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Sacred sexism: uncovering patriarchy in Black church leadership

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Sacred sexism: uncovering patriarchy in Black church leadership

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Sacred Sexism: Uncovering Patriarchy in Black Church Leadership
by
Terrence James Chandler-Harrison

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2022

© Copyright by Terrence James Chandler-Harrison 2022
All Rights Reserved
2022

The Committee for Terrence James Chandler-Harrison certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Derisa Grant
Jenifer Crawford
Paula Crawford, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022
iv
Abstract
The purpose of this research was to address the problem of the role of patriarchy in the
disproportionately low rate of Black Women leaders in predominantly African American
Christian churches. Moreover, this study examined The Black Church, through the lens of Black
Women clergy, to understand the history, beliefs, influences, and structures that may
disproportionately prevent Black Women from obtaining top leadership positions in the
organization. While Black Women make up the largest population of most predominately
African American churches in the United States, Black Women hold disproportionately fewer
leadership positions than men in the aforementioned. Moreover, Black Women lead only 1% of
traditional African American denominational churches (Konieczny & Chaves, 2000). These
statistics have little to do with meritocracy; conversely, the disproportionate numbers result from
intentional discrimination. The conceptual framework for the study was based on gender role
theory and intersectionality theory. The methodology included interviews with Black Women
clergy residing in the United States who were affiliated with at least one of the seven mainline
historically independent and totally Black controlled denominations. The findings established the
discrepancies between men and Women in Black church leadership, highlighted the barriers that
many Black Women face in obtaining top leadership roles, and featured the circumvented
methods by which Black Women are forced to engage in order to function as leaders in many
Black churches. The study generated recommendations for practice to address the
disproportionately low rate of Black Women leaders in Black Christian churches. The first
recommendation is to learn and teach counter interpretations of scripture that highlight and
affirm Women leaders. The second proposed recommendation is to include gender equality and
equity issues as primary social justice matters.
v
Acknowledgments
This research is dedicated to the Women who made this work possible. First and
foremost, I want to thank my Wife, Anjelica. Thank you for being my biggest supporter. Your
sacrifices and your encouragement fueled and propelled me for this entire journey. I am so
grateful to have you in my life. I also want to thank my mom, Terri. Ma, you were the very first
Woman I ever loved. I will never be able to repay you for all you gave up for me. Thank you for
teaching me to love, respect, and value Black Women. Next, I would like to thank my
grandmother, LaJuana. Nana, you are by far the smartest Woman I have ever known. Your grace
and intellect inspire me to advocate for other Women in the world. I also express my deepest
gratitude to my wonderful dissertation committee members: Dr. Derisa Grant and Dr. Jenifer
Crawford. Thank you for contributing your invaluable insight into my research. Your critiques,
probes, and recommendations enhanced this work and brought the best out of me. To my
dissertation chair, Dr. Paula Carbone, thank you for your time; thank you for listening to me,
believing in me, and pushing me to produce stellar work. I am also incredibly grateful and
indebted to the 12 brilliant Black Women who participated in this research. I am extremely
honored to have the privilege of hearing and capturing your rich experiences. Thank you for
sharing your stories and trusting me to articulate them clearly and accurately for this study. And
finally, to my beautiful and amazingly bright daughter, Ellie Grace. Baby girl, you motivated me
to apply for this program—even while you were still in your mommy’s womb—and your
inspiration guided me throughout this process. I chose this research topic because of you. I pray
that this contribution will help foster a more equitable world so that you will be free to change
the world. Never forget that you can do absolutely anything, and no person, no ceiling, and no
system will ever stop you. I love you.
vi

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................... v
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures .................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study ........................................................................................... 1
Context and Background of the Problem ............................................................................ 2
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions .................................................................. 3
Importance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 4
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology ..................................................... 5
Definitions ........................................................................................................................... 6
Organization of the Dissertation ........................................................................................ 10
Chapter Two: Literature Review ................................................................................................... 12
The Exclusion of Women in Leadership ........................................................................... 12
The Black Church .............................................................................................................. 24
Women Leaders in Black Churches .................................................................................. 31
Barriers Preventing Black Women Church Leaders .......................................................... 38
Theoretical and Conceptual Framework ............................................................................ 53
Chapter Three: Methodology ......................................................................................................... 57
Research Questions ............................................................................................................ 57
Overview of Design ........................................................................................................... 57
Qualitative Data Collection and Instrumentation .............................................................. 61
Data Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 64
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 64
Ethics ................................................................................................................................. 65
viii
The Researcher .................................................................................................................. 66
Limitations and Delimitations ........................................................................................... 68
Chapter Four: Findings .................................................................................................................. 72
Research Participants ......................................................................................................... 73
Findings ............................................................................................................................. 75
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations ....................................................................... 101
Discussion of Findings .................................................................................................... 101
Recommendations for Practice ........................................................................................ 113
Limitations and Delimitations ......................................................................................... 122
Recommendations for Future Research ........................................................................... 126
Summary .......................................................................................................................... 128
References ................................................................................................................................... 130
Appendix A: Interview Protocol .................................................................................................. 152
Appendix B: Informed Consent Form ......................................................................................... 157

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Pseudonyms and Demographic Information of Participants 74
Table A1: Interview Protocol 152

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 55

1

Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
This paper addressed the problem of the role of patriarchy in the disproportionately low
rate of Black Women leaders in predominantly African American Christian churches.
Additionally, this study examined The Black Church, through the lens of Black Women clergy,
to understand the history, beliefs, influences, and structures that may disproportionately prevent
Black Women from obtaining top leadership positions in the organization. The words “Woman”
and “Women” are intentionally capitalized throughout this entire paper as a way to feature
Women as the primary focus of this study. The subjugating systems of patriarchy label Women
as inferior to men and enforce restrictions on Women through families, social relations,
legislation, education, literature, media, corporations, and throughout the workforce (Sultana,
2012). The domination of patriarchy is confining and restricting. Ngunjiri et al. (2012) noted,
through patriarchy, Women are restricted from leadership positions in most mainstream
industries such as business, education, government, and non-profit sectors around the globe.
However, one quantitative study provided evidence that suggested many Black Christian
churches are one of the most flagrant in these acts (Chaves, 1997). Similar to for-profit
corporations, executive religious roles in The Black Church such as preacher and pastor are
controlled and dominated by men (Bock, 1967; McDuff & Mueller, 2002).
Carroll and Washington (2006) found that, while Black Women make up the largest
population of most predominately African American churches in the United States. Black
Women hold disproportionately fewer leadership positions than men in the aforementioned
(Banbury, 2014; Barnes, 2006; Buhrig, 1989; Chaves, 1997; Konieczny & Chaves, 2000;
Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Ngunjiri, 2012). Further, Konieczny and Chaves (2000) confirmed
that Black Women lead only 1% of traditional African American denominational churches.
2

Crossfield’s (2011) study revealed that these numbers have little to do with meritocracy;
conversely, the disproportionate numbers are a result of intentional discrimination. Mikolajczak
and Pietrzak (2014) contended that the sexist attitudes perpetuated in [Black] churches are
deeply embedded in larger belief systems that promote specific hierarchies of values. Barnes
(2006) argued that the gender discrimination in Black churches stems from longstanding sexist
and patriarchal gender role designations whereby Women are expected to function as
subordinates to men. For instance, places like the pulpit are reserved for men, and the pew is the
proper designation for Women. According to Bock (1967), the male-dominated leadership
positions are not only viewed as masculine positions within many churches, but the positions are
also designated as “sacredly masculine” (p. 531).
Context and Background of the Problem
More than 97% of African Americans find social support, personal affirmation, and
emotional and psychological support through religion (Adksion-Bradley et al., 2005; Ward,
2005). Historically, The Black Church has served as the epicenter by which African Americans
seek and obtain spirituality and religion (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). Moreover, The Black
Church exists as a haven against discrimination and social inequities (Frazier, 1964). This
research is centered on the history, beliefs, influences, and structures of The Black Church. “The
Black Church” is capitalized throughout this entire study as a way to spotlight this distinguished
institution and to underscore her profound impact on this research. Adksion-Bradley et al.,
(2005) defined Black churches as religious institutions whose congregational membership
demographic is predominately African American or Black. DuBois (1899) implored his audience
to examine The Black Church beyond mere religious meeting sites. Conversely, DuBois invited
people to view The Black Church as “the world in which Black people move and act” (p. 201).
3

The researcher acknowledges the pluralism of Black Christian churches in the United States and
around the world. Moreover, the researcher acknowledges that The Black Church is not a
monolith; there are a multiplicity of ideals, practices, rituals, procedures, and beliefs that make
up various Black churches in the United States and around the world. However, this study
focused exclusively on historically independent and totally Black controlled denominations
founded after the Free African Society of 1787. These denominations are the African Methodist
Episcopal (AME) Church; the African Methodist Episcopal Zion (AMEZ) Church; the Christian
Methodist Episcopal (CME) Church; the National Baptist Convention, U.S.A., Incorporated
(NBC); the National Baptist Convention of America, International (NBCA); the Progressive
National Baptist Convention (PNBC); and the Church of God in Christ (COGIC; Lincoln &
Mamiya, 1990). This study will focus on the aforementioned because more than 80 % of all
Black professing Christians hold membership in at least one of these seven denominations (Roof
& McKinney, 1987).
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
The purpose of the research was to address the problem of the role of patriarchy in the
disproportionately low rate of Black Women leaders in predominantly African American
Christian churches. Moreover, this study examined The Black Church, through the lens of Black
Women clergy, to understand the history, beliefs, influences, and structures that may
disproportionately prevent Black Women from obtaining top leadership positions in the
organization. The researcher gathered data from interviews with Black Women clergypersons
and used the data to identify and address the systemic barriers that may unjustly prevent Black
Women from obtaining leadership roles in many Black churches. This research presented data to
ultimately instigate more equitable practices for Black Women in Black churches.
4

This research proposed the following questions in order to better understand the factors
that drive the disproportionately low rate of Black Women leaders in predominantly African
American Christian churches:
1. What, if any, barriers exist that prevent Black Women from assuming leadership roles
in Black churches?
2. To what extent are Black Women granted the same leadership opportunities as men in
Black churches?
Importance of the Study
The problem of disproportionately low rate of Black Women leaders in Black Christian
churches is important to address for several reasons. First, the effects of gender exclusion in
predominately African American churches profoundly impact the African American
community—particularly The Black Church—on many levels. Historically, The Black Church
stood as the anchor of the Black community. In fact, DuBois (1899) referred to The Black
Church as “the center for social life and intercourse for Black people” (p. 201). Additionally, The
Black Church serves as a haven that includes the excluded and empowers her affiliates to fight
for equity for the disenfranchised. However, the exclusion of Women from leadership roles halts
the fulfillment of this very mission and slowly becomes the very society that The Black Church
exists to transform. Chaves (1996) and Giddings (1984) noted that although some Black
churches commit to social and racial justice work, many still omit gender issues that include
Women clergy. However, Modise (2018) warned The Black Church cannot fully and effectively
promote and pursue the liberation of oppressed communities without emphasizing gender
equality in all spheres of life (p. 4).
5

This problem is also important to address because Black churches forfeit substantial
benefits by restricting Women from leadership roles in their churches. Anker (1997) noted
excluding [Women] from a majority of occupations wastes human resources. In fact, studies
show that there are a large number of Women that prefer female leaders (Rosenthal 1995; San-
bonmatsu, 2002, 2003). Dula et al. (2020) found that a strong representation of Women on
leadership boards foster improvement in organizational performance and cultural performance
that includes collegiality, stewardship, interpersonal relationships, and making decisions in the
public trust. Furthermore, Women-led churches increase a church’s involvement in service
initiatives, hence fulfilling the church’s cornerstone and mission. Stewart-Thomas’ 2009 study
indicated that Women-led churches are four times greater to implement community service
initiatives than those of men led churches.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
This study utilized two primary theoretical frameworks to address the problem of
practice: gender role theory and intersectionality theory. Gender role theory is a branch of
Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory that argues that learning occurs through societal
interactions with people, environments, and behavior. Gender role theory is grounded in the
notion that men and Women exist and navigate social structures that establish ascribed roles and
expectations for how men and Women ought to behave (Littlejohn & Foss, 2009).
Intersectionality theory exposes how power comes and collides (Crenshaw, 1991).
Intersectionality exposes the interconnected and overlapping nature of race, class, and gender
and how the subjugation of these interdependent systems establishes and preserves
discrimination (Boston, 2017). An intersectional analysis provides a prism through which people
observe and understand how social identities overlap, creating compounding discriminatory
6

experiences for historically marginalized persons (Crenshaw, 1989). This study utilized an
intersectional lens to highlight how Black Women experience double discrimination in The
Black Church. The source of Black Women’s discrimination is not simply race but also gender
inside of their own communities: The Black Church (Collins, 1990; Crenshaw, 1991).
The researcher approached this study through a qualitative research design. Qualitative
research begins with a social or human problem that is explored for meaning and understanding
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Through this qualitative approach, the researcher gathers, analyzes,
and interprets the meaning of data in light of the emerging questions formed from the social or
human problem of focus (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The researcher interviewed Black Women
clergy in order to explore the problem of practice. This method is appropriate for this study, as it
provided a framework to examine the intersectionality of Black Women’s experiences (as Black
and female) in predominately Black churches. Additionally, through this lens, the researcher
explored the extent to which Black churches ascribe specific gender roles and expectations for
men and Women and establish the gender qualifications for leaders, which subsequently denies
Black Women access to top leadership roles.
Definitions
African American or Black describes people with ancestry from Sub-Saharan Africa who
are residents or citizens of the United States (Livingston et al., 2013). Black or African American
refers to a person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa (U.S. Census Bureau
via Office of Management and Budget, 2010).
A barrier is any factor such as an obstacle, constraint, or inhibitor that prevents
something or a process from occurring (Hadjimanolis, 2003).
7

Black church is a religious institution composed of a predominantly African American or
Black congregation (Adksion-Bradley et al., 2005). Churches independent, historic, and totally
Black controlled denominations, which were founded after the Free African Society of 1787 and
which constituted the core of Black Christians. These are the AME Church; the AMEZ Church;
the CME Church; the NBC; the NBCA; the PNBC; and the COGIC (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990).
Benevolent sexism occurs when individuals and or institutions hold covert negative
evaluations and stereotypes about Women hidden within subjectively positive frameworks.
These stereotypes may appear to be positively supportive but are incredibly detrimental to
Women’s manifestation of equality in leadership (Mikolajczak & Pietrzak, 2014). Benevolent
sexism is a subjectively favorable chivalrous ideology that offers protection and affection to
Women who embrace conventional roles and is used to reward Women who conform to
traditional gender role expectations (Ely et al., 2011).
Clergy are religious specialists that are socially recognized as possessing exclusive and
necessary expertise in specific religions. These persons occupy the upper hierarchy of church
leadership, represent the honor and authority of the church, are given the triple aspect of spiritual
authority: government teaching, and worship (Torjesen, 1995).
Diakonos (διάκονος) is a Greek word used in Romans 16, I Timothy 3, and Philippians 1,
which is used to describe a deacon, servant, minister, or congregational leader (Breed, 2019).
Complementarianism refers to masculine descriptions of leadership and exhortations of
Women’s submission in passages of the Bible in defending male leadership (Adams, 2007; Ware
2012). Complementarianism affirms that men and Women are equal in the image of God, but
maintain complementary differences in role and function in marriage, family, life, church, and
society (Benson & Stangroom, 2009).
8

Equality implies that human beings have the right to equal enjoyment of rights and
freedoms, including opportunities and responsibilities in the social, economic, cultural and
political spheres (Modise, 2018).
Eisegesis the practice of reading information into texts where they do not properly belong
(Sarisky, 348).
Exegesis is a systematic plan for coming to understand a biblical text. Exegesis involves
asking questions as a means to understand the intended purpose behind a biblical text (Long, 69).
In true exegesis, one resists all reduction to a process of linear logic. It proceeds, rather,
according to the logic of induction, guess-work, and trial-and-error-moving from bits and pieces
of information about the text to larger insights about actual textual meaning (Long, 102). The
goal of exegesis is to find the point the author sought to make. It reads out of a text what it has
put into it (Gadamer, 328). This work is achieved through deep analysis of the particulars of a
text, which include words, phrases, categories, characters, literary forms, context, writer, readers,
date, and place (Craddock, 99).
Expectations theory holds that gender is a status characteristic that leads both men and
Women in mixed gender groups to assume greater task competence from men until proven
otherwise.
Gender is a systematic concept that refers to a system of roles and relationships between
men and Women, that are determined not by biology, but by the social, political and economic
context. Gender, therefore, refers not simply to Women and men, but to the relationship between
them, and the way it is socially constructed (Modise, 2018).
9

Gender bias refers to powerful yet often invisible barriers to Women’s advancement that
arise from cultural beliefs about gender as well as workplace structures, practices, and patterns of
interactions that inadvertently favor men (Ely et al., 2011).
Good Ole Boy was first used as an association with males that graduated from prestigious
preparatory schools in England. A more modern interpretation indicates an exclusive group of
typically rich white men who may share a common economic interest or political outcome.
These groups are usually comprised of elitists and are difficult to join unless you already know a
member or share familial ties (Miller, 2011)
Hermeneutics is the interpretation of text or language by an observer and can be used as a
methodology or as an enhancement of phenomenology (Sloan & Bowe, 2014; Webb & Pollard
2006)
Hostile sexism is any antagonism toward Women who challenge male power (Glick &
Fiske, 1996, 2001).
Leadership is the process whereby an individual influences a group of individuals to
achieve a common goal (Northouse, 2019). In this study, leadership denotes executive leadership
positions, which include clergy, pastor, deacon, trustee, and board of directors.
In meritocracy, people are selected and or experience success due to their ability
(McNamee & Miller, 2018).
Ordination is an act of the community empowering and designating an individual for
public ministry in the church through prayer to the Holy Spirit and the laying on of hands
(Wood, 2019b).
10

Patriarchy: Sexism involves the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, and organizational,
institutional, and cultural practices that either reflect negative assessments of individuals based
upon their gender or support unequal status of Women and men (Swim & Hyers, 2009).
Patriarchal power is gender-linked allocation of social roles, which are the product of
everyday interactions and practices (Soman, 2009).
Sexism involves the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, and organizational, institutional, and
cultural practices that either reflect negative assessments of individuals based upon their gender
or support unequal status of Women and men (Swim & Hyers, 2009).
Stereotypes are implicit beliefs that individuals and institutions hold that reflect general
expectations about members of particular social groups (Ellemers, 2018, p. 276).
Organization of the Dissertation
This study is organized into five chapters. Chapter One provides the reader with the
problem of practice being researched: disproportionately low rate of Women leaders in Black
Christian churches. Chapter One presents the context and background of the problem, research
questions, importance of the study, overview of the theoretical framework and methodology, and
the key concepts guiding the research. Chapter Two provides a review of the current literature
surrounding the scope of the problem and study focus. In Chapter Two, the researcher examined
gender discrimination as a focal point that emerged from the literature in light of the problem of
practice. In Chapter Two, the researcher highlighted the common themes that emerged from the
literature: gender norms/roles, biblical interpretations, and narration omissions. Chapter Two
also presents the researcher’s conceptual framework that guides this study. Chapter Three details
the research questions, an overview of design, research site and participants, instrumentation and
data collection, overall strategies used to maximize the study’s credibility and trustworthiness
11

ethics, limitations and delimitations, and an overview of the researcher. In Chapter Four, the data
and results from the study were assessed and analyzed. Chapter Five offers recommendations to
the readers based on data and literary analysis for addressing the disproportionately low rate of
Women leaders in Black Christian churches. Chapter Five also provides recommendations for
further research.
12

Chapter Two: Literature Review
This literature review begins by highlighting the long history of gender discrimination
that prevails in American culture—particularly within American workplaces. The review then
introduces a major barrier that blocks the ascension of Women who pursue leadership roles in
companies, often referred to as the glass ceiling (Gibelman, 2000; Morrison et al., 1987; Reskin
& Roos, 1990). Next, the literature review features the historical context of The Black Church
and discusses the significance and influence of Black Church leaders. The literature review then
reveals gender discrimination that takes place in Black churches. More specifically, the review
presents a barrier that Black Women face in The Black Church, which is known by some as the
stained glass ceiling (Ngunjiri, et al., 2012). This barrier strategically prevents Women from
assuming influential leadership roles, such as clergy in Black churches (Crossfield, 2011).
Finally, the review discusses three areas that significantly impact the exclusion of Women in
leadership, particularly within predominately African American churches. The literature
demonstrates that the gap in justice issues, biased gender role expectations, and sexist
interpretations of the Bible contribute to the sustainability of patriarchal leadership in African
American churches.
The Exclusion of Women in Leadership
American Workplace Gender Discrimination
Most of the early research on leadership focused solely on men. Indeed, much of that
research is still used today in academia and the business sector. However, much of that research
created voids in the findings due to the omission of gender as an important variable in leadership
studies. One explanation for the enduring exclusion of Women in leadership studies is that
Women seldom occupy leadership positions (Denmark, 1993). One multi-logistic regression
13

analysis found that Women are more likely to occupy clerical positions instead of executive
positions (Lloyd et al., 1979). Deep levels of socialization through media, culture, education, and
literature portray Women as inferior and subordinate beings, which promote gender
discrimination and ultimately restricts Women from assuming executive leadership roles
(Sultana, 2012). Gender discrimination is cemented through gender role socialization whereby
traditional male occupational roles feature executive skills such as ambition and achievement,
and traditional female occupational roles promote domestication and subordination in the
workforce (Denmark, 1993).
Gender discrimination manifests when decisions are made solely based on gender.
Workplace gender discrimination occurs when organizational and personnel decisions are based
on gender instead of qualifications, performance, and overall meritocracy (Gutek et al., 1991;).
Women have faced gender discrimination—excluding them from leadership roles—for countless
years. In fact, the presence of gender discrimination has been so pervasive that public policy,
including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, subsequent amendments, and court decisions resulting from
it, have been enforced as means to eradicate the aforementioned (Gibelman, 2000).
Although legislation has theoretically instituted gender equality in workplaces, Women
are still disproportionately underrepresented in executive leadership positions in many
companies (Denmark, 1993). In fact, the few Women who are fortunate enough to secure
executive positions are viewed as tokens—fabricated symbols of perceived inclusivity—due to
the rarity of such promotions (Eagly & Johnson, 1990; Kanter, 1977). In the business sector, Ely
and Rhode (2010) found that although Women have earned and obtained one-third of MBA
degrees in the United States, they only occupy 8% of top leadership positions and only 2% of
Fortune 500 CEO positions. In the legal field, Women constitute more than 40% of the new legal
14

professionals demographic each year and still occupy less than one-fifth of top legal leadership
positions such as federal judges, firm partners, and general counsels of Fortune 500 companies
(Ely & Rhode, 2010). In the political spectrum, Women make up the largest voting demographic
in the United States, yet Women only hold 16% of the congressional seats (Ely & Rhode, 2010).
The gender gap in leadership widens for Women of color (Ely et al., 2011; Ely & Rhode,
2010). Ely et al. (2011) noted that Women of color represent 12% of the professional workforce
but only 3% of Fortune 500 executive positions. In fact, as of 2011, only three Women of color
occupied Fortune 500 CEO positions (Ely et al., 2011). Women of color experience isolation and
exclusion in the workplace disproportionately higher than any other demographic (American Bar
Association, 2006; Bell & Nkomo, 2001;). Catalyst (2014) conducted surveys of American
executives and found that nearly half of the Women of color surveyed never receive
organizational mentorship, which serves as a substantial barrier to advancement in organizational
leadership. Wilkins and Gulati (1996) added that Women of color are restricted from ascending
to top executive leadership positions because companies refuse to assign the required
responsibilities that typically lead to those C-level or top executive-level positions, such as chief
executive officer, chief financial officer, or chief operating officer. These lack of assignments are
critical to expose and underscore, particularly when studies reveal that many Women—
especially Women of color—are underrepresented in top leadership positions due to the absence
of necessary executive administrative experience (Wellington et al., 2003).
Denmark (1993) and Felmlee (1982) maintain that American corporations are structured
as such whereby Women are treated as invisible and secondary, which immobilizes Women and
ultimately inhibits their occupational ascension efforts. For instance, Women are kept in entry-
level positions that have little visibility throughout the organization, which minimizes
15

opportunities for promotion. Consequently, not many companies possess organizational
structures and workforces where both men and Women share analogous occupational positions
and titles (Cohen & Huffman, 2003). Conversely, Eagly and Johnson (1990) claim that there are
still apparent discrepancies in seniority, salary, support, and status, even among the rare
instances where men and Women occupy identical occupational positions. The structural
differences that systematically distribute power and opportunity to Women and men unevenly,
which obstructs Women’s access to advance in leadership positions (Ely & Rhode, 2010; Kanter,
1977; Reskin, 1988). These structures and subsequent practices tend to be tailored and centered
on the experiences of men (Acker, 1990; Ely & Rhode, 2010). Consequently, many Women find
it nearly impossible to break into the good old boys’ network (Catalyst, 2003; Ely & Rhode,
2010). The term ‘good old boys’ refers to an exclusive group of elitist, rich, and white men who
share common interests (Miller, 2011). The exclusion from these types of groups restricts
Women from obtaining beneficial advice and professional development opportunities that may
assist in acquiring leadership positions (Catalyst, 2003; Ely & Rhode, 2010; Heffermen, 2004;
O’Brien, 2006; Ragins, 1998). Thus, aspiring Women leaders face difficulties establishing
leadership identities because they lack the social support that many male aspiring leaders
regularly receive (Ely et al., 2011). Companies that operate with male-dominated organizational
hierarchies deprive Women of adequate role models and perpetuate implicit gender stereotypes
that associate leadership qualities solely with men (Ely et al., 2011; Ibarra & Petriglieri, 2016).
Gender Role Stereotypes
One major contributor to the establishment and sustainment of the underrepresentation of
Women in leadership positions is traditional gender role stereotypes (Eagly & Carl, 2007; Ely &
Rhode, 2010; Rhode & Kellerman, 2007). Stereotypes are implicit beliefs that individuals and
16

institutions hold that reflect general expectations about members of particular social groups
(Ellemers, 2018, p. 276). Gender stereotypes are collective beliefs that groups share about which
characteristics should be attributed to each gender (Eagly et al., 2000). Moreover, gender
stereotypes reflect the ways in which we judge men by job performance and Women by social
relationships (Ellemers, 2018, p. 277). Some typical gender stereotypes suggest that Women are
more feminine, humble, and passive, whereas men are more masculine, confident, and assertive
(Carter, 2012; Crosby, 1982; Eagly et al., 2000; Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Ely &
Rhode, 2010; Foley et al., 2005; Vogel et al., 2003; Wood, 2015). These broadly held images
and ideas about a particular person or group are ubiquitous (Bordalo et al., 2016).
Over time, people develop their own assumptions about ideal leadership. People bring
these varying assumptions into organizations by the time they enter the workforce. The
longstanding assumptions foster stereotypes about what leaders look like and who shall occupy
leadership positions (DeRue & Ashford, 2010; DeRue et al., 2009). Stereotypes manifest in
many ways throughout organizational leadership: through structural policies and paths to
leadership, through perceptions of Women leaders, and through Women’s self-perception of
their leadership ability and success (Ely & Rhode, 2010). These gender-occupational stereotypes
threaten Women and empower men (Latu et al., 2013). Latu et al. (2013) noted that men still
dominate the stereotypical leadership standards, although there has been some equitable
advancement for Women in leadership over the last few decades. Moreover, men are usually
more likely to be credited with leadership ability and are often more accepted as leaders in
organizations (Eagly & Carli, 2007; Ely & Rhode, 2010). Women, on the other hand, are not
typically stereotyped as leaders, and the awareness of the disunion can negatively impact their
leadership performance (Latu et al., 2013), such as employee motivation (Hoyt & Blascovich,
17

2010), executive decision-making (Bergeron, Block, & Echtenkamp, 2006), and business
negotiation (Kray et al., 2004).
The discrepancies between pervasive conventional leadership qualities and stereotypical
traits usually associated with Women create mammoth-like barriers that make it extremely
challenging for Women to climb the executive leadership ladder in companies (Eagly & Carli,
2007; Ely & Rhode, 2010). In professional workspaces, Schein (1973) averred that widely
accepted gender stereotypes establish perspectives by which the traits of the quintessential
executive are closely aligned with ‘typical’ men and incongruous with ‘typical’ Women (Ibarra
& Petriglieri, 2016, p.12). Ely et al. (2011) added that gender stereotypes are so ubiquitous that
Women who experience success in organizations, such as those who attain senior-level executive
positions, violate gender norms and subsequently instigate sanctions. More research supports the
idea that although people generally hold more positive attitudes towards Women than men
(Eagly & Mladmic, 1989), these attitudes are drastically reduced for Women who occupy and
excel in traditionally male roles (Eagly et al., 1992; Ely & Rhode, 2010; Heilman et al., 2004).
Eagly and Johnson’s (1990) meta-analysis study found that Women that occupied typical male
professional positions were devalued more than men. Ibarra and Petriglieri (2016) claimed
Women are sanctioned due to success, and because Women are dually evaluated—through
profession and gender—they are sanctioned due to their actions. Women are sanctioned for
exhibiting qualities too closely aligned with those typically associated with men, such as
assertive, and for qualities too closely aligned with those typically associated with Women, such
as timid (Ibarra & Petriglieri, 2016).

18

Double Standards and Double Binds
Ely and Rhode (2010) referred to this antipathy that Women must overcome in the
practice of authority as “double standards” and “double binds” (p. 385). Through the double
standards and binds, Women leaders are unfairly perceived as either too aggressive or too
passive. The institutions that perpetuate the double standards essentially place Women in “no-
win” situations where it is impossible to succeed (Claes, 2001, p. 394; Dipboye, 1978).
Moreover, Women are shunned and are labeled as abrasive for leading and operating in ways
that are usually regarded and affirmed as assertive for men (Egly & Carli, 2007; Eagly & Karau,
2002; Ely & Rhode, 2010). The institutions that perpetuate the double standards essentially place
Women in “no-win” situations where it is impossible to succeed (Claes, 2001, p. 394; Dipboye,
1978). Double binds and double standards force Women leaders who occupy traditional male
roles to perpetually choose between establishing their competence and likability in organizations,
even though both are essential for effective leadership (Ely & Rhode, 2010).
Rudman and Glick (2001) found that Women who lead in traditional male occupational
roles may be perceived as nice but may struggle to establish and secure respect throughout the
organization. Concomitantly, Catalyst (2007) and Eagly and Carli (2007) found that Women who
conform to traditional female stereotypes are perceived similarly: they are considered likable but
are labeled as “soft,” “emotional,” and “unassertive” hence, forfeiting respect in the male-
dominated organization (p. 385). Loden (1985) maintained that there is a “masculine mode of
management” that warrants competition, authority, and control (Eagly & Johnson, 1990, p. 233).
However, typically affirmed leadership traits such as assertive and authoritative are not
associated with Women and are, in fact, viewed as unattractive traits in Women (Catalyst, 2007;
Eagly & Carli, 2007; Ely & Rhode, 2010). Women leaders who embrace traditional masculine
19

traits may earn respect from colleagues but are often perceived as unlikeable, overbearing,
strident, and callous (Babcock & Laschever, 2003; Eagly & Karau, 2002; Ely & Rhode, 2010).
Catalyst (2004) noted Black Women, in particular, are highly susceptible to these double
binds and standards as they are commonly regarded as hostile and confrontational. Moreover,
Women who display self-assurance in the workplace are often categorized as pushy and
arrogant; however, men are considered confident and entrepreneurial when they exhibit similar
qualities. In fact, a large body of research supports the theory that Women leaders who utilize
presumed masculine leadership styles are viewed and judged more negatively than men who
employ the same traits (Ibarra & Petriglieri, 2016;). Eagly and Johnson’s (1990) meta-analysis
study observed primarily male and female undergraduates and found that Women who engaged
in typical masculine leadership styles such as autocratic were judged more negatively than men.
As a result, Women leaders feel compelled to overcompensate in work efforts as a means to gain
acceptance (Denmark, 1993).
Eagly and Carl (2007) agree that the impact of these double binds justifies the
disproportionately lower ratings that many Women receive on most leadership traits assessments.
Kanter (1977) offers a clarion call as a response to the proposed justification: equalize the power
structure for both men and Women in organizations. He opines that behavioral differences
concerning gender in the workplace stem from the influences of structural power. Continuing,
the behavior of both men and Women in workplaces reflects their power or the lack thereof.
Therefore, organizations that seek to operate with more unified behaviors among genders must
first ensure an equal disbursement of power and status among both men and Women throughout
the entire organization (Eagly & Johnson, 1990; Kanter, 1977).

20

Benevolent and Hostile Sexism
Mikolajczak and Pietrzak (2014) further the conversation surrounding workplace gender
prejudice by naming benevolent and hostile sexism as major components to the perpetuation of
these faulty stereotypes. Benevolent sexism manifests when entities covertly possess and project
adverse stereotypes about Women concealed within illusively positive frameworks (Mikolajczak
& Pietrzak, 2014). Through these frameworks, Women are affirmed, protected, and rewarded
when they conform to traditionally established gender role expectations (Ely & Rhode, 2010).
Hostile sexism, on the other hand, occurs when individuals and institutions oppose, antagonize,
and chasten Women who challenge and attempt to usurp male power (Glick & Fiske, 2001).
The presence of benevolent and hostile sexism cultivates and promotes ambivalence
about Women and deep levels of polarization against them. (Ely & Rhode, 2010). Women face
benevolent sexism and risk potential exclusion from leadership positions when they appear to be
too feminine. Women evoke hostile sexism when they exude masculine leadership traits, which
ultimately prompts rejection and ostracism (Catalyst, 2005; Eagly & Carl, 2007; Ely & Rhode,
2010). Perhaps, one of the greatest tools of exclusion that aspiring Women leaders face is a
phenomenon known by some as the glass ceiling. The intractably enduring glass ceiling prevents
both Women and minorities from ascending and ultimately securing top leadership positions in
organizations (Gibelman, 2000).
Glass Ceiling
The Glass Ceiling refers to the discriminatory attitudes and biases, which establish
barriers that prevent qualified Women and minorities from advancing and obtaining top levels of
organizational leadership (Gibelman, 2000; Morrison et al., 1987; Reskin & Roos, 1990). In
1991, U.S. legislatures formed the Glass Ceiling Commission from Title II of the Civil Right
21

Acts to further investigate the theory, offer recommendations about eliminating the barriers, and
subsequently provide more equitable practices for Women and minorities. The commission
found and supported the existence of such glass ceilings, which systemically excludes Women
and persons of color from top levels of management (U. S. Department of Labor, 1991). The
commission conducted another study in 1995 and reported that Women represented only 5% of
senior-level executive positions in Fortune 1000 companies in America. Additionally, the
findings supported the 1991 report indicating that Women and people of color seldom penetrate
the glass ceiling barrier (Claes, 2001).
Cotter et al. (2001) present four indicators that verify the existence of occupational glass
ceilings within organizations: failure to justify gender inequalities beyond work-related
circumstances, disproportionately less diversity in gender representation at top executive
positions as opposed to entry-level jobs, men benefit from the accretion of job experience much
greater than Women, and clear discrepancies between men and Women in positional
advancement (Schleifer & Miller, 2017). Wirth’s (1999) research supported the existence of the
glass ceiling with noteworthy statistics. She noted that Women account for more than 40% of the
world’s labor force yet only hold 20% of managerial positions. Moreover, the gender gap
between men and Women widens as one ascends the executive hierarchy (Wirth, 1997). Women
not only encounter the glass ceiling against access to executive positions, but they also confront
glass ceilings in top-level compensation (Claes, 2001). Women are disproportionately
underrepresented in top-level paying occupations, and the glass ceiling prolongs the process
more for Women than for men (Claes, 2001; Lipsey et al., 1990).
Some dissenters doubt and contest the existence of said glass ceiling, claiming there are
“holes in the glass ceiling theory” (Kaufman-Rosen, 1995, p. 26). Those who discredit the
22

present reality of the glass ceiling theory contend that significant progress has been made over
the years, citing that 20% of the female American workforce are employed by Fortune 1000
companies, and 5% hold senior executive positions (Claes, 2001). However, Wirth’s (1997)
report for the International Labour Organization found that Women are still excluded from
executive positions in public corporations and the private sector, regardless of credentials,
experience, and ability. Moreover, although the number of Women managers has increased over
the years, Women still face a glass ceiling that usually only grants them access to middle
management positions (Claes, 2001).
A myriad of reasons explain the presence of the glass ceiling phenomenon (Claes, 2001;
Davidson & Cooper, 1992; Kanter, 1977; Lipsey et al., 1990). Davidson and Cooper’s (1992)
employee gender discrimination research links the gender gap in executive leadership to the
additional stress and pressure that Women, unlike men, carry from work, home, and social
environments. Cleas (2001) refers to this burden as the “personal price for top positions,” a price
that Women pay at a much higher rate than men (p. 392). These simultaneously permeating
stressors make it difficult for Women to excel and to ultimately receive occupational promotions,
hence establishing a glass ceiling (Davidson & Cooper, 1992).
On the other hand, the literature suggested that behavior and attitude differences between
men and Women employees remain the primary causes for the existence of the glass ceiling
(Claes, 2001; Kanter, 1977; Lipsey et al., 1990). Claes (2001) equates Women’s lack of
ambition, aspiration, and confidence as major factors that hinder Women from scaling
organizational ladders. She adds that Women act and respond much differently than men as
employees, leaders, and negotiators (Claes, 2001). Kanter’s (1977) research on Women and men
engagement in corporations yielded eight behavioral barriers that seemingly hinder Women from
23

shattering the glass ceiling: Women behave democratically and do not make imperatives;
Women behave passively and avoid conflicts; Women behave culpably and often apologize;
Women behave personally and make decisions influenced by relationships; Women behave
invalidly and do not present and speak indirect ways; Women behave nicely and are intentional
about smiling and not entering power; Women behave humbly and accredit their success to
others.
Lipsey et al. (1990) further this conversation with five socialized gender roles that
contribute to the glass ceiling: ownership—where Women are socialized to accredit the
outcomes of their actions to some external factor(s) instead of embracing full responsibility for
the outcomes of their actions; confidence—where Women are socialized to harbor personal
insecurities while undertaking stereotypical male jobs; boldness—where Women are socialized
to avoid all appearances of success; assertion—where Women are socialized to be meek and not
to pursue power; independent—where Women are socialized to rely on others.
Conversely, Davidson and Cooper (1992) present evidence in their work, Shattering the
Glass Ceiling: The Woman Manager, that seems to debunk portions of Lipsey et al.’s (1990)
theory. The occupational gender bias study sampled Women managers and found many Women
ambitious, driven, confident, and unafraid of success. The research revealed that, in some cases,
Women leaders are indeed more determined and motivated than men (Claes, 2001). Yet, Women
still experience the impact of the glass ceiling and the double binds, since Women who exude
these qualities are labeled hostile, aggressive, unattractive, and unsuitable for promotion
(Catalyst, 2007; Dipboye, 1978; Eagly & Carli, 2007; Ely & Rhode, 2010). While Women have
proven to possess qualities that are historically revered as ideal for leadership, the glass ceiling
still remains (Claes, 2001; Davidson & Cooper, 1992).
24

Much of the research confirming the glass ceiling phenomenon focuses primarily on
business corporations, governmental organizations, professional groups, medicine, and
engineering (Gibelman, 2000). However, regulating a glass ceiling scope of study solely around
for-profit corporations excludes its potential impact on nonprofits like The Black Church.
The Black Church
Historical Context
The Black Church—formerly referred to as The Negro Church before the 1960s—
represents Black American Christian churches (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). Black churches are
unique religious Christian institutions whose memberships are predominately comprised of
African Americans (Adksion-Bradley et al., 2005). Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) noted that these
institutions are not only historical, but they are also autonomous—solely self-controlled—by
seven primary and independent Black denominations established following the 1787 Free
African Society. These denominations are the AME Church; the AMEZ Church; the CME
Church; the NBC; the NBCA; the PNBC; and the COGIC (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990, p. 1).
These seven major denominations represent more than 80% of the entire Black American
Christian demographic (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990).
Gadzekpo (1997) asserted that The Black Church is the single most important Black
institution established pre- and post-slavery. African and Black American religions historian and
scholar Albert Raboteau (2004) refers to The Black Church as the ‘Invisible Institution’ (p. 210)
and sets the primitive history of The Black Church around the American Antebellum Period,
where Black people persevered despite the trauma of the Middle Passage and American chattel
slavery. African slaves desperately searched for techniques in order to survive the hostile and
25

traumatizing environment that slavery produced. Attending and participating in the life of The
Black Church proved to be the prime technique of survival for slaves (Mays, 2015).
Branding Bodies
The Age of Exploration or Age of Discovery (the 1400s–1600s) was marked by
significant binaries and subsequent longstanding hierarchical categorizations that established
value distinctions between people (Benard, 2016). European colonizers emphasized the
distinctions between different bodies, such as hair, skin tone, and body shapes, to cement the
divisions between people (Horowitz, 1973; Hunter, 2007; Montle, 2020; Scheman, 2017;
Stevenson, 1996). During this period, Black African bodies, in particular, were affixed with
derogatory ideological meaning ascribed by Europeans and were subsequently devalued (Benard,
2016). Story (2010) noted that African bodies were deemed vile and treated as “subsets of
humanity” since the 15th century (p. 29). Moreover, during colonialism, Africans were not
established as a race, per se, as much as their African bodies were framed as the opposite of
whiteness (Benard, 2016). The pervasive propaganda that promulgated Black or dark bodies as
ugly, inferior, irrational, and barbaric—”literally imputing crime to color” (Douglass, 1854, p.
30), while conversely promoting white bodies as beautiful, superior, rational, and civic stood as
cornerstones for this effort (Hunter, 2007). As a result, the socially constructed descriptions and
instituted values ascribed to one’s body determined his or her place in the world (Scheman,
2017).
During the Exploration Age, colonizers established the place of Black African Women’s
bodies as other in the world (Benard, 2016; Collins, 2008; Story, 2010). Nader (1997) refers to
this method as “controlling processes,” whereby “ideas of bodies become institutional in relation
to power” (p. 711). Barbara Christian (1985) maintains that enslaved African Women “became
26

the basis for the definition of our society’s Other” (p. 160). For Collins (2002) this othering
significantly marginalized Black Women and made them outsiders in society—”those who can
never really belong” (p. 70). Consequently, the ‘outsider’ status, branded on African Women’s
bodies, serves as the point where other groups define their normality (Collins, 2002, p. 70). This
branding of African bodies was developed and industrialized during the Euro-American slave
trade (Dixon, 2018; Story, 2010).
Antebellum Era
The Antebellum Era (1830-1860) was deeply rooted in the tremendously lucrative
enterprise of Euro-American chattel slavery. The quelling culture of American chattel slavery
sought to avert any development of social cohesion among the African slaves (Frazier, 1963, p.
3). African slaves depended on The Black Church as the sole source of acceptance and
affirmation because The Black Church was the only institution whereby slaves could engage and
hold membership (Raboteau, 2004). The Black Church fostered unity among the African slaves
and dismantled ideological barriers that established moral distinctions between the African
people and the slave planation owners (Frazier, 1963).
Specific designations for bodies in the world were established during the years of chattel
slavery. People understood their places in the world by the treatment of their bodies in history,
and the bodies of those who violated these designations were often punished spectacularly
(Scheman, 2017). Thus, African slaves were forced to suppress all emotions, for fear of being
viciously reprimanded by slave plantation owners, and The Black Church provided space and
grace for them to emote and experience a sense of freedom (Mays & Nicholson, 1933). The
Black Church gave African enslaved people community where they developed their own systems
of beliefs through their outlook within society (Frazier, 1963). Moreover, The Black Church was
27

birthed through vehement defiance towards the slaveholder’s Christian theology, which validated
slavery with the alleged sanctioning by God. Therefore, The Black Church represents the
resistance to white supremacist-driven dehumanization and a declaration of freedom and
blackness as divine (Douglas & Hopson, 2001).
Post Civil War
Shortly after the American Civil War (1861–1865), The Black Church garnered great
relevance and influence, particularly in southern states (Harvey, 2011). The outcome of the
American Civil War outlawed slavery nationwide and subsequently emancipated countless Black
people; however, many Black people, albeit free, struggled to find refuge as they navigated
through their new existential reality (Harvey, 2011; Travis, 2015). The Black Church emerged as
the place of refuge for newly emancipated Black people in the south (Harvey, 2011). Formerly
enslaved Black people also faced difficulty adjusting as freed people due to the barriers of
displacement, poverty, and unemployment (Travis, 2015). Consequently, Black churches in
northern states collaborated with Black churches in the south and equipped newly freed Black
people with skills, trades, and knowledge to empower them as they assimilated in American
culture with newly instated identities (Maffer-Kip, 2001).
Frazier and Lincoln (1974) are adamant about removing the distinctions between The
Black Church and the Black community to fully grasp the impact of The Black Church. The
Black Church has a history of operating as the anchor of the Black community (Banbury, 2014).
Frazier (1964) adds that The Black Church functions as the backbone of Black civilization. The
Black Church is undoubtedly the most influential institution in the Black community and
specifically among Black people (Banbury, 2014). Travis (2015) maintains that Black churches
are not mere stations for religious assembly or social institutions (Douglas & Hopson, 2001);
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Black churches serve as epicenters of power for the entire Black community (Travis, 2015). The
Black Church provided refuge and community for Black people who were forced to live in a
white-dominant all-pervading racist society (Douglas & Hopson, 2001).
Reconstruction Era
The American Reconstruction Period (1865–1877) motivated freed Black persons to
amalgamate in Black churches, hence, making The Black Church the social center of the Black
community (DuBois, 1903; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). Black people gathered together, and
Black churches functioned as bridges for Black people into mainstream society (Douglas &
Hopson, 2001). To that end, E. Franklin Frazier framed The Black Church as “a nation within a
nation” (Higginbotham, 1994, p. 196). Frazier’s ‘nation’ descriptor underscores The Black
Church’s proven vitality amidst slavery and points to The Black Church as one of the few Black
institutions that continues to operate without white supervision and approval post-slavery
(Douglas & Hopson, 2001). Black people—through The Black Church—organically and
intentionally created spaces that fostered affirmation, dignity, empowerment, and self-
fulfillment—feats that would be impossible to conceive and achieve in white American churches
(Frazier & Lincoln, 1974). The Black Church named their own faith communities, purchased
their own buildings, formed their own by-laws, produced and published their own literature,
founded their own institutions of higher education, appointed and elected their own leaders, and
modeled their own forms of worship expression (Lincoln, 1974; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990).
The Black Church’s influence extended beyond the ecclesia into the secular world
(Douglas & Hopson, 2001; Lincoln, 1974; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Travis, 2015). The Black
Church functions as a powerful institution that seeks to combat the perceived evil in society. The
Black Church has a long history of advocating for its people’s freedom from racial oppression
29

and marginalization, access to equal education, and social uplift throughout American society
(Calhoun-Brown, 1999; Dodson, 2002; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). Lincoln and Mamiya (1990)
argued that no other institution holds a more significant impact on Black culture like The Black
Church, calling The Black Church “the cultural womb of the Black community” (p. 8).
Historically, The Black Church housed all aspects of Black life (Douglas & Hopson, 2001;
Frazier, 1964; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990;). Black churches hosted: public and secret social
organizations (Douglas & Hopson, 2001), educational institutions (Harris, 2001; Lincoln, 1974),
businesses (Harris, 2001), and founded Black medical centers, orphanage centers (Montgomery,
1993), and burial societies (Travis, 2015). All of the aforementioned were established and
supported by The Black Church as a direct response to the inexorable systems and structures of
discrimination that relentlessly excluded Black people in America (Douglas & Hopson, 2001;
Travis, 2015). DuBois (1903) referred to this intentionally rebellious Black cultural infusion as a
“gift” that Black people “injected into American life and civilization” (p. 95.).
The Black Church made her social and cultural injection (DuBois, 1903) by establishing
independent hierarchies, distributing power, and bestowing ecclesial leadership and subsequent
privilege to individuals who would otherwise be denied. The bestowment of these ecclesial
leadership positions was granted in hopes that the occupants—through their new vantage
points—would realize the myriad privileges denied to them outside of The Black Church
(Douglas & Hopson, 2001). Black clergypersons benefited greatly from the privilege that came
with occupying the leadership positions in The Black Church, thus, making the office of the
Black preacher the most influential and most coveted in The Black Church (Calhoun-Brown,
1999; Dodson, 2002; DuBois, 1903; Frazier, 1964; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990, Woodson, 1921).
30

Significance of Black Leader/Clergy
DuBois (1903) calls the Black preacher the most distinctive personality developed by
Black people on American soil (Mays, 2015, p. 38). The long history of committed and
unwavering advocacy displayed by The Black Church cemented deep levels of credibility and
trust in the Black community (Calhoun-Brown, 1999; Dodson, 2002; Douglas & Hopson 2000;
Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). One of the most significant figures at the helm of this work was the
Black preacher. Black preachers and pastors became cue-givers—those who gave direction and
guidance to and for the Black community (Brewer et al., 2003). Historically, the Black preacher
not only stood in the fight for justice, but many also led as the face of the movements (Calhoun-
Brown, 1999; Dodson, 2002; DuBois, 2009). Some of the faces of the movements were: Rev. Dr.
Martin Luther King, Jr., Rev. Jesse Jackson, Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth, Rev. Ralph David
Abernathy, Rev. C.T. Vivian, Rev. John Lewis, Rev. James Lawson, all of whom were ordained
ministers (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). The leadership and activism work of Black preachers
brought hope to African American communities (Travis, 2015). Black Preachers gained
recognition not only as leaders in civil rights, but Black preachers also rose to prominence as key
civic leaders during the American Reconstruction Era. Black preacher Hiram Revels of
Mississippi was elected as the first Black congressman in the United States in 1870. (Lincoln &
Mamiya, 1990). Revels’ historic political victory paved the way for countless other African
Americans to win U.S. congressional seats during Reconstruction and beyond. Consequently, the
office of the Black preacher has been lifted and heralded as one of respect, honor, and power
within the Black community (Calhoun-Brown, 1999; Dodson, 2002; DuBois, 2009; Lincoln &
Mamiya, 1990; Woodson, 1921).
31

Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) and Raboteau (2004) noted that after the legislative abolition
of slavery, Black men struggled to gain and maintain dignity in American culture. Even as freed
persons, Black adult men were still called “boy” by many white people living in the southern
American states (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990, p. 206). Searching for affirmed respect and validated
masculinity, Black men found hope in The Black Church, particularly those who assumed the
role of the preacher (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Raboteau, 2004). The title preacher or
“preacherman” has always garnered a relative level of privilege, even tracing back to American
chattel slavery (Raboteau, 2004, p. 234). The Black preacher benefited from the only mite of
distinguishable status offered to Black people in America (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). Post
slavery, whereas many Black adult persons were identified by the pronouns boy and girl, Black
clergy, on the other hand, were given the exclusive titles “preacher” or “Rev.” (Lincoln &
Mamiya, 1990, p. 206). Hence, from slavery, the position of Black preacher carried high esteem
and made the position extremely desirable among the African American community (Raboteau,
2004). Although the Black preacher gained much prominence in the African American
community, the position of preacher/clergy has historically been reserved for men (Banbury,
2014; Barnes, 2006; Brock, 1967; Buhrig, 1989; Chaves, 1997; Konieczny & Chaves, 2000;
Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Ngunjiri, 2012). The exclusion of Women in ecclesial leadership
ultimately contradicts the core values of The Black Church, which include “love, inclusiveness,
justice, freedom, equality” (Douglas & Hopson, 2001, p. 101)
Women Leaders in Black Churches
Holy Hypocrisy
The core values of The Black Church, which include justice, equity, and equality, stand
as the substratum of The Black Church (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). These values represent the
32

most profound ideals of the Black faith tradition and guide all engagement within the Black
community. Therefore, in most cases, the core values of The Black Church are revered and held
as sacrosanct (Douglas & Hopson, 2001). However, implementing the core values is not
instituted free from conflict; Black churches must manage the conflicting nature between their
core values and their contingent values. DuBois (1903) refers to this tension as a war between
two souls. Here, The Black Church wars between their “double consciousness” or two souls:
Black and American (p. 2). Thus, The Black Church is inherently dialectical (Lincoln &
Mamiya, 1990), fundamentally dichotomous (Douglas & Hopson, 2001), and operates through a
dual compensatory and political lens (Paris, 1995). Consequently, in many instances, evident
discrepancies surface between what Black churches profess and what they promulgate, which
ultimately produces enduring structural and relational toxicities in The Black Church (Douglas &
Hopson, 2001).
Perhaps the greatest point of contention for The Black Church rests in her role as chief
conserver. Douglas and Hopson (2000) posited that The Black Church advocates for the
preservation of Black life by conserving the values, traditions, and structures that have proven to
be beneficial to the social, communal, physical, mental, emotional, spiritual, and individual
welfare of the Black community. Moreover, as a safeguard, The Black Church combats all
opposition that seeks to mitigate, extinguish, or replace the unique qualities of the Black
community (Douglas & Hopson, 2001). Consequently, the conserving nature of The Black
Church makes her reluctant to change (Douglas & Hopson, 2001; Wood, 2019b), and the conflict
between the core and contingent values remains (Douglas & Hopson, 2001).
The Black Church’s battle between her core and contingent values is possibly most
pronounced in The Black Church’s treatment of Black Women. While The Black Church has a
33

rich history of professing and proclaiming the values of justice, equity, and equality, she is also
guilty of promulgating and producing sexist and patriarchal systems of power (Douglas &
Hopson, 2001). This conflicting framework causes The Black Church to function with immense
hypocrisy; while she stands as the headquarters for activism for the Black community, she also
operates as one of the chief sources of oppression, particularly for Black Women (Collins, 1991;
Mitchem, 2002). Although The Black Church wrestles with satisfying both core and contingent
values, she does not always operate with ambivalence; The Black Church has established clear
edicts concerning the qualifications of leadership and the subsequent mistreatment of Black
Women (Lincoln, 1974). Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) present copious research that underscores
the faithful and profoundly positive impact that Black Women contribute to the sustainability of
The Black Church. Although the overwhelming evidence suggested that The Black Church
would have quite possibly faltered without the support of Black Women, The Black Church
continues to restrict Women from the “sacredly masculine” (Brock, 1967, p. 531) offices of
preacher and pastor (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990).
As noted earlier, Black men found dignity, distinction, power, and privilege as Black
preachers (Calhoun-Brown, 1999; Dodson, 2002; DuBois, 2009; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990;
Raboteau, 1993, 2004; Woodson, 1921). The Black Church affirmed Black men who were
incessantly humiliated and belittled in every facet of American culture. Additionally, Black male
preachers were regarded as model men in the congregation and community (Douglas & Hopson,
2001). However, while The Black Church empowered Black men by giving them places and
positions that affirmed their manhood, they also concomitantly excluded Black Women from
securing their own sense of privilege (Douglas & Hopson, 2001). Collins (2009) avers that
during the period of Euro-American chattel slavery, colonizers branded Black Women’s bodies
34

through the first controlling image of “Mammy—the faithful, obedient domestic servant” (p. 94).
Moreover, the controlling image of Mammy was used to justify Black Women’s longstanding
designations to domestic service (Collins, 2009). However, Black Women, unlike many Black
preachermen (Raboteau, 2004, p. 234) emerged from slavery still firmly enshrined as Mammy
(Gilkes, 1983, p. 294), and the post slavery Black Church continued to perpetuate this same
stereotype (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Williams et al., 2010). Ultimately, over time, The Black
Church transformed into a single-serving oasis that allowed Black men to claim and enjoy a
portion of patriarchal privilege at the expense of Black Women (Douglas & Hopson, 2001).
Plainly, Black Women were prohibited from preaching and pastoring because Black pulpits were
designated as “men’s space” and pews were designated as “Women’s place” (Lincoln &
Mamiya, 1990, p. 274). Consequently, many Black Women who rebelliously dare to defy the
odds and pursue these top religious leadership positions face an enduring stained glass ceiling
(Ngunjiri, et al., 2012).
Stained Glass Ceiling
Black Women face barriers in the pursuit of gaining acceptance as valid clergy (Lincoln
& Mamiya, 1990; Sentilles, 2008), obtaining official ministry credentials such as ordination and
licensures (Sentilles, 2008; Sullins, 2000; Ngunjiri, et al., 2012), and securing subsequent top
leadership positions in The Black Church (Sentilles, 2008; Stewart-Thomas, 2009; Sullins, 2000;
Ngunjiri, et al., 2012; Zikmund et al., 1998). Ngunjiri, et al., 2012. (2010) refer to the barriers as
the “stained glass ceiling” (p. 86). This stained glass ceiling represents barriers that prevent
Black Women from attaining authoritative positions in [Black churches] such as ‘pastor’ and
relegate Black Women to lower-level positions (Adams, 2007; Nesbit, 1997; Stewart-Thomas,
2009; Sullins, 2000; Ngunjiri, et al., 2012; Zikmund et al., 1998).
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For countless years, the policies of many Christian churches have prohibited Women
from accessing clergy positions (Adams, 2007). Chaves (1997) and Jacquet’s (1988) findings
report much progress, citing that many denominations have implemented substantial changes in
their policies over the years. However, although some people view clergy occupations as
feminine (Nesbitt, 1997), extensive empirical data still reveals a clear disproportion between the
number of Women and the number of men who occupy clergy positions in most religious
assemblies (Adams, 2007; Banbury, 2014; Barnes, 2006; Bock, 1967; Buhrig, 1989; Chaves,
1997; Konieczny & Chaves, 2000; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). More specifically, the research
indicated that Black churches are much more reluctant to affirm the authority of Women clergy
than other mainline Christian churches (Williams et al., 2010).
Black Women face stained glass ceilings despite their participation, presence, and
educational credentials (Carroll & Washington, 2006; Sullins, 2000). Although studies reveal
that Women are more present than men in churches (Carroll & Washington, 2006) and more
active than men in church congregational participation (Djupe et al., 2007; Sullins, 2000),
Women are still disproportionately underrepresented in top religious leadership positions
(Adams, 2007; Banbury, 2014; Barnes, 2006; Bock, 1967; Buhrig, 1989; Chaves, 1997;
Konieczny & Chaves, 2000; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Ngunjiri, McDuff & Mueller, 2002).
Additionally, Women face stained glass ceilings even though they are more formally educated
than men (Barna, 2009). Women outnumber men in the enrollment of seminary or official
biblical education programs (Sullins, 2000) and Women earn over 10% more seminary degrees
than men (Barna, 2009). Collins (1991) found that in the few instances where Black Women
occupy leadership roles, they do so voluntarily without acknowledgment, promotion, or
compensation. Some contrarians contest these theories by emphasizing the significant impact of
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many Women’s conventions and departments of Black churches. Lincoln and Mamiya (1990)
confirm that these conventions and departments thrive as some of the largest organized groups of
African American Women. Through the conventions and departments, Women are empowered
to serve in various capacities: writers, secretaries, clerks, musicians, choir directors, nurses,
teachers, counselors, education directors, deaconesses, missionaries, and evangelists (Lincoln &
Mamiya, 1990, p. 275). In fact, some select Women are bestowed with the esteemed title “church
mother.” This venerated title is unique to The Black Church and usually indicates the oldest and
most respected Women in the church (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990, p. 275). Although the
designation of church mother garners much respect within The Black Church and the Black
community, it is honorific and typically subordinate to the male-dominated executive position of
pastor (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990).
Chaves’ (1996) study reports an almost 50% decline in policies that exclude Women
from assuming executive leadership roles in Christian churches. However, studies indicate
apparent incongruities between the newly adopted policy changes and the actual unofficial
practices that the churches engage (Acker 1974; Reskin 1993; Weick 1979). Some churches find
ways to circumvent the full affirmation of Black Women preachers. In many spaces, people
intentionally refer to Black Women preachers as ‘evangelist’ and ‘missionary’ instead of
‘reverend’ and ‘pastor’ (Ngunjiri, et al., 2012). These designations covertly degrade Black
Women preachers. Another more blatant way Black Women preachers experience discrimination
occurs when they are invited to preach but are restricted from preaching directly from the pulpit
(Ngunjiri, et al., 2012).
The stained glass ceiling, which vehemently opposes Women leadership, negatively
impacts Women in many ways inside The Black Church (Finlay, 2003; Sullins, 2000); however,
37

the strongest resistance that Black Women face is the barrier that prevents them from securing
the highest congregational leadership position—head clergy/senior pastor (Adams, 2007;
Zikmund et al., 1998). The ordination process is an official process whereby aspiring clergy
undergo for a period set by a church. The process culminates with a public display of
empowerment and affirmation from a church community, which officially validates one’s
preaching ministry (Wood, 2019b). Opposing church leaders often extend and complicate the
ordination process for Women as a primary means to hinder Women from obtaining senior
pastor positions (Sentilles, 2008; Sullins, 2000; Ngunjiri, et al., 2012).
Sarah Sentilles (2008) describes the ordination process for Black Women as the jumping
of hoops (p. 95). Crossfield’s (2011) study found that Black Women preachers face barriers of
sexism and slow ordination processes. Sentilles (2008) adds that Black Women preachers often
face two difficulties during the ordination process that men do not have to experience: sexual
advances from male pastors and objection from family members. The stained glass ceiling
persists even beyond Black Women’s successful ordinations. Women clergy experience vertical
segregation as they are placed at the bottom of church organizational hierarchies, hindering
advancement (Adams, 2007; Purvis, 1995; Sullins, 2000). Chang (1997) reports that it takes
significantly longer time for Women to obtain church jobs. Consequently, many Women clergy
secure non-church jobs such as hospital and university chaplains (Bagilhole, 2006; Zikmund et
al., 1998). Women clergy also experience horizontal segregation as they are typically appointed
to lead children’s ministries and rural congregations (Bagilhole, 2006, 2003; Zikmund et al.,
1998). Nesbitt (1997) adds that when Women acquire those entry-level jobs, it takes them longer
to be promoted from those positions. Hence, the stained glass ceiling prevents more Women than
men from obtaining senior/head pastor positions (Sullins, 2000; Zikmund et al., 1998). The
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stained glass ceiling persists in Black churches due to three major concerns: a gap in justice
issues, biased gender role expectations, and sexist interpretations of the Bible. These three issues
contribute to the sustainability of patriarchal leadership in African American churches.
Barriers Preventing Black Women Church Leaders
Gap in Justice Issues
Historically, many Black churches committed themselves to lifelong justice work. In
order to fulfill this mission, The Black Church operates in dual capacities: prophetic and priestly.
In the priestly role, The Black Church stands as a refuge for survival that protects the Black
community. In the prophetic role, The Black Church functions as a liberation network that
engages in political and social matters germane to the Black community (Lincoln & Mamiya,
1990). Black churches—continuing in the legacy—fight to establish equality for the
marginalized and gain equity for the disenfranchised. The Black Church has a strong history of
intentionally exposing and addressing the social ills of poverty, racism, and discrimination in
society—particularly as it relates to Black people (Barnes, 2006). However, many Black
churches fail to include Black Women’s issues in that movement. Chaves (1996), Giddings
(1984), and Green (2003) noted that although some Black churches commit to social and racial
justice work, many still omit gender issues that include Women clergy. Green (2003) contends
that while Black churches fight for justice and equality for African Americans, Black Women are
still beset with unresolved and seemingly ignored injustices and inequalities. Black Women
report experiencing clear displays of sexism in Black churches, which ultimately contradicts The
Black Church’s commitment to liberation for the entire Black community (Green, 2003).
Gilkes (2001) noted that Black Women have a history of advocating for the injustices that
plague Black men. These issues include the spiritual, economic, political, legal, and socio-
39

emotional state of Black men (West, 1988). As a result, Black men have greatly benefited from
the activism of Black Women (Gilkes, 2001). However, Black Women fail to receive reciprocal
advocacy efforts from Black male church leaders (Gilkes, 2001). The voices of Black Women
have historically been muted and minimized in the context of The Black Church’s liberation
efforts (Battle, 2006; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Thomas, 2004a; Wright, 2004). Although the
success of many Black church programs hinges on the support of Black Women, Black male
church leaders marginalize Women and remain silent on the need for Women in leadership
(Green, 2003). Hullm et al.’s (1981) research indicated that several Black church founders—
many of whom zealously combatted racial injustices—ignored the same discriminatory
maltreatment extended to Women that they opposed against African Americans.
Barnes (2006) conducted research that examined the correlation between Black church
involvement in social and racial justice issues and the support for Women pastors. The study
used bivariate and logistic regression analyses and surveyed 1,863 Black churches across seven
denominations and found that Black church social activism involvement does not necessarily
correlate positively with support for Women [leaders]. One way to include Black Women’s
injustice issues is with the full support of Black churches. Many Black Women who pursue
leadership roles in Black churches fail to gain support for their leadership aspirations. One
qualitative descriptive normative study, Modise (2018), interviewed 100 churches in South
Africa to explore if Black churches support and implement gender justice throughout their
organizations. The study found that although some Black churches incorporate justice and
equality language in their mission statements, many still fail to adequately support gender
equality in their strategic planning and leadership selections.

40

Single-Axis Analysis
Kimberle Crenshaw (1989) studied the plight of Women in light of justice issues, and she
concluded that many Women are left on the margins in the fight for justice and equality due to a
single-axis analysis that distorts the multidimensionality of Black Women’s experience. This
single-axis analysis essentially groups Women in one disenfranchised community such as Black
or Woman and subsequently forces Women to choose which category they would identify and
represent. Unfortunately, according to Crenshaw (1989), Black churches that utilize the single-
issue framework for discrimination not only exclude Black Women within the church but also
make the “elusive goal of ending racism and patriarchy even more difficult to attain” (p. 152).
Black Women experience discrimination and oppression through two overlapping identities:
Black and female. Frances Beal (2008) refers to this quagmire as ‘double jeopardy’. While Black
Women are discriminated against due to their ethnicity and gender in society, Black Women also
experience discrimination based on gender inside The Black Church (Collins, 2009; Crenshaw,
1991). Crossfield’s (2011) quantitative study of Black Women clergy in The United Methodist
Church provides evidence that Black Women ‘labor under sexism’ as they navigate between
their two identities of Black and Woman in The Black Church (p. 265). Therefore, Crenshaw
(1989) recommended that Black Women’s experiences be analyzed through an intersectional
lens as an alternative to the deficient single-axis approach.
An intersectional lens exposes the interconnected and overlapping nature of race, class,
and gender and how the subjugation of these interdependent systems establishes and preserves
discrimination against Black Women (Boston, 2017). Moreover, an intersectional approach
provides a prism through which The Black Church could observe and understand how the social
identities of Women, such as Black and female, overlap, which compound discriminatory
41

experiences for Black Women (Crenshaw, 1989). Black churches that fail to focus on the
intersectionality of Black Women’s experiences are prone to perpetuate inequities towards Black
Women, such as isolating Black Women and leaving Black Women to fend for themselves
(Boston, 2017; Crenshaw, 1989), discarded and abandoned like ‘sisters in the wilderness’
(Williams, 2013). The utilization of an intersectional framework would be highly beneficial for
The Black Church. The intersectional lens of Black Women’s experiences provides a
comprehensive model that can be used to broadly understand the diverse social and spiritual
challenges of various oppressed communities (Barnes, 2006).
Lack of Congregational Support
One way to include Black Women’s injustice issues is with the full support of Black
churches. Barnes (2006) posited that many Black churches omit gender issues from their focus
because they claim that there is not enough room to address both racism and gender concerns
effectively. Barnes’ (2015) research indicated that some Black churches do not prioritize Black
Women’s issues because they feel called to empower Black men as leaders, protectors, and
providers as a way to reduce and eliminate poverty in the Black community (Fellmeth, 2005;
Johnson, 2000). Green (2003) found that many pastors remain silent about sexism in The Black
Church because many view the issue of racism as the primary injustice afflicting Black people.
Additionally, some Black men feel that the pursuit of equal and equitable practices for Black
Women is a “diversionary tactic to deflect attention from the more compelling struggle for Black
liberation” (p.117). Some even maintain that there is no need to emphasize gender issues in The
Black Church because Black Women are already liberated (Cone & Wilmore, 1993). Other
Black male preachers remain silent because they hold and reflect the same sexist and patriarchal
ideologies of those in society as a whole (Green, 2003).
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Conversely, Cone (1984) argued that Black men cannot consciously protest racism in
white churches without acknowledging their sexist contributions in The Black Church. Modise
(2018) adds that Black men cannot consciously propagate liberation theologies and practices
without emphasizing gender equality in all spheres of life (p. 4). Modise continues, Black men
must acknowledge and announce that the treatment of Black Women preachers in The Black
Church is unacceptable. Black churches must create spaces where Black liberation and womanist
theologies are valued, lifted, defended, and viewed as interconnected and not mutually exclusive
(Cannon et al., 2011; Crenshaw, 1991; Giddings, 2007; Hayes 2010; Williams, 2013; Wright,
2004). There is an apparent need for the joint emphasis on racial and gender issues in The Black
Church (Barnes, 2015). Higginbotham (1993) maintains that the complete scope of Black life
cannot be understood or addressed without a full analysis of the social relations between men
and Women. Hayes (2010) and Williams (2013) assure that including Women’s issues does not
disable Black male leaders but creates a refuge and empowerment center for all oppressed
groups. This mission will not be achieved through optic modifications that merely institute
programs for Black Women without the necessary theological explanation and motivation. The
collective mission is achieved by implementing policies and procedures that dismantle all
inequalities and through instruction that educate and reinforce inclusivity (Barnes, 2015). One
important area that warrants new instruction and implementation in The Black Church is the
gender role expectations.
Gender Role Expectations
There are many perspectives surrounding the key traits associated with effective
leadership. A myriad of factors influences each perspective. However, the variables of race,
culture, and gender have a significant impact on the conversation of effective leadership (Carter,
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2012; Lorber, 1994). In the context of The Black Church, gender continues to stand as one of the
most important qualifying factors for leadership. Perceptions around gender differences have
excluded Women from numerous leadership positions in Black churches (Carter, 2012; Cheung,
1997; Stelter, 2002).
The gender difference barrier that impedes the elevation of Women into leadership roles
in The Black Church is rooted in gender role expectations. Gender role expectations come from a
branch of social role theory that indicates that societies construct different characteristics among
the sexes for the division of labor that equip people for work roles in society (Eagly & Wood,
1987). Plainly, gender role expectations are socially constructed beliefs about how men and
Women should behave (Carter, 2012; Eagly & Wood, 1987). In broad terms, ‘gender’ is a social
construct within itself that assigns differences between male and females and determines what it
permissible and acceptable for both men and Women (Wood, 2019b). Additionally, gender role
expectations depend on contextual factors (Vogel et al., 2003) and are established and reinforced
through learning and perpetual conditioning. (Modise, 2018; Mwaura, 2001). Cultures are
socialized by the assignments that societies establish for males and females after they determine
which behaviors are most acceptable for each gender (Denmark, 1993). Typically, men are
assigned masculine behaviors and Women are assigned feminine behaviors (Foley et al., 2005;
Vogel et al., 2003). The presence of gender role expectations permeates throughout society, and
in many cases, the establishment of the expectations becomes a permanent process (Modise,
2018; Mwaura, 2001). The socialization of gender roles is transmitted through educational,
political, economic, legislative, and cultural systems (Omoyibo & Ajayi, 2011; Wood, 2019b).
Historically, the socially constructed gender roles create hierarchies that establish and promote
male dominance and female subordination (Wood, 2019b). Moreover, gender role beliefs
44

instigate the creation of institutionalized rules, laws, and policies, which prohibit Women from
assuming certain roles exclusively reserved for men (Mikolajczak & Pietrzak, 2014).
Sultana (2012) warns that the policies and practices that dictate Women as inferior and
subsequently subjugate them are ever-present in families, social relations, and religion. The
policies and practices that are influenced by gender role differences have historically excluded
Women from secular and religious leadership positions (Carter, 2012; Cheung, 1997; Stelter,
2002). In fact, some scholars argue that all organizations are gendered in some form because the
policies and practices continue to render advantages to men over Women (Acker, 1990; Connell,
2002; Stewart-Thomas, 2009). However, research indicated a strong correlation between
traditional religious ideologies and stereotypical gender role beliefs (Fannin, 1979; Herzog &
Bach- man, 1982; Morgan, 1987). Likewise, Mikolajczak and Pietrzak (2014) claim that
religious institutions are one of the most culpable in establishing and validating specific [gender]
hierarchies of value (p. 387).
Carter (2012) and Eagly et al., (2000) offer that gender role beliefs also determine the
male and female characteristics of leadership. Traditional gender role expectations stand as one
of the chief obstacles that disqualify Women from obtaining leadership roles in The Black
Church (Banbury, 2014). Gender role expectations foster gender stereotypes that are used as one
of the most powerful forms of violence against Black Women. These stereotypes have the
potential to demean, degrade, and diminish the dignity of Black Women. As a result, Black
Women are marginalized and their human rights are withheld (Wood, 2019b). Black Women
have experienced—first-hand—the repressive power of gender role focused-religious policies in
their quest to secure religious leadership positions.
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Higginbotham (1993) reports that Black Women initially acquiesced to traditional gender
roles in The Black Church as a sacrifice to advance Black communities within white American
culture. However, over time, the set gender roles have been used to silence, suppress, and sustain
the subordinate status of Black Women. The Black Church mutes the privilege of Black Women
by restricting them from leadership positions such as ordained clergy (Cummings & Latta, 2008;
Heard & Ricard, 2018). Although Black Women represent the largest demographic in Black
churches, many Black Women are excluded from top leadership roles and are constrained to only
roles that are stereotypically ascribed to Women (Douglas & Hopson, 2001; Dyson, 2003;
Gilkes, 1996, Heard & Ricard, 2018), or traditional areas of work (Crossfield, 2011). Women are
expected to embody communal traits such as affectionate and nurturing, whereas men are
expected to exemplify agentic traits such as confident and assertive—traits of the quintessential
religious leader (Crosby, 1982; Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Eagly et al., 2000; Foley et
al., 2005). Consequently, Women are restricted from religious leadership roles due to their
perceived lack of assertiveness (Bem, 1974). These perceived gender differences influence
people to believe that Black Women are incapable of possessing the theological minds and
leadership qualities necessary for effective religious and pastoral leadership (Modise, 2018, p.
34). Furthermore, the perceived gender differences disqualify Black Women as recipients of
spiritual knowledge, hence, validating the roles of preacher and pastor as exclusive to men
(Modise, 2018).
Some lean on the complementarian position as a basis to justify Women’s exclusion from
religious leadership roles (Adams, 2007; Benson & Stangroom, 2009; Chan, 2015; Lockwood,
2021; Ware, 2012). Complementarians use scripture to validate male leadership and the
subordination of Women (Adams, 2007; Ware, 2012). The complementarian theory affirms that
46

men and Women are equal but share different complementary roles and functions in family,
church, and society (Benson & Stangroom, 2009). Women are expected to occupy roles such as
usher, host, cook, cleaner, and caregiver (Crossfield, 2011; Heard & Ricard, 2018; Manville,
1997; Stewart-Thomas, 2009). All of the aforementioned are lower-level volunteer positions that
are typically associated with servitude and caring work. Most cultures consider this caring work
to be Women’s work (Kerfoot and Korczynski, 2005). Similarly, the expectation in Black
churches is that Black Women will tend to the congregational caring work (Stewart-Thomas,
2009).
Women who align with these types of gender roles are valued and rewarded, while those
who deviate are treated with hostility and suspicion (Mikolajczak & Pietrzak, 2014). In fact,
some even feel that those who deviate from the prescriptive gender norms should be punished
instead of protected (Mikolajczak & Pietrzak, 2014, p. 388). For instance, Burris and Jackson’s
(1999) study found that traditionally religious communities believed domestic abuse victims only
when those victims conformed to established gender role expectations. Moreover, Women who
reject the gender role standards that promote inferiority to men, experience coercion,
intimidation, and violence (Madlala-Routledge, 2009; Wood, 2019b). Women who rebelliously
pursue leadership roles in The Black Church, such as preacher, minister, deacon, and pastor, are
perceived as overstepping their purview (Heard & Ricard, 2018, p. 675), deviate from the set
gender role expectations for Women, and ultimately disrupt the set gender hierarchy
(Mikolajczak & Pietrzak, 2014). This righteous defiance is met with unrest and layers of
resistance (Madlala-Routledge, 2009; Mikolajczak & Pietrzak, 2014; Wood, 2019b).
Mikolajczak and Pietrzak, (2014) maintain that sexist and patriarchal attitudes do not
manifest arbitrarily and capaciously; they are the by products of deeply rooted belief systems.
47

These belief systems are embedded with the usage of symbols, images, and language (Acker
1990, 1999; Cadge, 2004; Makhene, 1997, as cited in Wood, 2019a) and are passed down
through generations (Wood, 2019). Acker (1990, 1999) confirms that symbolism and imagery
are apparatuses used to establish gender roles and to justify divisions of gender in organizations.
Male controlled imagery and language has successfully been used to dominate Women in
churches since it’s conception (Lehman, 1980); Makhene, 1997, as cited in, Wood 2019a).
Cadge (2004) and Lehman (1980) add that most religions construct and display masculine
imagery and utilize male-dominant language when depicting the divine. Male-dominated
depictions of the divine perpetuate the notion that there is a correlation between divinity and
masculinity, which is used to reinforce gender roles and to ultimately disqualify Women from
top ministry leadership roles (Chaves, 1997; Gilkes, 1985; Kwilecki, 1987; Lincoln & Mamiya,
1990; Smith & Stevens, 2003) The Bible is held as sacred and is used as the chief symbol and
source of the [Black] Christian community (Hadebe, 2007, Wood, 2019b). Different people have
interpreted the Bible for countless years; however, many of those interpreters were men who
used scripture to validate gender stereotyping and gender equality (Hadebe, 2007).
Biblical Interpretations
Institutionalized inequalities are developed by dominant cultural, historical, and
geographic influences (Stump, 2008; Wood, 2019b). The predominant religious customs in a
given society also contribute tremendously to the presence of inequalities that are prevalent in
culture (Stump, 2008). Over time, Christianity—deeply influenced by cultural patriarchy
prevalent in society—evolved into ecclesial patriarchy, where established religious customs
marginalized all Women (Anderson & Stránský, 1979; Green, 2003). Green (2003) contends that
48

many of the policies that confine Black Women are built from interpretations of the first-century
cultural norms instead of actual Christian tenets.
Language is a primary tool that those in power use to subjectively define truth and
ultimately diminish the visibility and voices of marginalized communities (Wilmore & Cone,
1984). In light of the aforementioned, men in power have reduced the visibility of Women in
leadership through patriarchal linguistics (Green, 2003). Kobo and Mangoedi (2017) maintained
that the church has sanctioned patriarchal gender inequality through theological justification and
Christian rationalizations (Williams, 1993, p. 83). The theological justifications and Christian
rationalizations are underscored in church policies, which detail what a church believes, how it
will operate, and how it will be governed. Banbury (2014) and Wood (2019) averred that policies
influenced by patriarchy are the main barriers that prevent the establishment of gender equality
within faith communities. Moreover, men are essentially granted approval by their churches and
consent from Women to oppress due to church policies that promote Women’s inferiority
(Madlala-Routledge, 2009, p. 4).
For The Black Church, many of the patriarchal policies that exclude Women from clergy
positions are derived from biblical interpretations (Banbury, 2014; Dodson & Gilkes, 1983;
Green, 2003; Fiorenza, 1979; Kobo, 2018; Nesbitt, 1997). Banbury (2014) and Nesbitt (1997)
confirmed that cultural traditions and biblical interpretations emitted within Black churches
produce dominant ideologies that sustain gender inequality practices. In fact, the presence of
patriarchy, inequality, and the subsequent marginalization of Women have existed as long as the
accounts of Judeo-Christian biblical history (Wood, 2019b). The Genesis creation narrative,
recorded in The Hebrew Bible or The Old Testament of The Bible (Genesis chapters 1-4), details
what many Christianity and Judaism practicing people believe to be the account of the first
49

humans on Earth: Adam and Eve. Through this biblical narrative, distinctive gender roles are
interpreted as established and ordained by God (Banson & Stangroom, 2009); Eve—the
Woman—is depicted as inferior to Adam—the man (Wood, 2019b), and therefore, Adam (man)
is established by God as the leader in family, marriage, and in society (Banson & Stangroom,
2009; Landman, 2009). Additionally, the Genesis creation narrative is frequently used as a
“double bind for Women” that subjugates Women and faults Women for the subjugation (Wood,
2019b).
The Bible is the primary source that guides the governance of The Black Church.
Although the Bible directs The Black Church, the interpretations of the Bible are varied—
especially hermeneutics surrounding gender inequality and stereotyping (Hadebe, 2007; Wood,
2019b). Hermeneutics are interpretations of literary texts by individuals and institutions that are
used as methodologies or tools to study phenomena (Sloan & Bowe, 2014; Webb and Pollard
2006). Specific scriptural hermeneutics are used as tools of manipulation, silence, humiliation,
and marginalization against Women in churches (Wood, 2019b). Hadebe (2007) adds that
Women are portrayed and interpreted in scripture as minor role players and background figures
in God’s plan. These biblical interpretations reinforce Women’s role as subordinates to men in
The Black Church and inside of households (Heard & Ricard, 2018).
Church founders used their interpretations of scripture such as Genesis 1:27, Genesis
2:20–23, Genesis 3:1–24, 1 Timothy 2:8–15, 1 Corinthians 11:7–9, 1 Corinthians 14:33–35, and
Ephesians 5:22–23, to authorize the continued subordination of Women (Wood, 2019b).
Presently, those who oppose Women clergy view Women’s gender roles as secondary, and they
eisegetically hunt for scriptures to validate their sexist positions (Green, 2003; Roberts, 1994).
Some objectors highlight that scripture details the fact that Jesus selected only men to be his first
50

disciples or ministry student—leaders, which indicates God’s design for leadership and ministry
occupancy (Crossfield, 2011). Black Women, more specifically, have been excluded from
ordination processes that would grant religious leadership positions due to biblical interpretations
that exclude Women from serving as clergy, forbid Women teachers, prohibit Women from
exercising authority over men, and command Women to remain silent (Banbury, 2014;
Chaves,1997; Gilkes, 1985; Kwilecki, 1987; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). In I Timothy 2:12 and I
Corinthians 14:43, Women are commanded to remain silent during religious or church meetings
and to submit to men’s authority. Many church leaders interpret these two texts to imply that
since Women are commanded to remain silent and be submissive to men, then Women are
ineligible from speaking, teaching, preaching, or leading in the church, which ultimately
disqualifies them from functioning as preachers and pastors in The Black Church (Green, 2003).
Other rejectionists lift passages such as I Timothy 3:2 and Titus 1:6, which state that deacons and
elders must be husbands of one wife, as a means to implicitly disqualify Women from occupying
church leadership positions (Adams, 2007). Hence, patriarchal hermeneutics combined with
androcentric religious culture and western misogynous themes prevalent in society (Tavris &
Offir, 1977) solidify unwavering resistance to Women that pursue ministry leadership positions
(Lehman, 1980).
Casimir et al. (2014) and De Conick (2011) noted that many formally accepted and
implemented biblical hermeneutics were rendered by those living in and influenced by sexist,
misogynistic, and patriarchal cultures. However, Mollenkott (1979) argued that it is irresponsible
to conclude that since the Bible was inspired and transcribed through an androcentric culture,
then that social structure is the universal will of God. Still, many churches continue to subscribe
and hold firmly to those partial, misconstrued, and faulty interpretations of scripture (Casimir et
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al., 2014). Yet, a deeper analysis reveals gaps in some of the longstanding biblical
interpretations. For instance, the presumed command for Women to be silent in 1 Timothy 2:12
is more accurately translated as a command for Women to be composed and not disruptive
(Green, 2003).
Belleville (2000) and Carter (2012) highlight scripture passages that declare equality for
all people. One scripture, in particular, resounds as it declares, “There is no longer Jew or Greek,
there is no longer slave or free, there is no longer male and female; for all of you are one in
Christ Jesus” (Galatians 3:28, NRSV). Anderson and Stránský (1979) maintain that The Black
Church has failed to fully embrace this scripture, and the evidence thereof is found in their
failure to fully infuse this philosophy in their institutional policies and practices. Although
counter analyses have been presented to debunk misogynistic biblical interpretations, many
[churches] remain staunch and unapologetic in their established gender role distinctions and
refuse to acknowledge and apply biblical interpretations that affirm Women (Lummis, 1999;
Stewart-Thomas, 2009). These blatant acts of defiance fundamentally sanctify gender role
distinctions in the church (Lummis, 1999). This defiance is even more pronounced in The Black
Church. Green (2003) noted that while Black male clergy unhesitatingly reject and present
counter interpretations that refute slavery endorsing scriptures, many fail to take the same
position with religious texts that seem to sanction the subjugation of Women.
Woods (2019) contends that biased biblical interpretations of Women are readily
accepted because the true stories of Women biblical characters have been omitted. De Conick
(2011) adds that ancient sources of scripture—primarily men—obstructed, marginalized,
overwrote, erased, and sometimes replaced Women’s stories with misogynistic narratives that
were made holy (p. 147). Belleville (2000) and Carter (2012) argued that the Bible is saturated
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with examples of Women leaders: Miriam was a prophetesses who lead people in praise to God
after deliverance from slavery (Exodus 15:20-27, NRSV); Deborah was a spiritual leader and a
judicial leader (Judges 4, NRSV), Huldah was a spiritual leader and advisor to a king Josiah (2
Kings 22:14-20; 2 Chronicles 34:22-28, NRSV); Vashti was the queen and leader of Persia
(Esther 1, NRSV); Esther was a Jewish-Persian queen who used her power to advocate for the
Jewish people (Esther 2, NRSV); Judith was a leader and warrior who used her power to destroy
an opposing Assyrian leader, which freed the Israelites from oppression (Judith 13, NRSV);
Lydia was an entrepreneur who lead her family to Christianity during a time of major hostility
(Acts 16, NRSV); Priscilla was a ministry leader who worked with and risked her life for the
Apostle Paul (Romans 16:3-4, NRSV); Junia was a ministry leader in whom Paul refers to as an
Apostle—one of the highest ecclesial leadership titles in the church (Romans 16:7,NRSV); and
Phoebe was a ministry leader in whom Paul praised and referred to as the Greek word diakonos,
(διάκονος) which means minister or deacon (Romans 16:1-2, NRSV). Ironically, the Greek word
diakonos (διάκονος) is the same word that is used to describe the church leadership office of
deacon or minister in I Timothy 3:8-13, from which many Women have been historically
excluded (Breed, 2019). Yet, Black Women still remain substantially underrepresented in Black
Church leadership positions (Adams, 2007; Banbury, 2014; Barnes, 2006; Bock, 1967; Buhrig,
1989; Chaves, 1997; Konieczny & Chaves, 2000; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Ngunjiri, McDuff &
Mueller, 2002). I present a conceptual framework that highlights both gender role theory
(Littejohn & Foss, 2009) and intersectionality theory (Crenshaw, 1989) as a means to address the
aforementioned tensions of The Black Church that the literature review unearthed.

53

Theoretical and Conceptual Framework
Littlejohn and Foss’s (2009) gender role theory and Crenshaw’s (1989) intersectionality
theory influenced the conceptual framework of this study. Gender role theory suggests that social
structures establish ascribed roles for how both men and Women are expected to behave
(Littlejohn & Foss, 2009). In this study, Black churches function as the structure that designates
men as appropriate and expected leaders and subsequently denies Black Women access to
leadership roles. Patriarchal interpretations of scripture are the tool that validates the sexist social
structures that exist within The Black Church (Banbury, 2014; Kobo & Mangoedi, 2017; Nesbit,
1997; Wood, 2019b).
Adopting an intersectional lens is one effective way to fully examine the profound impact
that patriarchal interpretations have on Black Women in The Black Church. Crenshaw (1989)
introduced the term intersectionality as a means to expose and explain the interconnectedness of
identity status variables, such as gender, class, race, and orientation, which establish and
maintain societal issues of power that oppress Women in The Black Church (Valentine, 2007).
The conceptual framework of this study discusses how Black Women—continuing the language
from DuBois’ (1903) Souls of Black Folks—live and navigate through more than one
overlapping realities. DuBois argued that Black American citizens live with a ‘double
consciousness’: Black and American. According to DuBois, African Americans are keenly aware
of these overlapping identities and must learn how to prudently move between the two
overlapping spheres for survival. Black Women, in the case of this study, are forced to operate in
The Black Church with a ‘triple consciousness’—one whereby Black Women operate within at
least three permeating and complex spheres: Black, American, and female.
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Ladson-Billings (2013) cautions that framing research around intersectionality can create
difficulty due to the standard binary structures by which Western-Euro-American society
dominates norms in the United States The single-axis binary framework perpetuates
‘essentialism’, whereby people—mainly historically disenfranchised persons such as Black
Women—are placed in a single group and are perceived to think, act, and believe the same
things in the same ways as the entire group (p. 40). Such socially constructed norms create
misunderstandings surrounding identity and promote invalid stereotypes, which ultimately fuel
toxic, longstanding gender discrimination (Herzog & Bach- man, 1982; Fannin, 1979; Nesbitt,
1997; Wood, 2019b). Analyzing the multidimensional experiences of Black Women through an
intersectional lens—particularly within The Black Church context—removes the usual faulty
single-axis lens that often minimizes or excludes the complexity of their experiences.
Figure 1 presents a model whereby reinterpretations of scripture highlight the
intersectionality of Black Women and also challenge Black churches to deconstruct and
dismantle sexist and patriarchal gender role expectations. Sexist and patriarchal interpretations of
scripture manipulate, silence, humiliate, and marginalize Women in churches (Wood, 2019b).

55

Figure 1
Intersectionality and Gender Role in Black Church Model

Scripture, represented by the large, outer square in Figure 1, guides the teaching,
preaching, learning, and implementing of renewed perspectives about gender equality and equity
in the context of Christianity. Change occurs when The Black Church, represented by the
triangle in Figure 1, implements these factors, establishing and reinforcing new equitable ideas
of gender roles in leadership that include both men and Women. The implementation of these re-
normed values in The Black Church ultimately removes the barriers and grants access to Women
in leadership, represented by the middle circle in Figure 1. Thus, when Black churches
reinterpret scripture, using an intersectional lens—through learning, teaching, and preaching—
56

they are able to successfully restructure equal and equitable gender role narratives, which foster
inclusivity of Black Women clergy leaders. In this case, preaching takes place during designated
church-wide religious gatherings such as church services and revivals. The teaching aspect is
implemented in more formal educational settings such as classrooms, Bible studies, Sunday
Schools, workshops, and other training initiatives. This work ultimately aids Black churches in
renewing their commitment to the perceived underlying values of humanitarianism, human
rights, and human well-being (Gibelman, 2000).

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Chapter Three: Methodology
This chapter details: the research questions, design, research site, participants,
instrumentation, data collection, overall strategies used to maximize the study’s credibility and
trustworthiness, ethics, limitations, and delimitations, and presents an overview of the
researcher’s positionality. This research addressed the problem of the role of patriarchy in the
disproportionately low rate of Black Women leaders in predominantly African American
Christian churches. Moreover, this study examined The Black Church, through the lens of Black
Women clergy, to understand the history, beliefs, influences, and structures that may
disproportionately prevent Black Women from obtaining top leadership positions in the
organization.
Research Questions
This research proposed the following questions in order to better understand the factors
that may drive the disproportionately low rate of Women leaders in predominantly African
American Christian churches:
1. What, if any, barriers exist that prevent Black Women from assuming leadership roles
in Black churches?
2. To what extent are Black Women granted the same leadership opportunities as men in
Black churches?
Overview of Design
This study used a qualitative research design to explore the problem of practice.
Qualitative research begins with a social or human problem that is explored for meaning and
understanding (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). Derisa Grant (2021) noted, the case study frames its
“investigation within a real-life context, when the boundaries between phenomenon and context
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are not clearly evident and where multiple sources are used as evidence” (D. Grant, personal
communication, April 15, 2021). Through this qualitative approach, the researcher gathers,
analyzes, and interprets the meaning of data in light of the emerging questions formed from the
social or human problem of focus (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). In this case, the social and
human problem of focus is gender discrimination in Black American Christian churches. The
best way to effectively understand the intricacies of this problem is by using experiential
analysis. Therefore, the qualitative method was the most useful for this study as it captured and
lifted the words, stories, and experiences of Black clergypersons in The Black Church.
Additionally, a critical/transformative lens guided this research. Mertens (2010) noted
that this lens seeks to confront existing issues of social oppression. Creswell and Creswell (2018)
add critical/transformative research advocates for the needs of the marginalized and the
disenfranchised. Black Women clergy, in this case, are the marginalized group, whose stories I
seek to highlight. As a Black man in America, I have witnessed first-hand how incredibly
challenging it is to succeed in a country driven by systemic suppression against people of color.
Without question, I have been denied many opportunities, not due to a lack of merit but my race.
I know that I was competent, equipped, and qualified; yet, I was rejected due to my race. Those
decisions hurt, those decisions were wrong, and those decisions deeply impacted me. My
encounters with discrimination on an individual and systemic level have established and
cultivated profound empathy for other marginalized people. Those previous encounters drive this
work. I am fully convinced that Women deserve equal rights and equal opportunities in every
aspect of society. Unfortunately, many Black churches fail to honor this principle. I recognize
that it is my responsibility to investigate and learn about the blatant and enduring stronghold of
59

patriarchy within Black churches as a means to advocate for equal and equitable practices for
Women in those spaces.
Research Setting
Site
The research site for this study was centered on The Black Church. Adksion-Bradley et
al. (2005) define Black churches as religious institutions whose congregational membership
demographic is predominately African American or Black. The researcher acknowledged that
The Black Church is not a monolith; the researcher acknowledges the multiplicity of ideals,
practices, rituals, procedures, and beliefs that make up various Black churches. Moreover, the
researcher acknowledged the pluralism of Black Christian churches in the United States and
around the world. This study focused exclusively on historically independent and totally Black
controlled denominations founded after the Free African Society of 1787 as a small sample to
represent The Black Church. The full list of these denominations was articulated in Chapter Two.
This research focused on those seven denominations because more than 80 % of all Black
professing Christians hold membership in at least one of these seven (Roof & McKinney, 1987).
This study examined The Black Church, through the lens of Black Women clergy, to understand
the history, beliefs, influences, and structures that may disproportionately prevent Black Women
from obtaining top leadership positions in the organization.
Participants
This study sought to understand the structures and procedures that determine designations
of leadership in Black churches. The study focused on lifting perspectives that offered insight
into the problem of practice, which helped achieve the above goal. The term ‘leader’ in many
churches could denote several titles: pastor, deacon, trustee, board director, and preacher/clergy.
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This study examined Black clergypersons—one of the highest and most influential leadership
positions in The Black Church—to represent Black Church leadership (Brewer et al., 2003;
Calhoun-Brown, 1999; Dodson, 2002; DuBois, 1903, 2009; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Mays &
Nicholson, 1933; Woodson, 1921). Therefore, the participants of this study included Black
Women clergypersons.
The study utilized the nonprobability purposeful sampling method, which Merriam and
Tisdell (2016) endorse as effective methods for qualitative research. The researcher incorporated
purposeful sampling to “purposefully select participants that will best help the researcher
understand the problem and research question” (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). The study sampled
and gathered data from 12 interview participants. The sampling criteria for this study included:
• Women
• Clergypersons (ministers/preachers)
• Residents of the United States
• self-identify as African American/Black
• over the age of 21
• affiliated with at least one of the seven mainline historically independent and totally
Black controlled denominations, which are the AME Church; the AMEZ Church; the
CME Church; the NBC; the NBCA; the PNBC; and the COGIC.
The study focused exclusively on Black clergypersons as means to answer the proposed
research questions. The research questions focused on the disparities between male and female
leadership positions in The Black Church. Therefore, the study examined Black clergypersons
since the position of clergyperson is held and designated as a top leadership position in The
61

Black Church. The clergypersons sampled for this study represented various levels of
experience, age, and credentials.
The researcher used one main strategy to recruit participants for the qualitative
interviews. The researcher solicited participants via Facebook (a social media site). The
researcher created and posted a flyer that detailed the general information about the study in
order to reach Black female clergy in the United States. Additionally, the researcher posted the
flyer and solicited participants through The African American Pulpit Society (AAPS) Facebook
group. The AAPS is a prominent Black church Facebook group that boasts over 3,000 licensed
and ordained male and female Black clergy of all ages. The researcher invited interested parties
to respond via email. If the number of responses exceeded the targeted amount for the research,
then the researcher was prepared to select from the list the most diversified representation of
participants. Additionally, the researcher kept a few others as backups just in case any initial
participants suspended their involvement. The selected respondents received a formal letter
detailing the study’s purpose, expectations, confidentiality clause, and formal participant
agreement form.
Qualitative Data Collection and Instrumentation
This research study utilized the qualitative data collection method of interviews to
understand and address the problem of practice. Interviews were used as a method to capture the
real-life stories and experiences of Black Women clergypersons who had a history of serving and
leading in Black churches. Additionally, the use of interviews was implemented to understand
the problem of practice that the literature review highlighted. Lastly, interviews were utilized to
identify and understand the barriers that contribute to the problem. The following sections detail
the data collection methods for this study.
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The goal of qualitative research is to collect meaningful data from participants that are
relevant to the problem of practice (Creswell and Creswell, 2018). Therefore, 12 Black American
Women clergypersons were interviewed for this study. Each interview had a 1-hour window for
completion. The researcher collected all data from all participants over the course of 4 weeks.
Due to COVID-19 health protocols, each interview was conducted virtually via videoconference
platform Zoom.
Each interview consisted of 12 open-ended interview questions and 12 potential
follow-up probes (See Appendix A). Each question addressed at least one research question and
one key concept that emerged from the literature review, which are aligned with the conceptual
framework. The interview questions were designed to capture the stories and experiences of
Black American Women clergypersons. The interview questions were developed in order to
explore to what extent are Black Women granted the same leadership opportunities as men in
Black churches and to identify the barriers that disproportionately block Black Women from
assuming top clergy leadership positions in The Black Church.
The interview participants varied in experience, age, and credentials. Therefore, the
researcher used a baseline set of questions for each interview; however, a semi-structured
interview protocol was implemented in this study. This flexible qualitative approach allows the
design to respond and adapt to changing conditions in a study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). The
semi-structured protocol created flexibility of flow that allowed the researcher to emphasize
areas of insight from each participant’s unique perspective. Additionally, the flexibility of the
semi-structure allowed the researcher to utilize the follow-up questions to probe when needed
and to refrain when the participants demonstrated discomfort or a desire to voluntarily expound
on a key topic or experience—pertinent to the study—more deeply. The researcher prefaced each
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potentially triggering question by saying, “This next question may trigger some sensitivities
about your experience; please let me know if you would prefer not to answer and I will be happy
to skip it and move forward. Is that fine with you?” This research design cultivated
comprehensive and fruitful discussion surrounding the research questions and helped unearth
additional information not previously conceived during the initial research design.
Substantial qualitative studies advocate for the practice of constant memo writing for
researchers who implement interview methods in their study (Birks & Mills, 2011; Charmaz,
2006; Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Urquhart, 2013). More specifically, Birks and Mills (2011) noted
that consistent memo writing and constant comparative analysis is reflective work that reduces
researcher bias and supports researcher objectivity throughout the study. Therefore, the
researcher used the Apple notepad app to record electronic memos. The memos included
scattered and structured thoughts related to: the study, research questions, participants, literature,
theories, personal experiences, and possible connections. These memos helped the researcher
record his honest and organic thoughts, observations, and feelings about every aspect of the
study. Moreover, the memos gave space for the researcher to be authentic while helping the
researcher separate his biases from the emerging data.
Each interview was recorded and transcribed by using Otter Ai software to analyze
data and ultimately increase the credibility and trustworthiness of the study. The researcher
notified each participant right before the interview began that the interview would be recorded.
The researcher asked for verbal informed consent from each interview participant that they
understood the notice and approved the interview recording The researcher assured each
participant that the recordings would be kept in a password-protected file and that all names
64

would be kept separate from the audio file. The researcher also notified the participants that the
transcriptions of each interview would be made available upon request.
Data Analysis
This study used coding as a method to assist the researcher in capturing, understanding,
and analyzing the unique perspectives and combined experiences of the interview participants.
The researcher created codes based on the data to categorize the information and ultimately
analyze the data. The interview protocol (see Appendix A) included four categories that the
interview questions addressed. The categories include the question type, research question(s)
addressed, key concept(s) addressed, and the conceptual framework theory addressed. The
researcher used these categories as a priori codes to begin the analysis, code the responses of the
participants, identify and highlight patterns, establish themes, and to ultimately answer the
research questions. Additionally, the researcher examined the responses and noted any new
codes that emerged through the analysis. The transcript coding was conducted manually and
electronically using qualitative data analysis software Atlas.ti. over the span of 3 weeks. The
coding software also identified and reviewed emergent codes and reduced them into categories,
which yielded overarching themes for each of the research questions. The coding of transcripts
were completed in the order that the interviews were conducted.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
The framing of this study implemented detailed analysis of all data sources (memos
and interviews) to construct and preserve the qualitative database’s credibility and
trustworthiness (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). The researcher first established trust with the
interviewees by ensuring that their actual names would not be used in the official report and that
pseudonyms would be used. The researcher also included documentation from observation
65

analysis of participants to establish the credibility of interviews further. The researcher
acknowledged that he created the research-aligned interview questions, conducted all 12
interviews, and coded and analyzed the collected data. Therefore, the researcher collected and
reported data from multiple sources to reduce research bias and increase the credibility and
trustworthiness of the study (Creswell, 2009; Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
As previously stated, all interviews were recorded with the consent of each participant,
and verbatim transcripts were conducted by Outer Ai software, which produced rich data for
meticulous analysis (Maxwell, 2012). The researcher used the data produced by the recorded
transcripts to improve the coding and analysis of the interview participants’ responses.
Additionally, the clear, detailed, and accurate transcriptions reduced any potential omission of
relevant data for the study. Furthermore, the researcher conducted member checks, also known
as informant feedback or respondent validation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015), from interview
participants shortly after the data analysis phase to solicit and collect feedback from the
preliminary findings. All consenting participants were asked and were allotted 3 weeks to offer
feedback from the study and the preliminary findings to clarify any collected and analyzed data.
The researcher moved on after the 3-week span.
Ethics
The effectiveness of this study relied significantly on the credibility, confidentiality,
and trust shared between the researcher and the participants. The United States federal guidelines
for the institutional review board (IRB) require that all interviews provide a letter of informed
consent that presents “a fair explanation of procedures, description of risks reasonably to be
expected, a description of benefits reasonably to be expected, an offer of inquiry regarding the
procedures, and an instruction that the person is free to withdraw” (Frankfort-Nachmias &
66

Nachmias, 2008, p. 75). The interview consent form (Appendix B) was sent to each participant
and was read to each participant before the commencement of the interview. Additionally, each
interviewee was required to offer a verbal acknowledgment of comprehension of the consent
specifications and a verbal agreement to participate on the recording.
This study maintained complete confidentiality throughout the entirety of this study in
order to reach and protect participants. This study ensured that the risks to human subjects
associated with this study was minimal. All interview participants were over the age of 21, and
no participant selected demonstrated any impaired mental capacity that might obstruct their
ability to participate in this study. Lastly, all recorded material will be erased 5 years after the
completion and final approval from the dissertation committee, hence reducing any possible risks
related to confidentiality in the future.
This study adhered to the IRB standards by following the recommendations from
Creswell and Creswell (2017), which include
• Participating in mandatory IRB training,
• Offering informed consent to participants in advance and informing participants that
they can suspend participation at any time,
• Using pseudonyms for participants,
• Maintaining the compensation uniformity of all participants—offering no
compensation to any participant, and
• Explaining the positionality of the researcher.
The Researcher
My positionality causes me to view this problem of practice through a lens of great
privilege. I am a Black heterosexual man who holds licensure and ordination from a Black
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Church. Additionally, I lead a Black church as the senior pastor. The aforementioned stand as the
highest credentials and top role of leadership in The Black Church—each bestowed upon me
without any significant resistance from congregations. I vividly remember my ascension to
ecclesial leadership. I have been licensed and ordained as a clergyperson in the church. I have
also served in many leadership roles before assuming my current role—the church’s most
influential role: the senior/lead pastor. My journey was extensive and arduous in some ways;
however, my pursuit was never questioned or denied due to my gender.
I hold relationships with several female colleagues who attest differently concerning
their journeys. Many of those colleagues not only experienced gender discrimination, but they
continue to experience unjust exclusion. This should not be so. The critical/transformative
paradigm exposes these realities by equipping me with a lens that magnifies marginalized
Women and defends their inherent right to be seen, heard, and to lead.
I recognize the influence of my privilege and power, and I must use both of them to
fight for substantial equitable practices for Women in Black churches. Through my role as senior
pastor, I possess the most power to influence my congregation and impact change. I have the
authority to appoint leaders on every level and hire and terminate staffers throughout the
organization. Occupying my role has cultivated a deep appreciation for the opportunities allotted
to me, but it has also made me aware of the countless qualified Women excluded from these
positions. Although I consider myself an advocate for gender equality, I still operate with many
“patriarchal blind spots” (Hutchinson, 2015). The apparent blind spot is that I am a man
attempting to unearth issues that directly impact Women. I recognize that I am sometimes guilty
of assuming what gender equity looks like for Women through my limited perspective. These
assumptions—albeit genuine—may cause me to act prematurely and unproductively. Moreover,
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my biases can influence me to engage in research from a flawed monolithic perspective, where I
presume that all Women share the same perspective concerning this problem of practice.
Limitations and Delimitations
I used Littlejohn and Foss’ (2009) gender role theory and Crenshaw’s (1989)
intersectionality theory as the conceptual framework of this study. In this study, I presented
Black churches as the structure that establishes prejudicial gender roles and neglects to embrace
an intersectional lens in biblical interpretations. Therefore, this research aimed to disrupt
patriarchal religious structures and advocate for the distribution of equity and equality for Black
Women in Black churches. The privilege from which I benefit as a licensed and ordained male
Black church senior pastor not only drives the framework of this study, but that privilege also
influenced the questions of this study. The primary focus of this study and the group that benefits
the most from this study is Black Women who aspire to function as ecclesial leaders. The
knowledge surrounding this study lies within the narratives of Black Women, The Black Church,
and the treatment of Black Women in Black church history.
Conversely, although this research aimed to empower Black Women, I recognize that I
have the potential to harm Black churches and Black male church leaders through this study.
Exposing potential patriarchal structures within Black churches could be highly detrimental to
Black churches. The research may instigate criticisms—internally and externally—around
inequalities and inequities within The Black Church. These criticisms may cause some people to
reconsider holding membership within said churches if changes are not implemented.
Additionally, this research sought to advocate for more equitable practices for Black Women in
Black churches. Therefore, the goal of this study may inspire Black churches to consider
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intentionally appointing Black Women to leadership positions that men once held. Men,
therefore, may lose positions of power as a result of this study.
This research has a few limitations worth noting. First, I recognize the significant
influence of my positionality in this research and acknowledge the possibility of potential
research bias as a limitation to this study. I have been serving in senior leadership of Black
churches for almost 20 years, and my experiences have shaped how I see this problem and how I
propose this problem should be addressed. I am also aware that since I was the sole researcher
and data coder, there was a possibility that research bias may affect the data analysis of this
study. I took personal memos during all interviews, recorded and transcribed all interviews using
Outer.ai software, and utilized the data analysis software Atlas.ti.cloud to identify and review
emergent codes to reduce research bias in this study.
Additionally, I acknowledge the impact of COVID-19 (Coronavirus) as a significant
limitation to this study. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic affected the initial research aim
of this study. Ideally, I would have preferred to conduct all interviews in person instead of using
videoconferences. Furthermore, I would have preferred to conduct in-person observations to
enhance this study. However, the COVID-19 pandemic forced worldwide restrictions on in-
person gatherings. Therefore, I decided to use videoconference platforms to conduct my
interviews to best capture the authentic emotions, tones, and facial expressions of each interview
participant.
Lastly, although this study only included the interviews of 12 people, I acknowledge that
some participants may have chosen to drop out for myriad reasons. I thoroughly explained the
details and expectations of this study to each potential participant to minimize surprises.
Additionally, I made sure that each participant fully understood the details and expectations of
70

the study. I also reassured each participant that he or she may pause the interview, skip a
question, or suspend the entire interview at any time. I kept the contact information for a few
alternates just in case any participants decided to suspend their participation in the study.
I recognize the possible delimitations in this research. Yin (2011) argued that research
accessibility fosters trustworthiness. As previously stated, all recorded material will be erased 5
years after the completion and final approval from the dissertation committee, hence reducing
any possible risks related to confidentiality in the future.
I will dispose of all records. However, I acknowledge that although the disposal of all
interview recordings and transcripts may enhance the confidentiality of the participants, I also
recognize that the subsequent unavailability of the collected data can potentially create possible
delimitations to the trustworthiness and credibility of this study in the future.
The study utilized the nonprobability purposeful sampling method to purposefully select
participants that would best help me understand the problem and research question (Creswell &
Creswell, 2017). I purposefully chose to sample Black Women clergypersons residing in the
United States I recognize that although the positions of clergy and pastor are top religious
leadership positions within The Black Church, these positions are not the only leadership
positions of The Black Church. Therefore, I acknowledge that purposefully sampling Black
Women clergypersons residing in the United States may limit the scope of the broader issue of
ecclesial patriarchy.
Additionally, I chose to focus solely on the seven mainline, historically independent, and
totally Black controlled denominations founded after the Free African Society of 1787 (see
chapter 2 for list). I chose to focus exclusively on the aforementioned because more than 80 % of
all Black professing Christians hold membership in at least one of these seven denominations
71

(Roof & McKinney, 1987). However, I acknowledge the delimitation of my sample by excluding
other Black denominations in this study. Lastly, I acknowledge the potential delimitation of my
research method. I chose to solely conduct interviews for this study to capture the unique
narratives and experiences of Black Women clergypersons. However, I recognize that a mixed-
method approach that implements surveys would have ensured the application of triangulation of
data sources and construct to preserve the validity and credibility of the qualitative and
quantitative data for each database (Creswell & Creswell, 2017).

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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to address the problem of the role of patriarchy in the
disproportionately low rate of Black Women leaders in predominantly African American
Christian churches. Moreover, this study examined The Black Church, through the lens of Black
Women clergy, to understand the history, beliefs, influences, and structures that may
disproportionately prevent Black Women from obtaining top leadership positions in the
organization. This study used a qualitative research design to explore the problem of practice.
Qualitative research begins with a social or human problem that is explored for meaning and
understanding (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). Through this qualitative approach, the researcher
gathers, analyzes, and interprets the meaning of data in light of the emerging questions formed
from the social or human problem of focus (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). In this case, the social
and human problem of focus is gender discrimination in Black American Christian churches. The
best way to effectively understand the intricacies of this problem is by using experiential
analysis. Therefore, the qualitative method was most useful for this study as it captured and lifted
the words, stories, and experiences of Black Women clergypersons in The Black Church.
The researcher gathered data from interviews with Black Women clergypersons and used
the data to identify and address the systemic barriers that unjustly prevent Black Women from
obtaining leadership roles in many Black churches. This research data is ultimately intended to
instigate more equitable practices for Black Women in Black churches.
This research proposed the following questions in order to better understand the factors
that drive the disproportionately low rate of Black Women leaders in predominantly African
American Christian churches:
73

1. What, if any, barriers exist that prevent Black Women from assuming leadership roles
in Black churches?
2. To what extent are Black Women granted the same leadership opportunities as men in
Black churches?
Research Participants
This study sought to investigate and understand the presence of gender discrimination in
Black churches. The study focused on lifting one major perspective that offered insight into the
problem of practice: Black Women clergy. The term ‘leader’ in many churches could denote
several titles: pastor, deacon, trustee, board director, and preacher/clergy. This study examined
Black clergypersons—one of the highest and most influential leadership positions in The Black
Church—to represent Black church leadership (Brewer et al., 2003; Calhoun-Brown, 1999;
Dodson, 2002; DuBois, 1903, 2009; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Mays & Nicholson, 1933;
Woodson, 1921). Therefore, the participants of this study included Black Women clergypersons.
The study sampled and gathered data from 12 interview participants. The sampling criteria for
this study included
• Women
• Clergypersons (ministers/preachers)
• Residents of the United States
• self-identify as African American/Black
• over the age of 21
• affiliated with at least one of the seven mainline historically independent and totally
Black controlled denominations, which are the AME Church; the AMEZ Church; the
CME Church; the NBC; the NBCA; the PNBC; and the COGIC.
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The clergypersons sampled for this study represented various levels of experience, age,
and credentials. Table 1 identifies the interview participant’s ecclesial status, denomination
affiliation, ministry position, years of ministry experience, and educational status.

Table 1
Demographic Information of Participants
Participant
ID
Ecclesial status Denomination
affiliation
Ministry
position
Ministry
experience
Educational
status
PreacHER1 Licensed and
ordained
Baptist /
UCC
Associate
minister
(former senior
pastor)
19+ years MDiv
PreacHER2 Licensed and
ordained
Baptist Minister
of discipleship
15+ years PhD
PreacHER3 Licensed and
ordained
Baptist/
Full Gospel
Baptist
Senior pastor 23+ years DMin
PreacHER4 Licensed and
ordained
Baptist/
UCC
No formal title 27+ years JD
MDiv
PreacHER5 Licensed Baptist Associate
minister
10+ years MSW

PreacHER6

Licensed and
ordained

AME

Itinerant elder
(former senior
pastor)

12+ years

MDiv
PreacHER7 Licensed and
ordained
Baptist Preaching
associate
pastor
17+ years DMin
MDiv
MEd
PreacHER8 Licensed and
ordained
COGIC Lay missionary 25+ years BA
PreacHER9 Licensed Baptist Minister to
children’s
ministry
3+ years BA
MDiv
PreacHER10 Licensed Baptist Associate
minister
10+ years BA
MDiv
PhD
(Candidate)
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Participant
ID
Ecclesial status Denomination
affiliation
Ministry
position
Ministry
experience
Educational
status
PreacHER11 Licensed and
ordained
AME Zion Ordained
deacon

15+ years BA
MDiv
PreacHER12 Licensed and
ordained
AME Zion Itinerant elder 25+ years BA
MDiv
ThM
DMin
PhD
(candidate)

Findings
The data presented emerged from the findings of the interview responses. Each interview
consisted of 12 open-ended interview questions and 12 potential follow-up probes. Each question
addressed at least one research question and one key concept that emerged from the literature
review, aligned with the conceptual framework. The interview questions were developed to
identify the barriers that disproportionately block Black Women from assuming top clergy
leadership positions in many Black churches. The research also investigated the extent to which
Black Women are granted the same leadership opportunities as men in many Black churches.
The findings of this research confirm the discrepancies between men and Women in Black
church leadership, highlight the barriers that many Black Women face in their pursuits of
obtaining top leadership roles, and feature the circumvented methods by which Black Women
are forced to engage in order to function as leaders in many Black churches.

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Research Question 1
What, if any, barriers exist that prevent Black Women from assuming leadership roles in
Black churches?
Barriers Preventing Black Women From Church Leadership
The literature review revealed a disproportionate representation between men and
Women leaders in many Black churches. Additionally, the literature review highlighted barriers
that perpetuate the disproportionate representation. Therefore, this study asked, what, if any,
barriers exist that prevent Black Women from assuming leadership roles in Black churches? The
findings of this section are organized by the barriers that emerged from the research: enforced
traditional systems of practice, which included sexist gender roles and patriarchal scriptural
interpretations; the dominant presence of male decision-makers, which is maintained through the
implementation of additional requisites to Women as opposed to men; and the lack of pastoral
approval and advocacy.
Enforced Traditional Systems of Practice. Interview participants were asked a series of
questions to investigate and identify barriers that disproportionately prevent Black Women from
assuming top leadership positions in Black churches. Another central theme that emerged from
the data was how enforced traditional systems of practice continue to exist as significant barriers
to Black Women from obtaining and operating in Black church leadership roles. In this study, all
12 interview participants indicated, in some way, how traditional systems of practice negatively
impacted their ministerial and leadership pursuits. According to the data, traditional systems of
practice establish and enforce specific gender roles, specific ways of involvement, proper places,
and discrepancies between men and Women.
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PreacHER7 offered, “I’ve just always felt that there is a side-eye when Women are in
ministry.” For PreacHER5, The Black Church’s resistance towards Women in ministry is solely
centered on traditions. She averred, “there’s a church that the Bible talks about and one that we
created with traditions.” PreacHER11 maintained that the traditional systems of practice derive
from the “how the church was established during slavery and how it was predominately male run
and a lot of the tradition has been upheld … and there’s still a strain of patriarchy that still
exists.” PreacHER4 recalled a struggle with a 100-year-old church with deeply rooted traditional
systems that vehemently opposed Women operating as preachers. She was once told during a
struggle to get Women preachers accepted, “if it was going to be done, it would have already
been done.” The data revealed that the enforcement of sexist gender roles is one way that
traditional systems of practice stand as a barrier against Black Women who seek to operate as
clergy leaders in many Black churches.
Sexist Gender Roles. Each of the 12 interview participants noted some experience with
the impact of expected sexist gender roles in The Black Church. In fact, PreacHER8 specifically
pleaded, “We got to push back from all this male gender identity roles; in the Gospel, there is no
male or female.” Three participants referenced domestic roles such as cooking and caring for
children as some of the acceptable primary roles for Women historically in Black churches.
PreacHER4 detailed how “most Women in ministry are expected to help with children or
anything that the pastor requests.” PreacHER5 added, “Women can sing in the choir, read the
announcements and work as secretaries, but there is still resistance to Women preachers.” She
continued, “even when we do communion, the deacons (men) serve the communion, but the
deaconesses (Women) are the ones that fold the communion clothes … clear gender roles,
right?”
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PreacHER11 accredits the perpetuation of gender roles to “subconscious bias.” She
shared, “most people who grow up in churches with male pastors, they’ve always seen the male
as the leader and the head. … Many people see women in the kitchen working or shuffling
around and or organizing their programs, but they don’t always see the woman as the leader.”
PreacHER12 maintained this a result of a “system that makes women cower, so we don’t always
see them on the forefront.” Therefore, according to PreacHER11, “when they see a man and a
woman they make assumptions that the man is obviously the leader and the woman can serve.”
The data indicated that Black Women are forced to navigate through their ministerial journeys
while combatting these “subconscious biases ingrained in people’s head” that do not portray or
support Women as clergy or as top clergy leaders.
For PreacHER12, the gender role barrier extends beyond actions and impacts attitudes.
She reported that during her ordination confirmation, one of the men on the ordination board
said, “you passed everything, you answered all the questions right, but I need to ask, do you
really know what it means to be demure?” PreacHER12 described experiencing great disgust and
disappointment with this exchange, particularly after observing the silence and lack of defense
from her pastor. She thought to herself in that moment, “like, you gonna just let this man talk to
me crazy?” She noted after reflection, “I later realized that my pastor was functioning in the very
same way.” The exchange between PreacHER12 and the man on her ordination board and the
subsequent silence from her pastor provides evidence for the existence of gender role stereotypes
in some Black churches.
PreacHER7 maintained that The Black Church must see the potential of Black Women
“not just to be a part of the culinary ministry or to simply be an usher,” but beyond traditionally
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accepted roles for women. PreacHER8 noted that churches would call her to sing way before
they called her to preach. She continued,
In my denomination, Women are seen as being in the kitchen cooking, taking care of
children; [they think] maybe we can get her to clean the restroom, but we don’t want her
at the ‘mic’ (microphone) trying to tell people what to do, how to do it, and how to live.
The data revealed that the barrier of traditional systems of practice manifests within gender role
expectations for Black Women. The data also revealed that maintaining acceptable appearances
is another barrier from which Black Women must contend in the context of traditional systems of
practice within some Black churches.
Acceptable Appearances. The data collected from the interview responses indicate that
maintaining acceptable appearances within traditional systems of practice stands as another
barrier for Black Women clergy. Five of the 12 participants spoke explicitly about their
challenges with acquiescing to traditionally expected appearance norms. PreacHER2 referred to
these challenges as “microaggressions,” whereby people who think women shouldn’t be in
leadership would “say little cute stuff about your hair and clothes.” PreacHER3 called her
challenges “subvert gender based resistance”, whereby “women in the church maybe attacking
my clothing, or just being really petty and picking at superficial things, in attempt to challenge
me...you know, look, she has a run in her stockings or you know, look at her skirt, it’s too tight.”
PreacHER9 maintained, “we have been taught as Women that we have to be this particular way.
… We have to look this way. … You can’t wear red lipstick and don’t need to have your
shoulders out blah blah blah. … We must wear pantyhose and our skirts can’t be too short.” For
PreacHER9, these expectations are so embedded that she is “always locked and loaded, on the
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defense, anticipating resistance” whenever she “resists certain norms and doesn’t wear pantyhose
or stockings.”
PreacHER12 framed this tension of Black Women clergy in Black churches as “body as
contested space.” She shared, “there have been times where I come in to participate in worship
and had a pants suit on, and my pastor would say, you are not participating in worship like that.”
She continued, “there was a time when I had on a skirt suit and the skirt went to my knees, and
he would say, you don’t have on any pantyhose, so you are not going to the pulpit.” PreacHER12
offered, “patriarchy is a system, not a gender.” She attested,
Most of my struggle in ministry have come from women, not men, who embody and
perpetuate patriarchy … although active in the delegation-level of the denomination,
they’re not making changes because they are still functioning in the old regime
patriarchal system and mindset.
For PreacHER11, traditional systems of practice establish certain appearances from
Women as “distractions.” She recalled being blown away by the first exchange with her pastor
when she expressed her call to preach. Her pastor, whom she noted was a female, said to her,
“you know people are going to be looking at you because you have a nice shape.” PreacHER11
responded, “well, like, I think they’re going to be looking at me because I’m preaching.”
Continuing, PreacHER11 reported moments when Women came up to her during her initial
ministerial years, saying, “You know, your heels are too high. … You don’t want men to be
distracted by what you are wearing.” PreacHER11 countered, “why does that bother you? Do
you go to talk to men and tell them what they need to do? Why is the ownership always on the
Woman to control herself, and why are Women’s bodies always regulated?” These retorts were
intended to expose the discrepancies between men and Women concerning acceptable
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appearance expectations. Although the questions posed by PreacHER11 unearth the previously
mentioned inconsistencies, she alluded that those exchanges around appearance seem to
influence her even to this day. She shared, “Like, I typically preach in a robe. … I have that in
the back of my head, and I try to take away like that distraction for people.”
The findings showed that the challenges Women face create tensions for Women to
navigate through the intersected realities of Woman and clergy in Black churches. PreacHER3
shed light on the aforementioned when discussing the quandary that traditional systems of
practice place on women. For her, Women have to constantly be aware of how they present
themselves in and out of the pulpit. She shared that some Women “think they have to make
themselves look like men and act like men” in order to be accepted and to excel as clergy in
many Black churches. PreacHER12 seemed to echo these same sentiments when analyzing the
dynamics of her denomination. She shared that patriarchy is deeply embedded in many churches
and within her denomination. She maintained that even some women who stand up against
bishops still find themselves embodying and perpetuating patriarchy. When analyzing the only
female bishop in her entire denomination, she concludes, “She presents masculine. … It’s made
me wonder why they didn’t elect a woman who wears a long wig and long nails; you know, I’m
saying there’s something about the femininity that’s not respected.”
Conversely, others feel compelled to use their bodies to advance. PreacHER7 notes, “one
of the barriers challenges to Black clergy Women getting into certain leadership positions is the
assumption that we have to use our gendered bodies to be accepted beyond our gendered
bodies.” She recalled a period when she was trying to figure out “next steps,” and the expectation
when she was invited to preach and teach was,
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Use your gendered body to be accepted outside of the gendered body. … So you want the
pulpit but what are you going to do for it? You want the ‘mic,’ you want the revival, you
want the opportunity, then how are you going to make yourself available to those who are
the decision-makers, the men in the room? Those who refuse to be those tools to be used
by those men, because most of us refuse, that then becomes a barrier to how far you’re
going to go, how many opportunities you get, how many letters of recommendation, how
many referrals, and how many open doors. … That then becomes a barrier.
In light of the aforementioned, PreacHER3 recommends to Women with whom she mentors,
“you do not have to make yourself look like a man or sexualize yourself in order to have a seat at
the table and to be taken seriously at the table.” The research data indicated that expected and
enforced gender roles from traditional systems of practice are undergirded by patriarchal
interpretations of scripture. Therefore, patriarchal scriptural interpretations stand as another
barrier that hinders Black Women from assuming and practicing leadership positions in many
Black churches.
Patriarchal Scriptural Interpretations. The data point to scripture as one of the
influences that solidifies the traditional systems of practice. Eight of the 10 interview participants
mentioned scripture as a cornerstone for many traditional systems of practice and a subsequent
barrier to their practice in ministry. PreacHER1 offered, in the debate over whether Women
should preach or not, “both groups find their foundation in the Bible and that authority comes
from God. For PreacHER4, the grounds for key decisions—particularly concerning
qualifications for affirming ministers—are deeply rooted in the Bible. She recalled how on many
occasions, people would present their arguments around the biblical frame of “the Bible said…”
as a way to authenticate their particular stances.
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Similarly, PreacHER10, when asked on what grounds did people objected to her call to
ministry, responded,
Whew, child, because they can’t read they Bible right. … These babies love I Corinthians
14 and the II Timothy text. … I always hear folks poorly interpreting the text. Eve came
out of Adam. … Just all kinds of like frivolous bad interpretations of scripture. It’s
always poor interpretations of scripture and the choice to lean into patriarchal
interpretations.
PreacHER8 reports having “always being quoted scripture where Paul insists Women not having
places over men.” According to PreacHER4, questions are asked such as “how can [a woman] be
a teacher or preacher in the church and when Jesus didn’t have any disciples and scripture says
that Women are not supposed to teach men?” PreacHER8 shared how one person told her,
“you’re going to hell because you are a woman and you’re not supposed to be preaching.”
PreacHER3 shared that the tensions “are dual; they are both scriptural and cultural.” She
continued that scripture is historically used to restrict Women from leadership positions such as
ministers, elders, pastors, deacons, and bishops without thoroughly examining and understanding
the cultural nuances that influenced those said scriptures, leaving Black Women on the margins.
Enforced traditional systems of practice establish and maintain structures, policies, and beliefs
that prevent Black Women from obtaining and operating in Black church leadership roles. The
data revealed that the dominant presence of male decision-makers enforces traditional systems of
practice, which establish barriers that obstruct the process for Black Women to gain leadership
positions.

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Dominant Presence of Male Decision-Makers. Interview participants were asked a
series of questions to investigate and identify barriers that disproportionately prevent Black
Women from assuming top leadership positions in Black churches. One central theme that
emerged from the data was the reoccurring theme of the dominant presence of male decision-
makers. Eleven of the 12 participants mentioned the dominant presence of male decision-makers
as a direct hurdle to Women pursuing top clergy leadership positions.
PreacHER10 emphasized the pervasiveness and pertinacious nature of male-dominated
spaces by recalling a local male pastor who adamantly condemned Women clergy, even to the
point where he “prohibited his wife from preaching after she expressed a call to ministry.”
PreacHER10 continued, the pastor’s condemnation of Women was so profound that one day
while she was attending his church for a concert, “he asked all the preachers to stand, and I did
not stand because of the deep tension I felt in the room and because I knew how he felt about
Women in ministry. I was a licensed minister, but I didn’t know what would happen if I stood in
his church.”
PreacHER11 maintained that the dominant presence of male decision-makers continues
to prevail in many Black churches because the system vastly benefits men. She shared, “many
men are not willing to step out on a limb because the system affirms them. … It’s almost like
why would they make that leap when they are protected within the system?” She continued, “for
men, there’s not really a need to reimagine church because church fits their context. …
Liberating Women because their voices have been marginalized like that’s a risk for a lot of
people.” PreacHER12 views the preservation of the dominant presence of men through as
security for many men. PreacHER12, who acknowledges that she has not experienced much
resistance in her ministry journey and, at the time of the study, willfully chooses not to pastor,
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claims, “if I ever said yes to pastor and accepted a church, then I would find more resistance
because now I am in direct competition to my male colleagues.” This potential threat influences
the need to establish additional requisites as a means to deter and discourage Black Women from
pursuing top clergy leadership roles in Black churches.
Additional Requisites. The data revealed that the male-dominant presence in church
leadership empowers many male decision-makers to add additional requisites exclusively to
prohibit Women from obtaining and operating in top leadership roles. According to the data, top
male decision-makers unfairly require additional requisites for Women to meet to obtain
ordination and ultimately secure senior pastor positions. Sentilles (2008) referred to these
obstacles Women face as “jumping through hoops.” PreacHER12 validated this theory when she
attested concerning her ministerial journey, “I felt like I had to jump through hoops and prove
myself. I felt like I was online being pledged.”
One participant mentioned additional rules that were added in her ordination process.
PreacHER4, whose “initial/trial sermon,” which would render licensure was canceled twice by
two different male pastors, referred to her ordination as “even crazier than the licensure process.”
PreacHER4 noted:
Once I said I had been called to preach, I had never heard these rules before, but all of a
sudden, there was a rule that said, if you didn’t have a job in the ministry, you could not
get ordained; well, of course, there weren’t any jobs for Women in ministry.
The additional rules placed on PreacHER4 served as additional barriers for her ordination
process. Another interview participant highlighted what she discussed to be intentional hurdles
placed by a male decision-maker to discourage her from successfully obtaining ordination.
PreacHER2 shared:
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A gentleman who was supposed to assist me with the ordination process made it very
difficult on purpose. … [He] started to slow down my process; he didn’t tell me when the
next ordination council [was] going to be. He didn’t give me any insight; I didn’t get any
training on what was supposed to happen.” She continued, “I know a lot of Women that
experienced the same issues with him; it wasn’t just unique to me.”
The data revealed that the role of the senior pastor is one of the primary and most addressed
decision-making positions in The Black Church, particularly regarding Women obtaining and
operating in leadership roles.
Pastoral Approval and Advocacy. Interview participants were asked a series of
questions to investigate and identify barriers that disproportionately prevent Black Women from
assuming top leadership positions in Black churches. Another central theme that emerged from
the data was the notion of pastoral approval and advocacy. A total of 12 participants were
interviewed for this study. Each participant reported that she first shared what has been referred
to ‘a sense of a call’ with her senior pastor, and the senior pastor not only had the authority to
accept, approve, and announce the call, but the said pastor also had the authority to establish the
specific requirements for gaining licensure and ordination.
Additionally, all but one participant reported that the pastor with whom they shared their
initial call were men, which further validates the idea of the dominant male presence of male
decision-makers. PreacHER11 spent a great deal addressing the importance and need for senior
leaders to support and “sponsor” Black Women in ministry. She claimed, “there’s data that
suggests that when a senior leader sponsors someone within the organization, like vouch for
them, they have a higher potential of moving up in that organization; there aren’t a lot of senior
male leaders that sponsor Women to get to the next level.”
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Gatekeepers. The data indicated that senior pastors and bishops stand as gatekeepers for
Black church leadership. Moreover, the findings revealed that in most instances, licensures,
ordination, leadership appointments, and the clearance to participate in corporate liturgy only
come by pastoral approval. Consequently, the system of practice is such that many Women feel
obligated to seek approval from the countless men who occupy those positions. Moreover, the
findings also indicated that the process by which Women must obtain approval from pastors has
the potential to foster hesitancy and trepidation. PreacHER10 reported being terrified to share her
initial call to ministry with her pastor because she “never saw a Woman minister there and didn’t
know how he would take it.” PreacHER8 recalled a moment when a national female evangelist
of her denomination was preaching and continued to stop during her sermon to ask the male
pastor and bishop, “pastor, can I have permission to continue? Bishop, can I have permission to
continue?” PreacHER8 shared her response to this exchange by asking, “And what if they said
no? Does that mean you stop and listen to them instead of listening to God?”
Moreover, the data suggested that opposing senior pastors function as barriers to Black
Women who dare to operate as women ministers. When PreacHER4 initially expressed her call
to ministry at the age of 16 or 17, her senior pastor received word about it and “simply got up in
a Bible Study—without ever talking to me—and said, ‘God has never called a woman to preach.’
And that was my queue.” PreacHER4 shared that she was never allowed to preach at that church
and she was denied the opportunity to preach her initial sermon and receive her subsequent
licensure two more times from another other church. PreacHER12 also provided data that
supported the presence of pastoral oppositional barriers when she shared her story of how a local
pastor abruptly canceled her the day of a preaching engagement as a way to assert his power over
her. When PreacHER12 arrived at the church, the male host pastor said, “you’re not preaching; I
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changed my mind. … You are too confident for a female preacher; you need to sit down
somewhere.” In light of the aforementioned, the data highlighted the importance of senior
leaders supporting Black Women clergy as a mechanism for success.
Supporters
Although six of the interview participants expressed adverse effects from the lack of
pastoral approval and advocacy on their ministerial journeys, conversely, six of the 12
participants lauded their individual pastor’s advocacy as instrumental in their ability to ascend
the ranks. PreacHER7 revealed that all four pastors she served affirmed her in ministry, and three
voluntarily and insistently appointed her to leadership positions in their churches shortly after
joining their ministry. Moreover, she shared how she had been ordained before joining one of
those churches. She commended how her new pastor “fully accepted the status of [her]
ordination,” which prevented her from submitting to another arduous ordination process.
Similarly, PreacHER9 smiled and expressed gratitude for serving under “a very liberal male
pastor” who told her, “I’m not here to tell you if God called you or not, and I’m not here to tell
you how God called you. … You can actually be exactly who God called you to be.”
PreacHER3, who serves as a bishop in her denomination and is the first female senior pastor in
her church’s history, accredited her then male pastor for making the recommendation and
encouraging her to apply for the senior pastor position from which she has served for almost 14
years. PreacHER10 shared that she was among the first women ever to be licensed in her
church’s 60-year existence, and her male pastor played a pivotal role in those efforts. She
continued, “my pastor has opened up a lot of different doors and has given me a lot of different
opportunities to preach and support me.” She described her ministerial journey as “amazing,”
one where she has been “absolutely loved on, supported, and pushed.” She concluded:
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I don’t think there were any like, legitimately, anything that I’ve wanted to do in ministry
I’ve not been able to do because I have been privileged to have such incredible support
systems. … The support of pastors who are really well known and carry a lot of weight in
different spaces.
According to PreacHER9, her pastor’s advocacy played a significant role in blocking
some initial opposition during her early ministerial years. When addressing any objections to her
initial call to ministry, she responded, “it never made it back to me because my pastor functioned
as a shield.” PreacHER10 echoed similar sentiments when asked the same question, to which she
responded, “I heard there were voices of opposition from pastors who were not women preacher
friendly, but my pastor protected us from hearing that, like, I didn’t even learn about that stuff
until after I left my home city.” PreacHER5, whose pastor at the time of her call was a woman,
and the first female pastor, stated, “I think some of the barriers that I may have faced are already
broken because [my pastor] had already done it.”
Another aspect of pastoral advocacy that emerged from the data was the profound impact
of pastors who affirm the roles and decisions of women clergy leaders. PreacHER12 serves as
the “special assistant or deputy” to her denomination’s only female bishop. She shared that when
her bishop appointed her as dean of continuing education and a man as director of education—a
position that reports to the dean—the man said to them both, “you must have made a mistake;
you need to make her the director and me the dean; you don’t mean for me to report to her.” The
bishop responded, “I do.” PreacHER12 conveyed how that response, among others, provided the
endorsement and affirmation needed to serve in her role with full confidence and boldness. One
participant in particular reported experiencing blatant rejection and questioning of her authority
due to her gender. PreacHER7 noted the frequency of moments when her directives were
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questioned by male deacons who rebuffed, “ok, I’ll check with him [pastor] to make sure that’s
what he wants done.” The hesitation endured even after she retorted, “I’m telling you, this is
what he [pastor] asked me to deliver to you.” PreacHER7 expressed gratitude for a senior pastor
who publicly and privately affirmed her authority and chastened individuals in the church who
challenged her authority. PreacHER7, recalled, “there was this man that questioned my
directives, my authority and my pastor told that man let’s get something straight right now: the
role of her authority that she walks in, you gotta respect that. If you can’t respect that, then we’ll
have a different conversation about you because this is what she does.”
RQ 1 Summary of Findings
This research was developed to identify and address the systemic barriers that unjustly
prevent Black Women from obtaining top leadership positions in many Black churches. The
findings revealed three main barriers that emerged from the research: the dominant presence of
male decision-makers, pastoral approval and advocacy, and traditional systems of practice. Each
listed theme proved to play a significant role in operating as a barrier that blocked or made it
difficult for Black Women to successfully obtain and operate as top leaders in The Black Church.
Research Question 2
To what extent are Black Women granted the same leadership opportunities as men in
Black churches?
Women Granted Same Leadership Opportunities
The literature review revealed a disproportionate representation between men and
Women leaders in many Black churches. Therefore, this study asked, to what extent are Black
Women granted the same leadership opportunities as men in Black churches? The findings of
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this section are organized by three main categories that emerged from the research:
underrepresentation of Women, involvement regulation, and necessary circumvention.
Underrepresentation of Women
Interview participants were asked a series of questions to investigate the extent to which
Black Women are granted the same leadership opportunities as men in Black churches. One
central theme that emerged from the data was the underrepresentation of Women in leadership
positions such as ministers, pastors, elders, and bishops. The findings closely align with the
literature that indicated the presence structures that systemically distribute power and
opportunity to Women and men unevenly, which obstructs Women’s access to advance in
leadership positions (Ely & Rhode, 2010; Kanter, 1977; Reskin, 1988; Ridgeway, 1993; Strober,
1984). The data revealed that men have disproportionately occupied several decision-making
positions, on many levels, throughout many Black churches. However, the data from the
responses indicate that men hold top decision-making positions such as pastor, elder, deacon, and
bishop in many Black churches. PreacHER7, when asked about the leadership demographic of
her church, responded, “our deacons are all male.” PreacHER8 added, “our leadership is like
90% male; our leadership is always male-dominated.” PreacHER4 reported that her church is
40% male, but the men hold 80% of the leadership roles. She continued, “that’s where patriarchy
kicks in. … Although Women are allowed to do everything in the church, they still don’t end up
with the top leadership roles; so, the pastor is a male, the head of deacons is a male, and the head
of the board of trustees is a male.” PreacHER6 reported that the gender leadership makeup of her
church is close to equally divided; however, she noted, “but when you look up [the
denominational hierarchy] everybody else is male-dominated.” She continued, “the Bishops
stand at the very top of the denomination and out of the 20 that are actively serving, only two are
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Women, and the one woman that was just elected as bishop makes her only the fifth woman
bishop in the denomination’s entire history.” PreacHER12 when speaking about the
underrepresentation of Women leaders at the top of her denomination added, “within the highest
level of leadership, there are only two women; one Woman is over the Women’s missionary
society, which has to be a Woman according to our denomination, and then we have one female
bishop, but all the other top officers are men.”
Similarly, PreacHER12 lamented that the needed change—particularly equal gender
representation in her denominational leadership—is still thwarted due to the lack of “Women in
the seats at the table, where decisions are being made.” She reported, “there are 12 bishops in my
denomination, and only one is a female, and most of the presiding elders are men.” She
concluded, “because there aren’t enough women in pivotal roles, it is not forcing the structure to
have to change.” For PreacHER11, the presence of the underrepresentation of Women leaders is
prevalent, but in her estimation, many churches are also in denial. PreacHER11 shared an
impromptu story in order to crystalize and punctuate this claim:
There was an article that exposed the lack of female representation in the senior
leadership of her denomination. The senior bishop’s response to the article was we don’t
have a problem with women in leadership; we ordained Julia Foote in 1930. And I’m
like, sir, it’s 2021, you gotta go all the way back to the first woman. … You don’t have
any recent examples?”
In PreacHER11’s estimation, the aforementioned poignantly captures the seemingly
denial of the longstanding underrepresentation of Women in Black church leadership positions.
This exchange seems to capture the complacency with the underrepresentation of Women leaders
in Black churches. The findings from the interviews indicate that Women are underrepresented
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and are not given the same leadership opportunities as men (Adams, 2007; Banbury, 2014;
Barnes, 2006; Bock, 1967; Buhrig, 1989; Chaves, 1997; Claes, 2001; Konieczny & Chaves,
2000; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Lipsey et al., 1990; Ngunjiri, McDuff & Mueller, 2002);
however, the findings also revealed that when Women are granted leadership positions, their
involvement was often regulated and or suppressed.
Involvement Regulation
The findings from the interview questions indicated that some Women face the obstacle
of involvement regulation, which ultimately prevents them from being extended the same
leadership opportunities as men in Black churches. The notion of involvement regulation
describes how top leaders such as senior pastors, elders, and bishops regulate how and to what
extent Women clergy participate in churches and throughout denominations. Four of the 12
interview participants provided data that supported the presence of involvement regulation
towards Women clergy in Black churches. The findings show that Women clergy are regulated
in a myriad of ways. The data reported for research question one indicated how Women clergy
are regulated by mandating additional requisites and acceptable appearances. Continuing, further
data revealed that Black Women experienced involvement regulation in their participation,
appointments, and designated roles.
PreacHER5 described the hesitancy of male pastors to fully embrace Women clergy as
fear of “losing control, losing position, and losing power.” Therefore, some male pastors “refuse
to give Black Women clergy space to operate in full capacities. … [They say] you could be
worship leader every Sunday, but I don’t know if I want you to preach more than once a
quarter.” Similarly, PreacHER8 attested that involvement regulation manifests in the places
where Women clergy are restricted during worship services. She shared, “I was at a funeral, and
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the pastor told me to sit on the floor as opposed to the pulpit with the other male ministers.”
PreacHER8 refused, “I said no; I said I am licensed, and I will be sitting right here.” PreacHER8
shared how the impact of that encounter still affects her to this day. She admitted, “I typically
choose to preach from podiums on the floor because I still feel uncomfortable sometimes going
into the pulpit.”
For PreacHER8, the involvement regulation also occurs on the national level for her
denomination. She reported that there are clear gender distinctions established among the clergy
leadership designations of her denomination. For instance, “women have the opportunity to be
appointed and affirmed as missionaries and evangelists, whereas men are given opportunities to
serve as elders and bishops; no Women are allowed to be elders or bishops.” Highlighting these
distinctions is noteworthy when one considers that the roles of missionary and evangelist were
framed as secondary and supplementary to the offices of elder and bishop. PreacHER8 explained
that missionaries and evangelists were accountable to the elders and bishops. Moreover,
according to PreacHER8, the presiding bishop’s office is the highest-ranking position in her
denomination, and no Woman was permitted to occupy that position.
PreacHER12 highlighted the practice of involvement regulation, which manifested
through pastoral placements in her denomination. She reported,
There is a really good split between male and female pastors; there are quite a bit of
female pastors. … The distinction is where they’re serving. Many of the female pastors
are assigned to these small churches out in rural or country settings that don’t have
budgets to sustain them as a pastor. Most of these Women are working two to three other
jobs and using their personal finances to pay the claims or bills of the local church.
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PreacHER6 expressed how involvement regulations also restrict Black Women clergy from
creating new unconventional roles for themselves. PreacHER6 shared her experience of
denominational resistance due to her choice to resign as senior pastor to operate as what she calls
an “EP” (executive pastor). When she shared her decision to resign with her bishop, she was
denied and met with backlash. Her bishop responded, “we don’t believe in fattening frogs to
send them out into the world. … There is a need for you to go and supply a pulpit to be a senior
pastor, so that’s what you need to do.” In fact, PreacHER6 noted that she even experienced
rejection when she reached out to a leader of the largest coalition of Women in her denomination
for support. According to PreacHER6, the leader rebuked her saying,
We cannot help you; you’re not going to be a woman of character because you took an
assignment; if you’ve been disobedient this long, you should just stay disobedient until
August because that’s when your assignment is up.”
This exchange highlighted the profound impact that involvement regulations have on
Black Women who dare to operate outside the conventional norms within The Black Church.
The data revealed that due to involvement regulations, Women, in some instances, were forced
to circumvent conventional standards in order to live out their ministerial callings fully.
Necessary Circumvention
Interview participants were asked a series of questions to investigate the extent to which
Black Women are granted the same leadership opportunities as men in Black churches. The data
indicated that some Women were forced to make necessary circumventions due to the
discrepancies in leadership opportunities extended between men and Women in Black churches.
Seven of the 12 participants mentioned some act of circumvention that allowed them to either
secure credentials, assume leadership roles, or practice ministry how they felt called. For
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PreacHER5, the desire and boldness to circumvent conventional standards developed as she
grew older. PreacHER5 concluded, “to be honest with you, the older I get, the more free I
become and the more I don’t feel bound to traditions. I’ve made a decision not to be put into a
box; like, no, I’m not going to be the youth minister because I look young.”
PreacHER12 framed her ministerial navigation as “playing the game.” When she was
preparing to go up for ordination, she was told, “make sure your hair is black and pushed up in a
bun. … Wear black, brown, blue and grey was also acceptable. … Wear skirt suits and
pantyhose. … Make sure you present yourself as soft in demeanor.” This enforced traditional
dress code imposed on Women clergypersons closely aligns with the gender role expectations
and acceptable appearances reported in the literature review and in the findings covered in
research question one. Additionally, PreacHER12 shared a moment during her ordination
process when she loaned a pair of black shoes to her female best friend, who was also getting
ordained. She shared:
I gave my friend my black shoes, and I decided to wear purple shoes for myself. When
my bishop saw my shoes, she said, “no, you can’t get ordained that way.” She
immediately took both of us to the mall to get my friend a pair of black shoes so that we
could be ordained together because we couldn’t wear another color pair of shoes.
PreacHER12 admitted, “I had to change the way I was presenting myself and showing up so that
I could be considered for ordination. And I did that; I played the game. … Yeah, levels of
disrespect and manipulating self for acceptance is what I felt like I had to do.” However,
PreacHER12 attested, since then, she has shrewdly circumvented the standards to advance in her
denomination. According to PreacHER12, securing ordination was paramount for those who
sought to ascend in leadership within her denomination. When asked about her licensure and
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ordination journey, she noted, “I did not follow the timeframe like others. I received my deacon’s
orders in 2009 and elder’s orders in 2010. I petitioned for my elder’s orders because I was
moving into a CPE role and decided that I needed to be an ordained elder to do CPE effectively
in the hospital. It was through that loophole that I got my elder’s orders less than a year after
receiving my deacon’s orders.” Additionally, PreacHER12, who presently serves as a college
professor and special assistant to a bishop, resolved that she may eventually run for bishop one
day. However, she shared that she has no desire to follow the standard model by serving as a
senior pastor at this time. Consequently, she acknowledged that her lack of senior pastor
experience may garner some hesitancy; however, she was confident that “that the landscape of
the church will change by the time I offer myself or people will understand that a lot of being a
bishop is being a good administrator, which I have been done for a long time.”
Two participants reported that the standard structure required ordination credentials for
ascension; however, they shared their ambivalence to pursuing ordination credentials because
they did not deem it necessary to live out their call to ministry fully. When asked about the
journey of her ordination process, PreacHER5, founder and CEO of a nonprofit organization,
responded, “I’ve been in graduate school, and I didn’t necessarily have time to devote my life to
pursuing ordination. And I don’t know if that’s the route I want to take either.” Similarly,
PreacHER10, a Ph.D. student, when asked about her ordination process, shared, “I never wanted
to be ordained because I thought people only got ordained if you were looking for a church like I
didn’t see the purpose of getting ordained.” These two participants not only made personal
decisions to circumvent the standard process, but they also appeared to reject one of the
foundational pieces of the process, which is ordination. In both cases, PreacHER5 and
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PreacHER10 circumvented the traditional process as they found fruitful opportunities outside of
the traditional route of ministry.
One central sub-theme that emerged from the data was the notion of creating your own
spaces to do ministry as a means to circumvent the conventional standards. Four of the 12
participants mentioned having to create their own ministry spaces to live out their ministry
callings fully. PreacHER4 shared that she hasn’t held an official role in a church for over 15
years because she decided that her role in ministry was “no longer inside the brick and mortar
institution.” Since leaving her official church role, she has served in what she refers to as a
“public role,” which includes serving as a Doctor of Ministry professor and mentor; serving as
President and Executive Editor for the only African American owned, non-denominational,
ministry journal; creating an African American lectionary that contains over 220,000 pages of
free material for clergy and lay persons, founding a national project that offers education and
clergy job assistance, advocacy, and mentorship to Women of color, along with earning
countless other ecclesial, ministerial, academic, and civic accolades. When asked about how she
obtained her current role in ministry, she responded, “I attained the role because I created it. I
really did not want to do anything inside of church.” She continued by highlighting that most
Women in ministry are expected to help out in church and do “anything the pastor requested” as
a part of their ministerial journey. She decided, “all of that was not for pay anyway and I didn’t
have to do it .” However, she did offer as a caveat, “what I did was very atypical, and it probably
wouldn’t work for the average Woman in ministry; you have to have achieved a certain amount
of notoriety, and then you have to have a certain amount of self-confidence to do what I did.”
Similarly, PreacHER11 operates a consulting firm that provides brand management,
leadership training, and strategic planning for businesses, churches, non-profits, and
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college/universities worldwide; contributes to Newsweek and Forbes; has published several
books, including a best seller, and is ordained in her denomination. However, when asked about
her ordination process, she revealed that she “did not go through the formalized ordination
process.” She shared:
I have an undergraduate degree from a top 25 school. I looked at all the other ministers
they made go through the 4-year program, and less than 10% of them are successful.
Why would I invest my time and energy into this program that is obviously not producing
success? I decided that even though God called me to the preached ministry that going
through that process was not something that I was interested in.
PreacHER11 later revealed that she did not have to go through the standard 4-year ordination
process; ordination was simply bestowed to her mainly because she was running for an office in
her denomination. PreacHER11 demonstrated her ability to successfully circumvent the process
to gain ordination credentials from the church, but she also found a way to use her gifts and
talents to achieve great success outside the church.
PreacHER6 formally served as senior pastor and later stepped down from her position
because she sensed a call to what she referred to as the “number 2,” “second chair,” or the “EP”
position. She defined her present ecclesial status as “in-between assignments,” which, in her
estimation, “is not typical in the denomination.” She added that she is one of the first to “just stay
in the middle.” Even after sharing her purpose and passion and sensed call and being denied by
senior leadership in her denomination, she remained resolute. She concluded, “if they don’t give
you a space, then go build you one.” Similarly, PreacHER11 is a licensed and ordained minister
who once served as a regional director for her denomination but stepped down and founded a
church growth consulting organization. She shares with Women in ministry that “we offer our
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gifts to the church, but if the church does not want to utilize your gift, don’t just put your gift on
hold until the church decides to come back for it; there’s so many other spaces, where you know
this work can be done.”
PreacHER2 was a founder, curator, and principal instructor for a preaching intensive and
circle exclusively for training, supporting, and advocating for Women of color at the time of the
study. When asked about the opportunities for Women in ministry, she concluded:
Sometimes the doors will remain closed or tight to open, and we are teaching this
dispensation of Women that they don’t have to fight to open them; they can just create
their own. Once you create your own context and you certainly add up your body of work
to that, then people will begin to come to you.
This perspective stands as a cornerstone of her ministry and a driving force for her work with
Women of color.
RQ2 Summary of Findings
This research was developed to identify to what extent Black Women are granted the
same leadership opportunities as men in Black churches? The findings revealed three main
categories that emerged from the research: underrepresentation of Women, involvement
regulation, and necessary circumvention. Each listed theme proved to play a significant role in
Women not being granted the same leadership opportunities as men in Black churches.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
This study aimed to address the role of patriarchy in the disproportionately low rate of
Black Women leaders in predominantly African American Christian churches. Chapter Four
presented the findings from the data collected through interviews to answer the research
questions identifying to what extent Black Women are granted the same leadership opportunities
as men in Black churches and what, if any, barriers prevent Black Women from assuming roles
in Black churches. The findings were grounded in Littlejohn and Foss’s (2009) gender role
theory and Crenshaw’s (1989) intersectionality theory. Chapter Five provides a discussion of the
findings, recommendations that address the low rate of Black Women occupying top leadership
positions in Black churches, limitations and delimitations, and suggestions for future research.
Discussion of Findings
The findings illuminated the discrepancies between men and Women in Black church
leadership and identified the barriers that many Black Women face in their pursuits of obtaining
top leadership roles: enforced traditional systems of practice, which included sexist gender roles
and patriarchal scriptural interpretations; the dominant presence of male decision-makers, which
is maintained through the implementation of additional requisites; and the lack of pastoral
approval and advocacy. Additionally, the findings featured the circumvented methods by which
Black Women are forced to engage in order to function as leaders in many Black churches.
The participants of this study represented a range of different ministerial affiliations,
spanning across many sectors and demographics, yet all acknowledged an association and
extensive experience with a predominantly African American populated congregation. Although
several participants underscored many concerns within The Black Church, all 12 participants
recognized The Black Church as a vital part of their ministry formation and subsequent ministry
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philosophy and approach to ministry. Additionally, each interview participant clearly articulated
the multifaceted nuances and mechanisms of their local church, denomination, and similar tenets
shared by many Black churches regionally and nationally.
Several themes surfaced within this study amongst the 12 participants interviewed, four
of which supported the data presented in the literature review. The four themes closely aligned
with the literature review included men-only, ceilings, jumping through hoops, and gender roles.
Men Only
One central emerging theme was the notion that clergy and pastoral spaces were
exclusively reserved for men. This idea of male exclusivity resounded in the specific language
used by all 12 of the interview participants. The language that framed men as “allowing,
approving and or accepting” Women in ministry emerged over 30 times among the 12
interviews. PreacHER11 crystallized this notion when discussing the lack of Women pastors in
her denomination. She argued that when the few Women are “allowed” to pastor and lead, the
top male leaders essentially “let Women in on condition,” which supports this idea of Women
having to prove themselves to men to be approved to lead.
The data from the interview responses revealed that the participants perceived the men’s
only concept that functions through the ‘good old boy’ network, which continues to delay and
derail many Black Women from securing and operating in top clergy leadership positions. As
stated in the literature review (Chapter Two), the ‘good old boy network’ refers to an exclusive
group of typically rich white men who share common interests (Miller, 2011) and ultimately
restrict Women from opportunities that may assist in acquiring leadership positions (Catalyst,
2003; Ely & Rhode, 2010; Heffermen, 2004; O’Brien, 2006; Ragins, 1998). In the case of The
Black Church, the good old boy network is comprised of Black men who unyieldingly occupy
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top leadership roles in Black churches. The findings reported in Chapter Four underscored the
different mechanisms used to maintain the good old boy network: enforced traditional systems of
practice, sexist gender roles, patriarchal scriptural interpretations, additional requisites, and the
lack of pastoral approval and advocacy. Seven of the 12 interview participants emphasized their
challenging journey to prudently navigate between their two overlapping identities of female and
clergy in The Black Church. Utilizing Crenshaw’s (1989) intersectionality frame provides a lens
whereby the struggle for many Black Women against the longstanding barrier of the ‘good old
boy’ network is more pronounced. Through this lens, the interconnected identity status variables
establish and maintain societal groupings of power that have and continue to repress Black
Women in many Black churches. Moreover, using the intersectionality lens offers Black
churches a way to observe and understand how the social identities of Black Women overlap,
which compound discriminatory experiences for Black Women (Boston, 2017; Crenshaw, 1989).
Ceilings
Another theme from the data that aligned with the literature was the idea of the ceilings
that Black Women face and hit in their pursuit of leadership roles. Participants described what
appears to be a proverbial ceiling that keeps Black Women from ascending in ministry.
Additionally, interview participants discussed how they faced ceilings despite being extremely
credentialed and possessing vast ministerial experience. The literature exposed this issue by
highlighting that Black Women face stained glass ceilings despite their participation, presence,
and educational credentials (Barna, 2009; Carroll & Washington, 2006; Djupe et al., 2007;
Sullins, 2000).
PreacHER12 expressed a sense of contentment with not pursuing a senior pastor position
at the time of the interview. She noted that she not only serves as a Dean of Chapel and professor
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of religion but also highlighted that she is a very iterant preacher; these responsibilities, among
others, receive her present attention. However, she concluded that Women pursuing senior pastor
positions are viewed as “direct competition” with men. Therefore, the potential threat—stemmed
from the perceived ‘direct competition’—influences the need to establish and maintain what
PreacHER1 referred to as ‘cement ceilings.’ PreacHER1 contends, “Black Women hit cement
ceilings because the men who have historically been in charge are not moving, and people
continue to replace men with men when other men retire.” PreacHER1’s notion of “cement
ceilings” closely aligns with Gibelman (2000), Morrison et al. (1987), and Reskin and Roos’s
(1990) glass ceiling theory, which refers to barriers—driven by discriminatory attitudes and
biases—that prevent qualified Women from advancing and obtaining top levels of organizations.
More specifically, the cement ceiling reference supports Williams-Gegner et al.’s (2010) stained
glass ceiling theory, whereby barriers prevent Black Women from attaining authoritative
positions in [Black churches] such as pastor and relegate Black Women to lower-level positions
(Adams, 2007; Nesbit, 1997; Stewart-Thomas, 2009; Sullins, 2000; Williams et al., 2010;
Zikmund et al., 1998).
The interview participants provided evidence that supports the presence of ceilings
locally and nationally. The literature review and the data from the interviews were saturated with
examples of how Black Women clergy face repressive ceilings in the licensure and ordination
process. However, one participant illuminated how Black Women face ceilings through their
ministerial ascension and during pastoral appointments. The literature highlighted the challenges
for Women to secure decent church employment due to the ceilings that remain above them.
Chang (1997) reports that it takes significantly longer for Women to obtain church jobs than for
men. PreacHER12 noted that some Women clergy are granted opportunities to serve as senior
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pastors; however, many are assigned to “small churches in rural or country settings that don’t
have budgets to sustain them as pastor.” This idea aligns with what Bagilhole (2006, 2003) and
Zikmund et al. (1998) refer to as ‘horizontal segregation,’ whereby Women clergy are typically
appointed to lower-level or entry-level positions such as children’s ministries and rural
congregations. Nesbitt (1997) adds that when Women acquire those entry-level jobs, it takes
them longer to be promoted from those positions, hence maintaining ceilings that continue to
suppress Women clergy.
Jumping Through Hoops
Woods (2019) described the importance of clergy ordination as validating one’s
preaching ministry. However, opposing church leaders often use ‘stained glasses’ or ‘ceilings’ to
extend and complicate the ordination process by forcing women to “jump through hoops”
(Sentilles, 2008). According to the data, the “jumping through hoops” is applied through
additional requisites that top male decision-makers unfairly require for Women to meet to obtain
ordination and ultimately secure senior pastor positions. PreacHER12 validated this theory when
she attested concerning her ministerial journey, “I felt like I had to jump through hoops and
prove myself. I felt like I was online being pledged.” Interview participants described
unnecessary and unfair barriers they were forced to overcome designed and implemented
exclusively to deter Women clergy from advancing in ministry. Aligned with the literature, these
barriers included slow ordination processes (Crossfield, 2011), sexual advances from male
pastors (Sentilles, 2008), and vertical segregation, whereby they are placed at the bottom of
church organizational hierarchies (Adams, 2007; Purvis, 1995; Sullins, 2000). The ‘jumping
through hoops’ tactic is implemented to hinder Women from being validated in ministry and
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subsequently obtaining senior pastor positions (Sentilles, 2008; Sullins, 2000; Williams et al.,
2010).
Gender Role Expectations
Perhaps the most prominent theme in the findings was the striking presence of gender
role expectations. This emergent theme supported the data in the literature review and validated
the use of Littlejohn and Foss’s (2009) gender role theory as a suitable lens for the conceptual
framework of this study. Gender role theory suggests that social structures establish ascribed
roles for how men and Women are expected to behave (Littlejohn & Foss, 2009). The data from
this study indicated that many Black churches—influenced by longstanding secular social
structures—establish and enforce approved roles for how Women ought to behave and
participate in church. The findings highlighted that each of the 12 interview participants noted
some experience with the impact of expected gender roles in The Black Church. Much of the
resistance that the participants experienced stemmed from the deeply embedded gender role
expectations that predominate Black church culture and practice. Through the gender role
expectations, Women are expected to present themselves modestly, meek, and mild. The
findings, aligned with the literature, provide evidence that suggested that due to the pervasive
nature of benevolent sexism, Black Women are affirmed, protected, and rewarded when they
conform to the traditionally established gender roles (Ely & Rhode, 2010). However, conversely,
Black Women who embrace traditionally masculine roles such as senior pastors, experience
opposition, antagonism, and chastisement by individuals and institutions (Glick & Fiske, 2001).
The data revealed that gender role expectations manifest in both policies and practices
and are driven by longstanding patriarchal interpretations of scripture. Black Women’s bodies
are controlled and policed in myriad of ways within The Black Church. Black Women are taught
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how to dress, speak, and, most importantly, how and where they can serve in the church. The
findings also support two critical theories Williams et al. (2010) outlined in the literature review.
Influenced by the faithful ties to traditional gender role expectations, some churches deliberately
refuse to refer to Black Women clergy by senior titles such as ‘reverend’ and ‘pastor’ as a means
to reject the full affirmation of Black Women clergy. PreacHER5 shared how some congregants
intentionally refer to her by her first name and refuse to call her ‘minister,’ as they do with male
clergy, as a means to reject her ecclesial status deliberately. Another more blatant way the gender
role expectations are reinforced occurs when Black Women are restricted from standing directly
in the pulpit when they are invited to preach (Williams et al., 2010). PreacHER8 provided
evidence that supported this theory in her interview and shared how she still feels uncomfortable
standing in pulpits due to the profound impact of being excluded from preaching in pulpits.
Several themes emerged from the 12 interviews, four of which supported the data
presented in the literature review. The four themes closely aligned with the literature review
included men-only, ceilings, jumping through hoops, and gender roles. However, there were also
three other significant themes that emerged from the 12 interviews that are worth noting:
gendered racism in Black space, Women enforcers of patriarchy, and radical resistance as
liberation.
Gendered Racism in Black Space
The interviews provided evidence for the presence of gender role expectations in The
Black Church. However, a deeper analysis seems to suggest a more nuanced phenomenon.
Benard (2016) maintains that race and gender are two inextricable social constructs and must be
discussed mutually. Moreover, gender must always be discussed as racialized (Benard, 2016).
Analyzing the findings and reviewing the literature through an intersectional lens revealed that
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the barrier of gender role expectations that Black Women face seemed to be significantly
influenced by racial stereotypes established during the Euro-American Exploration and Chattel
Slavery periods and are perpetuated in many Black churches. Therefore, centering this portion of
the conversation on gendered racism in Black churches seems plausible.
Each of the 12 participants reported being impacted by presumed and enforced sexist
gender roles applied in Black churches. Three participants specifically referenced domestic roles
such as cleaning, cooking, and caring for children as the expected primary roles for Black
Women historically in Black churches. Many of these domestic roles stem from the Mammy
persona branded exclusively on Black Women as they emerged from Euro-American chattel
slavery (Gilkes, 1983). According to Collins (2009), Black Women were branded with the first
controlling image of Mammy—the faithful and obedient domestic servant—to exploit Black
Women and keep them regulated to domestic services. Although The Black Church was
established as resistance to white supremacist-driven dehumanization (Douglas & Hopson,
2001), the findings indicated similar exploitations and regulations of Black Women in many
Black churches. Plainly, Black Women are expected to function as ‘ministry mammies’ who
engage in the ‘housework’ of The Black Church, which primarily includes cooking, cleaning,
and caring for children. Therefore, in many Black churches—reflecting the model of U.S. slave
plantations—”the Mammy image represents the normative yardstick used to evaluate all Black
Women’s behavior” (Collins, 2009, p. 94). Consequently, Black Women clergy face immense
opposition when they choose to reject the Mammy image and pursue ministerial leadership
positions. Therefore, using an intersectional lens shows how many Black Women clergy must
fight against opposition in Black churches, but they must also fight against the longstanding
white supremacist images and ideals that have influenced many Black churches.
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Additionally, applying Crenshaw’s (1989) Intersectionality lens revealed how, in many
cases, racial and gender discrimination is compounded on Black Women clergy. While Black
Women are discriminated against due to their ethnicity and gender in society, Black Women also
experience discrimination based on gender inside The Black Church (Collins, 2009; Crenshaw,
1991). As noted in the literature, Black men have always struggled to secure dignity in American
culture (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Raboteau, 2004). However, historically, the title of preacher
gave Black men a sense of status worth coveting (Raboteau, 2004) but continues to be reserved
for men (Banbury, 2014; Barnes, 2006; Brock, 1967; Buhrig, 1989; Chaves, 1997; Konieczny &
Chaves, 2000; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Ngunjiri, 2012). The literature and the findings seem to
suggest that many Black Women are restricted from leadership roles within The Black Church in
similar ways that many Black men have been historically restricted from leadership roles outside
The Black Church. Hence, many Black men—some subconsciously and others intentionally—
inflict and perpetuate the same restrictive and oppressive actions towards Black Women that
many of them experienced by white men in Western-Euro-American culture.
Luppino (2020) maintained that the historical racist acts of control, disenfranchisement,
and ultimate physical harm, displayed in American culture have been guided by fear. He
continues that whites feared Black people; they feared that Black people would take their jobs,
take over the world, and ultimately build their own world once they became free (Luppino,
2020). Therefore, whites—through fear—established and enforced laws to oppress Black men
and to keep them from assuming any power. Similarly, many Black men clasp tightly to their
church leadership positions—intentionally excluding Black Women—in what appear to be
actions driven by fear. PreacHER5 reporting seemed to support this claim when she described
the hesitancy of male pastors to fully embrace Women clergy as fear of “losing control, losing
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position, and losing power.” Perhaps many Black clergymen clench and guard their religious
positions so tightly because, in many cases, that is the only place where they can garner dignity
and respect. In this instance, The Black Church no longer serves as a place of refuge and
affirmation for Black Women; conversely, The Black Church serves as a dumping ground for
Black men—a place for Black men to hold dignity at the expense of Black Women.
Women Enforcers of Patriarchy
One surprising theme worth noting that was nuanced in the findings was the notion of
women enforcers of patriarchy. The initial assumption was that men championed the resistance
efforts against Women clergy mainly because, as PreacHER11 noted, “the system affirms [men]
and protects [men].” However, nine of the 12 participants mentioned other Women as resistors
against Women clergy leadership. Interview participants expressed their frustration with the lack
of support from Women congregants and disdain for what PreacHER3 referred to as “petty and
picky superficial critiques.” These critiques included: attire, appearance, and perceived attitudes,
all of which are rarely, if ever, presented as critiques against male clergypersons. The critiques
seem to support further the notion that Black Women’s bodies are controlled and policed—even
by other Black Women—which adds an even deeper layer of enforced patriarchal standards that
Black Women are forced to encounter.
PreacHER11 reported that the assumption is that men keep Women “out of the room
when a lot of times it is other Women keeping Women out of the room.” To that end,
PreacHER12 offered, “patriarchy is a system, not a gender.” Nader (1997) proposes what she
frames as “controlling processes” as a major influence on how concepts of bodies become
“institutional in relation to power” (p. 711). For Nader, controlling processes operate as forms of
“symbolic violence” that become hegemonic and are ultimately internalized by the very groups it
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oppresses (p. 712). In this case, it appears that Black Women parishioners sometimes contribute
to the continued oppression of other Black Women. Consequently, PreacHER4 advised other
Women clergy to “expect Women to help men discriminate against Women because patriarchy is
so embedded in our culture that it is embedded in Women too.”
The literature revealed that while Black Women make up the largest population of most
predominately African American churches in the U.S (Carroll & Washington, 2006), Black
Women hold disproportionately fewer leadership positions than men in the aforementioned
(Banbury, 2014; Barnes, 2006; Buhrig, 1989; Chaves, 1997; Konieczny & Chaves, 2000;
Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Ngunjiri, 2012). In light of those findings, one would assume that
Black Women would choose to withdraw their memberships, financial contributions, ministry
services, and physical support from Black churches that failed to affirm and appoint Women
leaders. However, many choose to remain—some even remain while supporting and defending
the longstanding patriarchal structures. Nader (1997) refers to this occurrence as “hegemonic
control,” whereby mind colonization is embedded, often invisible, and those who exercise it may
not even understand its magnitude (p. 720). Perhaps some Women perpetuators of patriarchy do
not fully understand the depths of their contributions. Perhaps the influence of patriarchy is so
profound that it cannot be usurped or obliterated. Although neither of these questions is resolved
in this study, what seems to be evident is the fact that the disproportionately low rate of Black
Women leaders in Black Christian churches must continue to be investigated as a systemic issue
instead of an independent, extrinsic, case-by-case matter.
Radical Resistance As Liberation
One last theme that emerged from this study was the idea of radical resistance as
liberation. The data provided copious evidence that indicated that Black Women’s bodies are
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policed in The Black Church through the regulations of appearances, perceived attitudes, and
actions. Moreover, what seems to be evident is the fact that many Black churches have
successfully controlled the bodies of Black Women for countless years. However, this study
highlighted seven Black Women who decided to practice radical resistance against the normative
systems of patriarchy. Engaging in this resistance allowed the Black Women to secure
credentials, assume leadership roles, or practice ministry how they felt called. Some of the
Women found ways to circumvent conventional processes by finding and maximizing loopholes;
some outright rejected what was standard and demanded different treatment; some boldly
exposed and explicitly challenged their opposers; others ‘played the game’ in order to secure
credentials and then operated as they pleased; and yet, others found ways to do effective ministry
outside of the traditional brick and mortar. In every occurrence, each Woman shared a sense of
freedom and fulfillment that came with making those decisions to resist the patriarchal
structures.
The great irony found in the interview participants’ resistance narratives is that these
Black Women were forced to resist against structures inside of an institution that was
theoretically designed to provide freedom from external oppressive systems. What a paradox,
indeed! The Black Church—the place of survival against hostile and traumatizing environments
(Mays & Nicholson, 1933); the sole source of acceptance and affirmation (Raboteau, 1978;
Woodson, 1972); the place of refuge and the declaration of freedom (Douglas & Hopson, 2001),
seemed to exclude Black Women from these initiatives, hence, the need for Black Women to
resist. These resistance narratives teach us that sometimes the places from which we share the
most commonality could very well be the places that hold the most polarizations. Six participants
suggested they were not resisting a church, per se; they decided to resist a system. Indeed, the
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Women who boldly rejected and circumvented set norms resisted the system that sought to brand
and control their bodies; they resisted the system that sought to force them into mere ‘mammy
ministry’ roles; and they resisted the system that told them that God did not and would not ever
call them into preaching and pastoral ministry. Additionally, four participants have committed
themselves to mentoring other Black Women on how they can ‘learn the game’ and ultimately
engage in resistance work, too.
Recommendations for Practice
This study aimed to understand the structures and procedures that determine designations
of leadership in Black churches and the factors that drive the disproportionately low rate of
Black Women leaders in predominantly African American Christian churches. The hope was that
exposing the presence of gender discrimination and identifying the systemic barriers that unjustly
prevent Black Women from obtaining leadership roles would ultimately instigate more equitable
practices for Black Women in Black churches. The literature review in Chapter Two highlighted
the long history of gender discrimination that prevails in American culture, featured the historical
context of The Black Church, and identified the presence of gender discrimination in Black
churches. Additionally, within the literature review, several assumed influences and possible
barriers that prevent Black Women from assuming top leadership roles in Black churches were
discussed and categorized within Littlejohn and Foss’ (2009) gender role and Crenshaw’s (1989)
intersectionality framework. Utilizing a gender role framework is one effective way to
thoroughly examine the profound impact of longstanding gender role expectations on Black
Women in The Black Church. Moreover, analyzing the multidimensional experiences of Black
Women through an intersectional lens—particularly within The Black Church context—removes
the usual faulty single-axis lens that often minimizes or excludes the complexity of their
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experiences. The following sections present and discuss the recommendations to address the
disproportionately low rate of Black Women leaders in Black Christian churches through the
lens of gender role (Littlejohn & Foss, 2009) and intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989)
frameworks. The first recommendation is to learn and teach counter interpretations of scripture
that highlight and affirm Women leaders. The second proposed recommendation is to include
gender equality and equity issues as primary social justice matters.
Recommendation 1: Learn and Teach Counter Interpretations of Scripture That Highlight
and Affirm Women Leaders
The first recommendation is for senior pastors to learn and teach counter interpretations
of scripture that highlight and affirm Women leaders as a means to mitigate the gender gap in
leadership. All 12 interview participants in this study indicated, in some way, how traditional
systems of practice negatively impacted their ministerial and leadership pursuits. Five of the 12
participants explicitly named interpretations of scripture as the foundation for traditional systems
of practice. The literature review revealed that many of the patriarchal policies that exclude
Women from clergy positions in churches are derived from biblical interpretations (Banbury,
2014; Dodson & Gilkes, 1983; Green, 2003; Fiorenza, 1979; Kobo, 2018; Nesbitt, 1997). Woods
(2019) noted that sexist and patriarchal interpretations of scripture manipulate, silence, humiliate,
and marginalize Women in churches (Wood, 2019b). Moreover, patriarchal interpretations of
scripture are the tool that validates the sexist social structures within The Black Church
(Banbury, 2014; Kobo & Mangoedi, 2017; Nesbit, 1997; Wood, 2019b). Therefore, it is feasible
to focus on deconstructing patriarchal interpretations of scripture to address the exclusion of
Women in top leadership roles in Black churches.
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A total of 12 participants were interviewed for this study. Each participant revealed that
they first shared ‘a sense of a call’ with their senior pastor and the senior pastor also had the
authority to accept, approve, and announce the call. Moreover, the findings indicated that senior
pastors are gatekeepers for Black church leadership. In most instances, the distribution of
licensures, ordinations, leadership appointments, and clearances to participate in the corporate
liturgy is exclusively reserved for senior pastor approval. Therefore, this study recognizes the
profound influence of senior pastors and recommends that senior pastors first learn counter
interpretations of scripture that highlight and affirm Women leaders.
Invest in Diverse and Scholarly Exegetical Resources
This study proposes that senior pastors invest in diverse and scholarly exegetical
resources to fulfill the first recommendation. The findings from the research revealed that the
Bible is saturated with several examples of Women being affirmed and thriving in leadership
(see Chapter Two for an extensive list). Green (2003) contends that many policies that confine
Black Women are built from interpretations of the first-century cultural norms instead of actual
Christian tenets. Additionally, Mollenkott (1979) argued that it is irresponsible to conclude that
since the Bible was inspired and transcribed through an androcentric culture, then that social
structure is God’s universal will. However, discovering the aforementioned is not always an easy
endeavor. Some passages are not presented at the surface level and require a deeper analysis to
understand the contextual implications fully. Therefore, this study encourages senior pastors to
invest in scholarly exegetical resources that provide diverse perspectives so that they may be
more equipped with tools for a deeper analysis of scripture. Here are some exegetical tools to
consider: New Revised Standard Version Bible, Greek and Hebrew word studies, history books
that highlight the cities, states, communities, and countries listed in the Bible, Bible dictionaries,
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scholarly literature that features key characters in scripture, and scholarly literature that
addresses the historical, cultural, and political implications surrounding scripture passages. The
aforementioned will serve as tools for deeper analysis that will validate and explain present
theological leanings, debunk others, and illuminate new seemingly hidden treasures found in the
chest of scripture.
Attend a Nationally Accredited Seminary/Divinity School
Another way senior pastors can position themselves to learn counter interpretations of
scripture that highlight and affirm Women leaders is by attending nationally accredited
seminary/divinity schools. PreacHER10, when asked why people objected to her call to ministry,
responded, “whew, child, because they can’t read they Bible.” PreacHER10’s sentiments
underscore the need for congregants to hear and understand egalitarian nuanced scripture
passages that affirm Women leaders. The literature revealed that although counter analyses exist
that debunk misogynistic biblical interpretations, many [churches] remain staunch and
unapologetic in their established gender role distinctions and refuse to acknowledge and apply
biblical interpretations that affirm Women (Lummis, 1999; Stewart-Thomas, 2009). These
blatant acts of defiance fundamentally sanctify gender role distinctions in the church (Lummis,
1999). However, the Apostle Paul’s soteriological question to the Romans also applies to this
issue: “how are they to hear without someone to proclaim to them” (Romans 10:14, NRSV)? The
literature and the interview findings revealed that many Black churches bestow immense power
to senior pastors as gatekeepers to ministry. Therefore, it seems plausible for the onus of learning
and teaching new Women affirming scripture interpretations to reside primarily with senior
pastors. Even scripture encourages pastors to study to “show yourself to God as one approved by
God, a worker who has no need to be ashamed, rightly dividing the word of truth” (II Timothy
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2:15, NRSV). Attending accredited seminaries/divinity schools provides a step in that direction.
The halls of theological academia provide spaces for disseminating evidence and data-based
information, foster rich, scholarly, and organic discourse, and ultimately cultivate the process of
theological re-imagination.
Cultivate Spaces for Theological Re-imagination
This study encourages senior pastors to create spaces in their congregations for
theological re-imagination. It is incumbent upon senior pastors to expose congregants to
interpretations of scripture that highlight and affirm Women leaders. Cultivating spaces for
theological re-imagination sets the foundation for the aforementioned to occur. Senior pastors are
encouraged to host small group opportunities and Bible studies that foster fruitful discussion.
Senior pastors can introduce, teach, and thoroughly explain the historical, cultural, and political
implications surrounding specific scriptural passages during the gatherings. Moreover, through
these spaces, participants can learn and discuss how those implications influenced the
constructions, transcriptions, and interpretations of scripture. Participants will discuss the impact
of historical gender role designations and how those designations created traditional systems of
practice that may not necessarily align with the intended purpose of specific sacred texts.
Additionally, senior pastors are encouraged to invite congregant participants to pose questions
and concerns and spend adequate time addressing them. It would be unrealistic to assume that
the transformation would take place overnight; however, creating these spaces and sparking
dialogue is necessary to reach the intended goal.
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Recommendation 2: Include Gender Equality and Equity Issues As Primary Social Justice
Matters
The second recommendation is for Black churches to include gender equality and equity
issues as primary social justice matters to mitigate the gender gap in leadership. Eleven of the 12
interview participants indicated The Black Church’s need to prioritize and implement the
practice of gender equality and equity, specifically in its representation of leadership. The
literature revealed that The Black Church has a strong history of intentionally exposing and
addressing the social ills of poverty, racism, and discrimination in society—particularly as it
relates to Black people (Barnes, 2006). However, many Black churches fail to include Black
Women’s issues in that movement. The literature indicated that the voices of Black Women have
historically been muted and minimized in the context of The Black Church’s liberation efforts
(Battle, 2006; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Thomas, 2004a; Wright, 2004). Chaves (1996),
Giddings (1984), and Green (2003) added that although some Black churches commit to social
and racial justice work, many still omit gender issues that include Women clergy. Therefore, this
study recognizes the need for Black churches to include gender issues in their mission focus and
recommends that Black churches include gender equality and equity issues as primary social
justice matters.
Teach the Interconnectedness of Racial and Gender Liberation Theologies
This study proposes that senior pastors teach the interconnectedness of racial and gender
liberation theologies to fulfill the second recommendation. Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) assert
that The Black Church functions as a liberation network that engages in political and social
matters germane to the Black community. However, the literature and the findings both
supported the need for Black churches to intentionally include gender equality and equity issues
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in their social justice frameworks. Green (2003) found that many pastors remain silent about
sexism in The Black Church because many view the issue of racism as the primary injustice
afflicting Black people. Additionally, some maintain that pursuing equal and equitable practices
for Black Women is a “diversionary tactic to deflect attention from the more compelling struggle
for Black liberation” (Green, 2003, p.117). PreacHER11 argued that many churches fail to focus
on the “liberation of Women who have been marginalized because it is a risk for many people.”
Similarly, Barnes (2006) posited that many Black churches omit gender issues from their focus
because they claim that there is not enough room to address racism and gender concerns
effectively. Some even maintain that there is no need to emphasize gender issues in The Black
Church because Black Women are already liberated (Cone & Wilmore, 1993). However, Cone
(1984) argued that one cannot consciously protest racism in white churches without
acknowledging the sexism that prevails in Black churches. Moreover, Modise (2018) adds that
one cannot consciously propagate liberation theologies and practices without emphasizing
gender equality in all spheres of life (p. 4).
Therefore, this study encourages senior pastors to teach their congregations racial and
gender liberation theologies as interconnected and not mutually exclusive (Cannon et al., 2001;
Crenshaw 1991; Giddings 2007; Hayes 2010; Williams 2013; Wright 2004). Senior pastors can
utilize Crenshaw’s (1989) Intersectionality lens to teach and explain the interconnected
dimensions of racial and gender discrimination. As the literature notes, utilizing an intersectional
framework would be highly beneficial for The Black Church. The intersectional lens of Black
Women’s experiences provides a comprehensive model that can be used to broadly understand
the diverse social and spiritual challenges of various oppressed communities (Barnes, 2006).
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Moreover, senior pastors can highlight the similarities between racial and gender injustice
and present a case for why the church should commit to both. Senior pastors are encouraged to
maximize every opportunity to enlighten their congregations through teaching and preaching.
However, senior pastors are encouraged to intentionally engage in this work during the main
worship opportunities, which include weekend services, Bible studies, and small group classes.
The main worship opportunities are usually the most populated church gatherings and therefore
serve as ideal spaces for optimal dissemination of information. Additionally, creating spaces for
questions and dialogue is paramount for the sustainability of this work. Therefore, senior pastors
are also encouraged to think creatively about ways to further the facilitation of these
conversations beyond the regularly assigned worship opportunities.
Create and Implement a Justice Mission Statement That Includes Advocacy for Black Women
Finally, this study proposes that Black churches create and implement a justice mission
statement that includes advocacy for Black Women. Undeniably, The Black Church has
benefited substantially from the works of Black Women. Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) present
copious research that underscores the faithful and profoundly positive impact that Black Women
contribute to the sustainability of The Black Church. In fact, the overwhelming evidence
indicated that The Black Church would have quite possibly faltered without the faithful support
of Black Women (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). However, Black Women fail to receive reciprocal
advocacy efforts from Black Church leaders (Gilkes, 2001). Modise’s (2018) study found that
although some Black churches incorporate justice and equality language in their mission
statements, many still fail to adequately support gender equality in their strategic planning and
leadership selections. In light of the aforementioned, this study encourages Black churches to
create and implement a justice mission statement that includes advocacy for Black Women. This
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study proposes seven practical and strategic steps for senior pastors to implement in their church
in order to achieve this goal:
1. Spend time in prayer. The first step involves spending time in prayer. Senior pastors
are invited to spend time in prayer before beginning the implementation of this
portion of the recommendation. Through prayer, senior pastors can center themselves,
gain clarity and wisdom, and seek clear direction for the process. Senior pastors
should also consider inviting their congregations to join in with them for the season of
prayer.
2. Present vision to church leadership team and confirm support. The second step
involves presenting the intended vision to the church leadership team to solicit
support. Senior pastors can present their vision and the need to implement a racial and
gender justice mission statement to their leadership team once they gain clarity and
feel confident to begin the process. The step will allow senior pastors to explain the
importance of the new or revised mission statement and create space to hear feedback
from church leaders. During this stage, a robust conversation is encouraged until there
is overwhelming support for action. The team will then create a strategic and detailed
plan to present the idea to the congregation.
3. Survey congregations for input. The third step involves surveying congregants for
input. In this step, church leaders will collaborate and create survey tools to gain
feedback from the congregants. The congregation would be invited to take the short
survey concerning the church’s mission statement to assess the need to revise or
replace it.
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4. Schedule “think tank” collaboration sessions with congregants. The fourth step
involves scheduling think tank collaboration sessions with congregants. After the
survey results are retrieved, churches are encouraged to host and invite congregants to
participate in think tank sessions. During these sessions, participants will work
together and brainstorm ways to include the sentiments from the congregational
survey in developing the new or revised mission statement.
5. Design a mission statement and make revisions. The fifth step involves designing and
revising the proposed mission statement. In this phase, church leaders will work
together to design a clear mission statement that captures the collective ministry focus
of the church and articulates the church’s commitment to racial and gender justice.
This stage is designed to be iterative. The team is encouraged to continue to make
revisions until the majority of the group accepts a version of the mission statement
and agrees to present it to the congregation.
6. Present mission statement to congregation for approval. The sixth step involves
presenting the newly constructed mission statement to the church for approval. In this
stage, the church can solicit feedback or present it for a vote of approval. Repeat
Steps 5 and 6 if the number of approval votes is not met.
7. Implement policies that align with the mission statement. The last step involves
implementing church policies that align with the mission statement and reinforce
those tenets.
Limitations and Delimitations
I used Littlejohn and Foss’ (2009) gender role theory and Crenshaw’s (1989)
intersectionality theory as the conceptual framework of this study. In this study, I presented
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Black churches as the structure that establishes prejudicial gender roles and neglects to embrace
an intersectional lens in biblical interpretations. Therefore, this research aimed to disrupt
patriarchal religious structures and advocate for the distribution of equity and equality for Black
Women in Black churches. The privilege from which I benefit as a licensed and ordained male
Black church senior pastor not only drove the framework of this study, but that privilege also
influenced the questions of this study. The primary focus of this study and the group that
benefited the most was Black Women, who aspire to function as ecclesial leaders. The
knowledge surrounding this study lies within the narratives of Black Women, The Black Church,
and the treatment of Black Women in Black church history.
Conversely, although this research aimed to empower Black Women, I recognized that I
had the potential to harm Black churches and Black male church leaders through this study.
Exposing potential patriarchal structures within Black churches could be highly detrimental to
Black churches. The research may instigate criticisms—internally and externally—around
inequalities and inequities within The Black Church. These criticisms may cause some people to
reconsider membership within said churches if changes are not implemented. Additionally, this
research sought to advocate for more equitable practices for Black Women in Black churches.
Therefore, the goal of this study may inspire Black churches to consider intentionally appointing
Black Women to leadership positions that men once held. Therefore, men may lose positions of
power due to this study.
This research had a few limitations worth noting. First, I recognized the significant
influence of my positionality in this research and acknowledged the possibility of potential
research bias as a limitation to this study. I have served in senior leadership of Black churches
for almost 20 years, and my experiences shaped how I saw this problem and proposed the
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problem should be addressed. I am also aware that since I was the sole researcher and data coder,
there was a possibility that research bias could have affected the data analysis of this study. I
took personal memos during all interviews, recorded and transcribed all interviews using
Outer.ai software, and utilized the data analysis software Atlas.ti.cloud to identify and review
emergent codes to reduce research bias in this study.
Additionally, I acknowledged the impact of COVID-19 (Coronavirus) as a significant
limitation to this study. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic affected the initial research aim
of this study. Ideally, I would have preferred conducting all interviews in person instead of via
videoconferences. Furthermore, I would have preferred to conduct in-person observations to
enhance this study. However, the COVID-19 pandemic forced worldwide restrictions on in-
person gatherings. Therefore, I decided to use videoconference platforms to conduct my
interviews to best capture the authentic emotions, tones, and facial expressions of each interview
participant.
Although this study only included the interviews of 12 people, I acknowledge that some
participants could have chosen to drop out for myriad reasons. I thoroughly explained the details
and expectations of this study to each potential participant to minimize surprises. Additionally, I
ensured that each participant fully understood the details and expectations of the study. I also
reassured each participant that he or she could have paused the interview, skipped a question, or
suspended the entire interview at any time. I kept the contact information for a few alternates just
in case any participants decided to suspend their participation in the study.
I recognized the possible delimitations in this research. Yin (2011) argued that research
accessibility fosters trustworthiness. As previously stated, all recorded material will be erased 5
years after the completion and final approval from the dissertation committee, reducing any
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possible risks related to confidentiality in the future. However, I acknowledged that although the
disposal of all interview recordings and transcripts may enhance the confidentiality of the
participants, I also recognized that the subsequent unavailability of the collected data created
possible delimitations to the trustworthiness and credibility of this study in the future.
The study utilized the nonprobability purposeful sampling method to purposefully select
participants that best helped me understand the problem and research question (Creswell &
Creswell, 2017). I purposefully chose to sample Black Women clergypersons residing in the
United States. I recognized that although the positions of clergy and pastor are top religious
leadership positions within The Black Church, these positions are not the only leadership
positions of The Black Church. Therefore, I acknowledged that purposefully sampling Black
Women clergypersons residing in the United States limited the scope of the broader issue of
ecclesial patriarchy.
Another delimitation worth noting in this study was my decision to focus solely on the
experiences of Black Women clergy. Although the stories of Black Women were the primary
focus of this study, excluding the voices of Black clergymen created delimitation. Bringing into
concert the two voices of Black Women clergy and Black male clergy could have yielded more
substantive findings for the research focus and research questions.
Additionally, I focused solely on the seven mainline, historically independent, and totally
Black controlled denominations founded after the Free African Society of 1787 (see chapter 2 for
list). I chose to focus exclusively on the aforementioned because more than 80 % of all Black
professing Christians hold membership in at least one of these seven denominations (Roof &
McKinney, 1987). However, I acknowledged the pluralism of Black Christian churches in the
United States and worldwide, and I acknowledged the delimitation of my sample by excluding
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other Black denominations in this study. Moreover, I acknowledged that The Black Church is not
a monolith; there are a multiplicity of ideas, practices, rituals, procedures, and beliefs that make
up various Black churches. Therefore, some of the research findings did not necessarily represent
the beliefs, operations, and practices of many other Black churches.
Lastly, I acknowledged the potential delimitation of my research method. I chose to solely
conduct interviews for this study to capture Black Women clergypersons’ unique narratives and
experiences. However, I recognized that a mixed-method approach that implemented surveys
would have ensured the application of triangulation of data sources and construct to preserve the
validity and credibility of the qualitative and quantitative data for each database (Creswell &
Creswell, 2017).
Recommendations for Future Research
Future research is recommended to build on the foundation of this study. Future
researchers should consider expanding the scope of this study beyond the targeted focus group.
The researcher chose to exclusively survey U.S. Black clergywomen for this study. However,
future studies might consider including comparison analysis as a tool to capture more rich data.
Utilizing comparison analysis could be achieved by interviewing male clergypersons to explore
if some of their experiences were analogous to those shared by the Women in this study.
Bringing into concert the two critical perspectives of male and female clergy will offer deeper
insight into the research problem. This study also decided to focus exclusively on clergypersons
affiliated with one of the seven mainline, historically independent, and totally Black controlled
denominations founded after the Free African Society of 1787 (see chapter 2 for list). This
decision was made primarily because more than 80 % of all Black professing Christians hold
membership in at least one of these seven denominations (Roof & McKinney, 1987).
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Consequently, the researcher believed that the targeted demographic would capture a strong
representation of The Black Church.
However, this study limited its reach for more data with the delimitation of the sample by
excluding other Black denominations. As noted in the limitations section, there is a pluralism of
Black Christian churches in the United States and worldwide. Moreover, The Black Church is
not a monolith; there are a multiplicity of ideals, practices, rituals, procedures, and beliefs that
make up various Black churches. Therefore, researchers in their continued work should consider
expanding the research to include other denominations not mentioned in the study. Non-
denominational Black churches should be considered in the continued research as well as a
means to explore the impact of denominational ties and the potential correlation to this study’s
research problem.
The research indicated that the impact of sexism and patriarchy is far-reaching,
particularly within Black churches around the world. In fact, the literature revealed the presence
of sexist and patriarchal systems that influence the disproportionate low rate of Women leaders
in Black churches. However, this study narrowed the scope and focused on U.S. clergypersons
residing in the United States for the sake of time and brevity in this research. Therefore, future
research should include investigating the presence of sexist and patriarchal systems and how
those structures influence the disproportionate low rate of Women leaders in Black churches
outside the United States. Moreover, further research should include discussions that investigate
the presence of the aforementioned in the United States compared to other countries.
Finally, the sole researcher for this study was a man. The researcher took strategic steps
to establish and maintain trust with each interview participant. However, the researcher’s
positionality and social identity as a man granted him privilege in the dynamic of this research.
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Plainly, the researcher was a man that attempted to unearth issues that directly and profoundly
impact Women. Subsequently, the researcher’s positionality had the potential to impact the
study. Perhaps interview responses may have been altered or would have been more detailed if
participants were speaking with other women and a connection was established through a shared
social construct of gender. In light of the aforementioned, further research should include
Women researchers and/or Women interview facilitators in hopes of establishing more trust with
interview participants and adding a different perspective to the data analysis.
Summary
Black Women have a long history of contributing, supporting, and advocating for The
Black Church. As mentioned earlier, the overwhelming evidence suggested that The Black
Church would have quite possibly faltered without the faithful support of Black Women (Lincoln
& Mamiya, 1990). Consequently, The Black Church undeniably owes immense gratitude to
Black Women for their innumerable and invaluable faithful contributions. However, the findings
of this research seem to indicate that Black Women continue to experience more abuse and
abandonment instead of receiving grace and gratitude. For this reason, Black Women are due
applause, apologies, and action from all stakeholders of The Black Church. PreacHER4
crystalized these sentiments thusly:
The Black Church owes Black Women an apology—a serious apology—because without
Black Women, there would be no Black Church. There wouldn’t be enough men around
to keep it going. There wouldn’t have been enough men around to keep it going. Thus,
for all of the work, and the fundraising, and the tithing, and the faithfulness, and the
ushering, and the singing in choirs, and cooking fish fries, and bake sales, and helping
with communion, and going to see about the sick, and all of those kinds of things, and
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taking care of pastors, The Black Church owes Black Women an apology. The apology
not only needs to come verbally, but it needs to be shown through change.
This research not only highlighted the contributions of Black Women and exposed the unfair
treatment they continue to endure, but the hope is that this research inspires those who have
benefited from The Black Church to show their gratitude and express their apologetic sentiments
to Black Women through meaningful, authentic, equitable, and systematic change.

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152

Appendix A: Interview Protocol
This study will examine Black clergy leaders—one of the highest and most influential in
The Black Church—as a means to represent Black Church leadership. Therefore, the participants
of this study will include Black Women clergy.
Introduction to the Interview
Hello. I am Terrence Chandler-Harrison and I want to thank you for taking time to do this
interview with me. Your contributions will help me in my research study. My study seeks to
examine barriers that may prevent Women from obtaining leadership roles in Black Churches. I
want to ensure you that your confidentiality is a high priority and your identity will be excluded
from my study. Also, please know that you may cease your participation in this interview at any
time. Please do not hesitate to ask me any questions. I am here to answer any questions that you
might have. This interview will be recorded. Can you please provide your consent for this
interview to be recorded? Please offer a verbal ‘yes’ or ‘no’ for this recording. Thank you.

Table A1
Interview Protocol
Interview
questions
Potential probes RQ
addressed
Key concept addressed Q type (Patton) Conceptual framework
theory addressed
Please tell me about
yourself and the
ministry role(s) and
or position(s) you
hold at your church?
How long have you
been serving in
that
role/position?
2 Leadership Background/
demographic
Intersectionality
How did you get your
role/position at your
church?
To the best of your
knowledge, do
you feel that your
process was
standard or did it
differ from
others? Why?
2 Leadership/
Meritocracy
Background/
demographic
Gender roles
Have you ever
experienced any
resistance to your
leadership position
or role in your
church? If so, please
explain.
What do you think
was the reason
for the
resistance?
1 Barriers/
Leadership/
Hostile Sexism
Behavior/
experience
Intersectionality
Gender roles
What are the
qualifications for
one to be
accepted/approved
for the role/office of
clergyperson at your
church, and which
Who established
these
qualifications and
how were you
made aware of
these
qualifications?
2 Meritocracy Knowledge Gender roles
152

ones did you have to
meet?
Please describe the
process you
journeyed in order
to obtain license and
or ordination from
your church.
Can you talk a little
more about the
obstacles you
faced?
1 & 2 Barriers Behavior/
experience
Intersectionality
Did you experience
any objections to
your call to
ministry? If so,
please explain those
objections.
On what grounds
did those persons
object to your
announced call to
ministry?
1 Barriers/
hostile sexism
Behavior/
experience
Intersectionality
In what ways do
Women participate
during your church’s
regular worship
services?
Who makes these
decisions?
2 Patriarchy/
benevolent sexism
Sensory Gender roles
Please describe the
gender makeup of
your church’s
leadership.
How has this
leadership
makeup impacted
your church?
2 Leadership Knowledge Gender roles
How does your church
choose people for
leadership
positions?
How has this
process been
successful or
unsuccessful?
2 Leadership/
patriarchy
Knowledge Gender roles
How involved are
Women in the
decision-making
process at your
Why do you think
this is so?
2 Patriarchy Opinion/
values
Intersectionality
Gender roles
153

church?
What is your church’s
view of Women
clergy and Women
deacons?
Where do you base
this perspective?
1 Sexism/
Patriarchal Power
Knowledge Gender roles
Intersectionality
To what extent, if any,
does your church
support Women
clergy and other
Women church
leaders?
How has this level
of support or
dissent impacted
Women ministry
leaders?
1 & 2 Barriers/
leadership/
hostile sexism
Opinion/
values
Gender roles
Intersectionality
154
156

Interview Conclusion Statement
Well, that concludes our interview today. I want to thank you for sacrificing your time to
participate in this interview. Your insight will greatly benefit my research. Before we conclude,
do you have any questions for me? Ok, great. I will be sure to notify you when this project is
complete so that you may be able to view the results if you so wish to do so. Thank you again for
your time and your contribution to this study. Have a great day!

157

Appendix B: Informed Consent Form

Informed Consent Form

Research Project Title: Sacred Sexism: Uncovering Patriarchy In Black Church Leadership

Research Investigator: Terrence Chandler-Harrison

Estimated Interview Time: One Hour

Hello. I am Terrence Chandler-Harrison. Thank you for agreeing to be interviewed as part of my research
project. I am conducting a study that will examine black clergy leaders—one of the highest and most
influential in the black church—as a means to represent black church leadership. Moreover, my study
seeks to examine barriers that may prevent women from obtaining leadership roles in black churches.
Therefore, the participants of this study will include black women clergy and black male clergy residing in
the US. Please know that you are free to cease your participation in the interview at any time.

This research has been approved by the Institutional Review Board. Ethical procedures for academic
research undertaken from US institutions require that interviewees clearly agree to be interviews and
how the information contained in their interview will be used. This consent form is necessary to ensure
that you fully understand the purpose of your involvement and that you agree to the conditions of the
participation. Below you will find important information for this study. Please let me know if you have
questions about this study or if you need me to clarify any information concerning this consent form.

Important interview details:
• This interview will be recorded and a transcript will be produced
• Access to the interview transcript will be limited to the researcher investigator (Terrence
Chandler-Harrison)
• Any summary interview content, or direct quotations from the interview, that are made available
through academic publication or other academic outlets will be anonymized so that you cannot
be identified
• Care will be taken to ensure that other information in the interview that could identify yourself is
not revealed
• Any variation of the conditions above will only occur with your further clearly stated approval.

By signing this form you agree that:
• You are voluntarily taking part in this project. You understand that you can stop the interview at
any time.
• The transcribed interview or extracts from it may be used as described above
• You do not expect to receive any benefit or payment for my participation
• You have been able to ask any questions you might have
• You understand that you are free to contact the researcher with any questions you may have in
the future.

If you fully understand the details of this form and if you agree to participate in this study, then please
sign and print your name below and email the completed document to me at tjchandl@usc.edu You will
be given copy of this document for your records. Thank you.

_____________________________ __________________________ __________________
(Signature) (Printed Name) (Date)

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Chandler-Harrison, Terrence James (author)

Core Title Sacred sexism: uncovering patriarchy in Black church leadership

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2022-08

Publication Date 08/04/2024

Defense Date 07/12/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American or Black,barrier,benevolent sexism,black church,Black pastors,Black women,Black women clergy,Clergy,complementarianism,diakonos,eisegesis,equality,exegesis,expectations theory,gender,gender bias,glass ceilings,good ole boy,hegemony,hermeneutics,hostile sexism,leadership,liberation,meritocracy,Ministry,OAI-PMH Harvest,Ordination,Pastors,patriarchal power,patriarchy,Preaching,resistance,sexism,stained glass ceilings,stereotypes,womanism,womanist

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Carbone, Paula M. (committee chair), Crawford, Jenifer (committee member), Grant, Derisa (committee member)

Creator Email t.chandlerharrison@gmail.com,tjchandl@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111376144

Unique identifier UC111376144

Legacy Identifier etd-ChandlerHa-11093

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

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