent theme was that Latino youth may feel an alienation
from Black youth as well as a lack of family cohesion that leads to a reliance on peer
socialization. This according to Edberg (2007) leads may of these Latino youth to gang
affiliations and increased violent behavior. Edberg (2007) believes that gangs become a
social structure through which young people can find a sense of belonging, more of a
family. Edberg believes that violence becomes a piece of what they have to do to belong
and find identity.
Some respondents spoke of the language barrier that prevents some Latino youth
from full inclusion into the American society. One participant from this group stated, “A
language barrier, and a lack of culturally appropriate services for our immigrant youth,
seems to contribute to poor school performance for the Latino youth.” One adult male
Latino commented, “Life for the Latino youth is at many times too frustrating, so these
kids turn to other vices. We seek to give them positive role models from their culture that
they can relate to”. It was suggested that a low awareness and perception of community
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support; the presence of gangs; and the continued progression of violence into daily
youth norms contribute to violence between these two ethnic groups.
Black Adult Females (The Need for Programs)
Black Adult Females were just as fast to indicate that the “sharing of resources,’
may be a contributing factor to violence among Latino and Black youth. This corresponds
with the sentiments of the Black adult male. However this group differed in that many
participants talked about Black youth committing crimes. Some included White youth in
their picture of youth crime, others talked primarily about Black youth. Some participants
looked at the matter in terms of socio-economic issues, saying that the problems driving
youth toward violence are perhaps worse in the Black community but are the same
problems for Blacks and Latinos, particularly the lack of strong families and feelings of
hopelessness. Other participants of this group said that Black youth hold different values
than Latino youth, and that perpetrating violence against Latinos in the community is a
rite of passage for many Black youth today. For example one participant fashioned that
“all these kids know is violence, violence in the home, violence in the community,
violence at the schools. It’s all they know, so it’s what they do.” The Black adult female
overwhelming felt the violence would continue to escalate unless the community gives
these youth options such as jobs and activities to divert their attention. This group talked
about job training, involvement in sports, programs offered at parks and businesses
becoming more involved with the youth of the community. One participant stated “there
are just not enough programs around here to keep these kids busy.” Another participant
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indicated that “if the youth are a part of the good in the neighborhood that they would do
well for the neighborhood.”
Latino Adult Females (Family and Heritage)
The importance that the role of family and heritage has towards preventing
violence was a major theme with the Latino adult female participant. Many felt that the
violence was due to the Latino students’ lack of understanding about their heritage. These
women overwhelming felt that a lack of family connective-nests was the cause of
continued violence between these two groups. Most of the women interviewed expressed
a deep concern about the violence but felt that things were getting better. A few of them
reported that the Black and Latino students intermingled quite often (so they had seen)
and there only seemed to be occasional confrontations between the Black and Latino
students. One participant said, “The children get along very well and it’s the adults that
point out hatred and mistrust to the children.” Many participants from this group talked
about a failure by adults to talk to the students about ‘their differences.’ One participant
cited, “if we (the adults) take the time to sit down and talk to them (the students) about
how different yet so wonderful their cultures and backgrounds are, maybe they could
learn to appreciate each other.”
Summary of Findings Research Question 1
After interviewing the various groups I saw several perspectives as to the
explanation of ethnic youth violence. Explanations for ethnic youth violence were
differentiated by race, gender and maturation (age). These two ethnic groups share so
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many of the same socioeconomic conditions that you would think that an understanding
would exist, but after analyzing the responses it is easy to see that this is not the case.
Many of the subjects interviewed blamed the other race for the deteriorating relationship
and the resulting violence that manifested itself. Over the years, the hostility has been
explained as a natural reaction to competition for blue-collar jobs in a tight labor market,
or as the result of turf battles and cultural disputes (Hernandez, 2007). After analyzing the
responses from black adult males, one may ascertain that this group is aligned with the
assertations of Hernandez (2007) that Blacks are resentful at having the benefits of the
civil rights movement extended to Latinos. Latino adult males simply ‘feel’ disrespected
by their counterparts from the black race. Latino adult females viewed the violence as
senseless and without regard to the rich heritage that Latinos bring to the table. Black
adult females wanted to see more community programs to draw the attention of these
youth away from violence. Latino female students wanted to see improved
communication and felt that this vice was a real cause of detrimental interactions between
Black and Latino youth. Black female students believed the real explanation lies between
cross cultural dating and jealousy. Black male students just feel overwhelmed by the
burgeoning numbers of Latinos entering the communities and schools and felt that the
violence stemmed from this increase in numbers as well as the drawing of attention from
black youth. Latino male student responses were similar to adult Latino males as they felt
they deserved to be participants in the American way of life. Analyzing what influences
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these explanations may assist us in determining why cross cultural student violence
persists.
Research Question 2 (Influence)
What influences the perceptions of students and staff that are exposed to cross- cultural
violence?
Four findings emerged in response to interview question number one: Describe
the relationship between Black and Latino youth at your school. First, Black and Latino
relationships have improved over the years but a lack of trust between the two groups still
exists. Second, hate between the groups at the school seemingly comes from the
community, gangs and the influence of parents. Third, cultural celebrations seem to ignite
violent interactions. Lastly, the use of Spanish around English speaking Blacks seemed
to cause conflict.
Improved Relationships
When discussing Black and Latino student violence in schools, the most common
response was that relationships have improved over the years but both groups still
disliked each other. No significant differences in relationships were reported by Black
youth and Latino youth and only slight differences between male youth and female youth
responses. Each group and both genders felt that relationships between black youth and
Latino youth had somewhat improved over the years. Youth male Latinos and blacks
made cautionary statements as to the current peaceful trends and both groups of females
responded with statements of more tolerance. The males made garnished statements of
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lack of trust, one black youth male commented, “things are cool now but I’m still
watching my back,” when referring to the current situation. A common theme among the
females was that they responded favorably about Black/Latino student relationships.
Latino female students seem to feel that the relationship between the two groups was
favorable. Adult female staff members also recognized that the relation between the two
groups has drastically improved. One adult female Latino staff member said, “I’ve
noticed that in the past two or three years the kids seem to be getting along much better.”
This was a common theme among staff as they responded favorably about the current
relationship between the Black and Latino students. A Black female student said,
“…everyone seems to be getting along right now. There are not a lot of problems here at
school. A Latino female staff member said, “…it’s not a big problem on our campus
anymore, we still have some occasional fights, but it’s not like it used to be.” One Black
female staff member said, “Things have gotten much better, not as many fights now.”
This common theme was found among most female students who responded positively
about Black and Latino relationships.
Male participants did not look at the relationship as favorably as the females. One
Black male participant said, “People around here are kidding themselves if they think
things have gotten better.” This was in response to still viewing the violence as a
problem. A male Latino staff participant said, “The tide is out right now, but just wait, it
will come in again.” This was to say that everything seems good right now, but
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we have to wait and see. These feelings may be a product of previous times when
violence had rescinded for the two groups and then escalated later. Los Angeles County
saw a decrease in crimes between Blacks and Latinos from 1993-2001, but subsequently
saw a rise in 2006 (US Department of Justice, 2007).
Community Influences
Although the relationship between black and Latino students has improved over
the years, each group still identified a “tension” between the two groups. More black
females than Latino females responded that each group in someway disliked each other.
When comparing the attitudes of black males and Latino males concerning the two
groups, the feelings were very similar. Both groups identified a continuing tension that on
more than one occasion manifested itself into conflicts. A common theme among the
majority of the male student participants was that the conflicts at the school were a
reflection of the surrounding neighborhoods. The social distance of Latinos from Blacks
is consistently reflected in Latino surveys. In a study of residential segregation, Charles
(2000) found that Latinos were more likely to reject Blacks as neighbors than they were
to reject members of other racial groups. The sociological concept of "social distance"
measures the unease one ethnic or racial group has for interacting with another. This was
also evident in the school setting as noted before each group help a distinctive location
during lunch hours. In her study, Charles (2000) found this concept to be very prevalent
with her Latino subjects. These feelings are also being manifest in urban schools. One
Latino male staff member said, “These students are bringing their street and home
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problems into the school. The gangs are fighting for the streets and want their gang to
also control the school.” Many of the students interviewed also suggested that the gang
influence from the community was also an influence at the school. A black female
student said, “A lot of the kids we see fighting at school are from the neighborhood
gangs.” A black male student stated:
The thing is I don’t hate Mexican people in my neighborhood. I think they
think that black people hate them. We don’t! It’s just that they think that
because they have the most people in the hood that they think that they are
supposed to run everything and that’s just wrong.
Another black male youth responded in a similar manner. He stated:
“…these fights continue because people try to bring stuff from the
neighborhood and the problems they have with Mexicans on the streets to
the schoolhouse. In Lynwood, Mexicans and Blacks have problems. I’m
not sure why, maybe because they’re scrapping for the same turf. To me,
these fights are also about one race thinking they’re harder than the other.
My Mexican partner told me that Mexicans don’t hang with Black people
because black people think they’re hella hard. Well, I think black people
feel the same about Mexicans and that just might be because of how they
act towards us. So, it’s like you have to prove yourself when being away
from Lynwood by being able to get down for your race and your town.”
When these same students enter the school community these feelings don’t just go away.
According to Snell and Volokh (1998) they manifest themselves in the school setting.
A Latino female student said, “I hate Black kids! My brothers hate Black kids.
My parents hate black people. That’s just the way it is and probably always will be.”
Another Latino female student said, “Things are better, but we still don’t get along. We
have just gotten better at ignoring each other.” A strong dislike was a common theme
among Latino males. For example, a Latino male student said, “ none of us trust them”
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while an black male student said, “There are some black students who hate Latinos and
there are some Latinos students who hate Blacks simply because that’s all we know.”
The responses to this question showed that female black and Latino youth were more
tolerant of each other as opposed to male black and Latino youth.
Gang Influence
I asked black and Latino students and staff members about the presence and
influence of gangs on youth violence in the community. Increased gang activity in the
community was seen to have direct correlation with the violence occurring on campus.
Both Black and Latino staff members identified gang influences as a major reason for
continued violence on campus between the youth. This would be consistent with a report
in the LA Times, (Watanabe, 2008) This annual report by the Los Angeles County
Human Relations Commission indicated that from 2006 to 2007 hate crimes rose by
twenty-eight percent. The report also indicated that a third of Latino-on- Black crimes
and an estimated 42% of Black-on -Latino crimes were gang related. A Latino youth
participant commented,
“The gangs are everywhere. Boy and girl gangs. They just seem to be
waiting-waiting for something to go down. I don’t even use the bathroom.
I don’t want to run into any trouble.”
One Black adult male said,
“The gangs are a problem. Not really the kids here on campus, but their
gang associations on the outside. I think we’re more concerned about folks
trying to get on campus if something occurs more than the kids here on
campus. I would say that most students feel safe once they come through
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the gates. It’s the riff-raff outside those gates that concerns me. The kids
pretty much all know each other. Representing your gang is not that
necessary because everybody already knows what gang you are from.
However when these gang associated kids get into it, then they (affliate
gang members) come to protect their homies. That’s when we have
problems.”
A Latino adult male participant echoed these feelings.
“ I’ve been here for 5 years. The kids make it very obvious that they are
from a particular gang. We really don’t worry too much about the kids
getting into it on a day to day basis. The kids from different gangs already
have their areas to stand and hang out. Rival gang member students know
to keep their distance. Security does an excellent job to keep the kids
peaceful.”
Not everyone agreed with these feelings in their responses. Most students said
that the gang presence was responsible for the majority of violent incidences that occur
on campus. A black female student commented, “ the gangs make it difficult to for this
place to remain peaceful. They (gang members) are always try to let everyone know who
controls the school.” Bodinger (1993) implies that today’s schools are rapidly becoming
centers of gang activities, functioning particularly as sites for recruitment and socializing.
“Some days I would rather stay at home then to face the drama that the gangs bring to the
school. Dudes are always asking , “what set are you from?” It gets rather tiring and to be
honest I’m alittle afraid,” stated one Latino youth male. This was echoed by some Latino
female student participants as well as both male and female black student participants.
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Parental Influence
One very important fact mentioned was the lack of parents’ participation in these
youths’ lives especially in the school setting. Watkins (1997) suggests that parents'
efficacy for involvement and educational goals for their children are strong predictors of
school success. A Latino adult female commented, “…there should be more support from
the Latino parents, politicians, media, and from all the professionals to give back to our
community and to serve as role models for our children.” Another Latino adult female
said, “the parents send their students to school and expect miracles from us. We have to
protect them, teach them and parent them. I think that’s asking a bit too much. It’s the
parents’ job to be the parent, not ours.” Black adult participants made similar comments.
One Black adult male quirked, “We shouldn’t have to police the kids. It’s the parent’s
responsibility to make sure their children stay out of trouble.” Parents who were not
involved with their children continued to be a theme that emulated throughout many of
those interviewed. A Black adult female sited “many of our youth are basically making it
on their own with no parent guidance.” A Latino Adult female believed that many of the
tensions of these youth stemmed from anger toward a missing parent. She stated,
“…these children are just taking out their anger on each other. I believe they are just mad
at their parents for not being around.” The influence from parents on these youth about an
estranged relationship between Blacks and Latinos was evidence from their responses.
One Black Male student said, “My dad always talks about how we shouldn’t trust
Mexicans. That’s probably why I don’t!” When I asked if he dad lived with him, he
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responded, “no my dad is serving time.” Several of the Black and Latino youth made
comments about things their parents say concerning the other race. A Black female
student responded. “…my mother expects me to take care of my little brother while she
works late. She said she (mom) has to stay on top of her job because if she doesn’t a
Hispanic person will steal it!” A Latino female student made these remarks, “My mom
says that all black people are dirty so I pretty much stay away from them.” A Black
female student continued this theme, she said my dad says that Mexicans mess up the
neighborhood, they have lots of babies and all kinds of families living in one house.”
Literature shows that the one of the greatest influences on the decline or increase of youth
violence is the role of the family. According to Watkins (1997) negative perceptions
about a group by parents heavily influence the thoughts of their children about the same
group. Steinberg (2000) posits that exposure to violence or abuse in the home, hostile and
punitive parenting, or even growing up in a home environment in which parents are not
sufficiently involved in their child’s life become risk factors for the child’s subsequent
involvement in violent and other types of antisocial behavior (p. 33). According to
Steinberg (2000) these behaviors may be manifest towards another group within close
proximity.
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Disrespect of Heritage
A majority of responses referred to celebrations by one ethnic group being
interrupted by the other. Black history month celebrations and the disturbing actions of
Latinos during this time seem to a point of reference for most Black youth and adults.
One Black adult male participant said,
…it’s a shame that the Latino children don’t see the importance of Black
History Month. It has taken a long time for the accomplishments of the
Black community to be recognized, it saddens me to see the Latino kids’
reaction during that time.
Almost 100 percent of the participants responded that Black History Month
provokes an increase in Black and Latino violence at the school. A Black female youth
stated, “The Mexicans always start something during Black History Month. One year a
group of them tore down a sign that was up outlining Black History Month celebrations
at the school.” One student hinted that retaliation occurs during Cinco de Mayo
celebrations for the Latinos. “They do stuff during our time and we do stuff during theirs.
But they started it!” An Adult Latino staff member simply stated that “the kids use the
disrespect during celebrations as a reason to fight.” A Black adult male participant
echoed that same sentiment.” These kids are looking for any reason to fight. Interrupting
OUR celebration is just an excuse to do what they want to do anyway.” This violence
during celebrations was a common theme. Not only was it a common theme but one adult
participant commented that they are already prepared to see an escalation in violence
during these times. “Everybody knows it is coming, we all know.” The Black and Latino
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conflict predates any serious gang conflict in LA by a few years (Alonzo, 2006). As
earlyas 1990, there have been tensions between Latinos and Blacks at Jordan High in Los
Angeles, Manual Arts High in Los Angeles, and Inglewood High school in 1990. In
1999, Inglewood High School cancelled their Black History events and Cinco de Mayo
activities to prevent on campus violence (Alonzo, 2006).
Influence of Lack of Communication
Some interesting findings emerged about the use of Spanish by Latino students in
the midst of Black and Latino students. A common theme among Black students was that
Latino students switched to Spanish to insult them. A Black female student said, “I
notice a lot of times that they start speaking in Spanish and then they look at you and start
to laugh. That is so rude. What is someone supposed to think? Of course they are talking
about you.”
However Latino students reported that speaking in Spanish makes it more
comfortable to get your point across to another Spanish speaking person.
A Latino male staff participant said,
“The Black students don’t understand. There are a lot of words that don’t
translate well from Spanish into English. The Latino students simply do
what they do at home. They speak in the tongue that is most natural, easier
to get an understanding. I am sure that there are times when some
Spanish–speaking students use Spanish to insult Black kids, but I would
be willing to bet that it is mainly to communicate.”
A Black male staff participant noticed that students were separate during break
times with no mention being made by any Black female staff members. A Black male
staff member said, “In this case, ethnicity plays a role in terms of dividing students into
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groups (the same language, habits, dress, etc.).” With respect to Latino staff, three
females and two male also noticed the irritation that Black students seem to generate
when Latinos speak Spanish in their presence. “I notice it, but it is really silly” said a
Latino female staff member. Black female and male staff participants did not think that
the reaction from the Black students was so irrational. A Black female staff participant
said, “Since I’ve been at Lynwood High School, there have been several fights over a
Mexican student speaking Spanish in front of a Black student. If the Mexican students
know that it’s a problem, why do they keep doing it?”
Research Question 3(Solutions)
What solutions do students, community members and teachers offer to reduce the
violence? Why?
Two new themes emerged when the question of solutions was asked. In theme
one, sensitivity training; students suggested engagement in culture-learning activities as
well as non-cultural activities to promote kindness and togetherness. Staff proposed the
teaching of other cultures be a prerequisite class instead of cultural assemblies conducted
only during certain months. The staff also recommended sensitivity training and
workshops for the staff as well as for the students. A Latino male staff member
commented:
I don’t think the school or the school board does enough when it comes to
what these kids need to start getting along. Assemblies are start, but the
kids basically are not interested. We need something that involves them
and does not merely make them spectators.
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Students seem to want more as well. This student, who is a Latino male freshman,
illustrated this fact with this comment:
When I was in middle school you’d see all the students participating in the
celebrations, regardless of color or race. Black kids would dance at the
Mexican assemblies and the Mexican kids would be in the Black
assemblies. It was really cool. Here though it’s different. Blacks and
Samoans are in the Black assemblies and the Mexicans are in the Mexican
assemblies. Everyone here seems to be separated.
Staff members are willing to participate in bringing the kids together and ending the
violence. A Latino adult male commented:
I don’t think I’m the only Latino teacher around here who would be
willing to learn more about the Black culture. If the Latinos on the staff
show an appreciation for the Black culture that would probably help the
Latino kids want to know more about the Black culture as well. I’m not
sure but it couldn’t hurt. If the school is willing to train us we are willing
to learn. I’m sure of it!
A Black adult female commented…
“…it all starts with the school. If we get the tools we need here to help
calm the violence we will surely use them.”
Interestingly, most staff members made references to the school offering training as
opposed to the district office. One Black female staff participant commented,
“I think we look too much to the district to solve problems here on the
campus between the Black and Latino students. Their response is usually
with more security. The school should have its own interventions in place
so that we can act more immediately.”
Security
While interviewing adults, regardless of race or gender, a third major theme
emerged as an intervention to detour the violence, the need for more security officers!
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Students felt like the presence of security guards gave the campus a feel of imprisonment,
yet felt like the guards added a sense of security. One Latino female student said “we
seem to have more security guards here than teachers, but I feel safe knowing they are
here.” A black male student added’, “the security guards act like they are cops, not!”
Yet another Latino female student said, “I understand they (security) are here for our
protection but the school looks like a Juvenile Hall with so many of them walking
around.” Most adult participants of this study feel that security personnel are being
overwhelmed by the number of students present on campus; they summoned a need for
more. One adult commented, “The kids know that there is not enough security here on
campus to stop them from getting into just about anything they want to.” This was an
area of concern that most believed could be corrected with little effort. The theme of
more security was reiterated several times by the adult participants, regardless of their
race or gender.
Summary of the Findings Research Question 3
This study revealed several important perceptions about ethnic youth violence in
our inner city schools. Foremost, there are many varied perceptions about why this
violence is perpetrated by these youth. No perception is incorrect as many of the factors
mentioned do contribute to ethnic youth violence at our schools. This study reveals that
the problem cannot be solved by only identifying interventions that address the issue.
Through this study we have discovered that proper interventions can only be effective
when we understand why the problem of ethnic violence occurs. Our study sought to
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understand the root of the problem through the gathering of information about how
groups perceived the problem of ethnic violence. We discovered that many times
violence is an outgrowth of existing community tensions between Blacks and Latinos.
Not only are these tensions sometimes manifested in violent acts, but also in the
maintaining of stereotypes and fear between Black and Latino youth.
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Chapter V
Discussion
This chapter discusses the perceived causes of ethnic violence at Lynwood High
School. This chapter also examines the implementation of effective intervention
programs to combat ethnic youth violence. From this study it is safe to conclude that
when violence is present in a situation, the reasons for its cause is as varied as the
solutions to stop it. Finger pointing will never resolve the crisis at hand. There may be a
need for someone to take responsibility so effective interventions can be put into place.
So what should a school that is experiencing ethnic youth violence do? Part of schooling
according to Jones & Maloy (1996) is to provide the students with a place where
education can achieve and the students feel successful (pg.12). To achieve this goal,
school officials may first want to know what they are dealing with concerning violence.
To achieve this end it may be important to identify those persons or groups who have
accepted the responsibility of meeting the problem head on. The group or persons who
are willing to accept the responsibility of dissecting the problem, aligning interventions,
be willing to admit if the implementation was a failure and then be willing to start the
process over again if necessary. Any group that is willing to take on this responsibility is
acceptable whether they be students, parents, educators, community members or a
combination of any or all. What is needed at Lynwood High School is someone to begin
the process and take ownership.
84
Effective Implementation
As garnished by this study, successful intervention programs may be assisted by
analyzing the perceptions of those closest to the epidemic. Studies of violence
intervention program implementation, consistently finds that effectiveness depends on
several principles. (Petersilia 1990) provides us with the following principles when
implementing violence intervention programs:
• The intervention addresses a pressing local problem.
• The intervention has clearly articulated goals that reflect the needs and desires of
the "customer."
• The intervention has a receptive environment in both the parent organization and
the larger system.
• The stakeholders are committed to the objectives, values, and implications of the
intervention and devise practical strategies to motivate and effect change.
• The intervention program has a director who shares the stakeholder’s ideas and
values and uses them to guide the implementation process and ongoing operation
of the project.
• Practitioners make the intervention their own rather than being coerced into it;
that is, they buy into it, participate in its development, and have incentives to
maintain its integrity during the process of change.
• The intervention program has clear lines of authority: There is no ambiguity as to
who is in charge.
• The change and its implementation are not complex and sweeping.
• The organization has secure administrators, low staff turnover, and plentiful
resources.
These principles are important as they become the foundation of an effective
intervention program. Functioning intervention programs that utilize these types of
principles may be effective in reducing the violence in Los Angeles County. Examples of
effective intervention programs abound throughout literature. Most of these successful
invention programs have a parent, teacher and student component. These successful
85
intervention programs can be examined and utilized if they match the perceived causes of
youth violence at Lynwood High School.
Effective Programs
The Center for Disease Control (2000) outlines the importance of training,
monitoring, and supporting any staff member who implements an intervention program
on the local level. The Center for Disease Control (CDC) recommends that an appropriate
match between staff and the target population be made to help increase the chances of the
programs’ success, particularly in parent- and family-based programs.
The SAFER Latinos program utilized a number of interventions aimed at
reducing youth violence in Langley Park, Maryland. Trained Latin American
social/health promoters worked with local families, and served as a bridge to facilitate
communication between parents and children, as well as between schools and parents.
With this program a peer advocate system was used in which successful high school
seniors or college students served as mediators at the local middle and high schools. The
peer advocates intervened when Latino youth were in trouble or acting out, and then
conducted early conflict resolutions. The program (Phase II) provided outreach service to
over 4000 residents in the Langley Park area in 2006 (Latin American Youth Center,
2008). This study indicated that effective violence intervention programs are lacking in
Los Angeles county. This model could be used as a way to intervene against community
violence in Lynwood between Black and Latino youth. Since the SAFER program’s
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original induction in (2002) a 25 percent drop in youth violence has occurred in the city
(Center for Disease Control, 2007).
A Los Angeles based program has had success as well. In 2007, Los Angeles
Mayor Villaraigosa created the Office of Gang Reduction and Youth Development to
combat the growing number of gang related violent crimes. Part of the Mayor's strategy
to combat the City's gang epidemic was to establish GRYD (Gang Reduction and Youth
Development) zones in communities most affected by gangs. Some of the characteristics
of the plan included an increased deployment of police and sending additional resources
to those communities with the most need. One of the programs’ features is to talk to
parents and to have them recognize the warning signs that indicate that their child is
participating in a gang. The program also focuses on the prevention of and intervention
for youth involved with gangs. In the program, communities are assessed to identify
particular needs. These needs assessments guide the request for proposal (RFP) process
which helps to identify service providers in the GRYD zones. These providers are then
deployed to the community and are responsible for providing the services necessary to
bring about a reduction in gang related crimes. According to the Mayor’s office (Los
Angeles Times, 2008), gang –related murders in Los Angeles dropped overall by 27
percent from 2006 to 2007. He attributes this to the success of GRYD.
This study revealed that when effective communication is present, conflict can be
resolved. The Los Angeles based Museum of Tolerance offers programs that assist
87
students with ongoing support and life skills development so that they will make
responsible choices and have positive outcomes. One such program, Tools for Tolerance
for Teens is a specially designed program for middle and high school students that
expand their Museum experience to also include workshops that challenge youth to
recognize and reject all forms of discrimination and to deal more sensitively with others
through communication.
Ownership
The role of adults is important if we want to decrease black and Latino youth
violence as this study shows. If we truly want youth violence to dissipate, adults simply
can’t turn their heads with the anticipation that someone else will do the job. As
mentioned earlier, someone may need to take responsibility so that effective interventions
can be put into place. Adults may want to take the lead in providing a lotus of control
when ethnic youth violence is present. Adults can model behavior that is expected from
our youth. According to Bandura (1977), most human behavior is learned observationally
through modeling: from observing others. There are many examples at Lynwood High
that indicates that the role of adults is effective in building relationships between ethnic
youth. The Lynwood High football team is an example of these races coexisting with
very little conflict. During this study, it was witnessed that the makeup of the football
team was approximately 40 percent Black, 45 percent Hispanic and 1 percent other. Even
though there are high concentrations of both ethnic groups from this study on the team,
88
there was very little conflict between them. Maybe having one goal in common, winning,
allows the students to focus on things other than violence. This seems to be an area
(athletics) that served as a bonding experience. Building in a component of camaraderie
additionally may have a positive effect on curbing violence between different race
teammates. Terry and Jackson (1985) suggest that socialization forces may curb
excessive aggression among young athletes (p. 35).
Reconnect to the Students
The purpose of this study is to add literature to youth violence intervention
programs, by examining the perceptions of inner city youth and adults exposed to this
epidemic. In order to gain a greater understanding about ethnic youth violence this study
examined the perspectives of those who are exposed to youth violence in their workplace
and at their school. Our interviews revealed little consensus about what the causes of
violence seem to be, but many are affected by its presence. A Surgeon General's report
(2001) on youth violence states, "Youth violence is a high-visibility, high-priority
concern in every sector of U.S. society. No community, whether affluent or poor, urban,
suburban, or rural, is immune from its devastating effects." This revelation is evident
from our study at Lynwood High School. This study describes a framework for
understanding ethnic youth violence in our inner cities. From a conceptual perspective it
was also the hope of this researcher to increase literature on how to improve violence
intervention programs formulated to decrease this epidemic. It is the belief of this
89
researcher that if we can understand the perceptions that those who are closest to the
violence share, that we may be able to improve the effectiveness of the proposed
interventions formulated to hinder it. This chapter summarizes the findings of this study,
discusses implications for theory and practice, and makes recommendations for future
studies.
Chapter V Summary of the Findings
Research question one revealed that the burgeoning numbers of Latinos at
Lynwood High School seemed to cause anxiety among black male student participants.
This anxiety may lead to violent interactions between these youth. Recent data projects
the disproportionate numbers of Latino students to black students in U.S. high schools
will increase. As mentioned, the U.S. Census Bureau (2006) indicated that Latinos make
up one third of California’s population. The U.S. Census Bureau expects the number of
Latinos to almost double from 35 million to 63 million by 2030. The census also
indicated that Latinos will make up 25 percent of the kindergarten–12th grade population
by 2025. In order to address this issue Stevahn (2000) believes that “conflict resolution
training should begin with students as early as preschool” (pg 772).
Even though recent statistics included in this study shows that youth violence is
diminishing, this study also shows that it is still a very prevalent problem in our society
today. The violence between black youth and Latino youth in our urban communities is
no different. In her book, Guns, Violence, And Identity among African American and
90
Latino Youth, Wilkinson (2003) studied 125 violent African American and Latino males
aged 16 to 24 in New York City, analyzing 306 violent situations of which 151 involve
guns. She characterizes the social world of these youth as being “influenced by violence,
internalized street codes and limited opportunities.” Much like the responses from the
Latino male students in this study, Wilkinson shows how violence is a resource for
gaining/maintaining social identity (masculinity) and status on the street (McShane and
Williams, 2003). She demonstrates the role that violence plays in “empowering”
adolescents to engage in conflict outside of age-specific groups. Young male Latinos may
feel a need to use violence as a way of gaining respect from their black counterparts
(Wilkinson, 2003). This theme continued in the responses from adult Latino males in this
study as many of them felt disrespected by the black community. This study furthered
this assessment by showing that the community that these youth share continues to have
violent interactions which endanger their lives as well as their well being.
From the study it was clear that the ‘lack of heritage’ was perceived to be a
contributor to the negative relationship between black and Latino youth. Black female
students saw that problem as the stealing of the black males by Latino females. This in a
sense is a dissolving of heritage as these cross cultural relationships may break the
communication of culture from one generation to the next (Small, 1986). Latino adult
females were dismayed that both ethnic groups did not appreciate their unique heritages
and use that as a since of shared pride. According to Urban (2001) heritage and culture is
91
transmitted to future generations through stories passed down from individuals to
individuals, ancestors to kin. Without the communication between young and old, many
traditions, celebrations and history of a people are left behind (Urban, 2001). A lack of
race to race communication was also perceived as a reason behind the violence between
these ethnic youth. The study showed that many times violence between black and Latino
youth emanates from a false rumor or accusation. Our study suggests that increased
communication between these two ethnic groups may help to deter future violent
interactions. The Center for Disease Control (2001) reports increasing communication
strengthens bonds and enhances social, cognitive and problem solving skills thus
improving peer relationships (p. 5).
Implications
This study looked at issues related to the perceptions of students and staff about
the reasons for conflicts between Black and Latino students in their school. There are few
studies about youth violence that use the perceptions of the recipients or observers of this
act to assist in the formulation of youth violence interventions. This study seeks to
connect these perceptions with interventions to make the intervention more effectual.
Incidences over the past decade between the two groups have forced the close study of
this topic so as to prevent future occurrences of violence and ethnic conflicts. While
doing this study we discovered that there were considerable differences among
participants, depending upon their background, gender, and race. We also discovered that
92
interventions that were most effective were those that included input from the groups
most affected by the violence. This study seeks to contribute knowledge to the reasons
why black and Latino youth perpetrate violence against each other. Participants indicated
that gangs, lack of parent involvement, dwindling community resources and generational
dislike were influences on the negative interactions that Black and Latino youth had with
each other. One condition holds true from this study, we have to connect interventions for
youth violence with the causes for youth violence. Until we design cures (interventions)
that fit the disease (youth violence) it will continue to grow until we are faced with
insurmountable incidents.
This study’s greatest contribution is to reduce ethnic youth violence. Evidence
from this study indicates that intervention services may want to examine the ranges of
individual, family, school, peer, and community risk factors associated with aggressive,
antisocial behavior to be successful (Richman & Fraser, 2001). This study indicates that
no individual intervention is likely to be successful (Richman & Fraser, 2001). Several
intervention approaches that target risk factors as they emerge developmentally are
necessary (Richman & Fraser, 2001). With this in consideration, and since sensitivity to
risk varies developmentally and culturally, violence interventions should be rooted in
both the best available information about risk factors—usually based on research—and
qualitative information about sensitivity to risk that can only be unearthed by a
93
knowledge of the cultural background of the children and their families (Richman &
Fraser, 2001).
In order to combat ethnic youth violence this study posits that early detection is
critical. In her guide for secondary schools, Kelley (2008) outlines what parents, teachers
and students can do when confronted by school violence. She indicates what warning
signs to look for when student violence may be present. Kelley (2008) posits that when
these violent warning signs are present, parents and teachers must know how to interpret
them and where to go from that point. Studies support these findings and indicate that
many times there are warning signs well in advance of youth violence (Kelley, 2008).
These studies also inform us that parents can watch for these signs, and report them to
guidance counselors and other school personnel as soon as possible. Some examples of
changing student behaviors include:
• Sudden lack of interest
• Obsessions with violent games
• Depression and mood swings
• Writing that shows despair and isolation
• Lack of anger management skills
• Talking about death or bringing weapons to school
According to Kelley (2008), factors that may contribute to violent behavior include:
•
peer pressure
•
need for attention or respect
•
feelings of low self-worth
•
early childhood abuse or neglect
•
witnessing violence at home, in the community or in the media
•
easy access to weapons
94
Models like this are necessary to help eliminate ethnic youth violence in our
schools. This will take a total effort from all stakeholders in the community to get this
goal achieved. To create a positive school environment, violence intervention programs
may want to provide youth violence education for all stakeholders. These programs may
indicate to stakeholders the warning signs accompanying youth violence. Literature on
youth violence may also indicate how stakeholders might contribute to the reduction of
youth violence. This study increases the awareness of the need for a connection between
the perceptions of youth violence, and violence intervention programs
Parents play an important role in the effort to eliminate ethnic youth violence in
our schools (Gallup, 1999). From this study we realize that parents can use caution when
referring to other ethnic groups. Subtle comments made by parents may influence a child
with his or her own perceptions of an ethnic group. The findings from this study suggest
that parents must pay attention to subtle and overt changes in their children.
This study shows that teachers may also be at risk in schools that have violent
youth interactions. Teachers also play an important role in the prevention of youth
violence (National Resource Center for Safe Schools, 2000). Similar to the role of
parents, teachers also can watch for the above warnings signs. In addition to this, teachers
according to Kelley (2008) can follow some of these suggestions:
• Talk to parents about concerns they might have - remember to keep the lines of
communication open
• Bring concerns to guidance counselors and administration
95
• Be consistent in enforcing classroom and school policies
• Make your room a prejudice-free classroom - set the policy from the first day and
enforce it
• Teach anger management skills as the need arises - be a good role model for the
students
Kelley (2008) posits that students are the most important piece in our goal to
eliminate youth violence. According to Kelley (2008) their perceptions and consequently
their actions, determine whether or not ethnic youth violence is perpetrated in our urban
schools. Kelley (2008) suggests that students should:
• Report any knowledge of weapons on campus
• Tell your teachers about suspicious behaviors of other students
• Walk away from confrontations
Recommendations for Further Research
Through our study we have discovered that the violence perpetrated by Latino
youth in Los Angeles County may be attributed to the social position U.S. Latinos find
themselves in, in combination with their own anti-black bias. This study indicates that the
prospect for further improved relations between Black and Latino youth, without proper
interventions, may not be possible. If it is true that Latino social attitudes are in part
informed by an anti-black sentiment that exists in Latin America, future research can first
disaggregate the position of Latino immigrants from that of U.S.-born Latinos in order to
understand the Los Angeles county’ context. This may help us to further understand
negative perceptions that both groups harbor about one another, but it may not help us
solve the problem unless proper interventions are in place.
96
The study indicated that Blacks have endured slavery, stereotypes and racism
throughout their history here in the United States. Blacks are quite familiar with having
conflicts with people of other races (Hutchinson, 2003). This may in fact be an attribute
that allows Blacks to interpret the situation better when dealing with racial and ethnic
tensions. It does not however solve the problem. Future research can look at relationships
that black youth have with other ethnicities within their shared communities.
Being victimized sometimes negates experience and reasoning. According to a
study in the Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (2003), more than 132,000 black
students at secondary schools in the United States were victims or perpetrators of violent
crime. With these statistics in mind, it makes it difficult for anyone to be expected to act
rationally when confronted with ethnic violence. Future research may account for this
emotional strain and the feeling of Blacks and Latinos for being considered a victim
versus a perpetrator. This study shows that despite the knowledgeable background
concerning ethnic violence, black youth are still affected at an alarming rate. Future
research may also look at this rate and identify age ranges when most of this violence
occurs between victim and perpetrator.
This study generated additional research topics. Recommendations for additional
future research could include: studying a school that has different ethnic populations as
the major groups represented in this study. This will allow us to make comparisons
between the violent interaction and study interventions that were successfully used. The
research of schools which are located in areas of wealth may identify if wealth has any
97
affect on diminishing violence between youth. The examination of violence data from
other schools that share comparative demographics may enable us to view additional
factors in the prevalence of youth violence. Investigating learning differences, and how
weaker students are affected by the influence of violence, and probing the effects of
immigrant groups on school violence. The study of these topics may assist other
researchers in finding plausible causes of youth violence.
Chapter V Conclusions
Data from intervention programs suggest that it is possible to reduce violence between
ethnic groups. Analyzing the perceptions of those closest to the problem may assist us in
this goal. This study at Lynwood High School revealed that students’ perception of
violence and adults’ perceptions were closely related. The study showed that perceptions
were closely related along similar racial lines. This finding would suggest that some of
the students’ perceptions were influenced by the adults they come in closest contact with.
“Most human behavior is learned observationally through modeling: from observing
others, one forms an idea of how new behaviors are performed, and on later occasions
this coded information serves as a guide for action” (Bandura, 1977). It is probable that
the perceptions these Lynwood High students have about black and Latino youth, reflect
issues that adults have about past prejudices concerning each ethnic group. Future
research of analyzing these perceptions may enable Lynwood High to match an invention
with the proper problem. This matching could drastically reduce the occurrences of youth
ethnic violence at the school site.
98
This study suggests that we can make our schools safer if we understand what
leads to youth violence, and utilize interventions that research has shown is effective in
preventing violence and other troubling behaviors. According to Prothrow (2004),
successful interventions that deter youth violence have a component that includes parent
training and community outreach programs that involve peer groups. The perception of
these youth, those who witness or participate in the violence, is invaluable. This study
shows that on many occasions school violence reflects the violence in our communities
and neighborhoods. Therefore, schools are most effective in confronting school violence
when the community around them offers support. “Many communities have been able to
reduce school violence by developing comprehensive, integrated plans embracing key
sectors of the community—the schools, social services, mental health providers, and law
enforcement and juvenile justice authorities”(National Youth Violence Prevention, 2002).
Again, the aforementioned interventions cannot work alone. While the school and
community play an important role in reducing youth violence, it should be reiterated that
parents and the youth themselves are also very important. Working together, and with
proper interventions in place, ethnic youth violence can be eliminated between these
groups at Lynwood High.
99
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Appendix A:
Student Focus Group Questions
Research Question #1
How do students and staff members explain violence between Black and Latino
students in their community?
1. When I say the words ethnic violence, what kinds of things do you think about?
When I say the words school violence, what kinds of things do you think about?
2. Now, thinking about what ethnic violence and school violence mean to you, what
kinds of violent situations do you think you are likely to experience while you are at
school?
Research Question #2
What influences the perceptions of students and staff that are exposed to cross-
cultural violence?
1. Describe the relationship between black and Latino youth in the school? Give
an example.
111
2. How visible are gangs at your school? How do students deal with gang
presence?
3. When do most episodes of racial violence occur in the school?
Research Question #3
What solutions do students, community members and staff members offer to
reduce the violence? Why?
1. In what ways does the school try to prevent youth violence? Are they working?
2. What is the role of teachers, parents and students for deterring youth violence?
3. Can you give me examples of what students might do to lower youth violence?
112
Appendix B:
Adult Focus Group Questions
Research Question #1
How do students and staff members explain violence between Black and Latino
students in their community?
1. What types of violence do you think will occur at the school?
2. Why do you think these types of violence are the most likely?
3. How visible are gangs at the school
Research Question #2
What influences the perceptions of students and staff that are exposed to cross-
cultural violence?
2. What reasons do you believe influence ethnic violence?
Research Question #3
What solutions do students, community members and staff members offer to
reduce the violence? Why?
1. What do you expect the district to do to prepare and protect you and the
students during an incident of this type?
113
2. What kinds of training or information have you received about preparing
yourself, your students or the community for ethnic violence occurring at school?
114
Appendix C:
Data Collection Procedures
After identifying the participants, I asked each participant to respond to the open-
ended interview questions. I used a focused (semi-structured) interview as the mode of
data-collection. I chose this format because it allowed for the collection of targeted
information that was directly related to the topic. Each interview was conducted
individually. The interviews were conducted in 30 to 45 minute sessions. It was
anticipated that these interviews would be concluded within a 60-hour period. The
interviews were an ongoing process that involved reflection, asking analytical questions
and writing notes throughout the study as suggested by Creswell (2002). The
participants’ narratives were examined to identify emergent themes about ethnic youth
violence. The interviews were audio taped. These audiotapes were transcribed and the
transcripts coded for major themes, categories and sub-categories.
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
This study sought to investigate the causes of violence between our black and Latino youth in our inner city schools in hopes that better interventions could be formulated to prevent or eradicate it. The study investigated the perceptions of those who are closest to the epidemic. Using a qualitative approach, information was gathered from structured interviews with inner city high school students and staff that represented different ethnic and gender backgrounds. This study identified the perceptions of the participants and how their perception may be influenced by an intrinsic or extrinsic source. In trying to identify the causes of ethnic youth violence this study revealed that there are many factors that should be considered.
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Pearson, Darryl Xavier
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Core Title
The perceptions of cross cultural student violence in an urban school setting
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Rossier School of Education
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Doctor of Education
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05/11/2010
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