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A meta-analysis exploring the relationships between racial identity, ethnic identity, and Black students' positive self-perceptions in school

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A meta-analysis exploring the relationships between racial identity, ethnic identity, and Black students' positive self-perceptions in school

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Content BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS
A META-ANALYSIS EXPLORING THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN
RACIAL IDENTITY, ETHNIC IDENTITY, AND BLACK STUDENTS’ POSITIVE
SELF-PERCEPTIONS IN SCHOOL
by
Nicole Yates
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(URBAN EDUCATION POLICY)
August 2022
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS
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Acknowledgements
My village is strong, so I have many to thank for supporting me during my PhD program.
First, my adviser Dr. Erika Patall has been a mentor, collaborator, editor, and friend throughout
my time at USC. I cannot possibly convey my gratitude to her, and I deeply appreciate the care
she has taken in helping me become a better scholar. The members of my committee also
improved my scholarship immensely; thank you to Dr. Kevin Cokley for lending expertise this
and other projects, Dr. Brendesha Tynes for always having and open door, and Dr. Wendy Wood
for the thoughtful methods inquiries. I owe a big thanks to Dr. Germine Awad, who helped me
conceptualize this meta-analysis. The faculty, staff, and students at Rossier have been incredible;
in particular, I wish to thank Laura Romero and Alex Hazard for their constant guidance.
Several USC students helped me with this project, and I am eternally grateful for their
effort. Thank you to Crystal Aguilera for continuing to screen titles and abstracts even after
graduating, Amanda Vite for screening articles during a busy time, Coco Tang for coding “one
last article” several times, Max Hartshorn for asking questions that helped me realize when I
lacked clarity, Selma Rafiq for seeking a deep understanding of my project that changed how I
trained other research assistants, and Annabelle Madden for working with me on my first meta-
analysis, in which I learned invaluable lessons that informed how I approached my dissertation.
Finally, friends and family. I will forever cherish my Conundrum community for keeping
me sane as I finished writing. I would not be here without my family, who have always been my
fiercest supporters. Kayla, James, Heather, Tammy, Scott, and all members of the Yates/Watson
families in Phoenix, Knoxville, Chicago, Baltimore, Oakland, Loris, Doha, the ancestral plane,
or wherever you find yourselves—I love you all and I dedicate this work to you. Mom and Dad,
you are my heart, soul, and foundation; this doctoral degree is as much yours as it is mine.
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Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... ii
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. v
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ vi
Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... vii
Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................................... 1
Chapter 2: Literature and Theory Review ...................................................................................... 6
Historical Context and Background of Black Racial and Ethnic Identity Theories ................... 9
The Role of Racial and Ethnic Identity in Black Students’ Self-Perceptions in School .......... 13
Theory Operationalization and Link with Positive Self-Perceptions in School ....................... 16
The Racial Identity Attitudes Scale & The Cross Racial Identity Scale............................... 16
The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity .............................................................. 21
The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure ............................................................................. 24
The Ethnic Identity Scale ...................................................................................................... 25
Similarities Between Operationalizations of Racial and Ethnic Identity Models ................. 27
ERI as a Unifying Construct? ................................................................................................... 32
Factors that Explain Variability in the Relationship Between Racial or Ethnic Identity and
Academic Self-Perceptions ....................................................................................................... 36
Review of Prior Meta-Analytic Work....................................................................................... 46
Rivas-Drake et al. (2014) ...................................................................................................... 47
Miller-Cotto & Byrnes (2016) .............................................................................................. 48
Limitations of Prior Meta-Analytic Work ................................................................................ 50
Proposing a New Meta-Analysis to Build on Prior Work ........................................................ 53
Chapter 3: Methods ....................................................................................................................... 60
Problem Definition.................................................................................................................... 60
Inclusion Criteria and Search Strategy ..................................................................................... 64
Coding ................................................................................................................................... 72
Analytic Strategy ...................................................................................................................... 76
Chapter 4: Results ......................................................................................................................... 79
Research question 1: To what extent to racial identity and ethnic identity relate to each other?
................................................................................................................................................... 79
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Research question 2: To what extent do facets of racial identity and ethnic identity relate to
positive self-perception outcomes for Black students? ............................................................. 80
Research question 3: To what extent do characteristics of the identity variables, academic
variables, participants, settings, and methods explain variability in the relationships between
facets of Black students’ ethnic identity, racial identity, and positive self-perception
outcomes? ................................................................................................................................. 86
Publication Bias ...................................................................................................................... 102
Chapter 5: Conclusion................................................................................................................. 104
Summary of Major Findings ................................................................................................... 104
Implications of the Research ................................................................................................... 110
Limitations .............................................................................................................................. 112
Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 115
References ................................................................................................................................... 116
Appendix A: List of Studies in Meta-Analysis ........................................................................... 139
Appendix B: PRISMA Figure ..................................................................................................... 147
Appendix C: Coding Guide ........................................................................................................ 148
Appendix D: Table 4 Effect Characteristics ............................................................................... 170

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List of Tables
Table 1: Conceptual Definitions and Operationalization of Predictor Variables………………..31
Table 2: Conceptual Definitions and Operationalization of Outcome Variables…………….….63
Table 3: Databases Searched and Search Terms Used…………………………………………..66
Table 4: Effect Characteristics………………………………………………………………….170
Table 5: Average Effects of Racial and Ethnic Identity on Black Student Outcomes…………..83
Table 6: Average Effects for Racial Versus Ethnic Identity…………………………….…….…84
Table 7: Overall Moderator Analyses……………………………………………….…………...88
Table 8: Moderator Analyses for Centrality……………………………………………………..92
Table 9: Moderator Analyses for Private Regard………………………………………………..94
Table 10: Moderator Analyses for Public Regard……………………………………………….96
Table 11: Moderator Analyses for Non-Ordered Resolution…………………………………....98
Table 12: Moderator Analyses for Uniqueness Orientation…………………………………....100

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List of Figures
Figure 1: PRISMA Figure………………………………………………………………………147

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Abstract
Racial and ethnic identity are social identities that can affect how individuals perceive
themselves in a wide range of domains. Within the context of school, racial and ethnic identity
have garnered significant attention due to the racialized nature of academic outcomes, which
have strong relationships to positive self-perceptions (e.g., academic self-concept, math self-
efficacy). Although operationalizations of racial and ethnic identity share several commonalities,
many scholars have argued against combining the two so that potential differences between them
and how they relate to outcomes may be parsed. To explore the relationships racial and ethnic
identity have to each other and to Black students’ positive self-perceptions in school, I conducted
a meta-analysis that included 73 published and unpublished reports. Results of this study
indicated that racial and ethnic identity were modestly correlated with each other and with
positive academic self-perceptions. Racial and ethnic identity were broken out into categories
that reflect the shared dimensions between them and subsequent analyses examined differences
in how racial versus ethnic identity related to outcomes as well as potential moderators of those
relationships. I discuss the implications of this study and present a few recommendations for
future work on Black students’ racial and ethnic identity.
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Chapter 1: Introduction
In his famous 1963 speech titled, “A Talk to Teachers,” acclaimed author and activist
James Baldwin reflected on the role of education in the development of an identity. He stated:
The purpose of education, finally, is to create in a person the ability to look at the world
for himself, to make his own decisions, to say to himself this is [B]lack or this is white, to
decide for himself whether there is a God in heaven or not. To ask questions of the
universe, and then learn to live with those questions, is the way he achieves his own
identity (Baldwin, 1963).
Here, Baldwin deftly explains the inextricable linkage between identity and education.
The following years saw Black
1
identity develop as a scholarly pursuit and since then, the role of
Black identity in education has been a frequent topic. How does racial identity manifest itself in
school? What does it mean to be Black? These questions are particularly poignant in a time when
race in education has become a frequent subject of political discourse. Shallow conversations in
the media over teaching students about critical race theory and white privilege coupled with the
rise in student activism (Paterson, 2021) have further underscored the need to support Black
racial identity development and healthy psychological functioning in school.
Broadly, identity refers to a “self-structure” in which an individual organizes their
“drives, abilities, beliefs, and personal history” that allows them to evaluate their uniqueness and
similarity to others around them (Marcia, 1980, p. 159). A stronger sense of identity is indicative
of more confidence about one’s relative strengths and weaknesses compared to others and a

1
Throughout the paper, I use the term “Black” to refer to all peoples of acknowledged African descent in the United
States. People who identify as Black have numerous ethnic origins but in the US are subject to similar forms of
racism based on skin color (Tatum, 2017). Additionally, I do not capitalize “white” (per APA guidelines) when
referring to race because, unlike “Black,” it refers to many groups without shared cultural heritage (Hurtado, 1989).
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

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weaker sense is indicative of more confusion about the self as a unique entity and thus, more
reliance on external evaluators. Scholars have generally acknowledged identity as a dynamic,
multidimensional construct that can shape preferences, choices, and behaviors across domains
(Avraamidou, 2019; Bellas, 1999; Kaestle, 2019; Marcia, 1980; Oyserman, 2013). Individuals
can have political identities, religious identities, gender identities, and numerous other identities
that together reflect an individual’s perception of herself. The relationship between identity and
life outcomes can be quite profound; for example, in two studies with Singaporean and American
adult participants, researchers found a strong positive relationship between social class identity
and overall life satisfaction (B. Tang & Tan, 2022). The context of school is particularly
important in identity development, as schools both shape adolescents’ identities and respond to
them (Lannegrand-Willems & Bosma, 2006). Different types of identity in school have
empirically supported links to outcomes like academic performance (Legette & Kurtz-Costes,
2021), deep learning strategies (Bliuc et al., 2011), engagement (J. Jones et al., 2018), and sense
of belonging (K. Allen et al., 2018; Legette & Kurtz-Costes, 2021).Among types of identity, two
that appear frequently in empirical research are racial identity and the related construct of ethnic
identity, which refers to a sense of membership to and participation in the activities of a group
with shared ancestry, history, and culture (Cokley, 2007). Racial identity and ethnic identity have
to do with an individual’s self-structures as they relate to their race and ethnicity, respectively.
For Black students specifically, the study of racial identity and ethnic identity have been guided
by two major approaches. Whereas ethnic identity theories mainly concern themselves with the
general experience of group membership, racial identity theories take a more specific approach,
using concepts that are rooted in the Black experience. Racial and ethnic identity
operationalizations have some overlap in terms of the facets of identity that they measure; in fact,
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researchers continue to weigh the strengths and weaknesses of collapsing racial identity and
ethnic identity into one meta-construct (Cokley, 2007; Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Umaña-Taylor
et al., 2014). However, combining these two conceptually and theoretically different constructs
into one may miss opportunities to critically examine potential differences between how each
relates to student outcomes.
The role of Black students’ racial and ethnic identity has been investigated for a number
of school outcomes, including achievement (Boston & Warren, 2017; Cokley et al., 2012;
Sellers, Chavous, et al., 1998; Worrell, 2007), motivation (Byrd & Chavous, 2011; Chavous et
al., 2018; Cokley, 2001), engagement (Chavous et al., 2008; Leath et al., 2019), and belonging
(Butler-Barnes et al., 2018; Byrd & Chavous, 2011; Parker & Flowers, 2003). Whereas these
outcomes relate more distally to racial and ethnic identity, positive beliefs and perceptions about
the self in the context of school are more directly related and have been shown to be crucial to
other positive school outcomes. Several foundational racial and ethnic identity texts underscore
the importance of racial and ethnic identity to self-perceptions like self-concept and self-esteem
(Cross Jr., 1971; Phinney, 1990; Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998), which themselves are
multidimensional constructs. Social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) helps clarify how
racial and ethnic identity and positive self-perceptions relate by asserting that a sense of
belonging accompanied by positive evaluations of a group to which an individual belongs leads
the individual to evaluate himself more positively. Positive self-perceptions have strong
documented links to Black students’ school outcomes like achievement (Awad, 2007; Cokley,
2000; Franklin et al., 2017) and motivation (Martin, 2012; Metofe et al., 2014; Mortimore &
Wall, 2009); thus, understanding how racial and ethnic identity relate to positive self-perceptions
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

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in school may facilitate a greater conversation around racial and ethnic identity and their
relationship to broader school outcomes.
To parse the potential differences between Black students’ racial and ethnic identity and
explore conditions under which both are associated with positive self-perceptions in school, I
conducted a meta-analytic research synthesis. This study extends the work of prior researchers
by focusing on the diversity within a single racial group. The three main research questions this
meta-analysis addressed are the following:
1. To what extent do Black students’ racial and ethnic identity relate to each other?
2. To what extent do ethnic identity and racial identity relate to positive academic
self-perceptions for Black students?
3. To what extent do characteristics of the identity variables, academic variables,
participants, settings, and methods explain variability in the relationships between
Black students’ ethnic identity, racial identity, and positive academic self-
perceptions?
I conducted a rigorous meta-analytic research synthesis to answer these questions. With
the help of several research assistants, I identified and coded 73 reports containing correlations
between 1) Black students’ racial identity and ethnic identity, and 2) Black students’ racial or
ethnic identity and positive academic self-perceptions (e.g., academic self-concept, academic
self-efficacy, academic self-esteem, perceived competence in school). Data analyses revealed
that racial and ethnic identity were moderately correlated in a positive direction, indicating that
the constructs are similar but not exactly the same. In the aggregate, racial and ethnic identity
related positively to Black students’ positive academic self-perceptions. When breaking racial
and ethnic identity into categories and introducing other moderators, I found several notable
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relationships that point to subtle differences in racial and ethnic identity. As a result of these
findings, I have several recommendations that may be useful in future research on the topics of
racial identity and ethnic identity, particularly among Black students. Although the debate among
identity scholars over whether to collapse racial and ethnic identity into one meta-construct will
undoubtedly continue, my hope is that this project contributes to a deeper understanding of both.
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Chapter 2: Literature and Theory Review
Defining Identity Broadly
In a colloquial sense, your identity is who you are. Individuals can have countless
identities that make up their person and shape how they move through the world (Stets & Burke,
2000). Influential identity theorist James Marcia defined identity as a “self-structure” in which an
individual organizes their “drives, abilities, beliefs, and personal history” (Marcia, 1980, p. 159).
When an individual has a strong sense of identity, she is better able to evaluate her uniqueness
and similarity to others around her and she possesses more confidence about her relative
strengths and weaknesses compared to others. Conversely, an individual with a weaker sense of
identity is more confused about himself and the extent to which he is unique; thus, he evaluates
himself based more on external sources than would someone who has a strong sense of identity
(Marcia, 1980). Identity is a multidimensional construct in that an individual can have multiple
identities, such as a gender identity and a religious identity, and within each type of identity,
there can be multiple facets. For example, sexual identity can include attraction, relationship
behaviors, and fluidity (Kaestle, 2019). An individual’s sense of identity can shape preferences,
choices, and behaviors across domains (Avraamidou, 2019; Bellas, 1999; Kaestle, 2019; Marcia,
1980; Oyserman, 2013). Identity is also intersectional, in that identities interact to shape
experiences that are unique and cannot be subsumed by the identities separately (Crenshaw,
1991).
An individual’s identity can predict meaningful life outcomes in a great diversity of
domains. Tang and Tan (2022) conducted two studies on social class identity, one with
Singaporean and American adult participants and the other with only American participants; they
found a strong positive relationship between social class identity and overall life satisfaction. In a
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study of UK military veterans, Brewin, Garnett, and Andrews (2011) found that the presence of
PTSD was associated with a large change in perception of the self. Madera, King, and Hebl
(2012) found that employees who worked to suppress their identities at work (i.e., gender,
race/ethnicity, disability, age) perceived more on-job discrimination, which was related to
decreased job satisfaction. The context of school is particularly important to identity, as schools
can support, thwart, and respond to adolescents’ developing identities (Lannegrand-Willems &
Bosma, 2006). Unsurprisingly, different types of identity influence and are influenced by school
outcomes. Legette and Kurtz-Costes (2021) found a positive relationship between academic
identity and both math grades and school belonging in a sample of 5
th
grade students. Other
studies have explored the relationship between identity and school outcomes, like deep learning
strategies (Bliuc et al., 2011) and engagement (J. Jones et al., 2018).
Defining Racial Identity and Ethnic Identity
Among the types of identity an individual can have, racial identity and the related
concept of ethnic identity are frequent topics of scholarly discussion. Racial identity and ethnic
identity are often conflated both colloquially and in academic research. To be certain, while race
and ethnicity are both social constructs—that is, mutable categories with no biological basis—
they each have their own respective definitions. Scholars have defined race and ethnicity in
numerous ways, with some taking a more individualistic approach and others foregrounding the
systemic origins and ramifications. For the present analysis, I draw from Cokley (2007), who
stated that race refers to the “characterization of a group of people believed to share physical
characteristics such as skin color, facial features, and other hereditary traits,” and ethnicity refers
to the “characterization of a group of people who see themselves and are seen by others as
having a common ancestry, shared history, shared traditions, and shared cultural traits such as
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

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language, beliefs, values, music, dress, and food” (Cokley, 2007, p. 225). Yoruba, for example,
is a primarily West African ethnicity, and someone who belongs to that ethnic group would
likely be considered racially Black in the United States if they possess physical characteristics
commonly associated with Blackness. Since race is a social construct that has more to do with
phenotype than cultural heritage, individuals of different ethnicities may be perceived as
belonging to the same race (Helms, 1990).
Adding “identity” to race and ethnicity evokes affective and behavioral alignment with
each construct. Drawing from Helms (1990) and Cokley (2015), I define racial identity here as
the sense of membership and set of attitudes and beliefs that individuals have about the racial
group to which they have been socialized to perceive they belong. I draw from Phinney (1990)
and Umaña-Taylor and colleagues (2004) to define ethnic identity as the attitudes and behaviors
associated with membership to an ethnic group with which one believes they have a shared
ancestry, history, and culture. Some scholars have argued for a meta-construct that combines
racial and ethnic identity, called ethnic-racial identity or ERI (Miller-Cotto & Byrnes, 2016;
Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). Since several leading racial identity theories and ethnic identity
theories share some dimensions, ERI allows scholars to synthesize related evidence across a
range of theories. However, the two constructs are conceptually distinct and combining them
misses opportunities to examine their differences. Furthermore, theory and empirical evidence
point to potential differences in how racial identity relates to academic and psychosocial
outcomes in Black students versus ethnic identity (Bennett, 2006; Cokley & Moore, 2007). The
nuances between Black racial and ethnic identity are rooted in their historical origins; before
delving into the theories themselves, I briefly contextualize their development. It is important to
note that, whereas racial and ethnic identity theories are describing phenomena that are believed
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to be widely applicable, there is no singular Black experience, as people from numerous
religions, ethnic groups, genders, ability statuses, nationalities, and socioeconomic groups are
Black. As scholar Henry Louis Gates Jr. has said, “If there are 42 million Black people in
America, there are 42 million different ways to be Black” (The Brainwaves Video Anthology,
2018)
Historical Context and Background of Black Racial and Ethnic Identity Theories
Black identity gained popularity as a scholarly pursuit during the 1960s as the Civil
Rights Movement gained momentum. Many scholars advanced models to describe the
development of a Black consciousness. Sellers and colleagues (1998) described the approaches
scholars took to creating Black identity models as underground or mainstream. Also called
Afrocentrism, the underground approach was focused on the particulars of the Black experience
with identity development in the context of a fundamentally racist US society (Sellers, Smith, et
al., 1998). This approach sought to address the question of how Black youth could develop a
positive self-image with regard to race given the anti-Black history, policies, and messaging
constantly surrounding them (Zirkel & Johnson, 2016). In contrast, the mainstream approach
aimed to describe the psychological processes that racial and ethnic groups have in common
(Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998). With this approach, researchers may compare the identity
development process across groups with different races or ethnicities.
Among the underground scholars was William E. Cross Jr., who created one of the first
and most widely used Black racial identity development models based on interviews and his own
interactions with Black people exploring their identities (Cokley, 2015). Cross’ original model,
nigrescence, so named to evoke the process of becoming Black, described stages of the
development of a Black consciousness along a continuum of negative to positive perceptions of
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the self (Cross Jr., 1971). In the “pre-encounter” stage, an individual has little awareness of their
Blackness, and instead situates other social constructs like gender, religion, or sexuality at the
core of their identity (Cross Jr., 1994). The individual eventually experiences some sort of
racially-charged event, called an “encounter,” that makes his race salient and causes him to
realize he has been “miseducated” into uncritically subscribing to values and norms created by
the dominant white culture (Cross Jr., 1994, p. 122). Once the individual has developed a need to
re-examine his Blackness, he enters the transitional phase called “immersion-emersion.” This
third phase is characterized by engagement with Black culture and Black people, and is often
accompanied by the rejection of white culture, ideals, and norms (Cross Jr., 1976). The fourth
phase, “internalization,” is characterized by a sense of security around one’s identity as a Black
person, open-mindedness toward other racial ideologies, and a decrease in anti-white feelings
(Parham, 1989). A fifth phase was later added to the progression: “internalization-commitment,”
similar to the fourth phase but with a long-term commitment to one’s own Black identity as well
as Black affairs generally (Cross Jr., 1991). Including the fifth phase, Cross (1991) explained,
acknowledges that not all individuals’ resolution of their racial identity ends in a commitment to
Black issues. Additionally, this model accounts for the non-linear trajectory of Black racial
identity development by explicitly recognizing that an individual may cycle through the phases
multiple times.
Whereas the original and revised models were theorized as a developmental continuum,
the expanded model is a series of eight identity types describing attitudes toward one’s own
Black identity that correspond to three themes: pre-Encounter, for which Blackness has low
salience or negative connotations, immersion/Emersion, for which the racial realities of the US
become salient, and internalization, for which Blackness is accepted (Worrell & Watson, 2008).
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The eight identity types are: Pre-Encounter Assimilation (thinking of oneself primarily as
American, not Black), Pre-Encounter Miseducation (having a negative view of Blacks based on
stereotypes), Pre-Encounter Self-Hatred (endorsing negative feelings about being Black),
Immersion/Emersion Intense Black Involvement (engagement with Black people and Black
sociopolitical issues), Immersion/Emersion Anti-White (disdain for the dominant white culture),
Internalization Afrocentric (oriented around the collective advancement of Black people and
culture; also referred to as “Black Nationalist”), Internalization Biculturalist (placing equal
importance on one’s identity as Black and American), and Internalization Multiculturalist
Inclusive (focus on the shared experiences of all humans) (Vandiver et al., 2002). The pre-
encounter identity types describe individuals who are least likely to have sustained involvement
with Black social and political issues whereas the internalization types are most likely to be
involved (Cross Jr. & Vandiver, 2001).
Taking the mainstream approach, Jean Phinney and colleagues created a framework that
dominates research on ethnic identity (Schwartz et al., 2014). Designed to capture the common
human experience of group belonging, Phinney’s (1992) model of ethnic identity is based on
Erikson’s (1968) theory of adolescent identity development and Marcia’s ego-identity status
model operationalizing Erikson’s theory (Marcia, 1980). The model, which can apply to any
ethnic group, contains four stages: (1) diffuse (identity has not been considered or explored), (2)
foreclosed (an individual has a sense of identity but has not yet explored it critically), (3)
moratorium (an individual is actively exploring and questioning their identity), and (4) achieved
(the identity has been explored and accepted) (Phinney, 1989). Following a review of ethnic
identity studies, Phinney (1992) elaborated her original model by adding three components of
ethnic identity that reflect commonalities in how it is conceptualized. First, self-identification as
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a member of an ethnic group is a prerequisite for developing an ethnic identity (Phinney, 1992).
Second, the extent to which individuals participate in behaviors, customs, or cultures typical of
their ethnic group can indicate strength of ethnic identity (Phinney, 1992). Third, an individual’s
sense of belonging and attitudes toward their ethnic group are facets of their ethnic identity.
Influenced by both the underground and mainstream schools of thought on identity
development, Sellers and colleagues created Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI;
Sellers et al., 1997). The MMRI contains elements specific to Black racial identity in addition to
others that can be generalized to other populations. While the majority of racial identity
development models have not explicitly defined racial identity, the MMRI defines a Black racial
identity as “the significance and qualitative meaning that individuals attribute to their
membership within the Black racial group within their self-concepts” (Sellers, Smith, et al.,
1998, p. 23). The MMRI consists of four dimensions that describe the importance and meaning
of race to Black individuals at a particular moment: salience (the extent to which race is relevant
to an individual in a given situation), centrality (extent to which an individual defines herself
with regard to race), ideology (thoughts and beliefs an individual has about the way Black people
should behave), and regard (an individual’s own feelings about Black people or assessment of
public feelings toward Black people) (Sellers et al., 1997). Salience is thought to vary depending
on context, as some situations can foreground race, whereas the other dimensions remain
relatively stable. However, even the stable dimensions are subject to situational influence and
change over time (Shelton & Sellers, 2000). In contrast with the original nigrescence model, the
MMRI does not contain embedded value judgments nor does it seek to explain development of a
Black identity as a linear or cyclical process (Cokley, 2015; Sellers et al., 1998).
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The Role of Racial and Ethnic Identity in Black Students’ Self-Perceptions in School
The role of Black racial or ethnic identity in education has been contested for decades but
remains a relevant issue due to the potential protective nature of racial and ethnic identity.
Although school outcomes with measures that are readily observable like grade point average
and graduation rates appear frequently in the literature, this research focuses on self-reported
positive self-perceptions—a broad category of constructs that reflect an individual’s assessment
of herself—for a couple of important reasons. First, positive self-perceptions are linked to
academic achievement. Psychological researchers have identified several self-perceptions that
positively relate to the academic outcomes of Black students, including self-concept, self-
efficacy, perceived competence, school self-esteem, and expectancies for success. As it relates to
school, self-concept is the hierarchically organized collection of view of one’s academic abilities
that reflects domain-specific perceptions (Arens et al., 2021; Schunk, 1991). Academic self-
concept is a consistently strong predictor of achievement among Black students (Awad, 2007;
Cokley, 2000; Franklin et al., 2017). Self-efficacy refers to an individual’s belief in their ability
to accomplish future tasks and goals (Bandura, 1977; Marsh et al., 2019) and correlates
positively with academic achievement (Alhadabi & Karpinski, 2020; Schunk, 1991;
Zimmerman, 2000). Several studies have demonstrated that Black students with more positive
academic self-efficacy beliefs tend to perform better than those with more negative self-efficacy
beliefs (Graham, 1994; Metofe et al., 2014; Witherspoon et al., 1997). Perceived competence
refers to the perception an individual has of his abilities matching the task at hand. Self-
determination theory (SDT; Deci et al., 1991) conceptualizes support of perceived competence
along with autonomy and relatedness as orienting an individual toward more intrinsic motivation
and thus, higher quality outcomes in school. School self-esteem is an individual’s sense of self-
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14

worth and has a positive correlation with Black students’ GPAs (Cunningham et al., 2002).
Expectancy for success is the extent to which an individual believes he will succeed at a given
task (Schunk, 1991) and has similarly been found to correlate positively with Black students’
academic achievement (V. Davis et al., 2019; Kellow & Jones, 2008).Although performance-
based outcomes like achievement receive a lot of attention as indicators of student success, a
second reason to focus on positive self-perceptions (rather than achievement itself) is because
they are also linked to well-being. With structural factors like longstanding racial patterns of
public school funding that favor predominantly white schools (Miller & Epstein, 2011; Sosina &
Weathers, 2019) and school level factors like interpersonal racial microaggressions (Casanova et
al., 2015; A. L. Reynolds et al., 2010; Sue et al., 2007) and disciplinary policies that tend to more
severely punish Black students (Carter et al., 2017), Black students’ well-being in school is
constantly threatened. Empirical evidence has demonstrated that positive self-beliefs like self-
concept and self-efficacy predict positive affect and happiness (Caprara et al., 2006) and can
even moderate the negative association between life stress and overall well-being (Ritchie et al.,
2011). In their study of high-achieving Black high school students, Goodwin, Chen, and Long
(2021) found that increases in academic self-efficacy were associated with decreased depressive
symptoms and increased feelings of connectedness to school. In addition to the empirical
evidence, theoretical frameworks also point to a relationship between positive self-beliefs and
well-being. Self-determination theory acknowledges the crucial role that perceived competence
has in supporting students’ healthy psychological functioning and orientation toward
autonomous forms of motivation (Chen et al., 2015; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2017). Thus, if Black
students do not have positive perceptions of themselves in school, their psychological
functioning and subsequent school outcomes may all potentially suffer.
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Social identity theory, originally conceptualized by Tajfel and Turner (1986), can help
explain why and how racial and ethnic identity generally relate to Black students’ positive self-
perceptions in school. Broadly, social identity theory is concerned with the psychology of group
membership. Elaborating on Tajfel’s work, Hogg (2016) stated, “Social groups, whether large
demographic categories or small task-oriented teams, provide their members with a shared
identity that prescribes and evaluates who they are, what they should believe and how they
should behave” (p. 8). Group identity is prescriptive, meaning that the self is defined by the
group. In turn, positive evaluations of the group will lead to positive evaluations of the self
(Brown, 2000; Hogg, 2016). Rivas-Drake and colleagues (2014) have pointed out that many
principles of social identity theory, such as belonging and in-group perceptions, have informed
racial and ethnic identity theories. Aspects of racial and ethnic identity that reflect positive views
of Black people should then have positive associations with other self-perceptions individuals
have, including those that occur in the context of school.
Although conceptually distinct, self-concept, self-efficacy, school self-esteem, perceived
competence, and expectancy for success all reflect beliefs an individual has of themselves.
Facets of racial and ethnic identity are concerned with perceptions of the group, which,
according to social identity theory, affect an individual’s perceptions of himself. Thus, it is
reasonable to infer that aspects of racial and ethnic identity that focus on the strength of group
membership and the esteem in which individuals hold the group will positively relate to positive
perceptions of the self in school. Some of the foundational texts of racial and ethnic identity
theories conceptually link racial and ethnic identity to better psychological functioning and
overall positive perceptions of the self. The MMRI, for example, explicitly acknowledges that
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16

racial identity is tied to general self-concept (Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998), which itself subsumes
academic self-concept.
Theoretical models for both racial and ethnic identity have been operationalized and
diversely employed in studies about Black students’ perceptions of themselves in school with
varying results. However, there is little consensus, as different theories of racial and ethnic
identity predict variable relationships to academic self-perceptions depending on variables like
context and salience. In the next sections, I will discuss the relationships that nigrescence, the
MMRI, and Phinney’s theory of ethnic identity predict between racial identity and academic self-
perceptions and how each of these theories have been operationalized, highlighting where they
overlap and presenting empirical evidence. Then, I address an ongoing debate in psychological
research over whether to collapse racial identity and ethnic identity into one meta-construct,
highlighting the advantages and disadvantages of this method.
Theory Operationalization and Link with Positive Self-Perceptions in School
The Racial Identity Attitudes Scale & The Cross Racial Identity Scale
Cross’ original nigrescence model consisted of developmental stages that went from
negative to positive perceptions of the self as Black (Cross Jr., 1971). Theoretically, positive
attitudes toward one’s race (i.e., in later stages of the model) are thought to predict better
psychological functioning (Parham, 1989). In turn, better psychological functioning leads to
better academic performance, since Black students with lower levels of psychological distress
are able to focus their mental energy on school-related tasks (Prillerman et al., 1989). Parham
and Helms (1981) operationalized the original nigrescence model, creating the Racial Identity
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Attitudes Scale (RIAS)
2
, later called the Black Racial Identity Attitudes Scale (RIAS-B). The
RIAS-B prompts Black respondents to assess the extent to which they endorse attitudes that
correspond to Cross’ four stages (pre-encounter, encounter, immersion/emersion, internalization)
of nigrescence model using a five-point Likert scale (Parham & Helms, 1981). Items for the
original RIAS-B were adapted from a list of beliefs, feelings, and behaviors that Hall, Cross, and
Freedle (1972) presented as typical of a Black person in each stage. Parham and Helms (1981)
refined the items by rewording some they deemed confusing or particularly negatively valanced,
resulting in a 30-item scale. They then eliminated items that did not have the highest correlation
or had a correlation of less than 0.2 with their respective stage, resulting 8 items for pre-
encounter, 3 items for encounter, 9 items for immersion/emersion, and 4 items for
internalization; however, the 30-item RIAS-B is the version that was retained for future use.
In addition to the original, the RIAS-B has a few versions that are used in racial identity
research. A major issue with the original RIAS-B was its relatively weak psychometric
properties, as it was not subject to a rigorous scale development process (Awad, 2007; Cokley,
2007). The RIAS-B short form, or simply RIAS-B (short), is a 30-item questionnaire that
improved upon the original version through testing with larger, more diverse samples (Helms,
1990), in contrast with the original RIAS-B, which was developed and validated on a sample of
just 54 midwestern Black students. The RIAS-B long form, or RIAS-B (long), has an addition 20
items for a total of 50 items and was intended to strengthen the psychometric properties of the
RIAS-B short form (Helms, 1990). The RIAS-B tends to be the most widely used in

2
In Parham & Helms’ (1981) study where this instrument is first developed, it is called the Racial Identity Attitudes
Scale and many researchers refer to that original version as the RIAS. In Helms (1990), however, the author refers to
the instrument as the Black Racial Identity Attitudes Scale, or RIAS-B, likely because in the same book, she
advances a measurement of white racial identity attitudes as well. Some researchers refer to the RIAS-B as the
BRIAS, but these two acronyms refer to the same scale. Because they all rely on similar operationalizations of
Cross’ theory of Black identity development and all contain the same four subscales, I use RIAS to refer inclusively
to all versions of this instrument. When I discuss specific studies, I note the version of the RIAS used.
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psychological research due to its brevity and its attempt to strengthen the psychometric
properties of the original version (Decuir-Gunby, 2009).
In line with social identity theory, positive self-perceptions in school should positively
correlate with internalization attitudes measured by the RIAS, as internalization attitudes reflect
positive evaluations of Black culture, history, and traditions. Empirical evidence to support this
is relatively thin. Witherspoon, Speight, and Thomas (Witherspoon et al., 1997) reported a
positive but non-statistically significant correlation between internalization attitudes measured by
the RIAS-B (short) and academic self-concept in their study of 86 Black high school students
attending Upward Bound programs in the Midwest. Gainor and Lent (1998) similarly found a
positive, statistically non-significant correlation between self-efficacy and internalization
attitudes measured by the RIAS-B (long) for Black undergraduate students. In Reid’s 2013
investigation of racial identity among Black males at five universities, internalization measured
by the RIAS-B (short) had a negative near-significant relationship to self-efficacy (Reid, 2013).
The original nigrescence framework would predict a negative association between pre-encounter
attitudes and school outcomes because, in addition to more often having negative perceptions of
the self, adolescents with no racial frame of reference are less able to process racially charged
events in an adaptive manner (Cross Jr. & Vandiver, 2001), thus diverting mental energy away
from school. Empirical evidence more ready supports this theorized relationship, with studies
reporting negative, statistically significant correlations (Buckley, 2018) or null correlations
(Gainor & Lent, 1998; Reid, 2013; Witherspoon et al., 1997) between pre-encounter attitudes
and positive self-perceptions in school.
The association between immersion-emersion attitudes and school outcomes is more
complex. On one hand, nigrescence theorizes a rejection of white norms during this stage (Cross
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Jr., 1971); if a Black student views formal education as a white prerogative, he may deliberately
connecting his racial identity to his beliefs about his school competence. On the other hand,
immersion-emersion is also characterized as a creative period in which individuals read and
write fervently (Cross Jr., 1971), which may help build a positive perception of the self in school.
Using the social identity theory framework, we may expect that immersion-emersion attitudes
will directly relate to positive self-perceptions in school, since one facet of intergroup relations is
positioning one’s own group favorably compared to another (Brown, 2000; Hogg, 2016).
Witherspoon, Speight, and Thomas (Witherspoon et al., 1997) reported negative but not
statistically significant correlations between academic self-concept and both immersion-emersion
attitudes and encounter attitudes measured by the RIAS-B (short) in their study of high school
students attending a college preparatory program. Using the RIAS-B (long), Gainor and Lent
(1998) found no association between immersion-emersion and academic self-efficacy as did
Reid (2013) using the RIAS-B (short); however, the latter correlation was much larger and
approached statistical significance at the 0.05 level.
The Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS), developed by Cross and colleagues and
described in Cross Jr. and Vandiver (2001) operationalized the expanded nigrescence model that
presented identity as a series of eight identity types that correspond to three stages (pre-
encounter, immersion/emersion, internalization) from the original model. Through a five-year,
multi-stage validation process, Cross and colleagues created a scale that measured the extent to
which Black respondents agree with items that represent six identity types: Pre-Encounter
Assimilation, Pre-Encounter Miseducation, Pre-Encounter Self-Hatred, Immersion/Emersion
Anti-White, Internalization Afrocentric, and Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive
(Immersion/Emersion Intense Black Involvement was dropped because items loaded onto
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Internalization Afrocentric, and Internalization Biculturalist was dropped because of the
conceptual overlap with Internalization Multiculturalist) (Cross Jr. & Vandiver, 2001; Vandiver
et al., 2002). The identity types themselves are not ordered, but the categories to which they
correspond range from low sense of racial identity (pre-encounter) to high sense of racial identity
(internalization). Since the expanded nigrescence theory rests on the assumption those who
endorse pre-encounter identity types are “at risk” of negative psychological outcomes (Cross Jr.
& Vandiver, 2001, p. 378), researchers using the CRIS should expect to see positive correlations
between positive academic self-perceptions and high endorsement of the internalized identity
types (Afrocentric and Multiculturalist). Social identity theory would predict the same
relationship, as the internalized identity types reflect positive views of one’s Black racial group
that then positively influence one’s perceptions of herself in school.
In general, studies using the CRIS have found mixed relationships between racial identity
attitudes and positive academic self-perceptions among Black students. For example, Awad’s
(2007) study of Black students at a northeastern HBCU found significant negative relationships
between academic self-concept and Pre-Encounter Miseducation, Pre-Encounter Self-Hatred,
and Immersion-Emersion Anti-white and significant positive relationship between academic self-
concept and Internalization Multiculturalist; however, the relationship between academic self-
concept and Internalization Afrocentric was significant and negative for one of the samples.
Awad (2007) contended that academic self-concept could mediate the relationship between racial
identity and academic performance. Cokley and Chapman (2008) also found a statistically
significant negative relationship between anti-white attitudes, measured by the Immersion-
Emersion Anti-white subscale of the CRIS, and academic self-concept. Relatively few studies
seeking to explore the relationship between Black students’ racial identity and any academic
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outcomes utilize the CRIS, especially when compared to other measures. The CRIS is most
widely used in the domain of counseling to explore topics such as belonging, adjustment, and
other mental health outcomes (H. Jones, Cross, & Defour, 2007; Spurgeon & Myers, 2010;
Townes, Chavez-Korell, & Cunningham, 2009; Worrell, Mendoza-Denton, Telesford, Simmons
& Justin, & Martin, 2011).
The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity
The MMRI contains four dimensions (salience, centrality, regard, and ideology) that
describe the instantaneous state of both stable and unstable characteristics of Black racial
identity. Creators of the MMRI explicitly rejected any notions that certain identities lead to better
academic and psychosocial outcomes, stating that, “It is quite likely that the adaptiveness of
particular identities are a function of both the environment and the phenomena used to evaluate
adaptiveness” (Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998, p. 24). Thus, the environment is as important as the
individual’s own qualitative assessment of their identity in determining its relationship to
academic/psychosocial outcomes. Racial salience and centrality both indicate how accessible the
construct of racial identity is for an individual, with high salience depending on environmental
cues and high centrality making racial identity more easily accessed in any situation.
Environmental cues and racial centrality influence the salience of race in a given situation, which
in turn determines how an individual’s racial regard and ideology affect their appraisal and
subsequent behavior (Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998). For example, studies of stereotype threat
(Steele, 1997) have demonstrated that when prompted to identify their race on a diagnostic test
(high racial salience due to situational cues), Black students who identify strongly with being
Black (high racial centrality), are concerned by negative intelligence-based stereotypes about
Blacks (regard/ideology), and care about the academic task or domain experience diminished
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22

academic performance (Davis III et al., 2006; Massey & Owens, 2014; Oliver et al., 2017).
Additionally, Sellers and colleagues point out that while salience is crucial to understanding an
individual’s appraisal and behavior during a momentary event, centrality plays an influential role
in trans-situational phenomena, or outcomes that occur due to repeated behavior over time like
GPA or self-esteem; here, centrality is particularly important because it influences an
individual’s self-concept (Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998). Individuals can have beliefs about Black
people or how they should behave but those beliefs are not diagnostic unless being Black is
important to them (Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998). Thus, racial centrality and salience can moderate
the relationship between racial ideology, regard, and academic/psychosocial outcomes.
To measure the stable aspects of Black racial identity described by the MMRI (centrality,
ideology, and regard), Sellers and colleagues developed the Multidimensional Inventory of Black
Identity (MIBI; Sellers et al., 1997). This racial identity model is widely used across several
domains, including mental health (Banks & Kohn-Wood, 2007; Navarrete et al., 2010; Street et
al., 2012), psychological health (Coleman et al., 2012; Sellers, 2003; Stevenson & Arrington,
2009), and education (Rucker & Gendrin, 2003; Sellers, Chavous, et al., 1998). The MIBI
contains three scales: Centrality (singular scale), Ideology, and Regard (Private Regard and
Public Regard). Salience, while included in the MMRI, was not included in the measure since it
is heavily influenced by situational factors (Sellers et al., 1997). Regard is separated into Private
Regard—how one feels about Black people and about being Black—and Public Regard—how
one believes others perceive Black people (Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998). Higher scores on both
regard scales indicate more positive views of Black people. The four subscales within ideology
represent philosophical viewpoints individuals may have that inform their beliefs about how
Black people should live and behave. These include (1) Nationalist (which centers the
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importance and uniqueness of having African ancestry), (2) Oppressed Minority (which
compares the Black experience to that of other minoritized groups), (3) Assimilationist (which
compares the Black experience to the American experience), and (4) Humanist (which
emphasizes the shared experiences of all humans) (Sellers et al., 1997). Each ideology is a
perceptual lens through which individuals judge Black people’s behavior with regard to political-
economic issues, cultural-social activities, intergroup relations, and interactions with the
“dominant” group (Sellers et al., 1997).
Studies using the MIBI have consistently demonstrated the expected moderation role of
centrality to the relationships between racial ideology, regard, and academic achievement
outcomes across a range of ages (e.g. Boston, 2015; Sellers, Chavous, et al., 1998; Smalls et al.,
2007). However, many studies have examined the direct relationship between racial centrality
and positive self-perceptions in school; in fact, the Centrality subscale of the MIBI is often used
as a standalone measure. Per social identity theory, the more strongly an individual identifies
with their social group, the more influence that group has on their perceptions of themselves. In a
study of Black high school males, Ellis and colleagues (2018) found that racial centrality was the
strongest predictor of academic self-efficacy. Similarly, Beasley and McClain (2021) identified a
strong positive correlation between racial centrality and academic self-concept among Black
collegiate students. A few studies have investigated direct relationships between other aspects of
racial identity measured by the MIBI and positive academic self-perceptions. Those aspects that
contain positive perceptions of the Black racial group should correlate positively with
perceptions of the self in school using a social identity theory lens. Chavous and colleagues
(2018) found significant positive correlations between perceived competence and both public
and private regard at two different time points in a sample of Black college students. In a study
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utilizing the racial ideology subscales of the MIBI, White and colleagues (2019) only found one
significant relationship, which was positive and occurred between science self-efficacy and the
Assimilationist subscale.
The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure
Phinney’s model of ethnic identity development contains four stages (diffuse, foreclosed,
moratorium, achieved) that range from an unexplored ethnic identity to one that has been
actualized (Phinney, 1992). Because Phinney viewed ethnic identity as a protective factor central
to an individual’s self-concept, later stages of identity exploration are associated with a more
positive self-concept and, in turn, better overall adjustment and outcomes in school (Phinney,
1989). The Multigroup Ethnic Inventory Measure (MEIM) was designed to assess positive ethnic
attitudes, ethnic identity status (where the individual is on the four stages in Phinney’s model of
ethnic identity development), and ethnic behaviors or practices (Phinney, 1992). Items on the
scale loaded onto two factors in the original validation study: Ethnic Identity, which refers to the
extent to which an individual has achieved his ethnic identity, and Other Group Orientation,
which refers to the extent to which individuals are willing to learn about other cultures (Cokley,
2007; Phinney, 1992). Researchers either separately report on Ethnic Identity and Other Group
Orientation or combine the two into one general measure of ethnic identity defined in opposition
to outgroup cultures (Cokley, 2007). In response to critiques of the MEIM suggesting that Ethnic
Identity may be more than one factor, Phinney and Ong (2007) revised the instrument (MEIM-R)
to be six items evenly split between two subscales: Exploration and Commitment. Since both
versions of the MEIM allow for self-identification to any ethnic group, they have been applied to
research a multitude of populations, including Latinx (Castillo et al., 2006), Navajo (M. Jones &
Galliher, 2007), and Nigerian (Igundunasse & Dada, 2016), and appears most often in studies
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that compare participants from racial and/or ethnic groups (e.g. Lee, 2012; Phinney, 1987;
Worrell, 2007).
Consistent with the predictions of Phinney’s (1992) ethnic identity theory and with social
identity theory, researchers using the MEIM expect positive associations between ethnic identity
and positive self-perceptions in school (Miller-Cotto & Byrnes, 2016). Within the Black
population, research using the MEIM has reached mostly corroborating conclusions. Cokley and
Moore’s (2007) study of HBCU undergraduates found that Ethnic Identity was positively
associated with academic self-concept for Black females, but the same relationship was null for
Black males. Cokley also found a positive association between Ethnic Identity and academic
self-concept for Black college students in a 2008 study. Positive association between ethnic
identity measured by the MEIM and positive self-perceptions in the forms of academic self-
efficacy (N. Smith et al., 2020) and perceived competence (C. Smith et al., 2009) has also been
documented in Black elementary and secondary school children (kindergarten through 12
th

grade), though the researchers only used developmentally appropriate items pertaining to
belongingness from the MEIM in the latter study.
The Ethnic Identity Scale
Researchers have offered myriad criticisms of the MEIM, chief among them that an
achieved identity status is contingent upon positive affirmation of one’s ethnic identity (Cokley,
2007; Umaña-Taylor, Yazedjian, & Bámaca-Gómez, 2004). Furthermore, the operationalization
of ethnic identity via the MEIM makes predicting its associations with positive and negative
outcomes difficult (Brocious, 2013; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2004). Since the aspects of ethnic
identity are collapsed into one score in the original MEIM, it is not possible to disentangle the
relationships between ethnic attitudes, ethnic identity status, ethnic practices, and any outcomes.
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To address these shortcomings, Umaña-Taylor et al. (2004) developed a new scale to measure
ethnic identity called the Ethnic Identity Scale. Also based on Erikson’s (1968) theory of identity
formation and Phinney’s (1992) elaboration, the Ethnic Identity Scale separately assesses three
components of ethnic identity formation: Exploration (which stage of identity development—
diffuse, foreclosed, moratorium, achieved—an individual is in), Resolution (degree to which an
individuals has resolved their ethnic identity and the qualitative meaning of their ethnic identity),
and Affirmation (positive or negative feelings toward their ethnic group) (Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2004). The EIS framework accounts for variable relationships between aspects of ethnic identity
and positive academic self-perception outcomes and does not make specific predictions. Using
the social identity theory framework, however, we may expect to see a positive association
between the Exploration, Resolution, and Affirmation subscales and positive academic self-
perceptions, since they reflect positive views of one’s ethnic group.
Since the EIS is a relatively new measure of ethnic identity, it has not garnered
widespread use compared to the MEIM. However, existing research points to a complex
relationship between ethnic identity and positive academic self-perceptions that is influenced by
several other factors. In a study of diverse urban high school students (76% Asian American,
13% Latinx, 3% Black, 3% Pacific Islander, and 5% multiracial), Borrero and Yeh (2011) found
that ethnic identity resolution had a positive, statistically significant relationship to students’
interest in learning. Although interest is not a self-perception, the measure of interest did contain
elements of self-perception by gauging “students’ feeling challenged (e.g., ‘‘I feel challenged in
my classes’’), engaged (e.g., ‘‘I feel engaged in my learning’’), confident, and satisfied with their
classes” (Borrero & Yeh, 2011, p. 122). Another study by Umaña-Taylor and Shin (2007)
utilized the EIS to focus on the variation in the relationship between aspects of ethnic identity
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and self-esteem; the researchers found a positive relationship between self-esteem and each
subscale of the EIS for Black university students. The EIS has undergone extensive validation
across multiple age groups (Borrero & Yeh, 2011; Yoon, 2011) and ethnic groups (Umaña-
Taylor & Shin, 2007; Yoon, 2011) yet has remained largely untested in the domain of education.
Similarities Between Operationalizations of Racial and Ethnic Identity Models
Although scholars working with the theories of racial identity and ethnic identity that I
discussed approached their operationalization differently, some overlap in dimensions exists.
Table 1 provides conceptual and operational definitions of each dimension as well as a list of the
corresponding subscales of the racial and ethnic identity measures and predicted relationships to
positive academic self-perception outcomes I discussed.
One key component shared by all major measures of racial and ethnic identity and
informed by social identity theory is private regard, or the affective evaluation an individual has
of their racial or ethnic group. This is readily exemplified in the MIBI’s Private Regard subscale,
which prompts respondents to rate their agreement with items like, “I am happy that I am Black.”
The Commitment subscale of the MEIM-R and the Affirmation subscale of the EIS contain
similar items gauging the respondent’s positive feelings about their ethnic group. The RIAS and
CRIS also ask respondents to evaluate their feelings about being Black, but the emphasis is on
negative affect. This is true of the Pre-Encounter Miseducation subscale of the CRIS (“Blacks
place more emphasis on having a good time than on hard work”), the Pre-Encounter Self-Hatred
subscale of the CRIS (“I sometimes have negative feelings about being Black”), and the Pre-
Encounter subscale of the RIAS (e.g., “In today's society, if Black people don't achieve, they
have only themselves to blame.”).
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Racial and ethnic identity measures also overlap in their assessment of non-ordered
resolution, or attitudes that indicate an individual has clarity on the meaning of their race or
ethnicity. The Resolution subscale of the EIS directly captures sentiments that reflect a resolved
identity through items like, “I am clear about what my ethnicity means to me.” The Exploration
subscale of the EIS (e.g., “I have participated in activities that have taught me about my
ethnicity.”), the MEIM (e.g., “I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means
for me.”), and the Exploration subscale of the MEIM-R (e.g. “I have spent time trying to find out
more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs.”) similarly assess the
extent to which an individual has taken the time to arrive at a stage in which ethnic identity is
accepted and resolved, not unlike the Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive subscale of the
CRIS (e.g., “I believe it is important to have both a Black identity and a multicultural
perspective, which is inclusive of everyone”) and the Internalization subscale of the RIAS (e.g.,
“I know through my personal experiences what being Black in America means.”). The
Oppressed Minority subscale of the MIBI, which focuses on the commonalities between Black
people and other marginalized groups (e.g., “There are other people who experience racial
injustice and indignities similar to Black Americans.”) also reflects a resolute attitude toward
being Black. None of the items in these subscales contain language that explicitly orders Black
identity ahead of other identities.
Three aspects of racial identity operationalizations do not have direct counterparts in
ethnic identity measures, though they theoretically could. First, centrality (how important one’s
identity as Black is to them) is measured by the MIBI directly via the Centrality subscale (e.g.,
“Being Black is an important reflection of who I am.”) and indirectly in two ideologies. Both the
Humanist (e.g., “Being an individual is more important than identifying oneself as Black.”) and
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the Assimilationist (e.g., “Blacks should view themselves as being Americans first and
foremost.”) subscales of the MIBI reflect ideologies that deemphasize the importance of race,
thereby making it less central to someone who holds these beliefs. Similarly, the Pre-Encounter
Assimilationist subscale (e.g., “I think of myself primarily as an American, and seldom as a
member of a racial group.”) of the CRIS also reflects low race-central beliefs. Although the
MEIM and EIS ask respondents about the extent to which they have attached a qualitative
meaning to their ethnic group (e.g., from the MEIM: “I have a clear sense of my ethnic
background and what it means for me.”), neither contains a specific measure of the importance
of one’s ethnic identity. Were centrality an important concept for another ethnic identity
measure, though, items like “I define myself primarily as a member of my ethnic group,” would
capture that sentiment.
Second, public regard is a concept unique to the MIBI, as the theory upon which it is
based is the only prominent one that explicitly acknowledges the influence of how Black people
believe others view them. The Public Regard subscale of the MIBI contains items designed to
assess how respondents think members of other racial groups view Black people, such as, “In
general, other groups view Blacks in a positive manner.” Neither of the ethnic identity measures
contain items that measure a similar construct; however, ethnic identity measures could gauge
public regard with items such as, “In general, other ethnic groups view my ethnic group in a
positive manner.”
Third, the racial identity theory operationalizations contain measures that speak to the
uniqueness orientation Black individuals may have, which emphasizes the political and social
power of Blackness. The Internalization Afrocentric subscale of the CRIS (e.g., “I see and think
about things from an Afrocentric perspective.”), the Nationalist subscale of the MIBI (e.g.,
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30

“Black people must organize themselves into a separate Black political force.”), and the
Immersion/Emersion subscale of the RIAS (e.g., “I constantly involve myself in Black political
and social activities (such as art shows, political meetings, Black theater, and so forth).”) all
emphasize the importance of prioritizing the development of Black people, culture, and status.
As they are both based on nigrescence, which acknowledges that immersion in Black culture is
often accompanied by rejection of all things white, the Immersion/Emersion subscale of the
RIAS (e.g., “White people can’t be trusted.”) and the Immersion/Emersion Anti-White subscale
of the CRIS (e.g., “I have a strong feeling of hatred and disdain for all White people.”) also
emphasize the uniqueness of Black culture by separating it from white. By their very nature as
tools designed to capture a general experience, ethnic identity operationalizations cannot
specifically gauge respondents’ beliefs about Black political power or the rejection of white
culture as normative. However, ethnic identity measures could theoretically ask broader
questions that approach a similar sentiment by using broader language (e.g., MIBI items
“Whenever possible, Blacks should buy from other Black businesses” or “Black people should
not marry interracially” could be rephrased to read “Whenever possible, people of my ethnic
group should buy from businesses owned by other people of my ethnic group” and “People of
my ethnic group should only marry other people of my ethnic group.”).

BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

31

z
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS
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ERI as a Unifying Construct?
Because of the substantial overlap between measures and the fact that many individuals
do not distinguish between race and ethnicity, researchers who study identity have debated
whether to collapse racial identity and ethnic identity into a meta-construct called ethnic-racial
identity (ERI). Although many researchers have argued against ERI (Cokley, 2005; Helms,
1996), contemporary scholars view ERI as a meta-construct that encompasses the inextricable
experiences related to race and ethnicity (Miller-Cotto & Byrnes, 2016; Rivas-Drake et al., 2014;
Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). To be certain, the commonalities between racial and ethnic identity
theories and measurements allow for a larger conversation around what it means to identify with
a wide range of socially constructed groups. Additionally, researchers study many of the same
moderators (discussed in the forthcoming section) when examining the relationship between
racial or ethnic identity and academic outcomes, such as outcome type (Awad, 2007; Cokley &
Moore, 2007; Elion et al., 2012; Lockett & Harrell, 2003; Worrell, 2007), age (Cokley, 2015; C.
Smith, Levine, Smith, Dumas, & Prinz, 2009), and demographic context (Fryer, 2006; Rowley,
2000; Umaña-Taylor & Shin, 2007). Using the meta-construct of ethnic-racial identity (ERI)
allows researchers to explore these and other moderators across studies that use a range of
instruments (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014).
ERI as a unified construct has the added benefit of eliminating any ambiguity about
whether a researcher intended to measure racial identity or ethnic identity. For example, a study
conducted by Mulzac (2011) used the MEIM—an ethnic identity measure—to assess racial
identity and found that MEIM total score was unrelated to GPA for Black graduate and
undergraduate students at a small Christian college. Given that Phinney interchangeably used
ethnic identity and racial identity in their early work, researchers have argued over whether the
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33

MEIM truly assesses one or the other (Cokley, 2007). Parsing the details related to which
identity—racial or ethnic—an instrument assesses would not be concerning to researchers
subscribing to the ERI meta-construct. Finally, studying ERI would allow researchers to compare
and contrast across different racial and ethnic groups. Researchers typically study the racial
identity of Black populations and the ethnic identity of Latinx and Asian populations because
ethnic identity in the United States is often more pronounced in immigrant populations (Lien,
1994).
Although studying ethnic-racial identity as a unified construct has clear advantages, the
combining of racial and ethnic identity loses the subtleties between the two. Two key rationales
highlight why it may be especially important to consider how racial identity and ethnic identity
function differently for Black students in the domain of education. First, the Black racial group
encompasses a wide variety of ethnic groups, nationalities, cultures, and perspectives
(Ukpokodu, 2018). Although Black immigrants may not be descendants of victims of the
transatlantic slave trade, numerous ethnic groups and nationalities are also subject to
interpersonal and institutional racism in the United States that systematically disadvantages them
due to their skin color and phenotypical association with Black Americans (Tatum, 2017). Being
a Black student in the United States has a specific, historically contextualized meaning for Black
Americans that can extend to Black immigrants. Still, there are important differences to note, as
Black is not a monolith. Whereas race is a more salient concept for Black Americans, given that
their ancestors were stolen and thus, some may not readily know their family’s ethnic origins
(Blanchard et al., 2019), Black immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean often retain their
ethnic identities in the United States and have unique experiences with race and white culture
(Clark, 2008; Johnson, 2019). Disentangling racial identity from ethnic identity is crucial in
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34

understanding the overall functioning of various ethnic groups considered racially Black. By
collapsing racial and ethnic identity, researchers surrender the ability to explore the variation in
outcomes within Black populations.
Comparing Black populations of different nationalities, Phelps, Taylor, and Gerard
(2001) found that Black American students reported significantly more cultural mistrust of
whites in education than did African or West Indian/Caribbean students living in the US.
Furthermore, on average, Black immigrants have well-documented differences in academic
outcomes when compared to Black descendants of enslaved persons (Fisher, 2005; Giraldo-
Garcia & Bagaka, 2016). Using a nationally representative longitudinal data set, Giraldo-Garcia
and Bagaka (2016) found that voluntary Black immigrants had significantly higher math and
reading scores than involuntary Black immigrants (i.e., descendants of enslaved Africans),
though both groups had lower scores than their white peers. Some researchers have attributed
this difference in academic performance to an oppositional identity culture in which Black
descendants of the enslaved reject the traditional American value of education, associating it
with white culture (Fisher, 2005; Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). However, others emphatically reject
this notion, highlighting high peer support in academics, particularly for high-achieving Black
students, and demonstrating that Black students value their education as an integral component
of their identities (Harper, 2006; Tyson et al., 2015).
A second reason to consider the different implications of racial identity and ethnic
identity in education is that the leading theories of both come from different schools of thought.
As I previously discussed, prominent theories of racial identity like Cross’ nigrescence and the
MMRI originated from scholars whose interest was capturing the particulars of the Black
experience. Since nigrescence and the MMRI contain facets and language that speaks to specific
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35

attitudes Black people may have toward their race, they may better capture relationships between
Black racial identity and school outcomes. In contrast, ethnic identity theories like Phinney’s aim
to describe a process common to all individuals developing an ethnic identity, deemphasizing the
uniqueness of any single ethnic group’s experience. Phinney’s model of ethnic identity, while
generally applicable to Black students of any ethnicity, relies on no specific knowledge of Black
culture, customs, and traditions. Black racial identity measures capture a specific experience
whereas ethnic identity measures capture a generalized experience of belonging to a group,
Given the conceptual and theoretical differences between racial and ethnic identity, I see
value in empirically exploring potential differences in how each relates to Black students’
positive academic self-perceptions in existing research; thus, I identified meta-analytic research
synthesis as an appropriate method to accomplish this goal. In the following section, I will
present research and theory that addresses the role specific moderators may have in the
relationship between racial identity or ethnic identity and positive academic self-perceptions. The
moderators I selected are by no means exhaustive, but they do represent an effort to explore the
diversity of experiences Black students have with readily available data. Although the discussion
of moderators often integrates racial identity and ethnic identity theories, I will continue to
distinguish between the two and will note any differences in how each moderator operates for
each. Following the discussion of moderators, I will discuss the strengths and limitations of two
recent meta-analyses that have explored the relationship between racial and ethnic identity and
school outcomes. Finally, I introduce a meta-analysis that was designed to build on prior work
and shed light on the unique contributions of racial identity and ethnic identity to the academic
self-perceptions of Black students.
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36

Factors that Explain Variability in the Relationship Between Racial or Ethnic Identity and
Academic Self-Perceptions
Whereas the theories upon which measures like the RIAS and MEIM are based predict
positive relationships between racial and ethnic identity and all school outcomes, the theories
upon which the CRIS, MIBI, and EIS are based paint more nuanced pictures of racial and ethnic
identity. Nonetheless, these theories all point to several common factors that may influence the
relationship between racial and ethnic identity and Black students’ positive self-perceptions in
school. Empirical evidence and theory point to the type of identity (racial or ethnic), dimension
of identity (centrality, public regard, private regard, non-ordered resolution, or uniqueness
orientation), outcome category, personal characteristics (gender identity, age), and context as the
most important moderating factors. Although these factors that may moderate the relationship
between racial and ethnic identity and positive self-perceptions hint at the intersectionality of
identities, it is important to note that existing frameworks of racial and ethnic identity do not take
intersectionality into account (Rogers et al., 2020).
Identity Type and Dimension
Despite a recent movement to collapse racial and ethnic identity into one meta-construct,
prominent theories of both emerged from different schools of thought. Racial identity theories
like nigrescence and the MMRI are rooted in Black culture whereas Phinney’s ethnic identity
theory has broad application. Thus, it is possible that the mainstream, non-group-specific ethnic
identity scales measure elements of other constructs that relate to ethnic identity in general but
do not directly assess it. Several items on the MEIM explicitly measure belonging, such as, “I
have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group,” and “I feel a strong attachment to my
own ethnic group” (Phinney, 1992, pp. 172–173). Additionally, self-concept, or perceptions of
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37

the self in a given domain (Byrne, 1984), appears in the foundational work upon which
Phinney’s ethnic identity theory is reflected in items on the MEIM such as “I have a clear sense
of my ethnic background and what it means to me” (Phinney, 1992, p. 172).
Empirical evidence has also suggested that ethnic identity measures generally yield
stronger relationships to academic self-perceptions than racial identity measures. Black college
students in a study by McClain and colleagues (2016) reported higher levels of racial centrality
(measured by the MIBI) than ethic identity exploration (measured by the MEIM-R); however,
higher ethnic identity exploration was strongly associated with better mental health functioning
in school and racial centrality was not. Moderate correlations between academic self-concept and
ethnic identity measured by the MEIM have been fairly consistently reported in youth and
college samples of Black students (Bounds, 2017; Cokley & Chapman, 2008). Thus, even though
racial identity is a more salient concept for Black students in the US, it is possible that higher
correlations between identity and positive academic self-perceptions may be observed when
using ethnic identity measures rather than racial identity measures because ethnic identity
measures are confounded with other constructs like belonging that relate to positive self-
perceptions in school (Hogg, 2016).
Different shared facets of racial and ethnic identity also have theoretically distinct
relationships with positive self-perceptions in school that depend on the degree to which each
facet reflects positive views of the Black racial group. Centrality as a facet of racial and ethnic
identity refers to the degree to which an individual defines herself with respect to her race or
ethnicity. In practice, only prominent racial identity measures contain centrality measures, but
idiosyncratic or lesser-known ethnic identity scales could measure centrality as well. Because
racial centrality items gauge belonging, affirm the importance of group membership on one’s
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38

self-evaluations, and imply a positive view of one’s Black racial group (e.g., “I have a strong
sense of belonging to Black people,” and “Being Black is an important reflection of who I am”),
centrality should positively relate to an individual’s positive academic self-perceptions. Positive
private regard, or how an individual feels about being Black, shows up in racial and ethnic
identity measures and is theoretically associated with better overall psychological functioning
(Cross Jr. & Vandiver, 2001). Thus, private regard is likely to be positively associated with
positive academic self-perceptions when an individual’s feelings about their race are central to
their feelings about themselves. Racial and ethnic identity research and theory have suggested
that public regard is both adaptive and maladaptive in the context of school, as the effects of
awareness of perceptions of Black people depends on whether an individual internalizes those
perceptions (Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998). Social identity theory, however, would suggest a
positive relationship between public regard and positive academic self-perceptions, since higher
group status means more favorable evaluations of the self.
The non-ordered resolution dimension common to racial and ethnic identity may have a
more straightforward positive relationship to academic self-perceptions. From racial identity
measures, resolution includes items that gauge respondents’ comfort and satisfaction with being
Black. This is associated with better psychological functioning and thus, likely has a positive
influence on academic self-perceptions. Similarly, the ethnic identity measures also contain
items that reflect a sense that an individual is at peace with his ethnic identity. The foundational
writing of upon which the MEIM is based indicates that ethnic identity achievement or resolution
should also be associated with positive academic self-perception, as identity resolution means a
“secure sense of oneself” (Phinney, 1992, p. 160). Although Phinney viewed ethnic identity as a
protective factor, creators of the EIS had a more complex view of ethnic identity and made few
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39

explicit theoretical predictions about its relationship to any outcomes (Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2004).
Having beliefs that emphasize the importance of Black political power is a facet unique
to racial identity. Evidence as to how this facet of racial identity may relate differently to positive
self-perceptions in school is inconclusive. Many studies have shown that endorsement of
extremely pro-Black ideologies negatively predicts academic achievement outcomes (Anglin &
Wade, 2007; Hughes et al., 2008) because the focus on overcoming oppression may drain mental
resources students could otherwise devote to school; however, less clarity exists around the
relationship to self-perceptions in school. Through a social identity theory framework, it may be
reasonable to suspect that positive views of one’s racial or ethnic group lead to positive
perceptions of the self in school, as with private regard, because the self is defined in relation to
the group; however, the political focus of subscales like the Nationalist subscale of the MIBI take
the uniqueness construct beyond positive affect.
Identity Measure
Additionally, the relationship between racial or ethnic identity and positive academic
self-perceptions will differ based on the measure used. Studies using measures like the CRIS,
RIAS, and MEIM, which are based on developmental stage theories of Black racial or ethnic
identity, tend to demonstrate positive relationships between the latter stages of development and
positive perceptions of the self in school (Elion et al., 2012; Lockett & Harrell, 2003). Studies
measuring multidimensional constructs of Black racial and ethnic identity like the MIBI and EIS
may have more complex results. Using social identity theory, we might expect that high scores
on the subscales of these multidimensional racial and ethnic identity that emphasize positive
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40

view of Black people, culture, and customs relate to positive academic self-perceptions whereas
other subscales that do not have a null relationship.
Identity Measure Reliability
In prior sections, I reviewed the validation procedures for the most common measures of
racial and ethnic identity. Validity information will not differ between studies that use the same
measures. However, since internal consistency is specific to a given sample, reliability is unique
to each study and will differ between studies. Higher internal consistency would mean that the
items on the racial or ethnic identity subscale that are intended to measure the same construct are
highly correlated with one another, indicating that the subscale is reliable for the given sample.
Thus, one may expect scales with higher internal consistency values to have stronger
relationships to positive academic self-perceptions compared to scales with lower internal
consistency values.
Academic Outcome Category
Many studies on racial or ethnic identity in the context of school have considered their
relationships to positive self-perception outcomes such as self-concept (Awad, 2007; Cokley et
al., 2012; Witherspoon et al., 1997), self-efficacy (Witherspoon et al., 1997), self-esteem (Awad,
2007; Elion et al., 2012; Rowley et al., 1998), and perceived competence (Chavous et al., 2018;
S. Tang et al., 2016). Because some theories of racial and ethnic identity explicitly connect racial
and ethnic identity to self-concept, we may expect that the relationship is stronger for self-
concept compared to other academic self-perceptions; however, all positive academic self-
perceptions should relate positively to racial and ethnic identity since positive perceptions about
the group influence positive perceptions about the self.
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Gender Identity
Many theories of racial and ethnic identity explicitly acknowledge that individuals have a
multitude of social identities of varying importance (e.g., Cross Jr. & Vandiver, 2001; Sellers,
Smith, et al., 1998; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2004). The intersections of these identities can create
social identities that are “mutually constitutive” in that the social categories together create a new
category of identity that with it carries unique experiences (Frable, 1997; Rogers et al., 2015;
Settles, 2006). Racial or ethnic identity and gender, identities that emerge and develop in
childhood and adolescence, perfectly illustrate mutual constitution. An individual who identifies
as a “Black woman” may not easily be able to disentangle the racial and gendered experiences
she has because she is experiencing them through both lenses (Settles, 2006). In a given
situation, however, one social identity may be more influential than another. For example, a
Black female in an engineering class at an HBCU may think more about her identity as a woman
since she is likely one of few women, though most students in HBCU classes are Black
(indicating that salience matters for gender identity as well as racial or ethnic identity). Because
group evaluations are prescriptive of self-evaluations per social identity theory, it is reasonable to
suggest that an individual’s self-perceptions may be different when another group to which she
belongs is salient.
Black male students also have unique experiences that are not all subsumed under
“Black” or “male” separately. Research has demonstrated that, although all Black students may
potentially experience academic disidentification, or detachment of self-esteem from school
outcomes, disidentification for Black males persists throughout high school whereas it tapers off
for Black females (Cokley & Moore, 2007; Cokley, 2002). In one study, when Black male
students disidentified with school, their perceptions of themselves in school became unconnected
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42

to their perceptions of themselves with regard to their racial and ethnic identity (Cokley &
Moore, 2007). It is also possible that Black male students lean into their masculinity in some
school contexts, particularly during adolescence, to avoid potential challenges to their sexual
orientation, a distinct though often accompanying concept to gender identity. For example, Black
male students in one study reported strongly identifying as male in the context of an all-boys
school to avoid being seen as gay (Rogers et al., 2015). Assessing these findings through social
identity theory, we may expect that other factors such as demographic context and age would
influence the degree to which an individual identifies with a particular social identity that then
organizes his beliefs about himself. Because negative stereotypes associated with Black students
in school have focused largely on Black males (Boyd & Mitchell Jr., 2018), social identity theory
points to the possibility that female-identifying Black students may more strongly identify with
their group to distinguish themselves positively whereas their male-identifying counterparts may
disidentify to buffer themselves against negative consequences to their self-image. This suggests
that academic self-perceptions will not be associated with racial or ethnic identity for Black
males but may have a slight positive association for Black females.
Substantial prior research has documented the differences in the relationship between
racial or ethnic identity and academic achievement between Black male and female students. In a
unique study that examined both racial and ethnic identity, Cokley and Moore (2007) found a
significant, positive relationship between ethnic identity (measured by the MEIM) and academic
self-concept for Black female students. In contrast, there was no significant relationship between
ethnic identity and academic self-concept for Black male students. Importantly, Black female
students had higher ratings of academic self-competence than their Black male counterparts but
similar ratings on the ethnic identity measure. Chavous et al. (2008) also examined racial
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43

centrality and found that 11
th
grade Black students’ racial centrality positively predicted
academic self-concept for females but not for males. These results suggest that gender may
moderate the relationships between racial and ethnic identity and positive academic self-
perceptions.
Age
Models that conceptualize racial or ethnic identity as a developmental continuum
presume that older individuals are more likely to be in later stages of the process than younger
individuals (Phinney, 1990). Race and ethnicity become more salient concepts with age, so
stages that are adaptive for Black children (e.g., unexplored identity or an assimilationist
attitude) may be maladaptive for adults, who have had experiences with race and racism.
However, with aggregated facets of racial and ethnic identity from both stage theories and
multidimensional theories, the role of age is muddied. One longitudinal study that followed
Black kindergarteners through 3
rd
grade found that students developed racial preferences as they
aged (C. Smith, Levine, Smith, Dumas, & Prinz, 2009). In 3
rd
grade, the participants’ ethnic
identity, measured by developmentally appropriate items on the MEIM pertaining to belonging,
predicted more positive competence beliefs in school. This was one of few studies with a sample
of elementary school children since racial or ethnic identity can be a prohibitively complex
construct for young children to grasp. Still, it demonstrates a similar relationship between
identity and positive self-perceptions in school that is well documented in research using
collegiate samples. Children and adolescents also grapple with multiple social identities,
including gender and sexual orientation, which may also influence their thoughts and behaviors.
Institutional Context
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Racial or ethnic salience plays a role in the relationship between identity and academic
outcomes explicitly in some theories and implicitly in others. The MMRI directly acknowledges
that salience can moderate the relationship between other aspects of racial identity and outcomes.
Specifically, the MMRI predicts that racial ideology and regard are more likely to relate to
subsequent behavior and performance in a situation in which racial identity is highly salient as
opposed to not salient. From a social identity theory perspective, positive views of one’s group
would relate to positive views of oneself more strongly in a setting in which one’s group
membership is more readily apparent (i.e., a PWI). Many studies have explored differences
between the racial identity and academic outcomes of Black students attending historically Black
colleges and universities (HBCUs) and Black students attending predominantly white
institutions (PWIs; G. Davis, 2009; Nasim et al., 2005; Rowley, 2000).
Research examining the relationship between racial or ethnic identity and positive
academic self-perceptions or HBCU vs. PWI students in the same study is rare; however,
research between studies that used either an HBCU or a PWI sample offers some empirical
evidence. Awad (2007) found that aside from Pre-Encounter Assimilation and Internalization
Multiculturalist, all racial identity measured by the CRIS were negatively related to academic
self-concept in a sample of Black HBCU students. It is possible that the extremely pro-Black
ideologies did not relate to academic self-concept among students at a HBCU because the need
to affirm the racial in-group is diminished at an institution where most other students would
consider themselves Black. Although empirical research comparing the links between racial and
ethnic identity and Black students’ positive academic self-perceptions in different contexts is
limited, a meta-analysis comparing studies conducted in different contexts (HBCU v. PWI) will
help clarify whether context could be a meaningful moderator.
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45

Nationality and Immigration Status
The use of nationality or immigration status as a moderator of the relationship between
racial or ethnic identity and any academic outcomes in empirical studies of Black students is
rare. However, there may be theoretical reasons to examine nationality and immigration status.
As previously discussed, Black immigrants and nationals of African countries often identify with
their ethnic groups (Igundunasse & Dada, 2016) whereas Black Americans may not have any
ethnic frame of reference. Thus, Black immigrants are more likely to derive meaning from their
ethnicity than Black Americans and both groups have unique experiences with race. Social
identity theory may predict that, to distinguish themselves in a positive light and dissociate from
negative stereotypes, Black immigrants may more strongly identify with their ethnic group or
nationality when entering the United States. Coupled with the fact research has shown empirical
differences in the academic outcomes of Black Americans and Black immigrants that slightly
favor Black immigrants (Giraldo-Garcia & Bagaka, 2016), researchers may expect that the
relationship between ethnic identity and academic self-perceptions for Black immigrants is
higher than that of Black Americans, and vice versa for racial identity.
Socioeconomic Status
Although socioeconomic status is often not examined as a moderator within many studies
of Black racial and ethnic identity, perhaps due to the dearth of these studies conducted with
participants from a wide range of socioeconomic groupings, it nonetheless may play an
important role in the relationship between racial or ethnic identity and Black students’ positive
academic self-perceptions. Social class identity, like racial and ethnic, is another social identity
based upon a group from which one’s self-evaluations stem. In general, students from low-
income households are at risk for chronic stress and less overall well-being in school (Melaku et
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46

al., 2015; L. Reynolds et al., 2001), so it is possible that the link between racial or ethnic identity
and positive academic self-perceptions is stronger for students who do not have the constant
drain on their mental resources that a low income can bring. On the other hand, it is possible that
SES does not moderate the relationship of interest at all because students from higher income
families may not necessarily experience a sense of security with their social class identity. Tang
and Tan (2022) found that the strong positive relationship between perceived social class and life
satisfaction observed for participants from objectively high social classes was moderated by
sense of ambiguity related to what their class identity means. Thus, the direction of this effect is
not clear but warrants exploration due to its significance in education research broadly.
Review of Prior Meta-Analytic Work
Meta-analyses of ethnic and racial identity and general outcomes such as well-being
(Silva, 2010; T. Smith & Silva, 2011), eating behaviors (Flowers et al., 2012) and perceptions of
discrimination (Carter et al., 2019; Lee & Ahn, 2013) outnumber those focused on outcomes in
the domain of education. Still, a handful of researchers have sought to synthesize the different
theories of ethnic and racial identity and their relationships to academic outcomes using meta-
analytic techniques (Miller-Cotto & Byrnes, 2016; Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). Here, I discuss two
meta-analyses that synthesized the relationship between ethnic/racial identity and academic
outcomes, first briefly reviewing each then considering their limitations jointly. After
highlighting the gaps in knowledge that emerge from the examination of these two studies, I
propose a meta-analysis that addresses some of the unanswered questions surrounding Black
ethnic identity, racial identity, and positive self-perceptions in school.
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47

Rivas-Drake et al. (2014)
First, Rivas-Drake and colleagues (2014) examined positive ethnic-racial affect, a
dimension shared by several theories of ethnic and racial identity, and its relationship to
adjustment, which included two dimensions of academic adjustment (academic achievement and
academic/school attitudes). The logic behind studying ethnic and racial identity as one meta-
construct closely followed that of previous work which emphasized the inextricable nature of the
connection between racialized experiences and ethnic background in the United States in
particular (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). In this meta-analysis, the authors use the hybrid term
ethnic-racial identity (ERI) to signify the overlap between ethnic and racial identity. Given the
diversity in how ethnic and racial identity are measured, the researchers opted to focus on
positive racial affect to allow for a more precise interpretation of the effects, as there are three
primary measures MEIM, MIBI and idiosyncratic researcher-created measures. Therefore, only
studies that measured positive racial affect using the MEIM (14 -, 12 -, or 6-item instruments that
all measure the same construct despite having different names like affirmation, affirmation and
belonging, commitment), the MIBI (the Private Regard subscale), or idiosyncratic measures with
items addressing pride or affirmation of one’s ethnic or racial group were included in this meta-
analysis. Additionally, this meta-analysis focused specifically on published works utilizing
Black, Latinx, Asian American, Pacific Islander, or Native American child and adolescent
samples aged 8 to 17 (studies utilizing college samples were excluded) (Rivas-Drake et al.,
2014). In total, the authors found 46 studies that met their inclusion criteria.
Using outcomes from the 25 studies that addressed academic adjustment, the researchers
found a small, but positive and statistically significant relationship between positive ethnic-racial
affect and both indices of school adjustment, academic achievement (r = 0.17, p < 0.01) and
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48

academic/school attitudes (r = 0.17, p < 0.01) across racial/ethnic groups (Rivas-Drake et al.,
2014). The only statistically significant moderator the researchers identified between positive
ethnic-racial affect and academic adjustment (composite of academic achievement and
academic/school attitudes to preserve statistical power) was the measure used; studies that
utilized the MEIM tended to report stronger correlations between positive ethnic-racial affect and
academic adjustment compared to the MIBI or other measures (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014).
Researchers also examined age and gender of the sample as potential moderators. Authors did
not indicate whether moderators varied between ethnic/racial groups.
Miller-Cotto & Byrnes (2016)
The second relevant meta-analysis explicitly built on the work of Rivas-Drake et al.
(2014), using the same ethnic-racial identity construct, and outcome (academic achievement) to
guide their investigation. However, Miller-Cotto and Byrnes (2016) chose a more nuanced
operationalization of ethnic and racial identity by specifying six dimensions thought to have
shared themes among measures: centrality, positive ethnic-racial affect, public regard,
exploration, resolution, and a commonly reported composite MEIM score when investigating
their relationships to academic achievement. These ethic and racial identity dimensions were not
imposed by the researchers but instead align with a consensus from prior scholars indicating
significant overlap between and among different measures. The sixth category, the total score
from the MEIM, was also added since many studies report a composite score rather than the
individual subscale scores. To code the ethnic-racial identity dimensions, Miller-Cotto and
Byrnes, (2016) relied on explicit descriptions of the scale items rather than the scale’s name
(Miller-Cotto & Byrnes, 2016). This approach allowed the researchers to thematically group
related ideas from a range of different scales, including the CRIS, RIAS, MIBI, MEIM, and other
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49

study-specific scales. Studies met the inclusion criteria if they were written in English and
reported Pearson’s r correlations between a measure of ethnic and/or racial identity and a
measure of academic achievement. Similar to Rivas-Drake et al. (2014), Miller-Cotto and Byrnes
(2016) included studies with multiethnic/multiracial samples; however, they did not restrict the
studies by education level and therefore included college samples. In total the authors found 47
studies that met their inclusion criteria.
Across all ethnic and racial identity groups, results indicated significant and positive
relationships between academic performance and ethnic-racial affect (r = 0.126, p < 0.001),
exploration attitudes (r = 0.108, p = 0.006), and MEIM composite score (r = 0.147
3
, p < 0.001)
(Miller-Cotto & Byrnes, 2016). The researchers tested whether the effect of the dimension of
ERI on academic performance varied by ethnic/racial group and found several significant results.
For Black students, academic performance was positively associated with ethnic-racial affect (r
= 0.117, p < 0.01), exploration attitudes (r = 0.130, p < 0.01), and MEIM composite (r = 0.228
4
,
p < 0.01). The authors reported a host of moderators for all samples, including participant age,
context of the study (e.g., at predominately white or predominantly non-white institution),
publication year, and study design. Researchers examined the effects of study context (PWI
versus non-PWI) for ethnic/racial groups separately; context did not moderate the relationship
between ERI and academic achievement for any group; neither within-group nor between-group
ethnic/racial group differences were assessed for the remaining moderators (participant age,
publication year, and study design).

3
In the text, Miller-Cotto and Byrnes (2016) state the mean effect as r = 0.18, but in the corresponding table, it is
reported as 0.147. I chose the conservative route and reported the effect size in the table.
4
There is another difference in how the effect size is reported in the text versus in the table. I wanted to be
consistently conservative so I reported the effect in the text (r = 0.228) because it is smaller than the one reported in
the table (r = 0.260).
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Limitations of Prior Meta-Analytic Work
Although both meta-analytic studies discussed have made tremendous contributions to
the literature on Black identity, several important limitations exist that will be addressed in the
present meta-analysis. Both meta-analyses included studies with multiethnic and multiracial
samples; however only Miller-Cotto and Byrnes (2016), examined race/ethnicity as a moderator.
Although this is a valid approach that reveals between-group differences and similarities, there is
always a danger of essentializing populations when doing race-comparative work (Warikoo &
Carter, 2009). Restricting the analysis to only Black students would allow for exploration of
variability in the relationships between racial or ethnic identity within one racial category rather
than treating assuming relationships are the same across groups. Black students of all ethnicities
are subject to similar forms of racism in the United States based on their skin color (Tatum,
2017); however, the roles of racial and ethnic identity in the lives of recent immigrants from
Nigeria, for example, and descendants of enslaved Africans have crucial differences that
researchers must explore. By restricting the analysis to Black students only, more sophisticated
interaction analyses testing moderation would allow for greater contextualization of the ways in
which Black students’ ethnic and/or racial identity relates to their academic outcomes.
Another limitation of both prior meta-analyses was the omission of unpublished works,
given that published works often report larger effect sizes (Polanin et al., 2016). Rivas-Drake and
colleagues explicitly constrained their search to published works (to ensure “methodological
soundness”) and conducted statistical tests to analyze publication bias (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014,
p. 82). With the omission of unpublished works, it was not possible to determine whether
publication status moderated the relationship between positive racial affect and academic
adjustment. Miller-Cotto and Byrnes (2016) did examine publication status as a potential
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51

moderator by including seven unpublished dissertations; however, the robustness of their
reported search for unpublished work is unclear. Research on Black identity among scholars of
color is readily found in dissertations (e.g. Boston, 2015; G. Davis, 2009; Hill, 2019; Joseph,
2014; Walters, 2017), which indicates that more than seven may be included in a future meta-
analysis
5
. Furthermore, the abundance of racial identity dissertation studies by scholars of color
coupled with the fact that just over 5% of all college professors are Black (Black Faculty in
Higher Education: Still Only a Drop in the Bucket, 2006) implies that many Black scholars with
PhDs are not continuing their careers in academia. In addition to guarding against inflation of
effect sizes due to publication bias, a robust gray literature search is likely to reveal more works
authored by all scholars of color, not just the ones who chose to continue their research careers.
The final limitation of the prior meta-analytic works discussed is their conceptualization
of ethnic-racial identity. Both articles make strong arguments for assessing ethnic and racial
identity as one construct. Scales that measure ethnic identity and racial identity certainly have
some common features that the researchers could reasonably group together during the coding
process. Youth and adolescents in particular likely do not separate their experiences into racial
identity and ethnic identity components (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). ERI as a unified construct has
the added benefit of eliminating any ambiguity about whether a researcher intended to measure
racial identity or ethnic identity. For example, a study conducted by Mulzac (2011) used the
MEIM—an ethnic identity measure—to assess racial identity and found that MEIM total score
was unrelated to GPA for Black graduate and undergraduate students at a small Christian
college. Given that Phinney interchangeably used ethnic identity and racial identity in their early
work, researchers have argued over whether the MEIM truly assesses one or the other (Cokley,

5
A preliminary search I conducted using the same search terms as Miller-Cotto and Byrnes (2016) in the ProQuest
Dissertations and Theses database yielded 237 results.
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2007). Parsing the details related to which identity—racial or ethnic—an instrument assesses
would not be concerning to researchers subscribing to the ERI meta-construct. However, as I
previously discussed, other researchers have argued that ethnic and racial identity are separate
constructs that should be assessed separately. In particular, Cokley (2007) stated:
The inconsistent and interchangeable use of ethnicity and race and or ethnic and racial
identity prohibits researchers from identifying psychological mechanisms that
differentiate and distinguish the constructs from each other, which ultimately raises more
questions than provides answers in the study of ethnic and racial identity. (p. 225)
Rivas-Drake et al. (2014) and Miller-Cotto and Byrnes (2016) each missed opportunities
to engage in conversations that deepen the collective understanding of the mechanisms behind
ethnic identity and racial identity. The finding in Rivas-Drake et al. (2014) that studies utilizing
the MEIM yielded larger effects was not situated in a discussion of the differences between
ethnic and racial identity. Similarly, Miller-Cotto and Byrnes (2016) found that students with
higher composite scores on the MEIM had higher levels of academic achievement; however, the
measurement instrument for the other dimensions of ERI in the study were not included in the
moderator analysis. In both cases, authors justified studying ethnic and racial identity together
but did not acknowledge the potential limitations with that approach when discussing their
findings.
Determining which analytical approach to employ—utilizing ERI or treating racial and
ethnic identity as separate constructs—depends on the goals of the investigation. Several
scholars have offered recommendations for studying racial and ethnic identity, including
thoroughly reporting the demographic makeup of the sample (Ponterotto & Park-Taylor, 2007),
using group-specific measures where possible (Cokley, 2007), and rigorously examining the
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53

psychometric properties of racial and ethnic identity measures (Helms, 2007). Clearly
articulating research questions and justifying the use of racial and/or ethnic identity scales will
invite researchers to have informed conversations around future work. However, more clarity
around the relationships between racial identity, ethnic identity, and positive academic self-
perceptions could provide more specific direction for future research. A meta-analytic synthesis
of existing research may serve as a starting point.
Proposing a New Meta-Analysis to Build on Prior Work
Although an original primary research study on the topic of Black students’ ethnic
identity, racial identity, and positive self-perceptions in school may provide new insight into the
phenomena and their relationships, a meta-analysis offers three important advantages. First,
researchers conducting meta-analyses report average effects calculated from multiple studies,
which lessens the impact of any single study’s biases and limitations (Bangert-Drowns &
Rudner, 1991; Koricheva & Gurevitch, 2013). Additionally, meta-analysts utilize weights in
their computations, which give proportional importance to effect sizes depending on precision
(Brannick et al., 2011). Weighting individual effect sizes by the inverse of their variance helps
account for the differences in precision of their estimates and lowers the risk of a type II error
(Brannick et al., 2011; Koricheva & Gurevitch, 2013). If a consistent relationship is not found, a
meta-analysis can explore the reasons behind the variability across studies (sampling context,
measurement error, participant characteristics) and the implications of the variability (Borenstein
et al., 2009).
Second, in addition to synthesizing knowledge, a meta-analysis highlights areas where
future research should focus (Eagly & Wood, 1994; Leary & Walker, 2018). By effectively
summarizing what other researchers have found on a given topic, meta-analysts are able to
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54

identify areas that have gone unexplored. In the case of ethnic and racial identity, numerous
studies have examined these identity constructs separately in Black participants but
comparatively little is known about their relationship to each other in a school context. A meta-
analysis could offer specific findings on the relationships between ethnic identity, racial identity,
and positive academic self-perceptions that could inform numerous future studies, since “no
single primary study can resolve an issue or answer a question” (Schmidt, 1992, p. 1172).
Finally, a major strength of meta-analysis as a method is its unique ability to contribute to
theory-building (Leary & Walker, 2018; Schmidt, 1992; Yang, 2002). A meta-theory might
address the interplay between ethnic and racial identity and their relationships to academic self-
perceptions, bringing together many individual theories of ethnic and racial identity.
To explore and parse the potential differences between Black students’ ethnic and racial
identity and explore conditions under which both are associated with academic self-perceptions,
I conceptualized and conducted a meta-analytic research synthesis. This study extends the work
of prior researchers by focusing on the heterogeneity within a single racial group. The three main
research questions this meta-analysis addresses are the following:
1. To what extent do Black students’ racial and ethnic identity relate to each other?
2. To what extent do facets of racial identity and ethnic identity relate to positive
academic self-perception outcomes for Black students?
3. To what extent do characteristics of the identity variables, academic variables,
participants, settings, and methods explain variability in the relationships between
facets of Black students’ ethnic identity, racial identity, and positive self-
perception outcomes?
Based on theory and empirical evidence, I hypothesize the following:
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1. Aggregated facets of racial and ethnic identity will be moderately correlated with
each other in a positive direction. Prior research has demonstrated that these
constructs are related but not entirely similar (e.g. Cokley & Moore, 2007). For
facets of racial identity and ethnic identity that are most similar to each other
(i.e., private regard and non-ordered resolution), racial and ethnic identity will
correlate higher than for facets in which they are less similar (i.e., centrality,
public regard, uniqueness orientation).
2. Overall, aggregated racial and ethnic identity facets will have a slight positive
correlation with positive self-perception outcomes in school because racial and
ethnic identity are proximal to self-concept. Specifically, I hypothesize the
following:
a. A slight positive relationship exists between racial or ethnic centrality and
Black students’ positive self-perceptions because centrality implies a
positive perception of one’s Black racial group, which bolsters positive
perceptions of the self, according to social identity theory.
b. A slight positive relationship exists between racial or ethnic private
regard and Black students' academic and positive self-perceptions because
positive evaluations of one’s group may bolster positive evaluations of
the self.
c. A null relationship exists between racial or ethnic public regard and Black
students' positive self-perceptions because competing theoretical
frameworks conceptualize public regard as both protective and
detrimental to mental functioning.
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d. A slight positive relationship exists between non-ordered resolution of
racial or ethnic identity and Black students' positive self-perceptions
because this category contains elements of belonging and positive group
evaluations, which bolster positive self-evaluations.
e. A slight positive relationship exists between uniqueness orientation of
racial or ethnic identity and Black students' positive self-perceptions
because pride in one’s racial or ethnic group may bolster one’s positive
views of themselves, as the self is evaluated in relation to the group.
3. Based on available theoretical and empirical evidence, I make the following
limited set of predictions about how moderators will influence the relationship
between facets of racial or ethnic identity and academic self-perceptions.
a. Positive academic self-perception category: the relationship between
racial and ethnic identity and positive academic self-perceptions is
strongest for self-concept compared to other positive self-perception
outcomes because self-concept is a more proximal concept to racial and
ethnic identity.
b. Gender: a slight positive relationship exists between centrality and
positive self-perceptions for Black female students, but the relationship
will be null for Black male students. It is possible male-identifying Black
students detach their self-perceptions in school from their racial identity
more than do their female peers because they are buffering themselves
against negative evaluations of Black males.
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c. Age: The relationships between racial and ethnic identity and positive
academic self-perceptions is not different for Black K-12 students
compared to their collegiate counterparts for any facets of racial and
ethnic identity. Although I would expect that racial and ethnic identity
measured by instruments based on developmental theories are more
strongly related to positive self-perceptions as students get older and race
becomes more salient, the facets of racial and ethnic identity I identified
combine developmental with ideological theories.
d. Institutional context: A slightly larger positive relationship exists between
all facets of racial or ethnic identity and positive self-perceptions for
students at predominantly white schools compared to students at
predominantly Black schools. This is because higher racial salience at
PWIs will mean stronger group identification and more desire for the
group to be viewed positively, which then yields more positive views of
the group and of oneself.
e. Nationality and immigration status: The magnitude of the relationship
between all facets of ethnic identity and positive academic self-
perceptions will be larger for Black immigrants or African/West
Indian/Caribbean nationals than for Black Americans, whereas the
relationship between all facets of racial identity and positive academic
self-perceptions will be stronger for Black Americans. This is because
Black immigrants and African/West Indian/Caribbean nationals may
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58

identify more with their ethnic group to positively distinguish themselves
from Black Americans.
f. Identity measure: The MEIM and RIAS will have relationships of the
greatest magnitude to positive academic self-perceptions, followed by the
CRIS, MIBI, and EIS. The MEIM and RIAS are based on developmental
stage theories of Black racial or ethnic identity and tend to demonstrate
positive relationships between the latter stages of development and
positive perceptions of the self in school (Elion et al., 2012; Lockett &
Harrell, 2003). The CRIS measures attitudes, which still correspond to the
stages in the original nigrescence theory. The MIBI and EIS have more
complex relationships to self-perceptions.
g. Identity measure reliability: For all facets of racial and ethnic identity,
stronger relationships to positive academic self-perception will exist for
effects with high Cronbach’s alpha values for the racial or ethnic identity
scale. Higher internal consistency means high correlation between items
on the subscale that are intended to measure the same construct and thus,
a stronger relationship to positive academic self-perceptions.
Because the theoretical and empirical evidence to support a prediction regarding
socioeconomic status is thin, I examined SES as a moderator on an exploratory
basis. I also wish to acknowledge that the moderators I tested are not exhaustive;
rather, they are a list of commonly reported characteristics of the sample and
research that will likely allow for a synthesis. Other facets of personhood,
particularly those that are tied to other identities (such as sexual orientation, ability
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status, and religious affiliation) that may intersect with racial and ethnic identity
also likely influence the main relationships of interest in this research. However,
such information is not widely available at this time.

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Chapter 3: Methods
To synthesize the research on Black racial and ethnic identity and Black students’
positive self-perceptions in school, I used a quantitative meta-analytic approach. For this
rigorous research methodology, I completed the following broad steps: 1) creation of a problem
definition that outlines the focus of the meta-analysis, operationalizes the variables, and
considers any moderators, 2) a robust search strategy that includes multiple methods of locating
published and unpublished work as well as clear inclusion/exclusion criteria, 3) extraction of
relevant information from each report using a coding guide I developed, and 4) an analytic
strategy centered around the calculation of effect sizes, defined by Valentine, Aloe, and Wilson
as “a statistic that expresses the magnitude of a relationship observed in a study” (2019, p. 434),
which, in this case, was a bivariate correlation. The analytic strategy also included the
examination of moderators as well as considerations of study quality and potential publication
bias. I pre-registered this meta-analysis with Open Science Framework to allow for transparency
of this project, which has evolved since its inception; the pre-registration is available at the
following web address: https://osf.io/tvmyf/?view_only=bb71aefe0f354d048bcfd7ea3bf6316a
Problem Definition
Broadly, my predictors of interest for this study are racial identity and ethnic identity. I
previously defined racial identity as sense of membership and set of attitudes and beliefs that
individuals have about the racial group to which they have been socialized to perceive they
belong (Cokley, 2015; Helms, 1990) and ethnic identity as attitudes and behaviors associated
with membership to an ethnic group with which one believes they have a shared ancestry,
history, and culture (Phinney, 1990; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2004). Despite general agreement on
the conceptual definitions of ethnic identity and racial identity, they have been operationalized in
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numerous ways with some commonalities. The categories I created in Table 1—centrality (extent
to which race is important in an individual’s life), private regard (how positively individuals
themselves feel about Black people or people within their ethnic group), public regard (how
individuals believe others feel about Black people/their ethnic group), non-ordered resolution
(extent to which an individual has accepted or resolved their Black identity without rejecting or
ordering it among their other identities), and uniqueness orientation (extent to which individuals
endorse attitudes that emphasize Black racial pride, political empowerment, and the uniqueness
of Black culture; may be coupled with a rejection of white culture and white people as
normative)—reflect the commonalities discussed in Chapter 2 and are designed to allow for the
synthesis of all the most common measures of racial identity and ethnic identity.
Although similar facets of both racial identity and ethnic identity can belong to the same
category in this synthesis, type of identity (i.e., racial or ethnic) will be examined as the first
moderator to determine the extent to which the relationship to positive self-perceptions in school
changes. This approach differs from Rivas-Drake et al. (2014), in which only work that had
positive ethnic-racial affect, a single category, as a predictor was synthesized. Miller-Cotto and
Byrnes’ (2016) identified the following six dimensions common to ethnic and racial identity
theories served as predictors: centrality or importance, positive ethnic-racial affect, public regard,
exploration, resolution or identity achievement, and MEIM composite. The categories in this
study overlap substantially with Miller-Cotto and Byrnes’ categories. Their centrality or
importance, positive ethnic-racial affect, and public regard directly correspond to my centrality,
private regard, and public regard categories (Miller-Cotto and Byrnes’ positive ethnic-racial
affect contained items related to belonging and affirmation, as does my private regard). The
exploration, resolution or identity achievement, and MEIM composite categories used by Miller-
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Cotto & Byrnes contain items that would fall into both of my remaining categories (non-ordered
resolution and uniqueness orientation), depending on whether the items place emphasis on the
unique experience of being Black (e.g., the Immersion-Emersion subscale of the RIAS-B).
Subscales that reflect a uniqueness orientation, such as the Black Nationalist subscale of the
MIBI, appear to have not been included in Miller-Cotto & Byrnes’ study. Like Rivas-Drake and
colleagues, Miller-Cotto and Byrnes did not examine identity type (e.g., racial vs. ethnic) as a
moderator.
Because many theories of racial and ethnic identity explicitly acknowledge the
connection between identity and individuals’ perceptions of themselves, positive self-perceptions
are examined in this synthesis. Specifically, I synthesized positive self-perceptions that occur
within the context of school because of the substantial role such perceptions play in students’
learning and success. Primarily, those outcomes fall into the categories of academic self-concept,
academic self-efficacy, academic self-esteem, perceived competence, expectancies for success.
Table 2 contains details of the conceptual definitions and operationalizations of the positive self-
perception outcomes.

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Inclusion Criteria and Search Strategy
To be included in this meta-analysis, studies must:
▪ Take place in the United States with participants who identify at least in part as
Black, African American, African, African immigrant, or as a national of an
African or Caribbean country
▪ Contain an all-Black sample or disaggregate the Black sample’s correlations from
the rest of the sample
▪ Measure an aspect of racial and/or ethnic identity that can be categorized as
centrality, private regard, public regard, non-ordered resolution, or uniqueness
orientation, per the conceptual definitions in Table 1
▪ Measure a positive self-perception in school or an academic domain that can be
categorized as academic self-concept, academic self-efficacy, academic self-
esteem, perceived competence, or expectancies for success (unless the study
measures both racial and ethnic identity in the context of school)
▪ Employ a correlational design in which the racial and ethnic identity variable(s)
are related to each other and/or the positive self-perception variable(s)
I included studies whose participants self-identify with labels other than Black because
many immigrants who may phenotypically be categorized as Black use their country of origin as
their primary identifier (Clark, 2008). Ethnicity and country of origin were potential moderators
of interest, so I aimed to capture all studies with participants who self-identify with racial and
ethnic groups that could reasonably be considered Black in the United States, such as those from
countries in the West Indies and Africa (J. Allen, 2006). I did not, however, include any studies
conducted outside the United States because of the particular sociocultural meaning of Blackness
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in the United States. Additionally, I excluded any study in which the outcomes relate to mental
or physical health, such as depression, general self-esteem, and well-being, as those outcomes
are broader than school and have been previously and recently synthesized (Carter et al., 2019;
T. Smith & Silva, 2011; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014).
For the initial search, I used ProQuest to query the following databases for articles
containing terms related to the sample of interest, terms related to racial and ethnic identity, and
terms related to the school context: PsycInfo, PsycArticles, ERIC, Education Magazine Archive,
Ethnic NewsWatch, Humanities Index, PRISMA Database, ProQuest Education Database,
ProQuest Psychology Database, ProQuest Social Sciences Database, ProQuest Sociology
Database, and ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. I did not limit this search by positive self-
perception terms because I wanted hand-screen the outcomes to allow for the possibility that
studies may use different terms to describe measures of positive self-perceptions. Table 3
contains lists of the search terms I combined for the initial ProQuest search, as well as the
specific databases I queried using these terms.

BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

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Table 3
Databases Searched and Search Terms Used
Databases Searched Sample
terms
AND
Predictor
terms
AND
Setting terms
PsychInfo
PsycArticles
ERIC
Education Magazine
Archive
Ethnic NewsWatch
Humanities Index
PRISMA Database
ProQuest Education
Database
ProQuest Psychology
Database
ProQuest Social Sciences
Database
ProQuest Sociology
Database
ProQuest Dissertation
and Theses Global
Google Scholar
Black
OR
African
American
OR
African
OR
Caribb*
racial
identity
OR ethnic
identity
OR
ethnic-
racial
identity
OR ERI
school OR schol* OR
college OR university OR
elementary OR K-12 OR
educat* OR academ*

In general, I used a broad scope of terms to minimize the chances that I would miss a
potentially relevant article. Although some scholars point to the 1980s as the time in which
research interest in ethnic and racial identity began to burgeon (e.g., Miller-Cotto & Byrnes,
2016), I did not restrict my initial search by publication year. Cross developed the nigrescence
model in the 1970s and research on Black identity already existed by that time; although I did
not expect to find many articles written in the 1970s and 1980s, I did not wish to foreclose on
that possibility. This search, conducted on March 25, 2021, resulted in a total of 4412 articles,
910 of which were duplicates that were subsequently removed. Prior to screening the titles and
abstracts of all 3502 remaining articles, I trained a research assistant to independently screen
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67

each title/abstract to minimize the potential to miss any relevant articles that would exist were I
to screen all titles and abstracts by myself. The research assistant and I met to first discuss the
title/abstract inclusion criteria, which consisted of the following:
• Study must take place in the United States
• Study must show some indication that it contains participants who identify at least in part
as Black, African American, African, African immigrant, or as a national of an African or
Caribbean country (groups that would reasonably be considered Black in the United
States)
• Study must show some indication that it takes place in the context of school (e.g., not a
lab setting)
• Study must show some indication that it measures a racial or ethnic identity variable
• Study must show some indication that it measures a self-perception outcome specifically
in school (e.g., math self-concept, NOT global self-concept or global self-esteem)
• Study must show some indication that it measures a quantitative relationship between
either racial identity and ethnic identity variables or (more likely) racial/ethnic identity
variable and self-perception outcome
The title/abstract inclusion criteria deliberately use softer language (e.g., “Study must
indicate”) so that the trained research assistant and I would be overly inclusive at this stage to
avoid missing a potentially relevant article. Next, the research assistant reviewed 100 articles on
her own and compared her include decisions with mine. Because we had fewer than 20
disagreements and she had no questions about the inclusion criteria, we went on to make
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68

independent decisions on chunks of roughly 200 to 400 articles at a time and then came together
to compare. During our comparison meetings, we discussed each disagreement and came to a
mutual decision on whether to include or exclude the article. Overall, our agreement at this stage
was 92.4% and we agreed that 457 reports met the title/abstract inclusion criteria.
Next, the same research assistant and I met to discuss screening the full texts of each of
the 457 reports. We reviewed the full inclusion criteria, after which she independently made
include/exclude decisions on the first 10 full texts. This time, there were no discrepancies
between our decisions, so we began independently making include/exclude decisions on full
texts in chunks of roughly 100. We would then meet to discuss any discrepancies and come to a
mutual decision on which reports should be included in the study. We were unable to retrieve 58
works, so the total number of full texts we screened was 399. Our agreement at this stage was
88.3% and we identified 88 articles that met the inclusion criteria.
To supplement this search, I conducted a descendant search on the following highly cited
papers on topics related to Black students’ racial and ethnic identity:
Cross Jr., W. E. (1971). The negro-to-black conversion experience. Black world, 20(9),
13-27.
Cross Jr., W. E., & Vandiver, B. J. (2001). Nigrescence theory and measurement:
Introducing the Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS).
Miller-Cotto, D., & Byrnes, J. P. (2016). Ethnic/racial identity and academic
achievement: A meta-analytic review. Developmental Review, 41, 51-70.
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69

Parham, T. A., & Helms, J. E. (1981). The influence of Black students' racial identity
attitudes on preferences for counselor's race. Journal of counseling
psychology, 28(3), 250.
Phinney, J. S. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with
diverse groups. Journal of adolescent research, 7(2), 156-176.
Ponterotto, J. G., & Wise, S. L. (1987). Construct validity study of the Racial Identity
Attitude Scale. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 34(2), 218.
Rivas‐Drake, D., Syed, M., Umaña‐Taylor, A., Markstrom, C., French, S., Schwartz, S.
J., ... & Ethnic and Racial Identity in the 21st Century Study Group. (2014).
Feeling good, happy, and proud: A meta‐analysis of positive ethnic–racial affect
and adjustment. Child development, 85(1), 77-102.
Sellers, R. M., Rowley, S. A., Chavous, T. M., Shelton, J. N., & Smith, M. A. (1997).
Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity: A preliminary investigation of
reliability and construct validity. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 73(4), 805.
Sellers, R. M., Smith, M. A., Shelton, J. N., Rowley, S. A., & Chavous, T. M. (1998).
Multidimensional model of racial identity: A reconceptualization of African
American racial identity. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2(1), 18-39.
Umaña-Taylor, A. J., Yazedjian, A., & Bámaca-Gómez, M. (2004). Developing the
Ethnic Identity Scale using Eriksonian and social identity perspectives. Identity:
An International Journal of Theory and Research, 4(1), 9-38.
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Vandiver, B. J., Cross Jr, W. E., Worrell, F. C., & Fhagen-Smith, P. E. (2002). Validating
the Cross Racial Identity Scale. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 49(1), 71.
This search, conducted in Web of Science, resulted in 3551 unique articles to screen
(5152 total; duplicates both within this search and between the ProQuest search were removed).
Next, I met with a second research assistant to discuss the title/abstract inclusion criteria, which
were the same criteria as used in screening the reports that were identified in the ProQuest
search. Similarly, the research assistant then independently made decisions on 10 articles, and we
met up to compare. Since there were no disagreements and the research assistant had no further
questions on the criteria, we independently made include/exclude decisions based on titles and
abstracts in chunks of roughly 300 – 400. After each chunk, we met to discuss our disagreements
and came to a mutual decision on whether to include or exclude a report. Our agreement during
this stage was 99.1%, as many of these articles were very obviously not related to the present
investigation. After identifying 12 articles to screen (11 of which we were able to locate), we
screened the full texts against the full inclusion criteria. Our agreement at this stage was 100%
and we identified 6 articles to include in this study.
Searching both the works cited in a study and subsequent works citing the study are
crucial steps in the process of generating a robust search for a meta-analytic review (Scruggs et
al., 2006). Thus, I also screened the titles of all reports in the reference sections of all articles that
met the full inclusion criteria to identify any potentially relevant articles missed during the
database searches. Of the 8345 references in all included articles, I identified 36 reports with
titles that referenced Black students’ racial or ethnic identity in a school context. The majority of
those articles had already been included in my previous searches, so I identified just one new
article that met the full inclusion criteria.
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Additionally, I specifically sought out gray literature, including dissertations and
unpublished work, (an important limitation of the previous meta-analyses) to include more work
from scholars of color and explore potential publication bias. Published studies tend to
demonstrate a significant association and if many unpublished works with null or opposite
relationships exist, the results of the meta-analysis could be severely biased (Cooper & Dorr,
1995; Egger & Smith, 2012). My initial search included the ProQuest Dissertations and Theses
database. In addition, I emailed 19 prominent scholars who have studied Black racial and ethnic
identity. I created a list of scholars to email based on 1) authors of highly cited papers I searched
in Web of Science, 2) authors who had 2 or more reports included in my synthesis, and 3)
individuals who other Black racial identity scholars recommended I contact. Finally, I also
emailed the listservs of the following special interest groups and association divisions: Division
7 (Developmental Psychology) and Division 45 (Society for the Psychological Study of Culture,
Ethnicity, and Race) of the American Psychological Association (APA) and Division C
(Learning and Instruction), the Motivation SIG, the Adolescence and Youth Development SIG,
and the Critical Examination of Race, Ethnicity, Class, and Gender in Education SIG of the
American Educational Research Association (AERA). In the personal emails and listserv emails,
I asked for any studies, particularly unpublished works, that relate any aspect of Black racial
identity to any aspect of Black ethnic identity or for either of those related to positive self-
perceptions in school. I deliberately kept my ask broad to invite potential respondents to send
any materials they thought could possibly be related. I received 8 reports through emails,
reviewed all full texts, and identified one that met the inclusion criteria. In total, 96 reports met
the inclusion criteria to be included in the present meta-analysis. The figure in Appendix B
depicts the search process as a PRISMA diagram (Page et al., 2021).
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Coding
To extract all relevant information, three trained research assistants and I coded every
article using a guide (available in Appendix C) I developed with input from experts on meta-
analysis and racial identity. The coding guide prompts coders to capture information that falls
into five broad groupings: report characteristics, study setting, participant demographics (age,
grade, gender, SES, ability, prior achievement, ethnicity, immigration status), identity measures,
positive self-perception outcome measures, and correlation characteristics. Informed by the
previous discussion of factors from existing research and theory that may explain variation in the
relationship between racial or ethnic identity and positive academic self-perceptions, the coding
guide included many potential moderators, described below in detail.
Report characteristics. To examine publication bias as a moderator, coders recorded the
publication type (journal article, dissertation/thesis, conference paper, report, book chapter,
other) of each article. Additionally, the year of publication, data source (independent data set,
national data set, regional data set), and whether the research was funded was documented for
each article.
Study setting. Given that the learner’s institutional context may influence the
relationship between their racial or ethnic identity and their academic outcomes (Cokley, 1999;
Nasim et al., 2005; Rowley, 2000), the coding guide prompts coders to indicate whether the
study took place at a majority Black, majority white, or other racial/ethnic majority school. The
HBCU and PWI terminology is typically applied to colleges and universities, but I anticipate my
sample will include studies with K-12 participants as well; thus, college studies that take place at
an HBCU would be coded as majority Black school setting. To capture other characteristics of
the study setting, the coding guide also had space for coders to record the location of the school
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setting, the urbanicity of the school, the type of school (e.g., public, private, charter, magnet,
Catholic), and the percentage of the school population that receives free or reduced-price lunch
(for K-12 schools).
Participant demographics. Coders recorded the percentage of the sample identified as
female and indicated whether the Black sample was disaggregated for the correlation or the
entire sample was Black. Additionally, coders reported the socioeconomic status, grade category
(elementary school, middle school, high school, college), numerical grade level or college year,
and age (mean, median, youngest age, oldest age) of the participants. Next, the coding guide
allowed coders to record any psychiatric labels (non-diagnosed, behaviorally disordered,
emotionally disordered, learning disability, other), ability levels (gifted, above average ability,
average ability, below average ability, general mixed ability), or achievement labels (high prior
achievement, average prior achievement, low prior achievement) given to participants in the
reports. The coding guide made explicit the difference between ability (e.g., IQ) and
achievement (e.g., academic performance) to avoid confusion. Finally, though I anticipated that
this information will be rare, coders had space to include any statistics and/or descriptions of
ethnicity, country of origin, and immigration status (non-immigrant, first generation, second
generation, third+ generation) of participants provided in the report.
Identity measures. Coders recorded whether the correlational effect measured an aspect
of racial identity or ethnic identity, according to the description in the report. Next, each effect
was categorized by the aspect of racial and/or ethnic identity measured according to the typology
of categories in Table 1. Additionally, coders indicated the measure of racial and/or ethnic
identity used for each effect (whether it was an existing measure, adapted from an existing
measure, or an experimenter-created measure) and record information on the reliability (internal
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consistency, test-retest reliability, and/or other reliability) and validity (content validity,
construct validity, factor-structure validity, and/or other validity) of these measures. This set of
codes was repeated in the guide for instances in which the correlation was between a facet of
racial identity and a facet of ethnic identity. Coders only reported one correlational effect per
line; thus, correlations between racial identity and ethnic identity measures did not have a
positive self-perception outcome variable on the same line.
Outcome measures. Similar to the predictor variables, the positive self-perception
outcome variables were categorized according to the ways in which I operationalized them in
Table 2 based on their description in the article. Coders recorded how the positive self-
perception outcome was measured (validated scale, verbal interview, or other method); for
survey measures, coders recorded the type of survey (e.g., validated scale, adapted scale,
experimenter-created scale) used in the report. Additionally, information on reliability and
validity of the measure used was recorded for outcomes.
Correlation characteristics. In addition to the magnitude and direction of the Pearson’s
r correlation, coders also recorded the sample size upon which the correlation is based. If the
study reported means and standard deviations for participants grouped by either an identity
variable (e.g., high racial private regard versus low racial private regard) or a self-perception
outcome (e.g., high self-efficacy versus low self-efficacy), coders had space to report those
values along with the sample size, t-test (where available) and p-value so that correlations may
later be calculated (this turned out to be unnecessary).
Twenty-three reports that would otherwise meet the inclusion criteria did not contain
correlations or means/standard deviations that related the variables of interest. I emailed the first
authors of each of those reports asking for the specific correlations I would like. No responses
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resulted in effect size information that we were able to code; thus, all 23 reports were excluded
from the analysis, leaving 73 total reports (citations for these appear in Appendix A).
To orient the research assistants to coding for this project, I had an individual meeting
with each person in which I gave an overview of the project and reviewed the coding guide in
detail, paying special attention to the conceptual definitions and operationalizations of the key
concepts of interest. We then progressed through the coding guide together using one article I
identified as fairly straightforward to code as an example. During the joint initial article coding, I
instructed the research assistant to use the descriptions of the measures in the article to determine
how to categorize the predictors and outcomes. This step was especially important in accurately
categorizing the information in study-specific scales that measure an aspect of racial identity or
ethnic identity but were not explicitly included in the development of the five categories I
previously described. Following the initial coding, each research assistant independently coded
another article I identified as straightforward to code; upon completion, we met to resolve our
codes and talk through the experience the research assistant had with coding the article. I then
had each research assistant code two additional, slightly more challenging articles independently,
after which we met to resolve codes. At this point, the agreement between each coder and me
had exceeded 85%; with training complete, each research assistant was assigned a third of the
articles to code independently (I served as the 2
nd
coder on every article). I met with each coder
on a weekly basis to resolve the coding we had done for that week. Interrater reliability was
calculated for each individual article; for the coding process as a whole, interrater reliability was
94.9%.
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Analytic Strategy
I conducted all analyses using R version 3.6.0 statistical software (R Core Team, 2022).
To estimate effect sizes, I converted all r correlations into Fisher’s z scale, conducted the
analyses, and then converted the results back to r for ease of interpretation. This method reduces
the effects of the r distribution’s skew (Corey et al., 1998). Next, I checked the sample for
extreme outlier effects using John Tukey’s definition, which is greater than the third quartile plus
3 times the interquartile range of the effects or less than the first quartile minus 3 times the
interquartile range (Tukey, 1977). Using this definition, I identified two outliers, which I
winsorized to be the lower and upper thresholds for extreme outlier values. For the calculation of
effects across studies, I utilized the clubSandwich package (Pustejovsky, 2022) in R to estimate
two-level (accounting for the clustered nature of the effects within studies) multivariate random
effects models predicting A) aggregate ethnic identity from aggregate racial identity, B) each
racial identity category from each ethnic identity category, C) aggregate positive self-perception
outcomes from racial/ethnic identity aggregate, D) each positive self-perception category from
aggregate racial/ethnic identity, and E) aggregate positive self-perception outcomes from each
identity category. Cooper, Hedges, and Valentine (2019) define random effects as, “a model for
combining effect sizes under which observed effect sizes may differ from each other both due to
sampling error and due to true variability in population parameters” (p. 535). Meta-analytic
researchers use random effects because they are interested in drawing conclusions that may
apply to the entire possible universe of relevant studies, not just the ones included in their
synthesis (Hunter & Schmidt, 2000). All models used robust variance estimation, which also
accounts for interdependence of effects and produces corrected standard errors and significant
tests with as few as 20 to 40 articles (Hedges et al., 2010). For each weighted average effect, I
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queried R for 95% confidence intervals and prediction intervals to show a range of plausible
effects that may be observed in new studies. I tested for heterogeneity among effects using Q, (a
ratio of the variance to the within-study error), tau squared (the variance of the true effects) and I
squared (the proportion of variance that reflects between-study differences not due to random
error) (Borenstein et al., 2009).
As a first step to exploring the differences between racial and ethnic identity, I created a
series of meta-regressions using two-level multivariate models in which I used identity type
(racial or ethnic) as a moderator of the relationship between each identity category and
aggregated positive self-perception outcomes as well as the aggregated identity categories and
each positive self-perception outcome. To address potential moderators, I conducted a series of
univariate meta-regression models for racial identity effects and ethnic identity effects
separately. I took this approach to allow for variability to emerge between the two types of
identity. Moderators I examined in this way included publication status, school demographics
(i.e., HBCU/predominantly Black school or PWI/predominantly white school), sample SES,
percentage of the sample identified as female, whether the sample includes Black immigrants,
sample grade level (as a proxy for age), identity category, identity measure, identity measure
internal consistency alpha, and outcome category. Similar to the overall effects, I computed 95%
confidence and prediction intervals, Q, tau squared, and I squared statistics to contextualize the
results.
In addition to testing publication status as a moderator in the aggregate models and the
models for each facet of racial and ethnic identity separately, I used Egger’s regression, an
estimate of the true effect around which studies in the meta-analysis should be symmetrical
(Egger et al., 1997). For the Egger’s regressions, I modeled the relationship between the
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observed effects between various predictors of interest (e.g., all types of identity, racial and
ethnic identity separately, each racial and ethnic identity category separately) and positive
academic self-perceptions and used the standard error of the effects as a moderator. Here, a
standard error coefficient that is significantly different from zero indicates whether publication
bias is likely. This approach assumes that publication bias can be the detected by an
overrepresentation of smaller studies, which tend to have larger standard errors and therefore are
less precise, with significant effects (Harrer et al., 2021) The multiple tests of publication bias
are necessary because taken together, they provide insight into how concerning publication bias
should be when interpreting effects (Cooper & Rosenthal, 1980; Ferguson & Brannick, 2012).

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Chapter 4: Results
In total, this project synthesized 286 effects from 73 reports. Five of these reports were
dissertations that were later published, so the total number of studies and non-redundant effects
included were 68 and 271, respectively. This averages out to about four effects per study, though
the number ranges from 1 to 21. All reports included in this investigation were published
between 1994 and 2021, with the most common publication year being 2004. After reversing
correlations where necessary for synthesis into their respective racial/ethnic identity categories
and winsorizing two outliers, individual effects ranged from - 0.6 to 0.72. With regard to
ethnicity, nationality/country of origin, and immigration generation, 16 reports contained
information to indicate that the sample contained non-native US Black or African American
students (e.g., nationals or immigrants from other countries). In these reports, the most common
descriptors of the sample to appear, other than Black or African American, were Caribbean and
African. Table 4 in Appendix D contains a list of each report along with the effect size (r) and
select effect characteristics.
Research question 1: To what extent to racial identity and ethnic identity relate to each
other?
Results of the two-level random effects model predicting ethnic identity from racial
identity indicated that they were significantly, though far from perfectly, related (r = 0.22, p <
0.001; displayed in Table 5). This finding, based on 15 reports with 59 effects, supports my
hypothesis that aggregated facets of racial and ethnic identity will be moderately correlated with
each other in a positive direction. Prior research has demonstrated that racial identity and ethnic
identity are related constructs but are not entirely similar (e.g. Cokley & Moore, 2007) and this
result is in line with that assertion. The tau squared for this model was very small (< 0.001),
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indicating very little between-study heterogeneity. Three identity categories—private regard,
non-ordered resolution, and uniqueness orientation—had a sufficient number of racial identity
and ethnic identity correlations to allow for the calculation of an average effect. While private
regard (r = 0.18, p = 0.45) and uniqueness orientation (r = 0.19, p = 0.10) were not significant,
non-ordered resolution had a highly significant, positive average correlation (r = 0.34, p <
0.001).
Research question 2: To what extent do facets of racial identity and ethnic identity relate to
positive self-perception outcomes for Black students?
First, I sought to investigate the overall relationship between racial and ethnic identity
and positive self-perception outcomes (results in Table 5). The two-level random effects model
predicting aggregated positive self-perception outcomes from aggregated facets of racial and
ethnic identity produced a positive, statistically significant correlation (r = 0.10, p < 0.001). This
effect, based on 60 studies with 212 effects, indicates that, on average, racial and ethnic identity
have a positive relationship with positive academic self-perceptions across studies. Next, I
explored differences in categories by creating models for the categories of racial and ethnic
identity and positive academic self-perceptions (results in Table 5). Aggregated racial and ethnic
identity positively related to academic self-concept (r = 0.12, p < 0.001), academic self-efficacy
(r = 0.06, p < 0.05), academic self-esteem (r = 0.21, p < 0.01), and academic perceived
competence (r = 0.13, p < 0.001). When the identity categories were disaggregated into their
respective categories and modeled as the predictors of aggregate positive academic self-
perceptions, three of the five categories had significant correlations (centrality, r = 0.10, p <
0.001; private regard, r = 0.12, p < 0.01; non-ordered resolution, r = 0.15, p < 0.001). Public
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regard (r = 0.07, p < 0.1) and uniqueness orientation (r = 0.04, p > 0.1) had positive correlations
with positive academic self-perceptions, but they were non-significant.
To explore differences in how racial identity and ethnic identity relate to positive
academic self-perceptions, I modeled identity type (racial vs. ethnic) as a moderator of the
relationship of interest (full results in Table 6). Overall, there was a significant difference in the
relationship between racial identity and positive academic self-perceptions and ethnic identity
and positive academic self-perceptions. This effect was negative (B = -0.08, p < 0.05), indicating
that although both racial and ethnic identity have positive relationships to positive academic self-
perceptions, the relationship for ethnic identity is significantly greater in magnitude. In line with
my hypothesis, ethnic identity had a stronger relationship to positive academic self-perceptions
than racial identity. When disaggregating positive academic self-perceptions into categories, the
moderator coefficient did not emerge as significant in any of the models. However, for self-
concept and self-efficacy, the categories that contained the greatest number of studies and
effects, the coefficients were near the threshold for statistical significance (B = -0.10, p = 0.10
and B = -0.11, p = 0.06, respectively). Correlations between identity and positive academic self-
perceptions were significant and positive for racial identity and academic self-concept, ethnic
identity and academic self-concept, ethnic identity and academic self-efficacy, and racial identity
and academic perceived competence.
When investigating differences in racial and ethnic identity for each identity category, I
found no statistically (or near-statistically) significant coefficients. It is important to note that the
only categories with sufficient effects for both racial and ethnic identity were private regard and
non-ordered resolution. Centrality had no ethnic identity effects, public regard had 2 ethnic
identity effects, and uniqueness orientation had 2 ethnic identity effects (both of which were in
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the same study). The correlations between each type of identity and positive academic self-
perceptions were positive and significant for private regard and non-ordered resolution, however,
and in both cases, the magnitude of the correlation is greater for ethnic identity (though not
statistically significantly greater).

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Research question 3: To what extent do characteristics of the identity variables, academic
variables, participants, settings, and methods explain variability in the relationships
between facets of Black students’ ethnic identity, racial identity, and positive self-
perception outcomes?
I conducted the moderator analyses in two parts. First, I separated racial identity and
ethnic identity but collapsed across categories of each (results in Table 7). My results from the
previous research question indicated that ethnic identity in general had a significantly stronger
relationship to positive academic self-perceptions than racial identity across identity categories
and that all categories of racial and ethnic identity had positive relationships to positive academic
self-perceptions (although public regard and uniqueness orientation were not significant).
Additionally, the analyses would be based on a larger number of studies and effects this way.
Second, I conducted moderator analyses for each individual category of racial and ethnic identity
separately (results in Tables 8 – Table 12). Because racial identity, ethnic identity, and the
categories into which I sorted facets of each are conceptually distinct from one another, I wanted
to take the opportunity to explore any potential differences in how these concepts relate to
positive academic self-perceptions. Only two categories—private regard and non-ordered
resolution—had sufficient studies (N > 1) and effects (k > 2) to explore moderators for both
racial and ethnic identity; thus, for the other three categories (centrality, public regard,
uniqueness orientation), only racial identity is examined as a predictor with potential moderators.
For the racial identity models, moderators that emerged as significant (p < 0.05) were
grade level (college relative to grades 3-12; B = -0.07), identity measure (CRIS relative to MIBI;
B = -0.11), and outcome category (self-efficacy relative to self-concept; B = -0.07). The negative
coefficient for grade level indicates that though both correlations are positive, the relationship
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between racial identity and positive academic self-perceptions is significantly stronger for
students in grades 3 through 12 than it is for college students. I did not include identity measure
as a moderator in the aggregate racial and ethnic identity models because they include all facets
of racial and ethnic identity; I examine this moderator in upcoming models in which the racial
and ethnic identity facets are separated such that the comparison will be between different
measures of the same facet of racial or ethnic identity. In terms of positive academic self-
perception outcomes themselves, the relationship to racial identity was positive for self-concept
and null for self-efficacy; these relationships were also significantly different from one another.
For ethnic identity, no moderator had a statistically significant coefficient. Demographic
setting was near significant (p < 0.1) for ethnic identity. The negative coefficient for
demographic setting (B =-0.12) indicates that on average, Black students attending majority
Black schools had a weaker relationship between their ethnic identity and their positive academic
self-perceptions than their counterparts attending majority white schools.

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Next, I examined moderators for racial identity and ethnic identity categories separately
to explore potential heterogeneity. For racial centrality (Table 8), no coefficient emerged as
significant. Demographic setting (majority Black relative to majority white, B = -0.09) and racial
centrality measure (CRIS relative to MIBI, B = -0.13) were near significant (p <0.1). There were
no ethic centrality effects in the data. For racial private regard (Table 9), publication status (B =
0.15, p < 0.05) and percentage female of the sample (B = -0.18, p < 0.05) were the only
significant coefficients. Here, the positive coefficient for publication status indicates that
published reports tended to produce stronger positive associations between racial private regard
and positive academic self-perceptions that unpublished reports. The negative coefficient for
percent female indicates that as the sample becomes more female, the relationship between racial
private regard and positive academic self-perceptions diminishes on average. The only
statistically significant coefficient in the ethnic private regard models was for demographic
setting (B = -0.21, p < 0.01), indicating that students at majority Black schools had weaker
relationships between ethnic private regard and positive academic self-perceptions compared to
their peers at majority white institutions. However, this effect is based on a total of 6 effects from
5 studies, so using caution when interpreting is advisable. For racial public regard (Table 10), no
coefficients reached statistical significance; only outcome category was near significance (self-
efficacy relative to self-concept, B = -0.15, p < 0.1). There was no ethnic public regard effect to
examine.
For non-ordered resolution of racial identity (Table 11), no coefficients reached statistical
significance. The sample including non-native US Black students was near significance (B =
0.23, p < 0.1). This same moderator was also near significant in the non-ordered resolution of
ethnic identity model but the effect was in the opposite direction (B = -0.20, p < 0.1). Publication
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status was also near significance in the non-ordered resolution of ethnic identity model (B = 0.13,
p < 0.1). No moderators had a statistically significant coefficient in the non-ordered resolution
model. Finally, for uniqueness orientation (Table 12), which only contained sufficient effects for
analysis of moderators within racial identity, publication status (B = -0.24, p < 0.01) and racial
identity measure (CRIS relative to MIBI, B = -0.18, p < 0.05) were the only significant
coefficients. Here, published reports tended to report weaker relationships between racial
uniqueness orientation and positive academic self-perceptions than unpublished reports. Similar
to the overall finding, racial uniqueness orientation tended to have a weaker relationship to
positive academic self-perceptions when measured by the CRIS in contrast to the MIBI.

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Publication Bias
I examined the data for publication bias using two methods. First, I used publication
status as a moderator of the relationship between racial and ethnic identity and positive self-
perceptions. In the overall model, the coefficient for publication status was not significant (B =
0.04, p > 0.1), indicating that publication status (published vs. unpublished) did not moderate the
relationship between aggregate facets of racial and ethnic identity and positive self-perceptions.
Second, I conducted an Egger’s regression in which I used the standard error of the effects as the
moderator of the same relationship I tested with publication bias as a moderator. The coefficient
for the standard error was similarly not significant (B = 0.01, p > 0.1), providing further support
for the lack of overall publication bias. With aggregate categories of racial identity as a predictor,
publication status did not have a significant coefficient (B = 0.01, p > 0.1) and nor did it when
aggregate ethnic identity (B = 0.00, p > 0.1) was the predictor. The standard error coefficient in
the Egger’s regression was similarly not significant for racial identity (B = -0.10, p = 0.84) nor
ethnic identity (B = -0.06, p = 0.97).
When examining the racial and ethnic identity categories separately, however,
publication status did emerge as a significant moderator in a few models. For the racial private
regard model, publication status had a positive coefficient (B = 0.15, p < 0.05), indicating that
published studies reported stronger relationships between racial private regard and positive
academic self-perceptions. The ethnic non-ordered resolution model also had a positive
coefficient for publication status; although this coefficient was near statistical significance, the p-
value did not cross the 0.05 threshold (B = 0.13, p < 0.10). The other significant coefficient for
publication status appeared in the racial uniqueness orientation. This coefficient was negative
and highly significant (B = -0.24, p < 0.01), indicating that published studies on average reported
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more negative relationships between racial uniqueness orientation and positive academic self-
perceptions than unpublished studies. None of these results were corroborated by the Egger’s
regression tests I conducted for each type and category of racial and ethnic identity separately, as
the standard error coefficients were not significant in any model (racial centrality: B = -0.43, p =
0.71; racial private regard: B = -0.88, p = 0.27; ethnic private regard: B = 1.35, p = 0.36; racial
public regard: B = -0.27, p = 0.94; racial non-ordered resolution: B = -0.14, p = 0.83; ethnic non-
ordered resolution: B = -1.30, p = 0.49; racial uniqueness orientation: B = 0.38, p = 0.87).
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Chapter 5: Conclusion
Summary of Major Findings
As a result of this research, there are three major findings and subsequent conclusions.
First, racial and ethnic identity overall related to each other in a positive, statistically significant
manner; though this does indicate a direct relationship exists, it is hardly perfect. The
correlations between aggregate racial and ethnic identity was 0.22 and the correlations in three
facets of racial and ethnic identity ranged from 0.18 to 0.35, which may be considered a small to
medium-sized relationships in psychological research (Hemphill, 2003). The vast majority of
correlations reported between individual subscales of the MEIM-R and the EIS are greater than
0.47 (e.g., Lal & Majumdar, 2021; Syed et al., 2013; Weisskirch et al., 2016; Yoon, 2011) with
one study reporting an overall correlation of 0.66 between the two measures (Lal & Majumdar,
2021). Similarly, studies have demonstrated high correlations between both conceptually related
subscales of the MIBI and CRIS—correlations ranging from 0.59 to 0.75 between the Nationalist
ideological subscale of the MIBI and the Internalization Afrocentric subscale of the CRIS
(Allwood, 2012; Simmons et al., 2008; Vandiver et al., 2002)—and conceptually distinct
subscales—correlations ranging from 0.33 to 0.36 between the Humanist ideology subscale of
the MIBI and the Pre-Encounter Assimilationist subscale of the CRIS (Allwood, 2012; Simmons
et al., 2008; Vandiver et al., 2002)—indicating that overall, the instruments are likely highly
related. Were operationalizations of racial and ethnic identity measuring the same thing, one
would expect the correlations to be much higher. Thus, it is reasonable to conclude that racial
identity and ethnic identity are related but not identical in their conceptualization and
operationalization.
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Second, ethnic identity had a stronger overall relationship to positive academic self-
perceptions than racial identity. I hypothesized this relationship prior to conducting the analyses
based on my understanding of ethnic identity theories as broader than racial identity theories. As
discussed in Chapter 2, Black racial identity theories were conceptualized as specific to the
Black experience whereas ethnic identity theories sought to conceptualize the common
experience of identifying with and/or belonging to an ethnic group. Thus, it is possible that
ethnic identity scales based on those theories that describe a general experience that is applicable
across ethnic groups more directly measure concepts like belonging and affirmation of the self
that relate directly to positive self-perceptions in the concept of school, whereas racial identity
scales measure more distal concepts that are specific to being Black.
Third, the categories combining shared facets of racial identity and ethnic identity nearly
all had positive, statistically significant relationships to positive academic self-perceptions (and
the two categories that were not significant, public regard and uniqueness orientation, still had
effects in the positive direction). This result was in line with my hypotheses, which were based
on social identity theory’s assertion that positive perceptions of one’s group foster positive
perceptions of the self, as the self is defined in relation to the evaluation of the group. That
uniqueness orientation, a category with primarily racial identity effects, was not significantly
(though still positively) related to positive academic self-perceptions was unexpected. I had
hypothesized that a positive relationship would exist thinking that racial pride and the desire for
Black people to have more political power would positively influence a Black student’s
perceptions of themselves as worthy and competent; then those overall perceptions may, in turn,
lead to better perceptions of the self in school. Research exists that documents a positive
relationship between facets of uniqueness orientation, primarily anti-white views and
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preoccupation with Black political power, and both optimal (Livingston et al., 2010) and
suboptimal mental health outcomes (e.g., H. Jones et al., 2007; Whittaker & Neville, 2010); thus,
uniqueness orientation as a concept may not have any systematic ties to self-perceptions.
In line with my hypotheses, both private regard and non-ordered resolution had positive
relationships to positive academic self-perceptions. These two identity categories contained the
vast majority of the ethnic identity effects, lending additional support to the conjecture that
ethnic identity may be a more proximal concept to positive self-perceptions than racial identity.
In Rivas-Drake and colleagues’ synthesis of positive ethnic-racial affect that explicitly
synthesized effects obtained using the MIBI private regard scale and the MEIM, results pointed
to positive mental health outcomes, better academic achievement, and fewer overall health risks
(Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). My results, specifically those that pertain to the private regard and
non-ordered resolution categories, align with those of Rivas-Drake and colleagues, suggesting
that a significant positive relationship between these categories and positive perceptions of the
self in school does exist. I predicted a null relationship between public regard and positive self-
perceptions due to the two opposing theoretical narratives: one that contends that negative public
regard leads to negative private regard and thus, poorer mental health outcomes and another that
asserts that negative public regard reflects a realistic view of society that allows Black people to
function better knowing how others likely perceive them (Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998). The
relationship between public regard and positive academic self-perceptions was not significant in
this meta-analysis, in line with my hypothesis, but it was positive. It is possible that the inclusion
of more studies that measure public regard could allow this effect to be significant in the future,
but that depends on more researchers’ interest in public regard as a concept.
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When considering moderators, I found few significant results but likely for important
reasons. Although ethnic identity overall had a stronger relationship to positive academic self-
perceptions than racial identity, no individual category of the identity nor outcome variables
emerged as significant. Academic self-concept and academic self-efficacy were near significance
but did not cross the 0.05 threshold. Most of the effects for ethnic identity fell into the non-
ordered resolution category, whereas there was a larger spread of racial identity effects across
categories. It is possible that the driver of that difference between racial and ethnic identity that
was observed overall but not in individual categories occurred simply because racial and ethnic
identity measure different things. There were several ethnic identity effects that fell into the
private regard category, but public regard, uniqueness orientation, and centrality seem not to be
constructs that are measured by ethnic identity scales (though they theoretically could be). This
provides further evidence for the idea that racial identity and ethnic identity have some overlap
but are not the same.
Moderators for which I had specific hypotheses included gender composition of the
sample, racial demographics of the school setting, measure of racial or ethnic identity, and
racial/ethnic identity measure alpha. For gender identity, I hypothesized that the relationship
between centrality and positive academic self-perceptions would be stronger for samples in
which more students identified as female because theory and research have suggested that racial
identity decouples from self-concept for male-identifying students but not female-identifying
students (Cokley & Moore, 2007). However, I found no moderation of gender identity for
centrality in this study. I did not expect gender identity to moderate any of the remaining
categories of racial and ethnic identity. However, for racial private regard, the coefficient for
percentage female was significant, indicating a possible moderator relationship. This effect was
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negative, though, suggesting that as the sample becomes more female, the relationship between
racial private regard and positive academic self-perceptions diminishes. Like racial and ethnic
identity, gender is another social identity that may be particularly influential in school because of
gendered ability-based stereotypes. Thus, it is possible that the relationships between racial
private regard and positive academic self-perceptions is less strong for female-identifying
students because they are also evaluating themselves with reference to their gender identity.
For demographic setting, I had similarly only hypothesized that whether the school was
majority Black or majority white would only moderate the relationship between centrality and
positive academic self-perceptions. None of the racial identity categories had significant
coefficients for demographic setting; the coefficient in the centrality model came close to the
0.05 cutoff but was in the negative direction, which, if significant, would have indicated that
Black students at majority Black schools may have a weaker relationship between centrality and
positive self-perceptions. In the ethnic identity models, the coefficient for school demographics
was significant with ethnic private regard as the predictor, indicating that Black students at
majority Black schools have a significantly decreased relationship between ethnic identity and
positive self-perceptions compared to their counterparts at majority white schools. If ethnic
identity is, as I contest, measuring concepts more proximal to belonging, then positive ethnic
private regard may be more important to Black students’ positive academic self-perceptions at
PWIs, where they may not readily experience belonging, than at HBCUs.
When examining publication status as a moderator, I found significant coefficients in the
models in which the predictors were racial private regard and racial uniqueness orientation,
despite an Egger test and non-significant coefficient in the model combining racial and ethnic
identity indicating no overall publication bias. Whereas published studies reported stronger
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relationships between racial private regard and positive academic self-perceptions compared to
unpublished studies, published studies reported more negative relationships between racial
uniqueness orientation and positive academic self-perceptions than unpublished studies. One
potential explanation for this finding is shaped by a larger trend in psychological research toward
positive psychology, which entails focus on fostering positive qualities rather than focus on
disorder and pathology (Seligman & Czikszentmihalyi, 2000). Racial private regard, with its
emphasis on positive affect and belonging, fits nicely with the prerogative of positive
psychology. However, uniqueness orientation, with its negative evaluations of white culture and
people, does not. Positive psychology has been criticized for ignoring social issues and political
power struggles of racially minoritized people (Rao & Donaldson, 2015). Thus, it is possible that
academic publishers, who are attuned to the shifts in trends in psychology, may place more
importance on publishing articles that deal with uniformly positive aspects of racial and ethnic
identity than those with potentially negative implications.
Within the aggregate racial identity models, a few significant moderators emerged that
warrant further discussion. The negative coefficient for grade level indicated that the relationship
between racial identity and positive academic self-perceptions was stronger for students in
grades 3 through 12 than for college students. In a narrative review of studies of racial identity
from a developmental perspective, Cokley (2015) suggested that Black pre-adolescents may have
a more positive association between their racial identity and their school achievement because
they are more identified with school, less susceptible to peer pressure to look “cool,” and they
have had exposure to fewer negative messages around their racial identity. High school,
however, can be an environment in which that positive association between Black racial identity
and academics is threatened and thus, more deliberate support is necessary ( Cokley, 2015).
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Identity-affirming, culturally sensitive instruction has benefits for students of all ages; however,
this finding supports the idea that such instruction is crucial for younger students, whose
developing racial identities may be particularly tied to their perceptions of themselves in school.
Cokley (2015) came to a similar conclusion following his narrative review of racial identity
studies from a developmental perspective, stating that “special efforts need to be in place, in the
form of changes in the type of curriculum taught and pedagogy, or having targeted cultural
afterschool enrichment programs, to counter the potentially negative effects of peer pressure” (p.
34) that adolescent students may experience.
The scale used to measure racial identity also emerged as a significant moderator in the
uniqueness orientation model. Relationships between racial identity and positive academic self-
perceptions were stronger when racial identity was measured by the MIBI relative to the CRIS
(this result was replicated in the racial identity uniqueness orientation model). This result was
unexpected because the CRIS is based on a revised theory of nigrescence, which was originally a
developmental theory of racial identity development. Such a result points to marked material
differences between the original nigrescence theory and the revised and elaborated version;
though the identity types in the revised version do correspond to the stages in the original, the
revised version is decidedly not a stage theory itself. Academic self-concept relative to academic
self-efficacy had a stronger relationship to racial identity. Several theories of racial identity
explicitly mention the connection to self-concept, so the two are likely more proximal than racial
identity and self-efficacy.
Implications of the Research
Taken together, these results provide a few important insights into the study of Black
students’ racial and ethnic identity. Primarily, this meta-analytic synthesis provides empirical
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evidence that Black racial identity and ethnic identity are related but not the same. Conceptually,
Black racial identity and ethnic identity have different theoretical roots, with the former aiming
to describe a specific experience and the latter aiming to describe a general phenomenon that is
widely applicable across groups. Thus, treating the two as interchangeable or combining them in
an ERI framework introduces grave validity issues. Researchers in the future should carefully
consider the goals of their investigations when choosing to foreground racial identity or ethnic
identity in their work, as the goals of each are distinct. During the coding stage of this project, I
noted several reports that discussed Black racial identity but then used an ethnic identity scale in
their study. Making this choice based on the assumption that racial identity and ethnic identity
are interchangeable is inappropriate. Researchers who engage with the philosophical, conceptual,
and operational differences between racial and ethnic identity will enrich the study of both and
provide nuance to their relationships to other concepts.
Additionally, this synthesis can shed light on appropriate validity and reliability reporting
practices for racial and ethnic identity measures. While coding these reports, research assistants
were instructed to look for content validity, construct validity, factor structure validity, or any
other type of validity mentioned in the methods section of the reports. Of the 67 studies included
in the meta-analysis, only 5 studies, all of which used racial identity measures, reported any
specific information on the validity of the identity measure in the methods section. A few of the
dissertations expanded on the instruments in their literature and theory sections, but on the
whole, little context was given around the instruments when the authors of the reports described
their methods. Nearly all reports provided an alpha for internal consistency, which is helpful to
contextualize the measure with respect to the sample; however, many studies used measures with
alpha values well below the thresholds of other psychological measurements, with some as low
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as 0.44. Establishing that the measure chosen for a study is reliable and valid is a crucial step in
research that shows evidence that the constructs of interest are actually being measured in a
reliable, replicable way for the given sample and population.
Utilizing measures with weak or unknown psychometric properties opens research up to
myriad criticisms of applicability; it is not possible to infer anything about the relationship
between two constructs if it is not clear that those constructs are being accurately measured. One
concrete example of a misuse of scales that can lead to criticism is the inclusion of the encounter
subscale of the RIAS. Cross’ nigrescence theory, described in detail in Chapter 2, conceptualizes
the encounter stage of racial identity as “personal encounters and/or social events which mark the
origin of change” of an individual’s Black racial identity (Cross Jr., 1976, p. 8). Thus, the
encounter stage is much more temporally transient than the other stages of identity development,
per nigrescence. For this reason, many scholars do not believe it can be accurately measured.
Nonetheless, the RIAS-B, RIAS-B (short), and RIAS-B (long) include an encounter scale that
continues to be used in published research, despite having fallen into disfavor due to the weak
theoretical and empirical justifications for its usage. I echo other scholars such as Ponterotto and
Wise (1987) and Cokley (2007) in strongly recommending the disuse of the encounter scale of
all versions of the RIAS. More generally, I caution researchers to be wary of the original RIAS,
given that it is based on an outdated version of nigrescence and that its psychometric properties
have been consistently questioned by leading researchers in the field.
Limitations
Several important limitations apply to this study. First, the narrow nature of this
investigation led us to exclude many reports with adjacent outcomes or that utilized broader
populations. For example, we excluded studies that contained any students who identified solely
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as Latinx or Hispanic. This rule ended up excluding a couple of studies that contained small
percentages of non-Black-identifying students. The focus of this investigation was on parsing the
potential differences in how racial identity, ethnic identity, and positive academic self-
perceptions related for students included under the vast racial label “Black,” which I did not wish
to undermine by including even a few non-Black students; however, I fully acknowledge that
other students of color, particularly those who would be classified as Latinx, face challenges and
identity incongruencies in school similar to those of Black students. Other researchers who
situate their research within communities of color may consider pursuing similar meta-analyses
that explore the diversity within their racial and ethnic groups.
As with any correlational work, this meta-analysis is limited in that it cannot provide any
information on direction of effects. Theoretically, racial and ethnic identity influence one’s
beliefs about themselves, but this study did not empirically test a cause-and-effect relationship.
Furthermore, correlational work can only provide a snapshot of the effects at the time in which
they are measured. All identities can change and shift in an individual’s lifetime and many of
those shifts are best understood in the sociohistorical context of their environment (Frable,
1997). The research included in this study spans from the “tough on crime” era of the 1990s to
the Black Lives Matter movement of today and these contexts undoubtedly inform Black
student’s racial identity. Longitudinal work is well-positioned to address the fluctuations in racial
and ethnic identity across political events.
Another potential limitation of this research is the categorization of the racial and ethnic
identity facets. Because my goal was to synthesize effects obtained by using all the most
common measures of racial and ethnic identity, I created as many categories as I found necessary
in which all included subscales were hypothesized to have the same relationships to positive
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academic self-perceptions. This strategy yielded five unique categories that overlapped
significantly with Miller-Cotto and Byrnes’ (2016) categories, which they developed based on
expert scholarship. However, some categories only or mostly contained effects obtained by racial
identity measures (e.g., centrality, public regard, uniqueness orientation). Only private regard
and non-ordered resolution contained roughly even numbers of racial identity and ethnic identity
effects. Theoretically, it would be possible for an ethnic identity measure to capture sentiments
similar to those captured by racial identity measures in all categories I created; however, in
practice, that was not the case. The fact that three of the five categories were fairly lopsided
speaks to the larger goals of racial identity versus ethnic identity theories. Racial identity theories
seek to describe a specific experience in myriad ways (e.g., developmental, multidimensional,
attitudinal) whereas ethnic identity theories seek to describe the general experience of group
belonging that allows for comparison across groups. Although I believe the categorizations here
allowed for some important insights to emerge, other meta-analytic researchers may consider
ways to categorize facets of racial and ethnic identity that better serve their research goals.
A final limitation of this work is its relative inability to speak to the intersectionality of
identity. The exploration of potential moderators such as gender identity, age, and demographic
context was intended to approach an intersectional approach by taking different facets of identity
into account; however, Black students carry many identities and are infinitely more diverse than
the data included in this study could capture. Quantitative and qualitative research has explored
the specific experiences of being Black and female or Black and male (e.g., Frable, 1997;
Rogers et al., 2015; Settles, 2006) in rich depth that could not be explored in this meta-analytic
synthesis due to the limitations of existing data. Intersectionality scholars have pointed out that
the existing frameworks that shape the study of racial and ethnic identity are not intersectional;
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researchers can examine other identities alongside racial and ethnic identity, but there are no
theories of racial and ethnic identity that explicitly acknowledge the roles of other social
identities (Rogers et al., 2020). This limitation points to the need to expand existing theoretical
frameworks to account for mutually constructive social identities.
Conclusion
In sum, the systematic meta-analytic research synthesis I conducted on the relationships
between racial identity, ethnic identity, and positive academic self-perceptions revealed some
empirical distinctions between racial and ethnic identity that have theoretical support. Given the
methodological limitations I identified in previous meta-analyses, including limited gray
literature searches, omission of dissertations/theses, limited exploration of moderators within
Black samples, and combination of racial and ethnic identity, an updated meta-analysis was
warranted and necessary. By focusing my investigation on studies that used Black samples, I was
able to engage with the similarities and differences between racial and ethnic identity. Research
syntheses rarely provide conclusive evidence of the phenomena on which they focus (Eagly &
Wood, 1994), so my major aim was to provide direction for future researchers studying racial
and ethnic identity. The findings from this study may also contribute to the development of
expanded frameworks that allow researchers to deconstruct monolithic conceptions of Black
students and better support their positive psychological development.
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Appendix A: List of Studies in Meta-Analysis
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BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

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Appendix B: PRISMA Figure
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Appendix C: Coding Guide

Code name Code options Details
Article link [text entry] Hyperlink to the article
Coder name [text entry] Your name!
Date [text entry] MM/DD/YYYY format

B0. Sample//Identity
Variable//Outcome

[text entry]

After coding is complete,
specify the sample name//the
measure of identity//and the
name of the outcome.
Example: college
students//public regard//self-
concept

Be specific here so that it’s easy
to match up your codes with
your second coder.

B1. First author’s last
name

[text entry]

B2. Year

[text entry]

What was the four-digit year of
appearance of the report or
publication? (enter -99 if you
can’t tell)

B3. Publication Type?

0. Journal article
1. Report
2. Dissertation/thesis
3. Conference paper
4. Book or book chapter
5. Other (specify:
_________________)
-99. Can’t tell

B4. Funded?

0. No
1. Yes (specify funder:
_________________)
-99. Can’t tell

B5. Data source

0. Independent study
1. National data set
2. Regional data set

This is asking where the data
in this report came from. If
this is an original study by the
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3. Other
-99. Can’t tell

author(s), select option 0; if
not, indicate the type of data
set the author(s) used.

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Setting characteristics Remember for all of these codes -- you
only want to select the setting
characteristics that are represented FOR
THE SAMPLE/OUTCOME YOU ARE
CURRENTLY CODING (so if there are
multiple samples in this study for whom
setting differed, code their setting
characteristics separately)

SE0. City, State

[text entry, use -99 if you
can’t tell]

City and state where research was
conducted; if they only give a state or a
county, note what it is that they give you

SE1. Urbanicity

0. Urban
1. Suburban
2. Rural
3. Other
Specify:
_____________
-99. Can’t tell.

Is the setting urban, rural, or suburban? If
they don’t specifically say, you can infer
from the city/state location information.
If that isn’t possible, use -99.

SE2. School type

0. Public
1. Private
2. Other
-99. Can’t tell.

Type of school where research was
conducted (select all that apply if there
are multiple different types of schools
included)

SE3. School
demographics

0. Historically Black
college/university
(HBCU) or plurality
Black school
1. Predominantly white
institution (PWI) or
plurality white school
2. Hispanic-serving
institution (HSI) or
plurality Latinx
school
-99. Can’t tell

For college samples, if the institution name
is given but racial composition is not,
look it up. For K-12 institutions, rely on
description of student demographics if
they are provided; “plurality” here
means the largest number without
necessarily being the majority (e.g. if the
study says the school was 45% Black,
25% Latinx, 20% white, and 10% other,
select “0” because Black, while not the
majority, is the highest percentage out of
all groups).

SE3. Free/reduced
lunch

[text entry, use -99 if you
can’t tell]

Percentage of students receiving free or
subsidized lunches for the schools
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

151

involved in the study

SE4. School SES

0. Low
1. Low to middle
2. Middle
3. Middle to high
4. High
-99. Can’t tell.

REMEMBER YOU ARE CODING THE
SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS FOR THE
SCHOOL. THE FOLLOWING SHOULD
REFER TO AVERAGES ACROSS SCHOOL.
• Should only be answered about district
level data DO NOT USE SAMPLE
DATA.
• Do not generalize, use only what is
given.

SES coding rules:
1. If author provides designation, use this
qualifier.
2. If only education status is provided:
1. Less than High School Diploma:
Low
2. High School Diploma/GED: Low-
Mid
3. Some College: Mid
4. Two year degree: Mid
5. Vocational degree: Mid
6. Four-year degree: Mid-High
7. Post college degree: High
3. If Family Income (for a family of 4 --
adjust if you need to) is provided:

1. < $23,000: Low
2. $23,000 - $32,500: Low-Mid
3. $32,500 - $50,000: Mid
4. $50,000 - $60,000: Mid
5. $60,000 - $150,000: Mid-High
6. > $150,000: High
4. If Occupational Status (Miller, 1983):

1. Major Professional (i.e., CEOs):
High
2. Minor Professional (requires some
professional or graduate degree):
Mid-High
3. Clerical/Sales/Professional support:
Mid
4. Skilled/Semi-Skilled Manual: Mid-
Low
5. Unskilled/Unemployed: Low

Also, if 40% or more of the sample is receiving
free or reduced lunch, it’s usually safe to refer
to that sample as being low SES.
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Participant/Sample characteristics Remember for all of these codes – if the
author breaks out correlations for the Black
sample, use ONLY the information on the
Black sample. Also, you only want to select
the sample characteristics that are
represented FOR THE
SAMPLE/OUTCOME YOU ARE
CURRENTLY CODING (so if there are
multiple samples in this study, code them
separately).

SA0. Sample name [text entry]

Coders – this is your shorthand for the
sample you are currently taking codes for.

SA1. Sample SES

0. Low
1. Low to middle
2. Middle
3. Middle to high
4. High
-99. Can’t tell

This is the socioeconomic status FOR THE
STUDY SAMPLE, not the entire school, as
before. SES coding rules:
1. If author provides designation that
maps onto ours, use that (multiple
options permitted)
2. If only education status is provided:
8. Less than High School Diploma:
Low
9. High School Diploma/GED:
Low-Mid
10. Some College: Mid
11. Two year degree: Mid
12. Vocational degree: Mid
13. Four-year degree: Mid-High
14. Post college degree: High
3. If Family Income (for a family of 4 -
- adjust if you need to) is provided:
7. < $23,000: Low
8. $23,000 - $32,500: Low-Mid
9. $32,500 - $50,000: Mid
10. $50,000 - $60,000: Mid
11. $60,000 - $150,000: Mid-High
12. > $150,000: High
4. If Occupational Status (Miller,
1983):
6. Major Professional (i.e., CEOs):
High
7. Minor Professional (requires
some professional or graduate
degree): Mid-High
8. Clerical/Sales/Professional
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

153

support: Mid
9. Skilled/Semi-Skilled Manual:
Mid-Low
10. Unskilled/Unemployed: Low

Also, if 40% or more of the sample
is receiving free or reduced lunch,
it’s usually safe to refer to that
sample as being low SES

SA2. % Female

[text entry, use -99 if you
can’t tell]

What percentage of the student sample was
female? [format: __ __ %]

SA3. All Black?

0. No, Black sample is
broken out
1. Yes, only Black
students were
sampled
-99. Can’t tell.

Does the sample in the study include only
Black people or does it also include
students of different ethnicities/races? All
studies should have the effects for the
Black sample broken out—this question is
just asking if the study included effects for
non-Black people as well.

SA4.
Ethnicity/nationalit
y information

[text entry]

Record any information the study provides
regarding participants’ ethnicity or
nationality (e.g., sample contained 35%
Jamaican Americans and 65% Black
Americans)

SA5. Education
level

0. Pre-k/kindergarten
1. Lower elementary (1-
3
rd
grade)
2. Upper elementary (4-
6
th
grade)
3. Middle school (6-8
th

grade)
4. High school
5. College
6. Other (specify)
-99. Can’t tell

Specify the grade level, if it is given, in
column SA5s

SA6. What was the
youngest age of
students?

[text entry, use -99 if you
can’t tell]

Mean: The mean is the usual average, so
added up and then divided by number of
values. (e.g., [13 + 18 + 13 + 14 + 13 + 16 +
14 + 21 + 13] ÷ 9 = 15)
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SA7. What was the
oldest age of
students

SA8. What was the
mean age of
students?

SA9. What was the
median age of
students?

Median: The median is the middle value, so
14 is the median in the following list. (13,
13, 13, 13, 14, 14, 16, 18, 21)

SA10. Psychiatric
label

0. Normal/undiagnosed
population
1. Behaviorally
disordered
2. Emotionally
disordered
3. Other
-99. Can’t tell

Default response is generally
normal/undiagnosed unless there is a reason
to question whether that is true. Look for
explicit author statement otherwise. Use the
specify column to add details.

SA11. Ability label

0. Gifted
1. Above average ability
2. Average ability
3. Below average ability
4. General mixed ability
-99. Can’t tell

This should be explicitly stated by authors.
This refers specific to students’
ability/aptitude (not achievement). So, it
would be determined by IQ test or some
other standardized test of ability and/or
deficits. General mixed ability (4) is usually
the default response unless there is some
reason to believe that is not true.
• Ability and achievement are not the same
but can be used to make a decision
about ability.
• Achievement is usually relative to a
standardized measure, whereas
ability is what a student can do.
For example, a student may score
low on an achievement test,
but the student may still be
able. Ability may explain
achievement, but they are not
the same.

SA12. Prior
achievement

0. High prior
achievement

Prior achievement is distinct from ability
and can be measured by a previous GPA,
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

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1. Average prior
achievement
2. Low prior
achievement
-99. Can’t tell

standardized test, or some other achievement
measure. If the outcome is academic (e.g.
GPA), DON’T put that here—this is only to
indicate whether the author noted the past
achievement of the students in the sample.

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156

Identity variable 1 Remember for all of these codes --
you only want to select the identity
variable characteristics that are
represented FOR THE
SAMPLE/IDENTITY
VARIABLE/OUTCOME YOU
ARE CURRENTLY CODING (so if
there are multiple identity variables
in this study, code them separately if
possible)

I0. Identity label

[text entry]

Label for the type of racial or
ethnic identity measured (go with
what the author calls it)

I1a. Identity type

0. Racial identity
1. Ethnic identity

Which type of identity (racial or
ethnic) the measure is capturing

I1b. Identity
category

0. Centrality
1. Private regard
2. Public regard
3. Non-ordered resolution
4. Uniqueness orientation
You should rely mostly on the
description of the measure used to
assess racial/ethnic identity in the
methods section for this. That is,
we want to know how they
operationalized identity (what they
really measured), not how they
think about identity (how they
conceptualize it or how theory
conceptualizes it).

Make sure you record the
information that you used to
choose how identity was measured
in the specify column.

Centrality: how central/important
one’s racial identity as Black or
ethnic identity is in their everyday
life; includes the Centrality (MIBI),
Pre-Encounter Assimilationist
(CRIS), Assimilationist (MIBI) and
Humanist (MIBI) subscales, and
possibly idiosyncratic racial/ethnic
identity scales
Private regard: how positively
individuals themselves feel about
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

157

Black people/their ethnic group;
includes the Pre-Encounter (RIAS;
reversed), Private Regard (MIBI),
Affirmation/Belonging/Commitment
(MEIM revised), Affirmation (EIS),
Pre-Encounter Miseducation (CRIS;
reversed) and the Pre-Encounter
Self-Hatred (CRIS; reversed)
subscales
Public regard: how individuals
believe others feel about Black
people/their ethnic group; includes
the Public Regard (MIBI) subscale
Non-ordered resolution:
acceptance or resolution of
racial/ethnic identity without explicit
ordering of Blackness in relation to
other identities; includes the
Internalization Multiculturalist
(CRIS), and Oppressed Minority
(MIBI), Internalization (RIAS),
Ethnic Identity Search (MEIM
revised), Ethnic Identity (MEIM),
and Resolution (EIS) subscales
Uniqueness orientation: endorses
attitudes that emphasize Black racial
pride, political empowerment, and
the uniqueness of Black culture and
reject white culture/people as
normative; includes the
Immersion/Emersion (RIAS),
Immersion/Emersion Anti-white
(CRIS), Internalization Afrocentric
(CRIS), and Black Nationalist
(MIBI) subscales

I2. Higher score =
greater outcome?

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

Here, we’re looking for whether a
higher score means less of the
construct it’s measuring (sometimes
this is called reverse coding). Your
use of -99 here should be very rare,
since studies will tell you explicitly
when items are reverse coded the
vast majority of the time.

I3. Measure 0. No Is the measure used adapted from an
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

158

adapted?

I3a. Scale adapted
from

I3s. Specify

1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

0. Multidimensional Inventory
of Black Identity
1. Racial Identity Attitudes
Scale
2. Cross Racial Identity Scale
3. Multi-Ethnic Identity
Measure
4. Ethnic Identity Scale
5. Other (specify)
-99. Can’t tell

[text entry]
existing measure of identity? If the
authors use a measure in its original
form, choose 0.

After you select the measure that the
authors adapted, be sure you add the
citation in the following column
(I3s) so I can look up the
validity/reliability information later.

*For the MEIM and RIAS, note the
version of the measure if not the
original (ex. MEIM-R or BRIAS
[Black Racial Identity Attitudes
Scale]) in column I3s.

I4. Measure used
(unadapted)

I4s. Specify

0. Multidimensional Inventory
of Black Identity
1. Racial Identity Attitudes
Scale
2. Cross Racial Identity Scale
3. Multi-Ethnic Identity
Measure
4. Ethnic Identity Scale
5. Other (specify)
-99. Can’t tell

[text entry]

Which scale did the authors use in
its original form to measure
identity? If the authors used an
adapted measure (which you already
would have noted), choose -99.

*For the MEIM and RIAS, note the
version of the measure if not the
original (ex. MEIM-R or BRIAS
[Black Racial Identity Attitudes
Scale]) in column I4s.

Did the report
present evidence for
any of the following
types of validity for
the identity
measure?

I5. Content validity

I6. Construct validity

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe

You are looking for explicit
statements on the part of the author
about each of these types of validity,
specifically naming or describing
them. Be sure to add evidence to the
specify column.

Content validity: How well an
instrument represents all facets of
the construct it is meant to measure
(there are formal statistical tests for
this).
Construct validity: The degree to
which an instrument measures what
it claims to measure
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

159

I7. Factor structure
validity

I8. Other type of
validity

evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

Factor structure validity: an
analysis of the factor structure
indicated that the structure of the
scale looks as intended (i.e., any
subscales group together).

Did the report
present evidence for
any of the following
types of reliability
for the identity
measure?

I9. Internal
consistency

I9a. Indicate
value for internal
consistency

I10. Test-retest
reliability

I10a. Indicate
value for test-
retest reliability.

I11. Other type of
validity

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

α = ________

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

r = ____

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

Internal consistency: typically a
measure based on the correlations
between different items on the same
test, usually a value > .70 is
considered adequate.

Test-retest reliability: extent to
which multiple administrations of a
test correlate.

BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

160

Identity variable 2 This section is if you’re coding a
correlation between a measure of
racial identity and a measure of
ethnic identity. If you’re coding a
correlation between racial OR ethnic
identity and an academic outcome,
skip this section and go to the
outcome section.

I 20. Identity label

[text entry]

Label for the type of racial or
ethnic identity measured (go with
what the author calls it)

I 21a. Identity type

0. Racial identity
1. Ethnic identity

Which type of identity (racial or
ethnic) the measure is capturing

I21b. Identity
category

0. Centrality
1. Private regard
2. Public regard
3. Non-ordered resolution
4. Uniqueness orientation

You should rely mostly on the
description of the measure used to
assess racial/ethnic identity in the
methods section for this. That is,
we want to know how they
operationalized identity (what they
really measured), not how they
think about identity (how they
conceptualize it or how theory
conceptualizes it).

Make sure you record the
information that you used to
choose how identity was measured
in the specify column.

Centrality: how central/important
one’s racial identity as Black or
ethnic identity is in their everyday
life; includes the Centrality (MIBI),
Pre-Encounter Assimilationist
(CRIS), Assimilationist (MIBI) and
Humanist (MIBI) subscales, and
possibly idiosyncratic racial/ethnic
identity scales
Private regard: how positively
individuals themselves feel about
Black people/their ethnic group;
includes the Pre-Encounter (RIAS;
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

161

reversed), Private Regard (MIBI),
Affirmation/Belonging/Commitment
(MEIM revised), Affirmation (EIS),
Pre-Encounter Miseducation (CRIS;
reversed) and the Pre-Encounter
Self-Hatred (CRIS; reversed)
subscales
Public regard: how individuals
believe others feel about Black
people/their ethnic group; includes
the Public Regard (MIBI) subscale
Non-ordered resolution:
acceptance or resolution of
racial/ethnic identity without explicit
ordering of Blackness in relation to
other identities; includes the
Internalization Multiculturalist
(CRIS), and Oppressed Minority
(MIBI), Internalization (RIAS),
Ethnic Identity Search (MEIM
revised), Ethnic Identity (MEIM),
and Resolution (EIS) subscales
Uniqueness orientation: endorses
attitudes that emphasize Black racial
pride, political empowerment, and
the uniqueness of Black culture and
reject white culture/people as
normative; includes the
Immersion/Emersion (RIAS),
Immersion/Emersion Anti-white
(CRIS), Internalization Afrocentric
(CRIS), and Black Nationalist
(MIBI) subscales

I 22. Higher score =
greater outcome?

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

Here, we’re looking for whether a
higher score means less of the
construct it’s measuring (sometimes
this is called reverse coding). Your
use of -99 here should be very rare,
since studies will tell you explicitly
when items are reverse coded the
vast majority of the time.

I23. Measure adapted?

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell
Is the measure used adapted from an
existing measure of identity? If the
authors use a measure in its original
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

162

I 23a. Scale adapted
from

I 23s. Specify

0. Multidimensional
Inventory of Black
Identity
1. Racial Identity
Attitudes Scale
2. Cross Racial Identity
Scale
3. Multi-Ethnic Identity
Measure
4. Ethnic Identity Scale
5. Other (specify)
-99. Can’t tell

[text entry]
form, choose 0.

After you select the measure that the
authors adapted, be sure you add the
citation in the following column
(I3s) so I can look up the
validity/reliability information later.

*For the MEIM and RIAS, note the
version of the measure if not the
original (ex. MEIM-R or BRIAS
[Black Racial Identity Attitudes
Scale]) in column I3s.

I24. Measure used
(unadapted)

I 24s. Specify

0. Multidimensional
Inventory of Black
Identity
1. Racial Identity
Attitudes Scale
2. Cross Racial Identity
Scale
3. Multi-Ethnic Identity
Measure
4. Ethnic Identity Scale
5. Other (specify)
-99. Can’t tell

[text entry]

Which scale did the authors use in
its original form to measure
identity? If the authors used an
adapted measure (which you already
would have noted), choose -99.

*For the MEIM and RIAS, note the
version of the measure if not the
original (ex. MEIM-R or BRIAS
[Black Racial Identity Attitudes
Scale]) in column I4s.

Did the report present
evidence for any of
the following types of
validity for the
identity measure?

I 25. Content validity

I 26. Construct validity

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

0. No

You are looking for explicit
statements on the part of the author
about each of these types of validity,
specifically naming or describing
them. Be sure to add evidence to the
specify column.

Content validity: How well an
instrument represents all facets of
the construct it is meant to measure
(there are formal statistical tests for
this).
Construct validity: The degree to
which an instrument measures what
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

163

I 27. Factor structure
validity

I 28. Other type of
validity

1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

it claims to measure

Factor structure validity: an
analysis of the factor structure
indicated that the structure of the
scale looks as intended (i.e., any
subscales group together).

Did the report present
evidence for any of
the following types of
reliability for the
identity measure?

I
2
9. Internal
consistency

I9a. Indicate value
for internal
consistency

I 210. Test-retest
reliability

I 210a. Indicate
value for test-
retest reliability.

I 211. Other type of
validity

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

α = ________

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

r = ____

0. No
1. Yes (specify/describe
evidence: __________)
-99. Can’t tell

Internal consistency: typically a
measure based on the correlations
between different items on the same
test, usually a value > .70 is
considered adequate.

Test-retest reliability: extent to
which multiple administrations of a
test correlate.

BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

164

Outcome characteristics Remember for all of these codes --
you only want to select the outcome
characteristics that are represented
FOR THE OUTCOME YOU ARE
CURRENTLY CODING (so if
there are multiple outcomes in this
study, code them separately [for
each sample, structure variable,
setting] if possible)

O1. Outcome label

[text entry]

Your description of the
outcome

O2. Outcome category

1. academic self-concept
2. academic self-efficacy
3. academic self-esteem
4. perceived competence
5. expectancies for success
6. other related outcome
(specify)

For the most part, you are looking
for the author to describe outcomes
in these ways. Sometimes outcomes
are described in unusual ways and
you need to use your own best
judgement.

In the specify column, provide
description information about
outcome as described in report.

Academic self-concept: general
sense of the extent to which the self
reflects someone who is good at
academics (or the specific domain)
Academic self-efficacy: belief that
one can accomplish a particular
academic task
Academic self-esteem: how an
individual evaluates their feelings
of worth in a school context
Perceived competence: belief that
one has a particular
skill/demonstrated a good
performance
Expectancies for success: belief in
one’s abilities to succeed at an
academic task

O3. Higher score =
greater outcome?

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

Here, we’re looking for whether a
higher score means less of the
construct it’s measuring (sometimes
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

165

this is called reverse coding). Your
use of -99 here should be very rare,
since studies will tell you explicitly
when items are reverse coded the
vast majority of the time.

O4. How measured?

0. Survey
1. Verbal interview
2. Other
(specify:_________)
-99. Can’t tell or not
applicable

Most outcomes will be measured by
a survey but indicate here if they
were not.

O5. Survey type

0. Validated scale (specify
name:___________)
1. Experimenter created
scale
2. Adapted scale
3. Single item
4. Other
(specify:_________)
-99. Can’t tell or not
applicable

A validated scale is one in which
the author gives a name and
reference for scale and provide
some information about its
reliability and validity.

Did the report present
evidence for any of the
following types of
validity for the
outcome measure?

O6. Content validity

O7. Construct validity

O8. Factor structure
validity

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

0. No

You are looking for explicit
statements on the part of the author
about each of these types of
validity, specifically naming or
describing them. Be sure to add
evidence to the specify column.

Content validity: How well an
instrument represents all facets of
the construct it is meant to measure
(there are formal statistical tests for
this).
Construct validity: The degree to
which an instrument measures what
it claims to measure

Factor structure validity: an
analysis of the factor structure
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

166

O9. Other type of
validity

1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

indicated that the structure of the
scale looks as intended (i.e., any
subscales group together).

Did the report present
evidence for any of the
following types of
reliability for the
structure measure?

O10. Internal
consistency

O10a. Indicate
value for internal
consistency

O11. Test-retest
reliability

O11a. Indicate
value for test-retest
reliability.

O12. Other type of
validity

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

α = ________

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

r = ____

0. No
1. Yes
-99. Can’t tell

Internal consistency: typically a
measure based on the correlations
between different items on the same
test, usually a value > .70 is
considered adequate.

Test-retest reliability:
extent to which multiple
administrations of a test
correlate.

BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

167

Effect Size Characteristics Remember for all of these codes -- you
only want to report info FOR THE
OUTCOME EFFECT YOU ARE
CURRENTLY CODING (so if there are
multiple outcomes in this study, code
them separately [for each sample,
identity type, and outcome] if possible.
If there are multiple time points, code
them separately too.

ES0. Centrality
moderator?

0. No
1. Yes

(if no, skip to ES2
and leave ES1 fields
blank)

Does the article provide separate sets of
correlations between an identity variable
and an outcome variable for high race-
central students and low race-central
students? Note that this is not the same
as a correlation between racial centrality
and an outcome; rather, it is the
correlation between another category
(say, private regard) and an outcome
(say, self-concept) for students with high
racial centrality and a corresponding
correlation for low racial centrality

ES1h. Correlation
for high centrality
students (if
applicable)

ES1hp. p-
value

ES1hd.
Direction

ES1hs.

[text entry]

[text entry]

0. Null
1. Positive
2. Negative

[text entry]

[text entry]

Correlation is the association between
two items (identity and student outcome)

The p value is the probability of getting
that correlation if no correlation existed
in the population. You may see asterisks
next to the correlations indicating their p
value; 0.05 is typically the threshold for
statistical significance (anything below
0.05 is statistically significant)

Record the sign of the correlation here
(use null if the correlation is reported as
0)

Number of high centrality students upon
which the correlation is based

BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

168

Sample size

ES1l. Correlation
for low centrality
students (if
applicable)

ES1lp. p-value

ES1ld.
Direction

ES1ls. Sample
size

[text entry]

0. Null
1. Positive
2. Negative

[text entry]

Number of low centrality students upon
which the correlation is based

ES2. Correlation

ES2p. p value

ES2d.
Direction

ES2s. Sample
size

[text entry]

[text entry]

0. Null
1. Positive
2. Negative

[text entry]

Correlation is the association between
two items (identity and student outcome)

The p value is the probability of getting
that correlation if no correlation existed
in the population. You may see asterisks
next to the correlations indicating their p
value; 0.05 is typically the threshold for
statistical significance (anything below
0.05 is statistically significant)

Record the sign of the correlation here
(use null if the correlation is reported as
0)

Number of observations on which the
effect size is based

ES3. Group 1 label

[text entry]

Use this ONLY if there is no correlation
reported BUT the article does report
means and standard deviations of two
groups separated by either the identity
variable (e.g. high vs. low public regard)
or the outcome variable (e.g. high vs.
low test score); this field is where you
describe the first group
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

169

ES3m. Mean (group
1)

ES3s. Standard
deviation (group 1)

ES3n. Sample size
(group 1)

[text entry]

[text entry]

[text entry]

ES4. Group 2 label

ES4m. Mean (group
2)

ES4s. Standard
deviation (group 2)

ES4n. Sample size
(group 2)

[text entry]

[text entry]

[text entry]

[text entry]

Same idea is ES4—describe the 2
nd

group (if the first group was “low public
regard,” then the second would be “high
public regard”)

ES5. F test

ES5p. P value

[text entry]

[text entry]

This is a test that compares the two
groups to see if they are different. Leave
blank if not reported.

BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

170

Appendix D: Table 4 Effect Characteristics
BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

171

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172

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173

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174

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175

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176

z

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177

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178

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179

BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

180

BLACK RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY AND POSITIVE SELF-PERCEPTIONS

181

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Yates, Nicole (author)

Core Title A meta-analysis exploring the relationships between racial identity, ethnic identity, and Black students' positive self-perceptions in school

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Urban Education Policy

Degree Conferral Date 2022-08

Publication Date 07/24/2022

Defense Date 04/28/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag black students,ethnic identity,meta-analysis,OAI-PMH Harvest,racial identity

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Patall, Erika A. (committee chair), Cokley, Kevin O. (committee member), Tynes, Brendesha M. (committee member), Wood, Wendy (committee member)

Creator Email nicolemayates@gmail.com,nicoleya@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111375438

Unique identifier UC111375438

Legacy Identifier etd-YatesNicol-10957

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Yates, Nicole

Type texts

Source 20220728-usctheses-batch-962 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu