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And yet, still, they rise: a qualitative study on the persistence of Black undergraduate women at a predominantly White institution

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And Yet, Still, They Rise: A Qualitative Study on the Persistence of Black Undergraduate
Women at a Predominantly White Institution

by

Christen Michelle Johnson

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2022

© Copyright by Christen Michelle Johnson 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Christen Johnson certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Alan Green
Cynthia Olivo
Patricia Tobey, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
Understanding Black female college students’ experiences, and what influences their
persistence in higher education requires a need to center Black female college students in research,
policy, and practice. Black women have continued to vastly outnumber Black men with higher
enrollment in institutions of higher education. They have intersectional gender and racial
experiences and face inhibitors at PWIs that could disrupt their persistence along their academic
journey. In 2016, there was a greater percentage of enrolled undergraduate women than men across
all racial/ethnic groups; however, the widest gap existed with Black students with a 65%
enrollment rate for Black women versus 38% enrollment rate for Black men for 4-year institutions
(NCES, 2019). This qualitative research study aimed to explore how Black women use their
cultural capital as a resource to persist and overcome adversity while attending a predominantly
White institution. 10 participants attending a large research university located on the West Coast
of the United States of America were analyzed in this study. The themes identified were campus
climate, invisibility, and community, all inhibitors of persistence for Black women attending a
PWI. This study used the theoretical frameworks of Black feminist thought (1991) and community
cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) to examine their experiences and persistence efforts. Practical
recommendations of these findings and implications for leadership in higher education were
discussed.
Keywords: persistence, Black female, college students, PWI, cultural capital, campus climate

v

Dedication
To my Baba, Herman Moses Simmons. I still remember the day I told you I got into USC, then
revealed it was for a doctoral program. Receiving an education was the most important thing to
you, for your children and grandchildren, and although you became my angel before I finished, I
am proud to tell you that I am now Dr. Johnson. I hope I have exceeded your wildest dreams. I
know you are smiling from above; I can hear you say, “puddin’ that’s just wonderful”.
Love always,
Your puddin’

vi

Acknowledgements
I would like to first thank God for opening this door and taking me on a path that I had
never imagined I would be on. I would not have been able to accomplish any of this without my
faith and amazing village of family and friends that have all supported me along this journey.
You all believed in me when I did not, and literally pushed me to the finish line.
Mom & Timmie, you are always my biggest cheerleaders and supporters, thank you for
always providing a listening ear, encouraging words, and a place to recharge. Nana and Daddy, I
am proud to continue the Johnson legacy and be the first Dr. Johnson in the family, thank you!
My sisters, Attaýa, Bradlee, and Chelsea, you three were the inspiration behind this topic.
Watching you overcome any adversity along your path of greatness has been inspiring. Thank
you for being my sisters and best friends, it will always be abc² for life, love you boo!
MadyPoo, and Q2, I am truly blessed to be your auntie, love you both dearly. To my
Granny, Auntie Mickey, Tio Tony, Pooter, Auntie Colette, Uncle Marc, Lani and Sophia, my
brother-n-law Quincy, Uncle Kirk, Uncle Gary, Garry, and Auntie Karen, each of you have
supported me in different ways, and constantly told me how proud you are of me; that was so
encouraging along this journey, thank you! To Bernard, “Bucks in Six”, thank you!
To my girlfriends: Lisha, Joy, Nicole, Brittney, Ashley, and Kalynda, we are literally the
definition of #blackgirlmagic. Thank you for checking in on me, taking me to brunch or happy
hour to reconnect, holding me to my deadlines or simply sitting on my couch giving me a space
to vent. Your support meant the world to me, and I am blessed to have you as a friend, love you
boo!
Dr. Artineh Samkian, you were my first professor in this program, you later became a
friend and mentor. Thank you for teaching us, challenging us, and beating your toughest battle.

vii

To my committee members Dr. Green and Dr. Olivo, thank you for being a part of this journey,
and for giving me the opportunity to grow and develop both personally and professionally. To
my chair, Dr. Tobey, you are the true definition of an advocate and ally. Thank you for leading
me along this journey, for pushing me to use my own voice, and building my own confidence in
being an advocate for marginalized students, especially for Black women.
To my Melanin Poppin’ crew: Dr. D’Andre Coats, Dr. Jeffrey Dolliole, Dr. Toni
Richardson, and Dr. James Tucker. Without you four…yes, the tears are flowing…I would not
be Dr. Christen Johnson. From meeting online during a global pandemic, to becoming family
and best of friends, I love y’all so much! Never in my wildest dreams could I have imagined
earning my doctorate with four other Black doctors and creating this amazing friendship for life.
Thank you for pushing me, teaching me, encouraging me, and ensuring that I finished. To Dr.
Jeffrey Dolliole, my brother, thank you, none of this could have happened without you saying
“yes”.
Thank you to my participants, ladies you are magical, please continue to shine in all
spaces, and know that I will always have your back!
And finally, to myself, Chris, you did it boo! Jeremiah 29:11

The Marathon Continues

viii

Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Overview of Study .................................................................................................... 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 3
Purpose of the Study and Guiding Questions ..................................................................... 4
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 6
Conceptual Framework ....................................................................................................... 7
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 8
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 10
The History of Higher Education in the United States ..................................................... 11
Predominantly White Institutions ..................................................................................... 15
Women in Higher Education ............................................................................................ 18
Campus Climate ................................................................................................................ 23
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 29
Community Cultural Wealth Theory ................................................................................ 31
Black Feminist Thought .................................................................................................... 35
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 36
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 38
Qualitative Approach ........................................................................................................ 38
Site Selection .................................................................................................................... 39

ix

Sample............................................................................................................................... 40
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 41
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 41
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 43
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 44
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 45
Role of Researcher ............................................................................................................ 45
Limitations and Delimitations........................................................................................... 46
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 47
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 49
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 50
Being a Black woman ....................................................................................................... 54
Campus Climate ................................................................................................................ 56
Invisibility ......................................................................................................................... 60
Community ....................................................................................................................... 61
Summary of Research Question 1 Findings...................................................................... 63
Research Findings for Question 2 ..................................................................................... 64
Cultural Capital ................................................................................................................. 64
Summary of Research Question 2 Findings...................................................................... 68
COVID-19 and Mental Health Awareness ....................................................................... 69
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 71
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 73
Overview of Study ............................................................................................................ 73
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 74
Community Cultural Wealth ............................................................................................. 75

x

Black Feminist Thought .................................................................................................... 76
Discussion ......................................................................................................................... 76
Campus Climate ................................................................................................................ 76
Invisibility ......................................................................................................................... 77
Community ....................................................................................................................... 78
Community Cultural Wealth ............................................................................................. 78
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 79
Implication for Leadership in Higher Education .............................................................. 82
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 84
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 84
References ..................................................................................................................................... 86
Appendix A: Interview Invitation Email .................................................................................... 101
Appendix B: Pre-Screening Survey Protocol ............................................................................. 103
Appendix C: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 104
Appendix D: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix ........................................................... 107
Appendix E: Information Sheet for Exempt Research ............................................................... 109

xi

List of Tables
Table 1: Participants Demographics…………………………………………………..…………51

xii

List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework……………………………………………………………30

1
Chapter One: Overview of Study
Kaba (2008) stated that in the history of the United States of America, Black American
women are the only subgroup of people that have experienced the longest suffering and
humiliation from slavery to the post-Civil War era, to the Jim Crow era and after. Black women
are a monolithic group of “superwomen” who withstand, resist, and persist no matter the
political, material, or personal (i.e., emotional, physical, mental, spiritual) detriments. Post-
secondary enrollment and degree attainment of this group are major exemplars of such
achievement (Patton et al., 2017).
Colleges and universities use a hegemonic “model minority” standard that undermines
the support, advocacy, and visibility that undergraduate Black women deserve while they are
students. This model minority myth has a hold on higher education research and practice, and
Black women are theoretically and almost literally erased in lieu of exploring Black
undergraduate men or White undergraduate women (Patton et al., 2017). Understanding Black
female college students’ experiences, and what influences their persistence in higher education
requires a need to center Black female college students in research, policy, and practice.
The Obama administration set forth a goal to have America produce the largest group of
college graduates in the world by 2020 (White House, 2016). This student success initiative
along with its political landscape has forced issues of race and diversity to be addressed by
higher education administration. As a result, Black college students have become of greater
importance in these discussions, and the Black college students’ experiences are a major
component of these discussions (Commodore et al., 2018). However, in higher education
research, Black students are often presented as a homogenous group, with the assumption that
they all share similar social, cultural, and economic backgrounds (Smith & Moore, 2000) and

2
therefore need similar types of support. Black undergraduate women are a group of college
students whose voices and experiences are often lost or negated amongst the larger narrative of
college students (Commodore et al., 2018). Currently, there is limited research on the unique
challenges Black women face balancing their identity, and how they tolerate campus climate,
microaggressions, and stereotypes.
Background of the Problem
Black women have continued to vastly outnumber Black men with higher enrollment in
institutions of higher education. In 2016, there was a greater percentage of enrolled
undergraduate women than men across all racial/ethnic groups; however, the widest gap existed
with Black students with a 65% enrollment rate for Black women versus 38% enrollment rate for
Black men for 4-year institutions (NCES, 2019). Black students have the lowest 6-year
graduation rate of 40% with the widest gender gap of 44% female versus 34% male (NCES,
2019). Such a significant gender gap in higher education enrollment and graduation rates has
created significant attention to the status of Black males in college (Bonner II, 2010; Cuyjet,
1997, 2006; Harper, 2006, 2011; Harper & Harris III, 2010) influencing research that explores
their unique experiences and academic attainment for them to become more successful.
While this heightened focus on the male demographic is necessary,
it must not be done at the expense of ignoring the challenges and, sometimes, silent
suffering of African American women in higher education institutions as they attempt to
navigate the interactive effects of racism, sexism, and gender disparities in certain fields
of study (Thomas & Jackson, 2007, p. 370)
There is an untold story on how, despite the same challenges, Black women are able to persist
and graduate at a higher rate.

3
Black female undergraduate students are a unique demographic within a PWI because
they hold a position within two marginalized groups that have been treated in a peripheral
manner by postsecondary education (Moses, 1989). Black women’s academic accomplishments
at PWIs are often achieved amid negative experiences with campus climate, microaggressions,
and racial and gendered stereotypes in the academic and social spaces. Yet, these women are
resilient and persist despite systemic barriers that intend to hinder their academic goals. They
lean on their families, communities, and dreams of earning a bachelor’s degree to encourage
them to finish their academic journey. The scarcity of an intersectional focus on Black women in
research means that “the voices of Black women have often been missing [or] overlooked...”
(Wijeyesinghe & Jones, 2013). Given their increased enrollment and their relative success as
they outpace their male peers (Zambrana & MacDonald, 2009), Black women who are
succeeding in higher education settings must possess a form of capital, even though what they
possess is not given its due in the research literature.
Statement of the Problem
Many researchers have studied Black students in postsecondary education and the
phenomenon of challenges these students face in college (Solorzano et al., 2000). Black
undergraduate women face different challenges throughout their academic journey, including
identifying their intersectional experiences (Winkle-Wagner et al., 2019). Membership in both
marginalized groups often makes Black female students invisible in colleges and universities
(Zamani, 2003). For this reason, it is imperative to examine and understand the experiences
Black women have while attending a predominantly White institution and what resources they
use to persist while pursuing a bachelor’s degree.

4
I will examine how Black women use their cultural capital, adapted from the community
cultural wealth (CCW) theory, as a resource to persist as undergraduate women to be successful
students in an environment that was not created for them. Data shows Black students as the
lowest demographic to persist at a PWI but focuses the attention on the Black undergraduate
males and tries to understand how to better support them in their academic journey. All the
while, Black women experience similar racial issues in addition to gender issues in a
systemically racist organization and yet enroll, persist, and graduate at higher rates than their
Black male peers.
Black women often face extremely high expectations about who they are and how they
should represent themselves in college (Winkle-Wagner et al., 2019) often created by White
hegemonic societal standards. These expectations, alongside the racial hostility and gender
discrimination that many Black women face on college campuses, can have deleterious effects
on Black women’s health and well-being (West et al., 2016) which impact their persistence and
matriculation. While Black female college students face a variety of issues while attending a
PWI, this qualitative study will focus on their intersectional experiences as Black women and
how they navigate campus climate, microaggressions, and invisibility in the academic and social
settings.
Purpose of the Study and Guiding Questions
The goal of this qualitative study is to explore the experiences Black undergraduate
women have while attending a predominantly White institution. This research aimed to
understand how Black women college students perceive their experiences, and how they use
their cultural capital to persist while navigating a racial campus climate, microaggressions, and
invisibility, which could inhibit their persistence during their academic journey. The research

5
questions that guided the study are as follows: How do Black undergraduate women at a
predominantly White institution perceive their experiences as a student? What forms of cultural
capital do they use to persist at a predominantly White institution?
Theoretical Perspective
This study will integrate aspects of Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth theory
(CCW) and Black feminist theory to explore Black undergraduate women’s persistence at a PWI.
Yosso’s (2005) CCW is based on critical race theory (CRT) and was selected for this study
because it uplifts and empowers Black undergraduate women and removes the deficit narrative
that is associated with this group in the research literature and current data and statistics within
higher education. Ladson-Billings (2009) suggests people of color have a distinct cultural
makeup that has yet to be fully acknowledged in educational institutions. Yosso (2005) uses
CCW to show how marginalized students acquire an array of cultural knowledge, skills, and
abilities that are possessed by socially marginalized groups that often go unrecognized and
unacknowledged.
The critical race theory challenges the deficit thinking and understanding of the
empowering potential of the cultures of communities of color and redefines cultural wealth.
There are six tenets in the CCW theory that are not traditionally valued but are important to
students of color. CCW embodies “at least six forms of capital … which can transform the
process of schooling” (Yosso, 2005, p. 70). The forms of capital which contribute to CCW
include aspirational capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, social capital, navigational capital,
and resistant capital.
Black feminist theory will provide a framework to understand intersectionality and the
lived experiences of the participants. Collins (1991) introduced Black feminist thought, a critical

6
social theory, to give power to the lived experiences of Black women. She argued that “social
theories emerging from and/or on behalf of U.S. Black women and other historically oppressed
groups aim to find ways to escape from, survive in, and/or oppose prevailing social and
economic injustice” (Collins, 1991, p. 9). Black feminism is used as an activist response to their
continuous subjugation to the intersecting systems of racial, gender, and sexual oppression.
Significance of the Study
Understanding this marginalized group and their experiences with how they rely on their
own cultural wealth to persist will shed light on the fact that there is a void in adapting policies,
structures, and practices to provide for them to utilize as resources at a PWI. There is very little
academic research available to ensure that these attempts for equity and access are appropriate
and echo the needs of these students. This research will aid in determining if Black female
college students incorporate their inherent cultural wealth as a resource to persist or solely utilize
the resources allocated for all students at PWIs.
The goal of this research study is to provide firsthand experiences of Black female
students in higher education and uncover how they use their cultural wealth to persist in
academic and social settings at a PWI. By recognizing and understanding how they utilize their
cultural capital to complete their academic journey can help administrators create programs for
Black female students to help with retention, academic support, and improve graduation rates.
The significance of this study is to provide additional literature on Black female students’
persistence, this demographic is often overlooked and an understudied population in educational
research (Shavers & Moore, 2014). This information is important because it can help multiple
stakeholders with ensuring that Black female students are successful in their academic career,
which in turn allows them to ensure that all students are successful. Stakeholders can include

7
senior-level university administrators, policymakers, academic researchers, and student affairs
professionals (Guiffrida & Douthit, 2010; Hannon et al., 2016; Harper, 2012; Rodgers &
Summers, 2008).
Conceptual Framework
The theoretical and conceptual frameworks used in this study were chosen to highlight
the intersectionality of Black undergraduate women and their experiences at a predominantly
White institution and how they use their cultural capital to persist towards graduation. The Black
feminist thought (BFT) framework and Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth (CCW)
framework intersects to capture the experiences of students of color at PWIs. This conceptual
framework centers on Black women and their ability to persist amongst dominant oppressive
systems by using their own cultural capital. I will examine the intersection of the theories later in
the literature review. The research questions and semi-structured interview questions for this
study is based on this theory and its relationship to the topic. In Figure 1 you will find the visual
illustration of the relationship between these topics.

8
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Definition of Terms
Black or African American: A person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of
Africa (U.S. Census, 2020). In this study, Black and African American are used interchangeably.
Campus Climate: The norms, values, and customs of the campus environment. These can
be either positive or negative experiences students have while on college campuses (Reid &
Radhakrishnan, 2003). Campus climate involves interactions students have with peers, staff, and
faculty.
Critical Race Theory (CRT): This is a perspective that emphasizes the centrality of race
and racism and challenges white supremacy in law, education, politics, and other social systems
(Patton et al., 2016)
Engagement: For this study engagement refers to the involvement in the learning process
and involvement within the university culture (Rovai, 2003).

9
Microaggressions: Microaggressions are subtle insults (verbal, nonverbal, and/or visual)
directed toward people of color, often automatically or unconsciously (Yosso et al., 2009).
Persistence: Persistence refers to students who enroll in a college degree program,
remain continuously enrolled, and make progress toward graduation, but who have yet to earn
the actual degree (Tinto, 1993).
Predominantly White Institutions (PWI): These are colleges and universities that have
White student enrollments of 50% or greater (Hurtado et al., 1998).
Racism: This is an institutional power that people of color in the United States of
America have never possessed (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).

10
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
Historically, literature on Black female students indicates that there has been a significant
struggle to educate and uplift this population since the late 19th and 20th centuries; currently, the
Black female student experience is overlooked in mainstream educational research even though
analysis of their educational experiences indicates that Black female students are strong students
who work in difficult environments where their sex, race, and culture shape their experiences and
opportunities (Chavous & Cogborn, 2007; Muhammad & Dixson, 2008; Thomas & Jackson,
2007).
According to the United States Department of Education and the National Center for
Educational Statistics (NCES, 2016), Black (e.g., African American) undergraduate student
enrollment and attendance at colleges and universities are increasing steadily each year. Despite
the increased enrollment, Blacks as a racial and ethnic minority group are underrepresented
within institutions of higher education, specifically within PWI (NCES, 2009).
NCES reports that Black women have a 7% increase over Black men in college entrance
based upon gender with 37% of Black students enrolling into a college or university in 2019
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2019). Data shows that women in the United States outnumber men in
colleges and universities. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES,
2016), from the years 2009 to 2010 Black women earned 68% of associate degrees and 66% of
bachelor’s degrees. Despite the success of Black women in college, little is known or
documented in the research as to how Black female students successfully persist in college
despite adversities they may encounter (Chavous & Cogborn, 2007). Black students face
negative campus climates, microaggressions, and stereotypes while attending PWIs that can
create inhibitors to their persistence towards graduation.

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Chapter Two of this study will provide an overview of the experiences Black women
have in higher education. The first section will give a brief overview of the history of higher
education in the United States, along with the legal cases that have impacted Black students
pursuing education in the United States and will highlight the formation of Predominantly White
Institutions (PWIs). The second section will give a brief overview of the Black student
experience at PWIs and discuss the integration of women in higher education, followed by an
overview of Black women and their experiences with racism and gender inequality in higher
education. Section three will discuss Black women’s experiences with campus climates,
microaggressions, invisibility, and racial stereotypes. The final section will discuss Yosso’s
(2005) theory and Black feminist thought (Collins, 2000) and how Black undergraduate women
experience their intersectionality at a PWI, and if they utilize their cultural capital as a resource
to persist at a PWI.
The History of Higher Education in the United States
The United States has a tangled past with slavery. The first slaves from Africa arrived in
the US in 1619, 172 years before the United States Constitution was signed. Slavery was written
into the constitution under Article 1, Section 2, commonly known as the “three-fifths clause.”
This clause (Article I, Section 2, of the U.S. Constitution of 1787) in fact declared that for
purposes of representation in Congress, enslaved blacks in a state would be counted as three-
fifths of the number of white inhabitants of that state. After the conclusion of the American Civil
War in 1865 the "three-fifths clause" was later changed by the Thirteenth Amendment which
freed all enslaved people in the United States. The Fourteenth amendment gave enslaved people
full citizenship, while the Fifteenth Amendment granted Black men the right to vote. However,
Black women were not granted the right to vote until 1920 when the Nineteenth Amendment was

12
signed prohibiting states from denying citizens based on sex. This amendment technically
allowed Black women the right to vote but did not guarantee this right because of their
intersectionality with ethnicity and gender.
Originally the American system of higher education was an elite system intended for
wealthy white men (Trow,1974). Institutions of higher education were built on oppressive, stolen
grounds, and through that past, the institutionalized damaging practices are ingrained in various
structures – physical and non-physical (Hurtado et al., 1998; Rankin & Reason, 2008; Yosso et
al., 2009). Higher education institution in the United States was another form to systematically
carry out the ideas and premise of slavery in a post-Civil War era.
The core foundation of the United States of America is White supremacy (Omi &
Winant, 2014). The history of this country reveals that race is a socially constructed category that
was produced to differentiate racial groups and to show the superiority or dominance of one race
over another (Banks, 1995; Omi & Winant, 2014). Colonization has made it so that whiteness is
seen as the default authority, the norm, and the standard to which all others must adhere
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2001), also known as the model student.
Legal Cases in Higher Education
There have been several landmark cases that have shaped the rights of people of color in
the United States, including access and equity in higher education. These cases specifically
impacted higher education and the advancement of Black students. The first case is Plessy
versus Ferguson of 1896, a landmark case within the United States Supreme Court that legalized
the “separate but equal” principle which confirmed de jure segregation, which means “legal
segregation.” Homer Plessy was a resident of Louisiana who was seven eighths White (and one-

13
eighth Black) who agreed to be the human test case on behalf of Louisiana residents who wanted
to legally challenge the state’s “one-drop rule,” and segregation law (Golub, 2005).
Plessy sat in the “Whites only,” section of the railcar and was arrested for violating New
Orleans’ segregation laws because he was considered Black. The Supreme Court ruled in favor
of plaintiff John Ferguson and ruled that racial segregation was not a violation of the Fourteenth
Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, stating that the amendment only applies to civil rights such
as voting but not social rights in which a seat on a train car would equate (Brown & Harlan,
1896).
Plessy legitimized racial segregation and continued the oppression of Black Americans in
every facet of society, including higher education. Plessy was ruled unconstitutional in 1954 by
the United States Supreme Court in the landmark case Brown vs. The Board of Education of
Topeka, Kansas (1954). But the damage of Plessy was already done, setting the precedent of
educational inequities that still negatively impact minoritized populations in the 21st century.
Brown vs. Board Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954) was landmark legislation that overturned
Plessy and eradicated “separate but equal,” in all public schools, including colleges and
universities (Epperson, 2016). Linda Brown was a schoolgirl who wanted to attend her
neighborhood elementary school but was denied the opportunity due to racial segregation.
With the support and encouragement of the National Association of Colored People
(NAACP), the Brown family filed a lawsuit against the board of education in Topeka, Kansas.
The court ruled that “separate but equal'' was inherently unconstitutional and violated the equal
protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, thus overturning Plessy (Stefkovich & Leas,
1994). While this case was landmark legislation that changed the de jure laws of the United
States, there was still “de facto segregation” that remained in place. “During racial integration

14
efforts in schools during the 1960s, “de facto segregation” was a term used to describe a situation
in which legislation did not overtly segregate students by race, but school segregation continued”
(Cornell Law, 2020).
Brown versus Board of Education opened the doors of predominantly White institutions
to African American students, but covert racism and segregation still reside within higher
education. There were continued advancements made to desegregate our American educational
system in the early ‘60s. While American society ascribes to the notion that higher education is
available for everyone who seeks it, college access and degree attainment have been limited for
marginalized groups. For African Americans in particular, access to higher education has been
limited historically and continues to be a challenge today (Allen, 1992; Harper et al., 2009;
Lucas, 2006).
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 (CRA) began to chip away at structural racism in our
education system. The CRA was signed by President Lyndon Baines Johnson and continued the
legacy of Brown. The CRA expanded on the Fourteenth Amendment and the Brown ruling and
banned discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, and national origin in all public spaces
(Berg, 1964). What was beneficial about this ruling was that the CRA also included higher
education institutions, although the discrimination continued well into the 1970s. This also began
the transformation of higher education to become more inclusive of Black students.
The legal cases and origins have been imperative to the advancement of Black
Americans, especially Black students pursuing a degree in higher education. Historically, White
people, and by default Whiteness (i.e., White racial hegemony/White supremacy), have played a
central role in determining Black people’s lack of access to education in the United States. Black
students still face barriers by experiencing hostile campus climates, microaggressions, and racial

15
stereotypes. Black undergraduate women experience twice the amount of adversity due to their
racial and gender identities.
Predominantly White Institutions
Since the inception of institutions of higher education in the United States, data has
suggested that those who obtain a college education are more likely to obtain the “American
dream” of social and economic mobility (Holmes et al., 2000). Racism has molded US social
institutions since the beginning of the 20
th
century and continues to subtly impact US institutions
of socialization (Yosso, 2005). Predominantly White Institutions (PWI) are colleges and
universities that have White student enrollments of 50% or greater (Hurtado et al., 1998).
Historically, all colleges and universities in the United States began as PWIs, as they
were intended to educate white men, and intentionally excluded nonwhite students. For African
Americans specifically, systematic exclusion from higher education was utilized as a means to
maintain power and control over a racial-ethnic group (Ladson-Billings, 1998). PWIs in the
southern region of the US has often been criticized for their adherence to racially motivated
policies (Harvey, 2011).
However, with the exception of progressive institutions like Amherst, Bowdoin, and
Oberlin Colleges, PWIs nationwide remained staunchly committed to barring Black students
from admission based on race. Institutions that refused to admit Black students often cited an
allegiance to prescribed societal norms and legislative policies as the catalyst for their proclivity
toward discrimination. Adopting this stance attempts to relinquish institutions from being held
accountable and taking responsibility for the roles they have played in advancing white
supremacy and upholding racism and discrimination (Harvey, 2011).

16
The emergence of desegregation required PWIs to admit qualified Black students. While
integration provided Black students with access, there was and continues to be no guarantee that
Black students will receive the academic and social support necessary to achieve in these
environments (Harvey, 2011). The implications for racial inequities in higher education extend
beyond the collegiate experience for Black undergraduates (Allen et. al, 2018). Educational
attainment is positively correlated with wealth; those who have greater access to postsecondary
education frequently experience higher earning potential throughout their life cycle. Limited
access to educational pathways and fiscal resources necessary to complete programs of study
make Black Americans more susceptible to poverty and underemployment.
Additionally, Black students who were able to gain admission to PWIs may have their
educational pursuits abbreviated by insufficient financial support or encounters with
discrimination on campus. The exodus of Black students from PWIs then becomes the modern-
day manifestation of segregation in higher education. While students are not barred from
entering these institutions, there is often little to no incentive to encourage them to remain
enrolled (Allen et al., 2018). While institutions in higher education have made dramatic progress
toward creating and supporting an inclusive environment in the 21
st
century, it is critical to
understand that the systemic inequities that currently exist within these institutions are still
influenced by race and racism which have been a foundation for PWI’s. Institutional policies,
campus climate, and academic classroom settings still permeate with systemic racism for Black
students, especially Black women who balance their intersectionality of gender and race.
Black Students' Experiences in Predominantly White Institutions
Derrick Bell (1980, 1987, 2004 ) identified the practice of allowing marginalized groups
to benefit from society’s institutions only at the convenience of White society as an interest

17
convergence (Ceja et al., 2009) where marginalized groups of students receive an education
while White students learn from them, this in return has created a false definition of equality on
the campuses of PWI’s. Despite the increasing proportion of Black students enrolling in
postsecondary education, research finds that Black students don’t have equal access to
opportunities for success while attending PWIs. Black college students at PWIs face institutional
barriers such as unwelcoming campus climates, racial stereotypes, and non-existent faculty
relationships all have raised concerns as viable factors as to why the attrition rate for Black
students at PWIs is still on the rise (Lazloffy, 2006).
Black students receiving post-secondary education is important to research because more
Black students are attending colleges to obtain full-time employment after graduation. PWIs are
important to focus on because despite the positive attributes and historical access to higher
education that HBCUs have provided, 87.1% of Black undergraduates in 2001 were enrolled in
PWIs and these institutions accounted for 78.5% of undergraduate degrees conferred to Black
students (Provasnik & Shafer, 2004). The study also reported that in comparison, 12.9% of Black
undergraduates were enrolled at HBCUs, yet graduates accounted for 21.5% of undergraduate
degrees conferred. This would indicate that although a higher percentage of Black students are
enrolled at PWIs, graduates account for a disproportionately lower percentage of degrees
awarded to Black students (Provasnik & Shafer, 2004).
For Black students, their position at PWIs is closely related to the afterlife of slavery:
their status in society, including at higher education institutions, is a manifestation of the
trivialized binary relationship of Black and white as well as the deeper antagonism between
Blacks and non-Blacks, which shows how their experiences, both past and present, cannot
compare to other’s experiences and aftermath (Ray et al., 2017). This anti-blackness is seen in

18
the policies created, enforced, or ignored at the higher education level and is reflected in the
limited progress of higher education reform for Black students (Harper et al., 2009; Sexton,
2016). This may indicate that PWIs have not been effective in supporting and providing
necessary academic resources to retain their Black demographic (Rodgers & Summers, 2008).
Women in Higher Education
At a glance, women in higher education have been mutually excluded and included in
their pursuit of higher learning. “Once America embraced the concept of educating men and
women together, single-sex postsecondary institutions began a gradual but continual shift toward
coeducation. It was then assumed that the issue of access was no longer salient for women”
(Langdon, 2001, p. 12). Since colonial times, women were perceived to be inferior in
comparison to men and were not allowed to attend institutions of higher education (Langdon,
2001). Therefore, women were not afforded postsecondary opportunities for almost two
centuries (Langdon, 2001). For centuries, women have sought access to higher education
institutions, but only within the past 60 years have they entered in large numbers (Milojevic,
1998). This was helped in large part by Women’s colleges that were established to provide
educational opportunities to those who were unable to participate in the American higher
education system (Langdon, 2001; Milojevic, 1998; Zamani, 2003).
Until the late 19th and 20th centuries, American higher education was exclusive to those
with money or status who could attend elite schools in Europe (Bordelon, 2012). This changed
with the Morrill Acts in 1862 and 1890, which saw the federal government begin to take a more
active role in addressing access to higher education to include women and Black citizens,
particularly (Bordelon, 2012; Harper et al., 2009). When it was acceptable to admit women into
male institutions of higher learning, it was done mostly to increase the revenue of these

19
institutions, not because they felt that women could handle the rigor of these institutions (Riley,
2010).
Historically, Black women’s educational experiences are substantially different from
those of White women (Perkins, 2015). White women were initially denied education in the early
nineteenth century and then educated separately for “female education,” which emphasized
classes related to religion and the domestic sphere. Their curricular options excluded
“masculine” subjects such as advanced mathematics and science (Solomon, 1985). There was no
expectation for them to work or to utilize their education beyond marriage and motherhood.
Later, “female seminaries” and normal schools (the predecessor of teachers’ colleges) emerged
to prepare women for the growing profession of teaching (Solomon, 1985). In contrast, basic
literacy skills were denied to Black people during slavery, but they were aware of the value of
education—particularly its centrality to the advancement and freedom of the entire Black race.
The study of women in higher education shows the growth of these institutions and the
advancements of women in higher education; however, oftentimes when discussing the increase
of women enrolling in higher education and the general needs of women, the topic is centered on
White women or a mixed group of women’s experiences. This continues the norming
of whiteness as the need for comparison in educational research (Ray, Randolph, Underhill, &
Luke, 2017; Sexton, 2016). At times, when studying women’s experiences in higher education, it
is often centered on how women are trying to attain parity with men. Riley (2010) noted that the
original plan for coeducation, the term often used for the mixing of women and men in
schooling, originally referred to the mixing of races, not gender.
This implies that even with the race being a large issue at the time, gender trumps race
with White men, Black men, and then White women preceding the needs of Black women. This

20
increases the need for research on Black women in educational spaces because the
marginalization of this group is multi-tiered with race, gender, and often class separating them
from others (Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010).
Black Women in Higher Education
To understand the experiences of Black women in college, it is important to consider the
role they play in society. “As a group, Black women are in an unusual position in this society, for
not only are we collectively at the bottom of the occupational ladder, but our overall social status
is lower than that of any other racial group” (hooks, 1984, p. 16). Traditionally Black women
have been preceded by White men, White women, and Black men resulting in the perception of
less significance and position in society (Collins, 2000; Zamani, 2003).
Understanding why the experiences of Black women in higher education are different
from other women and those of Black undergraduate men is steeped in the historical progression
and ideology of Black people in the United States. The U.S. system of higher education existed
for more than 200 years as a racist and sexist microcosm of the U.S. society (Zamani, 2003).
Black women have often been ignored at the intersection of their race and gender while pursuing
a college degree because of this foundation.
Black undergraduate women's experiences in higher education are shaped by the
intersection of race, gender, and class (Collins, 1999; Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010; Shavers
& Moore, 2014). Black women are currently earning more degrees than their male counterparts
from bachelor’s degrees to doctoral degrees at PWIs and with this achievement, it is assumed
that they are using the resources provided at PWIs for student success therefore, their
experiences are ignored or do not require studying (Greer & White, 2009; NCES, 2016; Shavers
& Moore; 2014).

21
Lucy Stanton became the first Black woman to earn a higher education degree, a literary
degree in 1850 (Evans, 2007), prior to the abolishment of slavery that took place in 1865
(Spring, 2004). She graduated from Oberlin college, who had missioned to educate women and
Blacks (Thelin, 2004). Twelve years later, Mary Jane Patterson, who also attended Oberlin,
became the first Black woman to earn a Bachelor of Arts degree (Evans, 2007). Southern states
had been enrolling students and awarding degrees, and in the late nineteenth century saw an
upsurge of more Black women attending colleges in the northern states of the United States
(Evans, 2007). Women began entering higher education institutions in increasingly higher
numbers and by the early nineteen hundred had surpassed Black men’s enrollment (Evans,
2007). Initially Black men represented the higher enrollees; however, researchers have noted that
this shift in college going rates among African Americans is associated with a myriad of
conditions.
Among the key reasons noted on why Black males are not enrolling in college are the
high levels of incarceration, employment right after high school, and unfamiliarity with the
college environment (Roach, 2001; Cuyjet, 2006). Additionally, Cuyjet (1997) contends that
there are two basic categories that explain the disproportionate number of Black men in college.
First, there are factors that prevent them from getting to college such as high school dropout
rates, high rates of homicide and health issues. Second, for the ones that do enroll, they are seen
as underprepared for the rigor of college work and unable to connect with Black male mentors on
campus for assistance (Cuyjet, 1997).
African American women have consistently represented the largest non-White college
enrolled student body (approximately 64%) in higher education and currently account for over
67% of earned degrees of the African American student population (Aud et al., 2010). In the

22
past, Black women entered higher education institutions primarily as a means to uplift their race
and subsequently obtained degrees to educate the African American children and members of
their community as elementary and secondary school teachers (Evans, 2007).
While Black female college students have this success with persistence and higher
graduation rates than their male peers, they face adversity on historically White campuses that
Black undergraduate men do not experience. There is limited research about Black female
college students in higher education; still, much of the research that exists is relative to Black
males in relation to Black women or conflated with white women or other women of color.
Additionally, Zambrana and MacDonald (2009) point out that studies on Blacks in higher
education have “remained remarkably silent on gender issues” with the emphasis being on
aggregate data of racial or gender groups (p. 73) rather than that specific to Black women as a
group under study, despite the importance of focusing on Black women specifically. The scarcity
of an intersectional focus on Black women in research means that “the voices of Black women
have often been missing [or] overlooked” (Wijeyesinghe et al., 2013, p. 128). This would
suggest that despite their ability to succeed, they are facing obstacles that are overlooked
(Shavers & Moore; 2014).
Through the examination of Black undergraduate, women’s cultural capital researchers
and higher education practitioners can have a deeper understanding of how Black women are
able to navigate both racial and gender issues on PWI campuses, and how that influences their
educational achievements. Taylor (2012) states that Black undergraduate women are often seen
as a secondary area of study but when they are studied it is compared to Whites and/or males
rather than as the sole focus of the research study.

23
Campus Climate
Research suggests it is in the best interest of modern-day institutions to support a highly
diverse student demographic, but while creating the essential structure of diversity is the first
step to changing educational outcomes for students, it is equally important that such development
takes place within a positive campus environment (Pike & Kuh, 2006). Campus diversity climate
is “a concept that students are educated in distinct racial contexts” that are shaped by institutional
and external factors (Hurtado et. al., 1998, p. 282). Through a multidisciplinary analysis on the
foundations and impact of campus racial climates, Hurtado et al. (1998) identifies the four
dimensions of an institution’s diversity climate as the
campus’ historical legacy of inclusions or exclusion of various racial or ethnic groups, its
structural diversity (i.e., the numerical and proportional representation of diverse groups
on campus), its psychological climate (i.e., perceptions, attitudes, and beliefs about
diversity) and its behavioral climate (i.e., how different racial and ethnic groups interact
on campus) (p. 282).
In this sense, a campus climate could influence the experience of individuals in the
institutional environment. For individuals holding historically marginalized identities, their
experience with the campus climate is likely going to be different from those in majority groups,
and their perceptions and feelings about the campus will impact their social and academic
experiences (Rankin & Reason, 2005; Worthington, 2008). Campus climate can also be defined
as the perception one may have of an organization based on the evaluations a person makes
about their environment (Reid & Radhakrishnan, 2003). More specifically, racial campus climate
is a student’s perception of their campus climate as a racial and ethnic minority (Reid &
Radhakrishnan, 2003).

24
The impact of campus climate has a significant effect on student satisfaction and
retention (Ancis et al., 2000). Marginalized students’ overall experiences on college campuses
are tied to the climate of the campus, the ways in which they feel connected to the environment,
and how they feel treated by peers, staff, and faculty members (Ancis et al, 2000). Studies have
found that for Black students in PWIs, their perception of the campus climate is less than
favorable, and in fact hostile, unsafe, and toxic, which has an impact on persistence and
performance (Yosso et al., 2009; Hurtado & Ponjuan, 2005). In addition, several scholars have
identified that Black undergraduate women are literally erased in the context of higher education
because the assumption is often that Black undergraduates are men and all undergraduate women
are White (Crenshaw, 1989; Hull et al., 1982).
Campus Climate for Black Women
In Black women in Academe – Issues and Strategies, Yolanda Moses examines and
reports on the campus climate for Black women students, faculty members, and administrators
(1989). Through informal questionnaires and anecdotes, Moses compiled a series of summaries
and recommendations for higher education institutions to include PWI and HBCUs. Regarding
the campus climate for Black women, Moses shared “Black women students on predominantly
White campuses are rarely integrated into the life and culture of their institutions, nor are there
clear paths for them to effect change” (1989, p. 4). She contends that there is the differential
treatment of Black women that further isolates them from their in and out of classroom
experiences. Moses (1989) explained the effects of under-attention, over-attention, stereotyping,
sexual harassment, and isolation that are experienced by Black women. Several other studies
have been completed focusing on Black female’s experience with climate and report they have

25
greater dissatisfaction with the campus climate than Black males, however, the intersection of
their race and gender is not considered as a contributing factor to these negative experiences.
Successfully transitioning to the college environment is paramount to student success.
Positive transition experiences are important for student involvement, academic achievement,
and overall success (Rankin & Reason, 2005). African American students’ experiences at PWIs
are affected by their interactions on campus (Ancis et al., 2000; Reid & Radhakrishnan, 2003).
An inhospitable climate is tied to students’ likelihood to persist or not (Morrow et al., 2000). As
a result, having a positive or a negative campus view can impact academic performance and
dropout rates (Morrow et al., 2000; Solorzano, 2000).
Many studies on campus climate mention incidences of microaggressions, stereotyping,
and invisibility that affect the experiences of Black women attending PWIs. A brief exploration
of these subjects will assist in understanding the impact these incidents have on the students’
experiences and the significant role they play for Black women at PWIs.
Microaggressions
Chester Pierce is credited for developing what is understood as microaggressions and
defines them as “subtle, stunning, often automatic, and non-verbal exchanges which are ‘put
downs’ of Blacks by offenders” (Pierce et al., 1977, p. 65). Applying this theory of
microaggressions to television commercials, the researchers sought to illustrate how television is
a powerful tool in supporting negative representations of African Americans (Pierce et al., 1977).
Their analysis of television shows and commercials supported their hypothesis of fueling the
misrepresentation of Blacks through various racist microaggressions.
Solorzano et al., (2000) utilized Pierce’s theory of microaggressions and applied it to the
experiences of African American students in college. Utilizing focus groups, the researchers

26
interviewed 34 Black students (18 females, 16 males) who attended three different
predominantly White institutions. The purpose of the focus groups was to understand how the
students experienced and responded to microaggressions. The students reported having
experienced racism both in and out of the classroom and on campus. Racial microaggressions in
the classroom were described as feeling invisible or isolated, negative interactions with faculty,
self-doubt, and being stereotyped (Solorzano et al., 2000). Racial microaggressions experienced
outside the classroom were described as a discomforting environment, general racial tension, the
existence of double standards, and feeling unwanted or un-regarded in campus spaces (Solorzano
et al., 2000). Solórzano, Ceja & Yosso point out the effects of such microaggressions cause
African American students to
strive to maintain good academic standing while negotiating the conflicts arising from
disparaging perceptions of them and their group of origin, additionally, they must
navigate through a myriad of pejorative racial stereotypes that fuel the creation and
perpetuation of racial microaggressions (2000, p. 69)
They suggest that institutions should create counter-spaces to help students respond to
racial microaggressions; “these counter-spaces serve as sites where deficit notions of people of
color can be challenged and where a positive collegiate racial climate can be established and
maintained” (Solórzano et al., p. 70).
Dortch (2016) found that microaggressions can have a significant influence on Black
women’s sense of belonging, especially on a White campus, and a sense of belonging can impact
Black women’s sense of self-efficacy and experiences on campus. Black undergraduate women
entering an institution with a majority population self-identifying as White, can potentially

27
struggle with ease to integrate and may not feel they have a sense of ownership and belonging at
that institution, and that manifests itself through exclusion, interactions, and much more.
Stereotypes
Claude Steele has been an instrumental researcher on the impact of stereotypes and
academic achievement (Steele, 1997; Perry et al., 2003), identity (Steele, 1997, 2018), and Black
undergraduate students (Steele, 1997; 1999). When there is a negative stereotype for a group, it
becomes a threat, and generally affects any and all members of the group regardless of the
individual’s actual behavior (Steele, 1997). Steele defines stereotype threat as
the social-psychological threat that arises when one is in a situation or doing something
for which a negative stereotype about one’s group applies. This predicament threatens
one with being negatively stereotyped, being judged or treated stereotypically, or with the
prospect of conforming to the stereotype (Steele, 1997, p. 614).
Some of his initial research examined the effects of stereotype threat on African Americans and
women. His research has found that for each of these populations, stereotypes have a significant
impact on achievement, causes anxiety, and can over time impact the identity of these students
(Steele, 1997, 2010).
Fries-Britt and Turner (2001) explored research on the impact of stereotypes on Black
students on a predominantly White campus. They conducted focus groups, followed by
individual interviews to gain deeper insight into these students’ experiences. Upon completion of
the interviews, three primary themes were discovered – discussion of general stereotypes, the
proving process, and physical characteristics (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2001). Many of the students
described instances where they were stereotyped by their White peers in class via generalized
misinformed statements about Black people, along with learning about the curriculum that

28
lacked inclusion of their beliefs. Black students in the classroom setting not only felt the pressure
to prove their intellectual ability to their peers and to the faculty.
They felt that their intelligence and confidence in various areas of studies was often being
doubted, and that they invested a lot of energy into defending their rightful place in the academic
setting at PWIs. Lastly, the students discussed having to deal with the ignorant questions, jokes,
or inquiries on their appearances such as physical appearances, hair, dress attire, and how these
assumptions and curiosities impeded on learning time in the classroom (Fries-Britt & Turner,
2001).
Invisibility
An important theme that arose in the literature under review was that of Black women’s
invisibility on predominantly White campuses (Winkle-Wagner, 2009). As described in the
studies on campus climate, Black students often feel lonely and struggle with integrating into the
campus community (Hurtado et al., 1998). Perceptions of alienation have impacted the
development of Black students and contributed to their withdrawal from predominantly White
institutions (Bennett & Okinaka, 1990) along with their overall dissatisfaction with their college
experiences. Looking particularly to the experiences of Black women, Watt (1989) described the
campus climate for Black women and the difficulty they have integrating into White campuses.
She contends isolation, invisibility, hostility, indifference, and lack of understanding of Black
women’s experiences are all too often part of the climate that Black women may face on
campuses. Black women students on predominantly White campuses are rarely integrated into
the life and culture of their institutions(Watt, 1989, p. 3).
More recently, Winkle-Wagner’s’ (2009) research on Black women on a White campus
resulted in similar feelings of isolation on a predominantly White campus. The isolation that the

29
women felt followed them all the way through their campus experience. The three women who
graduated during the data collection process, still described feeling ‘isolation’ even as they
prepared to leave campus or attend graduate programs (p. 137).
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical and conceptual frameworks used in this study were chosen to highlight
the intersectionality of Black undergraduate women and their experiences at a predominantly
White institution and how they use their cultural capital to persist towards graduation. The Black
feminist thought (BFT) framework and Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth (CCW)
framework intersects to capture the experiences of students of color at PWIs. This conceptual
framework centers on Black women and their ability to persist amongst dominant oppressive
systems by using their own cultural capital. “The universalizing of their experience as Black or
as female does little to affirm the unique existence of Black women” (Johnson & Thomas, 2012,
p. 157). It is critical to examine the experiences of Black women, specifically, because of the
uniqueness of the ways in which their identities intersect. Black women are “theoretically
erased” and their experiences should be examined through a multidimensional framework.
Intersections of Black Feminist Thought and Community Cultural Wealth theories
Dr. Patricia Hill Collins does not directly address the educational experiences of Black
females in her epistemology, but her framework intersects with the community cultural wealth
(CCW) framework because it captures the experiences of students of color at PWIs. According
to Yosso (2005), cultural wealth is defined as “an array of knowledge, skills, abilities, and
contacts possessed and utilized by communities of color to survive and resist macro- and micro-
forms of oppressions” (p. 77). As part of this definition, Yosso also defines deficit thinking as the

30
belief these students come to school without the knowledge or skills of the normative culture,
and in addition, their parents do not value or support their education (p. 75).
Using the definitions of cultural wealth and deficit thinking, Yosso developed a
framework for communities of color in which a particular set of knowledge, skills, and abilities
that are not viewed as valuable by normative/dominant culture are seen as forms of wealth that
can be obtained and shared within these communities (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990; Yosso,
2005).
Along those same lines, the epistemology of Black feminist thought (BFT) is centered on
acknowledging the oppression of Black women by the dominant culture. The intersection of
oppression, which is based on race, gender, and class, is used as the foundation of a framework
focused on the redefining of identity by and for Black women (Collins, 2002). Using a set of
principles, Collins (2002) shows the importance of creating knowledge claims for Black women
that lie in both the social movements of racism and feminism. Therefore, BFT provides an
alternative view of how Black women validate their experiences and empower themselves
through political and social movements that challenge the oppression of the dominant culture
(Collins, 2002).
The common theme in both BFT and CCW is the notion that the dominant narrative does
not in fact define all cultural, racial, or gendered experiences in America. The intersectionality of
Black females’ race and gender has a direct impact on their lived experiences. These experiences
allow them to validate their identity using a set of values and knowledge that are shared by their
own communities. This is a salient principle in both CCW and BFT. Both theories study and
investigate the intersections of experiences and knowledge that are shared by communities of

31
color, allowing them to challenge the White, middle-class narrative around normative practices
and standards in society and model student ideology at a PWI.
Black undergraduate women at PWIs balance the intersections of their race and gender in
a way that requires them to call on the values, skills, and knowledge they have gained because of
their community and familial interactions. Thus, viewing the literature through a BFT lens will
help to express the importance of lived experience in engaging Black undergraduate women
during their college transition. Using CCW will help to provide a foundation of how current
literature is beginning to investigate the diversity of experiences college students are facing, as
there are commonalities in the way in which they must navigate PWIs.
Community Cultural Wealth Theory
Ladson-Billings (2000) and Bernal (1998) asked researchers whose knowledge counts
and whose is discounted, and why? Throughout US history, race and racism have influenced and
shaped epistemology, US social institutions, and higher education. Social inequality can be
defined as upper and middle classes having more influence and capital value in a hierarchical
society. Yosso's (2005) notion of community cultural wealth (CCW) presents a way to pay
accolades to the unique standpoint of Black women, as the forms of capital she identifies are
more inclusive than that posited by Bourdieu (1973).
Bourdieu (1973) believed that cultural capital refers to an accumulation of cultural
knowledge, skills, and abilities possessed and inherited by privileged groups in society.
Bourdieu’s definitions of capital are as follows: cultural capital encompasses education and
language, social capital refers to social networks and connections, and economic capital focuses
on money and material possessions, and can all be acquired through either family or formal
schooling. The dominant groups within society can maintain power because the non-dominant

32
groups have limited access to acquire and learn how to use these forms of capital for social
mobility. Bourdieu’s work attempted to provide a structural critique of social and cultural
reproduction and asserts that some communities are culturally wealthy while others are culturally
poor. Researchers have interpreted his theory to expose White, middle-class culture as the
standard, and therefore any other culture is compared or not considered the norm.
CCW reconsiders Bourdieu’s (1973) understanding of capital to acknowledge the capital
valued and replicated in communities of color (Yosso, 2005). CCW theory reframes the deficit
narrative that students of color are at risk or may not have the requisite skills to be successful,
especially while attending a PWI. There was an assumption that people of color lack the social
and cultural capital required for social mobility since they typically don’t come from a middle or
upper-middle class. This idea has transferred over to PWIs, where there is an assumption and
imposed ideology that the White student is the model student, while students of color must
assimilate to this model (Yosso, 2005).
Black students are often considered deficient (Harper, 2010; Martin et al., 2014; O’Shea,
2015; Pascarella et al., 2004) in ways that suggest they do not have capital. While the goal of
college opportunity programs is to expose students to the forms of capital they may not have
been exposed to previously, students are afforded the additional opportunity to network and
connect with peers who act as role models and mentors (Swail, 2012). Instead of simply seeing
these students as vessels to be filled, the program acts as a conduit for channeling additional
information to students. Viewing these populations via an anti-deficit lens is critical to
integrating them into the college; further, these students can enrich the college campus with
expressions of their possessed capital.

33
Yosso (2005) explicates several forms of capital which are not traditionally valued but
are an important resource for students of color. CCW embodies “at least six forms of capital
which can transform the process of schooling” (Yosso, 2005, p. 70). The forms of capital which
contribute to CCW include aspirational capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, social capital,
navigational capital, and resistant capital. For this study, I will be using all six tenets.
Aspirational capital is the ability to remain hopeful and dream of the future regardless of
the obstacles before you (Yosso, 2005). Students with aspirational capital will be resilient and
work toward high aspirations that were either set by themselves or their families. Linguistic
capital refers to the multiple languages or linguistic styles of students of color, resulting from
various communication experiences in which students develop intellectual and social skills
(Yosso, 2005). Students possessing linguistic capital may be bilingual and/or have various
communication styles borne from a tradition of storytelling in their cultures, including parables
and proverbs. Linguistic capital also includes communicating through visual art, music, or
poetry.
Familial capital refers to the communities in which the students are members. Here,
family is not solely inclusive of biological members; rather, immediate, extended, and fictive kin
are included so long as there is a mutual commitment to and concern for the communities in
which they are members (Yosso, 2005). Through these relationships, students have developed
and nurtured shared values and beliefs. Social capital includes social contacts, or networks of
people or community resources through which students receive the necessary support to navigate
society’s institutions, such as identifying a health care agency for someone recently diagnosed
with an illness and ensuring she is supported throughout the process of receiving treatment, and
further ensuring that the resource becomes one that is known throughout the community so

34
others may access it as necessary. Essentially, the community members engage in a tradition of
“lifting as we climb” (Yosso, 2005, p. 80). The community benefits from the social action as
much as the individual, and the primary goal is to share information via the network, for the
benefit of the collective.
Navigational capital includes the skills of maneuvering through social institutions,
particularly those created without communities of color in mind (Yosso, 2005). Students who
have navigational capital will be able to withstand stressful events and seek assistance so they
can maintain their achievements. Navigational capital also includes resilience in the face of
institutional barriers, where students will show agency and ask for assistance from their
communities to “survive, recover, or even thrive after stressful events, but also to draw from the
experience to enhance subsequent functioning” (Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2000, p. 229, as cited
in Yosso, 2005, p. 80). Resistant capital refers to those knowledge and skills fostered through
oppositional behavior that challenges inequality (Yosso, 2005). As communities of color have
faced subordination in this country, many students have learned to challenge the status quo and
resist dominant messages that would have them believe they are inferior, invaluable, or without
agency.
Banks (2009) claims that nontraditional forms of capital exist in Black women’s
communities, which they also bring to college with them. While it is true that students must
acclimate to college standards and expectations to garner success (Tinto & Pusser, 2006) it is
equally true that while they may not have traditional forms of capital, successful Black women in
higher education settings clearly have valuable resources, although they are not documented in
the research literature.

35
Black women, given their dual status as minorities and women, are less likely to be
considered competitive and successful. At the same time, “since Black women undergraduates
are often deemed to be deficient and ill-equipped with traditional academic capital (e.g., skills,
intellect, practice), there is a need to understand their particular strategies for academic success”
(Banks, 2009, p. 10). What are Black women doing or what resources are they accessing since
the societal odds are stacked against them? Where and how are they able to acquire the capital
necessary for success? Further, how do they deploy the capital they do have?
Banks (2009) points to the historical values and skills that Blacks have, such as the ability
to navigate and adjust to complex, discriminatory systems which are an expression of
navigational capital (Yosso, 2005). A core value within the Black community is the necessity of
education, strong family bonds and support, a group consciousness that promotes economic
enterprise, and an ancestral past of slavery that provides motivation for success. These forms of
capital, though not addressed in Bourdieu’s analysis, are those deployed by Black women for
success in higher education according to Banks (2009). These forms of capital are also reflective
of various forms of CCW (Yosso, 2005).
Black Feminist Thought
Black feminist thought is a critical social theory that centers on the lived experiences of
Black women and their interactions with the structural and symbolic systems of oppression in the
United States (Collins, 1991). The use of Black feminist epistemology gives credibility to the
lived experiences of Black women in the United States when making knowledge claims (Collins,
1991). According to Collins (1991),
U.S. Black feminist thought as specialized thought reflects the distinctive themes of
African American women’s experiences. Black feminist thought’s core themes of work,

36
family, sexual politics, motherhood, and political activism rely on paradigms that
emphasize the importance of intersecting oppressions in shaping the U.S. matrix of
domination. But expressing these themes and paradigms has not been easy because Black
women have had to struggle against White male interpretations of the world. (p. 251)
Similar to critical race theory, Black feminist thought is a resistance strategy that will
reveal institutionalized racist and sexist practices through the expression of the everyday lived
experiences of Black women. Collins (1991) argues that Black women’s consciousness, is “the
“inside” ideas that allow Black women to cope with and, in many cases, transcend the confines
of intersecting oppressions of race, class, gender, and sexuality” (p. 99), provides a unique
standpoint that contributes to the counternarratives of the Black women and their positions in
society.
Conclusion
Black female undergraduate students are attending higher education institutions at higher
rates than in the past and have increased attendance with 60% of African American women now
pursuing bachelor’s degrees (U.S. Department of Education, 2011). Black women were able to
surpass all other groups in college entrance based upon race and gender with 9.7% of African
American women enrolling in a college or university (United States Census Bureau, 2011). With
this increase of Black women in higher education institutions, this research will bring a voice to
these students, and outline their experiences. Black students are still the lowest demographic to
graduate and face a myriad of institutional barriers that could easily inhibit their academic
journey towards graduation. I want to focus on the attributes of Black undergraduate women and
how they use their cultural capital to navigate these educational spaces. This is important to

37
study to ensure that the voices of this group are included in the discussion on access, equity, and
the dismantling of colonial perspectives in higher education.

38
Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this qualitative study is to explore the experiences Black undergraduate
women have while attending a predominantly White institution and how they use their cultural
capital as a resource to persist at Moses University (MU; a pseudonym), a large private
predominantly White institution in an urban area on the West Coast of the United States. This
study will analyze the persistence of Black undergraduate women through Yosso (2005) six
capitals of community cultural wealth theory to see which capital is utilized the most. A
qualitative semi-structured interview process will be conducted to explore the experiences of
Black female college students attending a PWI of higher education. I aim to answer the
following research questions:
1. How do Black undergraduate women at a predominantly White institution
perceive their experiences as a student?
2. What forms of cultural capital do they use to persist at a predominantly White
institution?
Qualitative Approach
I conducted semi-structured interviews with 10 Black undergraduate women between
freshman and senior standing. Creswell and Creswell (2017) state that 10 — 15 interviews are an
adequate amount to consider for mixed methods research and qualitative research. "Qualitative
research interviews protect the research from inappropriate generalization and allow the
researcher to recognize the diversity among the participants" (Maxwell, 2012, p. 54). The
developed semi-structured interviews offered me, the researcher, to study and gain more context
from an interviewee on a specific subject. In contrast, a fully structured interview would have
prevented those opportunities for exploration. The semi-structured interviews allow the

39
interviewee to express her authentic views on her experiences on a college campus. The benefit
of this interview format is that it focuses on the actual lived experiences of the respondents while
also allowing the researcher to engage with additional theoretically driven questions (Galletta,
2013).
Constructivism is the best base for this qualitative approach because it “is the
fundamental philosophical assumption upon which all types of qualitative research are based
upon. It is the view that reality is constructed by individuals interacting with their social worlds"
(Merriam, 2014, p.41). For this study, I will collect data from a screening survey for purposeful
sampling. Maxwell (2012) calls this method an "explanatory sequential design". The explanatory
sequential design allowed me to develop a data set to move onto the next phase of the study. This
will lead me to use these results to build the qualitative research in the second phase (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2015).
Site Selection
The site that was chosen for my study is Moses University (MU, a pseudonym). MU is a
predominantly White institution, located in a large urban metro area with a population of over 12
million people, and is a large, private research university on the West Coast. The total
undergraduate population of MU is 19,500. The freshman class of the 2020-2021 enrollment
year included 3,460 new students with 53% being female students and 5% of the freshman class
identifying as Black. The racial demographic for MU made it an ideal site because it is diverse in
the context of a PWI with 31% White students, 27% Asian and Asian American, 17% Latinx and
Hispanic, 12% International (student visa holders), 6% Black and African American and 6%
multiple ethnicities.

40
The Black freshman students represented the fourth largest marginalized group, only
higher than Native American and Pacific Islander (<1%). This PWI is relevant to the study
because it shows that female students make up a large portion of the freshman class but that
Black women are a small percentage of that population. This indicates that their experiences are
unique compared to their peers due to the small number of students and their voices may not be
heard and their needs are not met.
Sample
Purposeful sampling is defined as a strategy where settings, persons, or activities are
selected deliberately to provide information that is particularly relevant to your questions and
goals, and that cannot be obtained as well from other choices (Maxwell, 2013). The selection
criteria included the student identifying as Black or African American, a female, and an
undergraduate standing (freshman, sophomore, junior, senior) at MU. These participants were
selected because they could “purposefully inform an understanding of the research problem and
central phenomenon of study” (Creswell, 2007, p. 125). I implored this strategy to select Black
females at a PWI to “discover, understand, and gain insight of those from whom the most can be
learned” (Merriam, 2009, p. 77). This strategy is also supported by other qualitative researchers
such as Patton (2002) who encourages purposeful sampling for “information-rich” cases for
studying in depth.
With purposeful sampling, the final group of female college students selected to move
onto the interview stage of my study was selected based on their responses, including ethnicity,
gender, undergraduate standing (freshman, sophomore, junior or senior), and major. This study
included 10 Black undergraduate female students that participated in interviews. Creswell and
Creswell (2018) indicate that the sample size determined is an acceptable amount for this study

41
as mixed methods research aims to conduct interviews until saturation is achieved. Saturation is
achieved once new information has been gathered by the researcher (Charmaz, 2006) and
generally occurs with 10-15 interviews.
Instrumentation
Students received a survey that included demographic and background questions to
determine how they self-identified and if they met the requirements for the study. See Appendix
A for the screening survey that outlined the demographic questionnaire provided to students.
The screening survey was to ensure the students entering the semi-structured interview
stage met the necessary qualifying requirements to participate in the study and were willing
participants. Finally, my interview questions were focused on gathering information to answer
my research questions, the theoretical frameworks mentioned above, and the semi-structured
interview protocol. See Appendix C for the interview protocol.
Data Collection
Post the USC Institutional Review Board (IRB); data collection began with the secured
screening survey and was disseminated via email. In order to complete the purposeful sampling
strategy for this study, I received support from campus partners that worked directly with my
chosen population in the following areas: residential life, student affairs, and academic advising.
Advisors or residential coordinators sent a survey to undergraduate students who self-identified
as Black or African American women and were undergraduate students. Roughly 200 students
were contacted through campus partners and received this survey. I created a screening survey
through the secured Qualtrics survey system to capture responses of Black undergraduate
women, which was assessed to yield a sample for in-person, semi-structured interviews.

42
The survey instructions specified to the students that there is no obligation to participate
in the study. Also, if students chose not to participate, they were aware that this did not hurt their
academic standing or place on their university records. All survey respondents were anonymous.
The reliability and validity of this data collection were kept for this study. To do so,
specific qualifying questions in the screening survey, such as "the student's current academic
standing," verified that students were undergraduate students and provided diversity in class
standing. Additional qualifying questions asked to respondents included students' majors, which
allowed for the opportunity to gather a wide range of students' perspectives from different fields.
The screening survey also included ethnic self-identifying questions to verify that the students
met the necessary criteria for the study.
I contacted the students who responded to the survey that met the specified criteria of
identifying as Black/African American females, current undergraduate students at MU, via email
to confirm their eligibility for participation in the semi-structured interview stage. The purpose of
the follow-up email was to verify that the information provided by the survey respondent was
correct. I then invited the students that met the parameters to participate in a 60-minute virtual
(via Zoom) semi-structured recorded interview.
All questions I used for the semi-structured interviews were centered around the Black
undergraduate females’ experiences at Moses University and highlighted their intersectional
experiences within their race and gender. I also asked participants various questions to determine
if, at all, they used their cultural capital to persist in their academic journey, despite encountering
inhibitors. I centered questions around their possible experiences with campus climate,
microaggressions, and invisibility both in the academic and social settings of MU.

43
I conducted all interviews using the same protocol to ensure consistency. This study
followed Merriam & Tisdell’s (2015) concept that researchers must construct interview
questions that adhere to the specific setting of the PWI being studied. This protected from the
generalization of all PWI's. It ensured that the study acknowledged and recognized the diversity
among the participants in the study and confirmed the contexts of the participant's experiences
(Merriam and Tisdell, 2015).
After I received approval from the participants, I began recording the interviews. They
understood that those who did not want to be recorded were removed from my research study.
By recording the interview, I was able to be fully involved in the interview and followed up with
probing questions to get further insight into the answers I received. Also, by recording the
interviews, I was guaranteed an exact collection of responses post-interview.
During the interview, I asked follow-up questions to acquire a full scope of understanding
of the participants' experiences at MU. I took brief notes during the interview process, but it did
not distract me from engaging with the participants during our session. I used a professional
transcription service to transcribe the recorded interviews.
Data Analysis
I used Black feminist thought (Collins, 1991) and Yosso’s (2005) cultural wealth tenets
as the guiding foundation of my qualitative analysis which centered on exploring the experiences
of Black undergraduate women at a PWI and if they use their cultural capital to persist along
their academic journey.
The Zoom software used to record the qualitative interviews transcribed the interview
data. I then used Otter to ensure there was accurate data collected. The data analysis process
continued with horizontalization, where I reviewed the transcriptions and identified significant

44
quotes or statements that align with elements of the conceptual framework outlined in Chapter
Two. Using an a priori coding method (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017), this data was sorted into
themes that align with the following aspects of my conceptual framework: campus climate with
sub-themes of persistence and experiences of Black women, community, invisibility, and cultural
capital tenets. From these statements, I identified clusters of meaning and themes to further
contribute to an overall textural description of the experiences of Black undergraduate women
attending a predominantly White institution (Creswell & Creswell, 2013). These themes
informed the phenomena that encapsulate the experiences of Black undergraduate women and
their mechanisms to persist.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness refers to whether one can draw meaningful and useful inferences from
scores on instruments (Creswell and Creswell, 2017). Qualitative research methodology relies on
the assumptions and perceptions of both the researcher and their participants shaped by the
worldview and positionality of the researcher, so it is important to consider the trustworthiness
and credibility of qualitative studies. I aimed to maximize credibility and trustworthiness in my
study by framing my research questions with selective subjectivity, incorporating reflection and
researcher memoing in the data collection process and analysis processes (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
Following Maxwell's (2012) model, I created a list to gather rich data collection,
respondent validation, and intervention and searched for discrepant evidence and negative cases
to minimize the threat to validity and secure deep rich data. One method for increased
trustworthiness is checking members throughout the qualitative interviews. "Member checking,
also known as participant or respondent validation, is a technique for exploring the credibility of

45
results" (Birt, et al., 2016, p.1802). In the final process, I used examples of requesting feedback
and clarifying questions to guarantee direct data collection.
Ethics
Conducting research in an ethical manner is vital to ensure its validity and reliability
(Merriam and Tisdell, 2016). It is inevitable that a study will encounter ethical concerns
throughout the research process. For this qualitative study, I used the code of ethics designed by
the professional associations that govern academic research (Creswell and Creswell, 2017). As
an additional form of ethical consideration, this study was approved by the University of
Southern California Institutional Review Board (IRB) before data collection began. I also
followed the Federal Education and Rights Privacy Act (FERPA) regulations to ensure privacy
for the study participants. I ensured the participants were well informed of the purpose of my
study and how their responses were used; I provided this information in the introduction of my
initial screening survey and before the interview began.
The confidentiality of all participants was heavily regulated and maintained throughout
the study. For the screening survey process, the students’ responses were stored on a secure
password-protected USC server. For the second portion of the study, the qualitative semi-
structured interviews were recorded and stored on a computer with a password duo authenticated
computer that only I had access to. My interview notes and codebook were highly secured, and
in addition, pseudo names and numbering systems were used to secure the confidentiality of the
student participants.
Role of Researcher
In this qualitative study, I acknowledge my role as both the researcher and the research
instrument and understand how my positionality can enable my subjectivity regarding the

46
experiences of Black undergraduate women in higher education. The role of the researcher is to
be the primary instrument of research and ensure that the study has validity and is trustworthy
(Maxwell, 2012). Bias could be a considerable threat to trustworthiness and validity in research
acknowledging that my personal life experiences, background, and worldviews could have
impacted this study. Creswell and Creswell (2017) state, "identifying personal values, biases,
and assumptions at the outset of the study is important as these characteristics may shape
interpretations formed during the study" (Creswell and Creswell, p.67). I have my own personal
experiences and connections with this study. I identify as a Black woman and earned my
undergraduate and graduate degrees from PWIs. The personal experiences I had along with my
academic career at a PWI, and how I navigated through adversity and campus climate could
present certain biases along with assumptions to this study. I am fully aware that the researcher is
a part of the research process and will ensure that my personal experience will not impact this
study, the qualitative interviews, and the research results.
Limitations and Delimitations
Limitations are influences, shortcomings, and conditions that the researcher cannot
control and may place restrictions on methodology and conclusions (Wolgemuth and Agosto,
2017). There are some limitations to qualitative research. One limitation was the need for
extensive data collection and analysis, but due to the time constraints of this study, there are
limitations (Creswell and Creswell, 2018). The limitation is related to the sample size. There is
not one “correct” answer for how many participants are necessary for an adequate sample size
(Creswell and Creswell, 2018). For this qualitative study, I used a sample size of 10 interviewees
that had a range from freshman through senior academic standing. Data collection was

47
completed once I had saturation for this study. Additionally, participants were only interviewed
once to obtain their perspective on the topic.
A screening survey was distributed to 200 undergraduate Black/African American female
students at Moses University. Qualitative researchers seek to capture as close to objective “truth”
and “reality” as possible; but, since that can never happen, the researcher engaged in various
strategies to increase the credibility of the findings (Merriam and Tisdell, 2016). The students
that participated in this study were attending a large private research predominantly White
institution (PWI); the applicability of the results to other types of institutions, such as state
schools, small liberal arts, or community colleges, may be limited. Semi-structured interviews
can be limited by indirect information filtered through the views of the interviewees (Creswell
and Creswell, 2018). The setting of the interviews could be a limitation, as it is not a natural
environment like a field study where the researcher is observing participants and not engaging
with them (Creswell and Creswell, 2018).
Delimitations are choices made by the researcher that may impact study results and
conclusions (Wolgemuth and Agosto, 2017). The focus of this study was on students who
identify as Black women, however, students who identify as both Biracial or Multiracial and
Black were included in this study. Students receiving an undergraduate education from Moses
University were the focus of this research, therefore graduate students were not included in the
qualitative study as participants.
Conclusion
This chapter provides details on the purpose of the study and provided information on
why it is important to study Black undergraduate women and how they persist at a PWI. Given
that little is known about the experiences that Black female students have at a PWI, this study

48
was designed to expand this body of literature. This study is important because it highlights
Black undergraduate women and how they use their cultural capital to succeed in environments
that consistently challenge their gender and ethnic backgrounds. There is a deficit viewpoint in
the literature about Black undergraduate women, and this study highlights their strength and
resilience. “Research is, after all, producing knowledge about the world- in our case, the world of
educational practice” (Merriam, 2014).

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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to examine the intersectional experiences Black
undergraduate women have while attending a predominantly White institution and how these
experiences impact their persistence towards graduation. This study was guided by a conceptual
framework that used Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth theory and relied on Black
feminist thought epistemology to identify the unique, intersectional experiences of Black female
college students in predominantly White spaces. This chapter will center around the results,
finding of data, and analysis of emergent themes presented from the in-person interviews
conducted at Moses University (MU, a pseudonym).
MU is a predominantly White institution, located in a large urban metro area with a
population of over 12 million residents, and is a large, private research university on the West
Coast of the United States (U.S. Census, 2020). I aimed to answer the following research
questions:
1. How do Black undergraduate women at a predominantly White institution perceive
their experiences as students?
2. What forms of cultural capital do they use to persist at a predominantly White
institution?
Utilizing this study’s conceptual framework, the data was organized and analyzed to
develop themes based on the participants responses. Themes arose around these students'
experiences of campus climate, invisibility, and community. The interviews also explored the
use of cultural capital and the various tenets that are utilized as a resource for these young
women to persist while attending a PWI.

50
Participants
A Google form survey was sent to various campus partners in residential life, academic
affairs, and clubs and organizations within the student affairs department. The Google form
screening survey was sent to self-identifying Black undergraduate women that the campus
partners at MU had access to and from there. I was able to conduct 10 interviews. 10 Black
female self-identifying undergraduate students were interviewed using the virtual video client
Zoom. One of the participants was from the east coast, while three were from the southern states
and six were from the western states. Within the group, there were five seniors including two
transfer students, two juniors, two sophomores, and one freshman. The participants had a diverse
range of majors including one biology major, four business majors, one accounting major, one
marketing major, one sociology major, one economics major, and one real estate development
major.

51
Table 1
Participant Demographics
Name Year in school Major Hometown region Race
Ardamae Sophomore Biology Southern States Black
Eneze Sophomore Sociology Southern States Black
Issa Junior Business Western States Black
Kellie Senior Accounting Western States Black
Khadijah Senior Business Western States Black
London Senior Business Western States Black
Maxine Freshman Real Estate
Development
Western States Biracial
Michelle Senior Marketing Southern States Biracial
Molly Junior Economics East Coast Black
Simone Senior Business Western States Black

The following section will provide an overview of each participant’s background in the
study. This will provide a contextual framework for how the participants may view the questions
asked during the interview.
Ardamae
Ardamae is a 19-year-old sophomore majoring in Biology from the southern states. She
has a passion for singing and dancing and participates in MU’s drama and performing arts club.
She plays intramural sports and has a passion for getting involved in different areas of the
university.
Eneze
Eneze is a 19-year-old sophomore majoring in psychology minoring in sociology, and
she is from the southern states. She is a student leader and holds a position on the executive

52
board of the student government association. She is heavily involved in student activities and
makes it her mission to ensure students are getting the best experience from MU.
Issa
Issa is a 20-year-old junior at MU, majoring in business administration and minoring in
marketing. She is from the west coast, is heavily involved in various student organizations such
as the Black Student Assembly, Women’s Network, and Fashion Industry Association club and
has held a leadership position as well. Issa has a passion for creating events for Black students on
campus.
Kellie
Kellie is a 21-year-old accounting major and a senior graduating in spring 2022. She is
from the west coast and is heavily involved in extracurricular activities at MU. She is a member
of the Black Student Assembly, a Black sorority, and church organizations, and has held
leadership roles in national and state clubs and organizations.
Khadijah
Khadijah is a 21-year-old business major with a minor in painting and a senior graduating
in spring 2022. She is from the west coast and transferred to MU in her sophomore year. She is a
student mentor and student ambassador for two organizations on campus. She is also a member
of the Black Student Assembly and Black business student organization.
London
London is a 21-year-old senior graduating in spring 2022 from the west coast. She is
studying business administration with a minor in psychology. She is passionate about fashion
marketing and is very active in the Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion office as a program assistant

53
and student marketing intern. She is a student ambassador as well as a case competition
competitor for MU.
Maxine
Maxine is an 18-year-old freshman majoring in business and real estate development. She
is originally from the east coast but moved to the west coast for high school. She identifies as a
biracial woman and is focused on understanding the intersection of her culture and identity. She
is excited to start at MU and is open to all social and networking opportunities for her academic
career.
Michelle
Michelle is a biracial Black woman that is 21 years of age and a senior graduating from
MU in Spring 2022. She is originally from the southern states and plans on remaining on the
west coast after graduation. She is a business major focusing on entrepreneurship and innovation
and has a minor in performance science.
Molly
Molly is a 20-year-old junior from the east coast and identifies as Nigerian American and
Black. She transferred to MU during her junior year and is studying economics and pursuing a
minor in theater. Molly is involved in a lot of Christian groups on campus to continue to be
strong in her faith. She is also a member of the Pan African Student Association and Black
Student Assembly.
Simone
Simone is a 21-year-old senior from the western states and will be graduating in spring
2022. She is a marketing major and wants to focus on giving back to her community. She chose
to be involved in organizations on campus that would develop her network and career. She is

54
involved in the marketing group, Black business student group, Black sorority, and a residential
advisor for two years.
Being a Black woman
From the data analysis of the interviews, three themes emerged for the findings of this
research study question. Those themes were developed using the conceptual framework and
based on theories presented in chapter two. The themes are campus climate, invisibility, and
community. I began the interviews by asking each participant to describe how they define “being
a Black woman” and received different perspectives and definitions that were all rooted in love,
respect, honor, and pride. London describes her positionality as being influenced by her Black
household and Black mother
We are instilled with lessons and just unwavering confidence because we’ve always
been, an outcast, we’ve always been presented as being other than the norm. So, you
know, confidence and protective factors were already instilled in me before I got to MU.
London continued to say a Black woman “means to be intersectional and a nurturer. It means to
be a leader and representative of a beautiful and diverse culture.” Kellie explained her definition
of a Black woman as:
being resilient and always looking for solutions to any issue or situation you encounter.
But like no matter what the issue is, you always know that you’re going to be able to find
a way out of it…because that is just the kind of person you are … strong-willed …
whatever we set our mind to, we’re going to accomplish it.
Molly and Simone both agreed that they felt that there is an inherent strength within Black
women. Simone said:

55
thinking about my answer, the first word that came to mind is strength, which is annoying
in certain ways, because it’s like, we shouldn’t have too always be strong. But given the
world that we live in, I think Black women embody strength in so many different ways.
We are also loving and can embody tough love. So, I think for me, I would combine
strength and love for Black women and how those two intersect.
Khadijah felt that social media allows people to emulate Black women without giving
credit to Black women “if it quacks like a duck, it’s yellow like a duck-like you’re trying to be a
duck.” She went on to explain her frustration with beauty standards that mimicked Black women
but were deemed inappropriate, unprofessional, or “ghetto” when Black women wore them. She
gave the example of Kim Kardashian wearing “boxer braids” and it being vogue, chic, and iconic
when all the while Black women have worn cornrows but have been chastised for wearing the
style. Khadijah said, “we come up with the styles (hair, clothing), they emulate our bodies
through surgery, or recreate things like long nails or baby hairs to be considered cool.” She went
on to say how exhausting and frustrating it can be going to a PWI and having to deal with all of
this.
Issa felt as though there is a lot of discourse on Black women’s identity because of social
media. She went on to say that being a Black woman sometimes feels like:
we have to bear the burden of the Black community, but never really get the recognition
that should come with it. We’re always seen as powerful, but that leads to misconceptions
and being overlooked. Almost like our strength is our weakness because everyone just
assumes we’re fine.

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Findings for Research Question 1
The goal of the first research question of this qualitative study was to understand how
Black undergraduate women perceive their experiences while attending a predominantly White
institution (PWI). I asked each participant to give an overview of their experience as a student at
Moses University (MU) and they unanimously agreed that, despite having some adversity,
overall, they enjoyed their time as a student at MU, and hope that MU will prepare them for their
future goals and endeavors.
Campus Climate
This section will examine how the campus climate at MU impacted the participants'
experiences as a student. Campus climate has a significant effect on a student's satisfaction,
motivation, and persistence. Marginalized students’ overall experiences on college campuses are
tied to how they feel connected to the environment, and how they feel treated by peers, staff, and
faculty. The classroom environment, faculty relationships, and microaggressions can
dramatically impact the experience for a Black female college student.
Microaggressions
Participants were asked if they have experienced microaggressions while attending MU,
six of the participants kept reiterating that they felt the microaggressions were not as overt as in
years past, and situations they had experienced could be defined as more ignorant than racist
since they were in an environment with students of the same age. However, as we continued to
discuss the topic, four of the six students realized they had encountered situations that made them
feel uncomfortable.
London remembered a time when she felt like she didn’t fit in:

57
Being a student at MU has been kind of difficult, I would say, I get the best of both
worlds. Like, it's difficult because you do have the everyday challenges of everyone
staring at you, simply because you have on bamboo earrings, or long nails. I’ve dealt with
professors just not calling on me in class because they can't pronounce my name. I
sometimes feel as though I stick out like a sore thumb because I am the only Black
person in the classroom. I have dealt with random moments of ignorance that I kind of
just have to brush off my back to pay attention in class.
As a freshman, Maxine feels like she experiences a lot of microaggressions with her peers as a
biracial student.
It's been worse in the past, but I think a lot of times things like comments on my hair are
the most frequent and they come from all people, including Black people, who will
comment on my hair. And I think a lot of times when it's White people, they're like, “oh,
my gosh, your hair is so nice. Like, it's so straight, like, blah, blah, blah, like, you keep it
like this, things like that.” And then on the other side, sometimes even from Black
people, there's the aggression of like, “why do you straighten your hair? Do you not love
your culture? Do you not love your natural hair?” And it's hard for me because I
straighten it out of convenience, nothing more and nothing less. It’s not that serious to
me, but I am constantly getting things from both sides. When my White friends comment
on my hair, I feel they are saying I am prettier without my natural texture/curly hair, and
that always hurts.
Simone has also experienced microaggressions about her hair when she was in the classroom.
I have had professors’ comment on my hair multiple times, and it was very obvious each
time that they were singling me out because I am a Black girl. Once, a professor had

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apologized to me after he told me I was blocking the view of the class. I was sitting in the
front of the class, and I think my hair was in a bun. He kept commenting on how big the
bun was and how people couldn't see behind it, or it was blocking his view to see behind
me. He then realized what he was saying and how offensive it was from my body
language, so he eventually apologized. Those incidents are so isolating and embarrassing,
and if you’re the only Black person in the class, no one is there to protect you.
Simone went on to say that she began changing her hair to accommodate the request or move her
seat to the back of the classroom, but after speaking to another Black professor, she was
encouraged to stay in the front and stopped accommodating the racist comment.
Molly discussed her experience during a heated discussion between friends. She said that
both parties were having a civil disagreement, but the White students began to call her feisty and
said she was speaking “Ebonics”. She was so upset that she was experiencing this
microaggression, and that she had to temper her feelings to accommodate their needs.
Classroom Environment
Seven of the ten participants shared that they felt their classroom experiences were
different from their peers due to their ethnic and/or gender identity. They recalled different times
when faculty or peers made them feel uncomfortable in the academic environment. Ardamae
recalled a time when a faculty member made her feel uncomfortable in the classroom:
So, I've never experienced overt racism, but I've experienced just subliminal racism or
adversity. For example, professors singled me out during a class discussion as if I'm not
paying attention or they would call on me multiple times to answer a question. Professors
have mispronounced my name for the entire semester, even after I corrected them.
They’ll correct it at the moment but would continue to mispronounce my name after that.

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Some wouldn’t even bother and dismissed my attempt to correct them, saying it’s not a
big deal.
Group projects and group work during class seemed to bring about the most issues for
these participants, eight students said they’ve encountered hostility while working in groups.
Some participants have experienced students questioning their academic achievements,
insinuating that there was an error in the curve for them to score higher than the majority. Other
students recalled different times when being tasked with group work was an uncomfortable
experience. Eneze gave an example of her experience when groups would form in the class:
You know how professors will just say, okay, get together in a group to work on this
problem. Mind you, I’m the only Black person in the class, so everyone just sticks to
each other, and I have to get up and seek people to work with. I’m either turned down or
there’s a hesitation to let me join. I’ve even been ignored, and the professor had to assign
me to a group. It is so uncomfortable but there is nothing I can do about it.
Kellie had an unusual experience in the classroom where her professor determined she
wasn’t engaging enough to their standards and asked me to move her seat. Kellie explained to
me that she liked to, “sit in a specific spot because it’s next to the window, and the light comes
through.” She went on to say the professor asked her to stay after class to talk to her and said “I
don't think you’re talking to anyone in the class.” Kellie replied, “Well, I find that interesting,
because every class we break out multiple times into group sessions, and I would talk to my
peers.” The professor thought the best solution was to make her sit in different spots of the
classroom each class. Every time she walked into class, the professor would assign her a seat for
the day.

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The participants continued to share with me their experiences in the classroom and how
isolating it can be as the only Black female student in the learning environment. Michelle
explained the loneliness she felt when she would walk into a classroom and not see other
students that looked like her, “it was hard because naturally, you want to find someone or see
people that look like you and have that connection in class.”
Molly said on the rare occasion that there are multiple Black students in a class, they
immediately stick together:
Even though it's only three of us in a class we all like to make sure we’re staying afloat
and doing well and succeeding in the class. When we have to answer questions or
participate in class discussions, we’ll pick on each other or piggyback off of each other's
answers as a form of solidarity. We make it a point to come together when we're around
each other when we need to at MU.
Invisibility
Another theme that arose from the interview was the feeling of invisibility as a Black
woman attending a PWI. Three out of ten students directly said they felt invisible in different
spaces on campus, while five students said they felt invisible indirectly. London said that
throughout her four years at MU she would always feel invisible in her classes:
I feel invisible in my classes a lot; despite me purposely sitting in the front of the class, it
doesn't matter where I sit, I am still ignored. They just don't know how to say my name or
like, they just pick their favorites in the class to answer questions. And I think that kind
of contributes to my lack of motivation to participate in the class. But in my senior year, I
realized I’m the one winning. I don’t participate unless I have to, but I definitely pay
attention and just focus on getting this degree and finishing. I had to get a thick skin and

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tough it out knowing the payoff was getting a degree and access to this network at MU.
So, they aren’t winning by ignoring me, it’s just adding fuel to my fire and I will come
out on top.
Invisibility in the academic setting also caused participants to deal with imposter syndrome.
Simone discussed how the invisibility empowered her to push through:
it was challenging, isolating, and a lot of imposter syndrome. A lot of empowering
yourself when no one else is empowering you. You realize that you have to figure out
how to navigate this space to succeed in a place that isn’t rooting for you. But you figure
out your ways to get what you need to get done and understanding the rules that they're
playing by and seeing how I can leverage that to succeed for myself.
Issa discussed the culture shock she experienced and how being the only Black girl in some
spaces was very isolating for her in her freshman year.
Community
Institutions in the United States began to develop services that were designed to support
the needs of Black students attending PWIs after the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Resources such as
cultural centers, Black student unions, and bridge programs are provided at PWIs for Black
students to find community and build their network within these spaces. The literature focuses on
the needs of Black students as a group but fails to address the individual needs a Black female
student may have at a PWI. Despite experiencing adversity as students at MU, these young
women worked hard to either find a community or build one through support, friendships, and
creating a safe space for their intersectional needs at MU.

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Safe Spaces
Five out of ten students were able to experience a full academic year in college before the
COVID-19 pandemic and remote learning. These students discussed how they were able to find
a community within the various cultural clubs MU offered, some even having leadership roles
and sitting on the executive board. London said that she feels at home when she is in the cultural
center simply because “every time I go in there, they know me by name, and I don’t even go into
the center often. The effort they put in to give us (Black students) a space to listen to music,
laugh, be loud, or just chill, it’s always a good vibe.”
Kellie spends a lot of time in the cultural center hanging out with her friends and meeting
other Black students. She said she loves the space, and it helps form genuine connections that
you can’t get in the classroom or even residential halls:
I hang out a lot in the Black Cultural Center, I can always walk in and there are, always
people that I know, I can go up to and say hi, we give each other hugs, ask how's it going
and just connect and check on each other. We also use this space to make plans to attend
other events on campus, we do a “check-in” to see how many of “us” will be going to the
event. I feel more comfortable and at home. I know a lot of other students feel the same
way.
As a sophomore, the cultural center has helped Eneze to connect with other Black
students, especially those coming out of remote learning. She said her entire freshman year was
on zoom and it was difficult to even find other Black students:
I am a very shy person, and I didn't reach out or participate in the online events, because
it was awkward for me. Once we returned to campus, I immediately jumped at the

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opportunity to go to the BSA club meetings and hang out in the center. I honestly think
I’ve been able to make my friends by being in these designated spaces.
Eight out of ten students are members of cultural clubs or organizations on campus either
through their academic college, a sorority, or a Black student assembly. The cultural clubs allow
these students to learn more about their fields of study, network, and hone their leadership skills.
Molly is a part of a Christian group that helps keep her grounded while being in college. While it
isn’t the most diverse experience on campus, it still provided a safe place for her to retreat to
when needed.
Issa and Kellie both discussed the informal community that some of the Black female
students at MU created called the “Sisters’ in Solidarity” club. This organization is not
recognized by MU, but it is a vital resource for undergraduate and graduate Black women at MU.
Issa explained that they use the cultural center or other spaces on campus to meet every Tuesday.
They can have 15-60 students at one meeting. This time allows students to organically check in
with each other, have girl time, do their hair, or help with homework or projects. The students
created this informal club, and while they don’t have the traditional leadership roles and
foundation, this organization is a vital part of creating that safe space for these students.
Summary of Research Question 1 Findings
The above sections examined the experiences Black female college students have at a
PWI and the themes that were presented for the first research question. Most of the responses
reflected what was discovered in the literature. However, the students shed light on the hostile
classroom environment and faculty relationships that are imperative to their persistence at a PWI.

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Research Findings for Question 2
The goal of the first research question was to understand the experiences of Black
female college students while attending a PWI. The goal of the second research question is to see
if they use their cultural capital to persist at a PWI. Researchers have viewed Black students
through a deficit lens and often suggest they do not have capital. Yosso (2005) argues that all
forms of capital can be used to empower individuals, especially Black and Latino students. This
model was designed to capture the talents, strengths, and experiences students of color bring with
them to their college environment and understand how these students access and experience
college from a strengths-based perspective.
While the goal of post-secondary education is to expose students to the forms of capital
they may not have been exposed to previously, students are afforded the additional opportunity
to network and connect with peers who act as role models and mentors. Viewing Black female
students with an anti-deficit lens is critical to integrating them into the college; further, these
students can enrich the college campus with expressions of their possessed capital.
Cultural Capital
There are six tenets within the community cultural wealth (CCW) theory (Yosso, 2005)
and they explain several forms of capital which are not traditionally valued but are an important
resource for students of color. The forms of capital which contribute to CCW include
aspirational capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, social capital, navigational capital, and
resistant capital. I asked the participants several questions about each of these areas to determine
how they use their cultural capital at a PWI. The participants did not relate to all six of the tenets.
Eight of the students used the aspirational tenet to persist in their academic journey, while less
than six identified with the other tenets. Below are the tenets the students most identified with.

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Aspirational Capital
Aspirational capital is defined as the “hopes and dreams” students have. Black students
and their families continue to have high educational aspirations despite persistent education
inequities. The approach I used to assess the aspirational capital was to determine how students
stayed motivated despite dealing with the adversity previously mentioned. I asked students a
variety of questions about their dreams, career aspirations, and motivation. Six out of ten
students said that focusing on the end goal, graduating from MU, kept them focused on the task
at hand and allowed them to ignore obvious transgressions.
As a senior, Simone discussed that her primary goal was to give back to the Black
community and to make a difference. She plans on working in marketing to become a storyteller
and use marketing ads to promote positive and healthy images and narration of Black men,
women, and children. Simone believes her experience at MU was an overall positive one, and
that attending a PWI allowed her to understand the human experience and how America works.
She was able to “learn the rules that other people play by to advance herself to the next level.”
Issa’s career goal is to find something related to social impact. She wants to invest in
communities, similar to her own, and create financial literacy opportunities for residents to begin
building generational wealth. She stated that her motivation to finish her degree comes from
wanting to make her parents proud.
To know that I have the opportunity to study and learn at MU is a big deal because
society tells us that Black people, specifically Black women, aren’t supposed to be in
these spaces. We are in an academic setting that was not created for us, and yet we are
earning a degree to help our communities, and that keeps me motivated. Black students
have flipped the script on White America, and it’s pretty cool!

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While Eneze and Ardamae just started their academic career, they both emphasized how
important it was to stay focused on the goal and why MU was the school for them. They didn’t
expect to experience all that they had by selecting a PWI, but both agreed that it was preparing
them for the professional world.
Linguistic Capital
Linguistic capital refers to the various language and communication skills students bring
with them to their college environment. Black students, in particular, have been exposed to
African American Vernacular English (AAVE), also known as Ebonics. This form of speaking
may require some students to “code-switch” while in White spaces. I asked students if they code-
switch in different settings at MU and three of the ten students confirmed that they have
practiced code-switching.
London said she felt the need to code-switch when she first started at MU in her classes
or around other students. London explained “when I came to MU, I changed my demeanor in
class to fit in with my classmates because I felt the need to present myself differently. I didn’t
want the stereotypes that Black women have, to be placed on me.” London said as she got older,
she stopped feeling the pressure to change because she saw code-switching as a positive
experience. She said that she and her friends enjoy their dual identities and feel as if it is a
“superpower” now to be Black in White spaces.
Generationally we’ve been taught how to navigate these White spaces and it has always
been seen as a negative thing. Students are now reclaiming their power and changing this
experience into a positive one. We see AAVE as a second language and code-switching
only occurs in specific situations because they can’t understand it. It’s their loss.

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Kellie said she feels the need to code-switch, especially in her major which is why she
spends so much time in the cultural center. She said “I am not as vibrant when I am in the
classroom, and I know I have to act differently. When I go to the cultural center, I am revived
with energy.” Issa said she still feels the need to code-switch to leverage professional
opportunities, which is why she is eager to be in a professional environment that removes that
negative stigma.
Familial Capital
Familial capital refers to the social and personal human resources students have in their
pre-college environment that is drawn from their extended family and community. Black female
college students’ pre-college experiences within a communal environment come with the
knowledge that campuses can help students leverage into positive experiences in college. When
interviewing the participants, several of the young women confirmed that their family was a
huge influence on their academic success.
Kellie is a first-generation college student and discussed that while her family was not
aware of what was happening in her daily life while in college, they were always cheering her
on. She said she has weekly check-in calls with her siblings to make sure everything is going
well at home while she is away at school. Maxine said that her mother was her biggest supporter,
and she knew that despite dealing with uncomfortable situations while at MU, graduating from
MU would make her mother extremely proud, and worth the sacrifices she’s made for her.
Navigational Capital
Navigational capital refers to students’ skills and abilities to navigate “social
institutions,” including educational spaces. Students who leverage this tenet are empowered to
maneuver within unsupportive or hostile environments. While only two of the ten participants

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identified using this tenet, all ten of the participants shared a desire to have more Black faculty
and staff at MU to be a resource for them as students.
London discussed her experience with having supportive Black faculty and staff along
her academic journey. She recalled a time she was strongly encouraged to participate in a case
competition, and as a transfer student still getting acclimated to MU, she was very hesitant to
sign up. London said that because of the support and encouragement from the Black female
faculty member, she had the best experience of her academic career. She said, “I was challenged
in ways I didn’t think I would be successful in, but we won the competition, and at that moment,
because of Dr. Love, I knew I belonged at MU.”
Simone shared that because she was able to connect to Black staff members in her
academic college, she found a support system.
Seeing other Black staff walking around campus, stopping to say hi or check in on me
helped so much. I could come and sit in their offices and tell them about my day, or what
was going on in my life. I had “aunties and uncles” that would buy me lunch, take me to
the airport, or help with questions I had on financial aid or registration. I had a real
support system and would introduce as many of my Black friends to them so they could
experience the same thing.
The participants shared different experiences in the classroom, and they all felt that most
of these experiences could be avoided if MU had more Black faculty or people of color teaching
in the classes.
Summary of Research Question 2 Findings
In summary, the participants’ responses provided a lot of insight into how Black
undergraduate women use their capital to persist at a PWI. The CCW theory intertwined with the

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epistemological theory of Black Feminist Thought gave voice to this marginalized group of
students. Although the participants could not relate to all the tenets within the theory, it does
show that these students must have a different set of capital to navigate White spaces to be
successful students.
COVID-19 and Mental Health Awareness
During the participants’ interviews there was another emergent theme that was not
identified by the literature in the study or included in the research question protocol. COVID-19
required all participants to transition to online learning for either their first, second or third year
while at Moses University. This study did not incorporate any questions on the COVID-19
global pandemic, but this did have an impact on the experiences of the ten participants in the
study. The participants brought up how COVID-19 impacted their academic and social
experience and brought up how it affected their mental health. As discussed earlier in the study,
isolation, campus climate and microaggressions were all experiences that these students
encountered while they were in person. Yet, during the stint of online learning, some of these
incidents were heightened, and participants told me that they lost a lot of motivation during this
time. The lack of community, social opportunities, and networking for this group of students
resulted in an awareness of their mental health. Every participant mentioned that they either
experienced their own mental health struggles, or they had close Black female friends that
expressed the same needs.
As seniors, London, Kellie, and Simone were all able to compare experiences from their
freshman year of in-person learning to transitioning to online learning during the pandemic.
Kellie mentioned that she lost motivation to be engaged in the class and missed the connections
she had made her freshman year with other peers. She noticed that the lack of motivation began

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to impact her self-efficacy. “I just wasn’t motivated to even log into class sometimes”, Kellie
said, “we were going through a global crisis, George Floyd riots in Los Angeles, and I still had to
show up and learn new trends in Accounting.” She said she just couldn’t handle the pressure of
school, and noticed her grades dropped. Kellie reached out to friends to check on them since she
was struggling herself. She said some of the Black students at MU had to “force a community
because they no longer had the cultural center as a home base.”
Simone said that as a resident advisor it was really tough to manage her job and school.
She recounted times when she didn’t want to show up but had to set an example for her students.
I was going through the same thing that they were, but I had to be stronger. It was a weird
feeling to dismiss myself for my job, and while I understood this is what I signed up for, I
expected MU to focus on my needs a little bit more. It reminded me that the world always
sees us (Black women) as strong people, but that doesn’t mean we don’t need help too.
The students that were sophomores and juniors discussed how hard of a transition it was
from high school to college because of the pandemic, and they felt they lost so much time. Issa
said that as soon as she returned to campus she was overwhelmed, which caused her to seek help
in Psychological Services. “I just needed someone to talk to and process my feelings. I had a lot
of anxiety and didn’t know how to cope with it” she said. Eneze said transitioning from home to
residential life at MU was really hard for her to focus on her routine and time management. She
wished she had her freshman year to adjust because her curriculum is more intense now.
There is a stigma surrounding mental health in the Black community. Some of the
participants acknowledged this stigma and confirmed that they did not seek out help because of
it. Six of the participants referenced the “strong Black woman” ideal and said they had to push
through because of this label. Destigmatizing the “strong Black woman” persona and teaching

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our young women to seek help when needed will in return provide a healthier experience for
these students.
Each participant experienced the global pandemic which drastically changed their college
experiences. The interviews that were conducted occurred during the reintegration process,
which impacted some participants’ experiences. I interviewed participants who only experienced
Moses University in a remote capacity and other students that had a break in their academic
career and transitioned to remote learning. Both groups discussed how the pandemic impacted
their experiences as a student. Interestingly, the main themes discovered from the data were also
validated in the literature outlined in Chapter Two. Each participant expressed excitement
throughout the interview because they were finally able to discuss their unique experiences.
Each participant closed the interview with suggestions to Moses University on how they can be
intentional about creating a better environment for Black undergraduate women.
Summary
Through the voices of the participants in this study, the experiences of Black women at a
predominantly White institution were explored. The first research question addressed the
experiences Black undergraduate women had while attending Moses University. The data that
was collected produced themes on microaggressions, campus climate, and community. The
second research question examined how Black undergraduate women used their cultural capital
to persist at a PWI. I discovered that the aspirational, familial, linguistic, and navigational tenets
were all used by the participants during their time at MU. The emergent theme that arose from
data collection was mental health and its impact on Black undergraduate women during their
academic journey.

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Chapter Five will further discuss the findings in this chapter and connect the literature
that was discussed in Chapter Two. Chapter Five will present recommendations for leadership
and administration at predominantly White institutions and how they can improve the
experiences of Black undergraduate women, address their needs, and increase graduation rates.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
The significance of this study was to bring awareness to the experiences that Black
undergraduate women have and the inhibitors they may face along their academic journey. This
study provided greater insight into their perceptions of the campus climate, invisibility,
microaggressions, and the mechanisms they use to persist. It also explored their intersectional
experiences of race and gender as Black women. Predominantly White institutions can lessen the
burden Black women face as students on their campus by addressing their needs and creating
impactful programming to support them. Black women have consistently represented the largest
non-White college enrolled student body (approximately 64%) in higher education and currently
account for over 67% of earned degrees of the African American student population (Aud et al.,
2010).
Although Black female undergraduate students are engaged in the continuous plight of
high enrollment and higher graduation rates than Black males, Black women have the lowest
graduation rates when compared to females of other races (Winkle-Wagner, 2015). Institutions
will need to be intentional about understanding the varying needs and experiences of Black
women on their campuses. In 2022, the one-size-fits-all approach to addressing the needs of
Black students is an ineffective way to adequately serve them.
Overview of Study
To understand the experiences of Black women in college, it is important to consider the
role they play in society. “As a group, Black women are in an unusual position in this society, for
not only are we collectively at the bottom of the occupational ladder, but our overall social status
is lower than that of any other racial group” (hooks, 1984, p. 16). Traditionally, Black women

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have been preceded by White men, White women, and Black men resulting in the perception of
less significance and position in society (Zamani, 2003; Collins P, 2000).
While not all Black women have the same college experiences as the participants in this
study, there is a need for higher education leaders to address the systemic inequities that are
created by institutionalized policies and practices. Many of these young women will use their
own cultural capital to discover their own inner strength to conquer any barriers that may arise
while enrolled at a PWI. The resilience these students face along their educational journey can
come at the cost of sacrificing the academic, psychological, and social growth processes all
college students have.
The focus of this study was to explore the experiences of Black undergraduate women
enrolled at predominantly White institutions and what forms of cultural capital they use to
persist. This qualitative study conducted 10 one-on-one virtual interviews with current enrolled
self-identifying Black undergraduate women. The purpose of this study was to add to the body of
research for Black female college students and to advance their voices. This was accomplished
by the participants answering interview questions designed to address these research questions:
1. How do Black undergraduate women at predominantly White institutions perceive
their experiences as students?
2. What forms of cultural capital do they use to persist at a PWI?
Conceptual Framework
The theoretical and conceptual frameworks for this study were chosen to highlight the
intersectionality of Black undergraduate women and their experiences at a PWI, and how they
use their cultural capital to persist towards earning their bachelor’s degree. Yosso’s (2005)
community cultural wealth (CCW) and Collins's (1990) Black feminist thought (BFT). Both

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theories are grounded in critical race theory, which was essential to have as a foundation to
explore the racial identity of these young women. Critical race theory is important in the context
of education as it emphasizes the inequities in education and identifies how race and racism
influence educational practices and structures (Yosso, 2005).
CCW was used to reframe the experiences of Black undergraduate women in higher
education using their voice to articulate the forms of cultural capital they access to enhance and
navigate their path toward a bachelor's degree. Black feminist thought (Collins, 1990) provides
an integral understanding of Black women and their identity, to explore the participants’ realities
within structured systemic institutions that dominate the culture of society (Collins, 2000; Porter,
2016). Black feminist thought and critical race theory were integral theories to explore the
intersectionality of race and gender identities of Black female college students.
Community Cultural Wealth
Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth theory was created to challenge the “deficit
applications of [Tinto (1975, 1987, 1993)] and Bourdieu (1977, 1986) who uncritically view
White middle-class culture as the standard and dismiss forms of expressions of cultural
knowledge that do not math” (Yosso & Garcia, 2007, p. 153). This theoretical framework is
defined as “an array of knowledge, skills, abilities, and contacts, possessed and utilized by
communities of color to survive and resist macro and microforms of oppression” (Yosso, 2005,
p.77). The main goal of identifying cultural capital is to educate and empower communities of
people of color to utilize their assets. Yosso (2005) defined six forms of capital that are
historically undervalued and unacknowledged in predominantly White institutions. The six forms
of cultural capital include aspirational, linguistic, social, navigational, familial, and resistance.
All participants were asked various questions to determine which capital they relied on to persist

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at Moses University. Aspirational, linguistic, familial, and navigational were the most identified
forms of capital that this group used.
Black Feminist Thought
Black feminist thought is a critical social theory that centers on the lived experiences of
Black women and their interactions with the structural and symbolic systems of oppression in the
United States (Collins, 1991). The use of Black feminist epistemology gives credibility to the
lived experiences of Black women in the United States when making knowledge claims (Collins,
1991). Black women possess unique perspectives on how their lives interact with other races and
cultures within society.
Discussion
This study presents several significant findings that can assist with the foundation of
future research. The three most prevalent themes that impacted the participants' experiences at a
predominantly White institution were campus climate, invisibility, and community. Students
were also asked questions about cultural capital to see if they used any of the tenets as a resource
to persist.
Campus Climate
The participants in this study were asked to discuss their experiences as Black female
college students in a predominantly White institution. Seven of the 10 participants revealed they
have experienced some form of microaggression, stereotype, or hostile classroom environment
with faculty members or peers. Campus climate can severely impact the experiences of Black
women, and studies have found that their perception of the campus climate is less than favorable,
and can be hostile, unsafe, and toxic which can impact the persistence and performance of these
students (Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solorzano, 2009; Hurtado & Ponjuan, 2005). All participants

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were asked why they chose to attend Moses University, and they all emphasized the outcome
post-graduation and being a part of the university’s network and having access to resources to
support their career goals.
One participant, Ardamae, recalled a time when a professor made her feel uncomfortable
in the classroom with subliminal micro-aggressive actions such as singling her out in class,
calling on her multiple times to ensure she “was paying attention” and constantly
mispronouncing her name throughout the semester. Simone mentioned how uncomfortable she
was in the classroom setting when a faculty member made rude comments about the size of her
hair. She said, “I have had professors’ comment on my hair multiple times and it was very
obvious that they were singling me out because I was the only Black girl in the class.” This
theme was prevalent in many of the responses given by the participants during their interviews.
A recommendation to mitigate these interactions will be discussed later in this study.
Invisibility
The second finding of this study was invisibility. Invisibility or isolation is experienced
by Black students because they often feel lonely, unseen, or unheard, and struggle with
integrating into the campus community (Hurtado et. al, 1998). Eight of ten students said they felt
invisible at MU either directly or indirectly during their interviews. London confirmed that she
felt invisible in her classes, however, she used this experience to motivate her to persist. She
said, “they aren’t winning by ignoring me, it’s just adding fuel to my fire, and I will come out on
top.” Invisibility in the academic setting also caused participants to deal with imposter
syndrome. Simone discussed her experiences with managing her imposter syndrome, and how
isolating it was in the classroom. Issa described her college experience at MU as a culture shock
which caused her to have an isolating first year as a student.

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Community
The third crucial finding was the participant’s need for their own community with other
Black women and men. Participants expressed the need to have a “safe space” that feels like
home when they are on campus. A place where they can be themselves, be respected and enjoy
being a college student. The cultural center provided several participants the opportunity to
engage with other Black students and create a safe space to be Black while in a White
environment. Kellie said she spent a lot of time in the cultural center because “every time I go in
there, they know me by name.” She goes on to say, “the effort they put in to give us (Black
students) a space to listen to music, laugh, be loud, or just chill, it’s always a good vibe.” Eight
of the 10 participants are members of cultural clubs or organizations on campus either through
their academic interests, sorority, religious affiliation, or Black student assembly. The social
connection that students are able to have through these entities allows them to build their own
network within Moses University and provides a sense of belonging as a student.
Community Cultural Wealth
Each participant was asked multiple questions in the interview to assess their use of any
of the six tenets of cultural capital as a resource to persist at Moses University. Aspirational
capital was the dominant cultural capital that all participants related to. Less than six participants
identified with linguistic capital, familial capital, and navigational capital. Simone said that she
knew after graduation she wanted to have a career that would be embedded in giving back to the
Black community. She said attending MU, despite the adversity, would put her in the best
position to accomplish this goal. Simone said that her career goals were bigger than what she
experienced and wasn’t going to allow negative experiences to impact her goal. Issa told me that
her motivation to finish her degree was to make her parents proud. The participants' persistence

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at MU is inspired by their aspirations to finish their degrees, along with families supporting them
to become part of a legacy.
Implications for Practice
“The value African Americans place on education has always been extraordinarily high.
there is a deep historical and cultural belief in the efficacy of education. Blacks have sought
education in every conceivable manner at every level” (Billingsley, 1992, p. 181). Increasing
diversity at predominantly White institutions has stimulated renewed efforts to support
historically invisible and marginalized students. Institutional responsiveness to the needs of
Black women is critical to their overall college achievement. Considering the themes revealed in
my study, my recommendations for practice are as follows:
1) Increase Black faculty and staff on campus.
2) Create additional spaces on campus for Black students to experience community
and increase engagement.
3) Create an academic community for Black Students
Recommendation 1: Increase Black Faculty and Staff on Campus
One crucial theme that came out of the interviews was the lack of relationships
participants had with faculty as well as how they have experienced hostile classroom
environments while attending Moses University. According to Bartman (2015), there is a lack of
African American and/or Black women faculty and staff members working in institutions of
higher education, and this also impacts the experiences of Black female college students. These
young women seek role models and mentors in the college setting and must often look outside of
their cultural group due to the minute number of Black female faculty and staff at PWIs.

80
Therefore, it is important that Moses University hires more Black faculty and staff, particularly
Black women, in these positions.
I concluded the interviews of each participant by asking what Moses University could do
to better support Black female college students. London reiterated the need to have Black faculty
in more academic units such as Data Sciences, Engineering, and other STEM majors. Students
often have one or two Black faculty within their academic career at MU and the course being
taught is usually a lower-division general education requirement. There was an expressed need to
have more Black faculty teaching in various departments and at the upper-division level as well.
Recommendation 2: Create Additional Spaces on Campus for Community and
Engagement amongst Black Students
Invisibility was another important factor that came up in the interviews for all
participants. Participants discussed not being seen, heard, or respected in the classroom, and had
a desire to connect with other Black women on campus in a “safe space” to be themselves.
Black women experience daily pressure from living in a less than inclusive and accepting society
(Person & Rosales, 2003). Perceptions of alienation have impacted the development of Black
students and college experiences (Bennett & Okinaka, 1990; Cabrera & Nora, 1994). One
recommendation to mitigate the sense of isolation for Black females is to create additional spaces
on campus that will provide them with the opportunity to connect.
Although MU has a cultural center, my participants felt it was too small to meet the needs
of the different populations of Black students at MU. The cultural center services all affinity
groups, recognized student organizations, clubs, and events on campus. There is always an event
occurring in the center that prevents students from having a space to conduct study groups, meet
with friends, study alone, or a space to be in the midst of other Black students. One critical

81
example is the lack of space available for a non-recognized organization at MU called “Sisters’
in Solidarity” (SIS). Kellie is a member of SIS and explained that this was a group that formed
out of the lack of community for Black women. SIS meets every Tuesday and on average can
have up to 75 students in attendance at the meeting. The cultural center cannot accommodate this
essential group and provide them with a space. By having additional spaces on campus for
Black students, MU would be able to create a sense of belonging and confirm the importance of
the community for Black women on campus.
Recommendation 3: Create an Academic Community for Black Students
In addition to increasing Black faculty and staff at MU, the participants also expressed
the difficulty with transitioning into the academic community at MU. In examining the overall
college experience for these students, participants have expressed a need for community, a
support system in and outside of the classroom, and mentorship. I have looked at Historically
Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) as a model for the final recommendation. “The
general consensus is that Black American students in the aggregate tend to realize greater gains
at HBCUs than at PWIs (Conrad & Gasman, 2015). Therefore, institutions should model HBCU
programming offered to Black students that create holistic educational opportunities, that retain,
develop, and help students to persist by providing a supportive environment. Yancy (2011),
states that the supportive environment is motivated by a lift-as-you-climb philosophy that stems
from the traditional Black collectivistic ethos; drawing together faculty, administrators, and peers
to form an exceptional community.
My final recommendation is to create an academic community that will create and
implement a first-year seminar or a summer-bridge program for all incoming Black students. As
a practitioner, I am aware that colleges and universities have limitations on space and resources

82
available for new programming. The key components of the first-year seminar or summer-bridge
program would be able to achieve similar results to transition Black women into predominantly
White institutions.
In addition to the resources that MU provides such as orientation programming and first
year advising appointments, this institutionalized program would provide Black students the
opportunity to engage in a collective mass and build their community at the beginning of their
academic journey whether they are first-year students or transfer students. Spearheaded by
faculty and staff, students would receive an overview of resources available to them such as
career service, international programming, financial aid, and other resources pertinent to their
academic and social experience while attending MU. Faculty and staff advisors will provide
students with benchmarks to ensure they are reaching their personal academic goals, as well as
cultivate relationships and mentorships that will be beneficial to persistence.
As an institutionalized program, faculty would be required to have their time split
between the program and teaching loads. Therefore, MU would need to have a 20% buyout of
faculty load to ensure the faculty are paid for their advising and mentoring, recognized for the
work, and avoid burnout and excess work.
Implication for Leadership in Higher Education
The three recommendations are inspired by the voices of the study and rooted in the
needs of Black college women enrolled at a PWI. The administration at MU must now create the
changes necessary to support these students but needs structured guidance. There is an
organizational practice created by Felicia Commodore, Dominique Baker, and Andrew Arroyo
(2018) called “Equity-Minded Organizational Learning” that is grounded in critical race theory
(e.g., Ladson-Billings, 2005) and organizational learning theories (Argyris & Schon, 1996)

83
centering around equity in higher education (Arroyo, 2013; Baldwin, Bensimon, Dowd, &
Kleiman, 2011; Bensimon, 2005; Bensimon & Bishop, 2012; Bensimon & Malcom, 2012; Harris
& Bensimon, 2007; Witham & Bensimon, 2012).
Commodore et al. (2018) created this equity-minded approach which emphasizes two
distinct points for institutions to practice. This first point of equity-minded organizational
learning is it encourages institutions to reach beyond mere equity in access and to focus on the
more challenging goal of creating “the necessary conditions for equitable educational outcomes”
(Harris & Bensimon, 2007, p. 79). With this focus on outcomes, institutions are required to
assume responsibility for the student’s matriculation. Supporting outcomes will force PWIs to
address issues like retention, persistence, and graduation for marginalized students and foster
holistic success for Black women. The second point of equity-minded organizational learning is
it encourages PWIs to redress inequitable outcomes and take responsibility for inequality and
actively seek positive ways to respond to marginalized students’ needs, rather than blaming
problems on externals such as student deficiencies and look inward to their own organizational
(mis)behavior for contributing factors.
An example of a popular tool researchers have used to meet the need of promoting
equity-minded organizational learning in organizations is using an Equity Scorecard ™
(Bensimon & Malcolm, 2012). The Equity Scorecard™ is a product of the Center for Urban
Education (CUE), now part of the Race and Equity Center at the University of Southern
California. The Equity Scorecard ™ is a process and data tool that combines a theoretical
framework with practical strategies to initiate institutional change that will lead to equitable
outcomes for students of color. Teams are formed with the purpose of becoming “local experts”
on the educational outcomes of minority students on campus and examine four dimensions of

84
equity: access, excellence, retention, and institutional viability. By following the scorecard, the
teams will teach the campus to become aware and accountable for the four dimensions
mentioned. For any of these efforts to be effective and successful, the university must have an
organizational culture that seeks to be reflective, change, and learn in an equity-minded fashion.
This is how Moses University can address the behaviors that contribute to or perpetuate inequity
within their campus and create long-term change.
Future Research
There is research on how Black students persist at predominantly White institutions,
however, there is a need to uplift the voices of Black undergraduate women and their
experiences. Additional research could examine:
1. What other resources and tools do Black undergraduate women rely on to persist at a
PWI?
2. How COVID-19 has impacted the persistence of Black college women and their
college experience.
3. Different programs that can be offered for Black women to address their mental health
and wellness such as women’s centers, counseling and health services, and group
therapy.
Conclusion
The intent of this study was to explore the experiences Black women have while
attending predominantly White institutions and determine what forms of cultural capital they use
to persist. Most prior research on Black women doesn’t highlight their achievements or uplift
their intersectional experiences on their academic journey. The 10 Black women who
participated in this study shared a unique standpoint of Black women on White campuses but

85
also confirmed that they are powerful, resilient, and hopeful for their future. With enrollment
numbers of Black women continuing to rise, it is imperative that predominantly White
institutions address the inequities that exist within their organizational structures. Administrators
and practitioners must take seriously the campus environments that are created for Black
undergraduate women and move past the discussion and push into a reality.
“You may shoot me with your words, you may cut me with your eyes, you may kill me
with your hatefulness. But still, like air, I’ll rise” (Angelou, 1978).

86
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Appendix A: Interview Invitation Email
Thank you for your interest in this research study. The study is interested in understanding the
experiences of Black/African American undergraduate women, and how they use their cultural
capital to persist at a predominantly White institution (PWI). The overall study will ask you
questions about your racial and gender experiences at a PWI.

If you are interested, please proceed to the following screening survey. If you meet the criteria
for being included as a participant, you may be contacted to schedule a 60-minute, confidential
Zoom interview.

*This screening survey should only take 1-2 minutes*

Please share your full name: ___________________
Are you a current undergraduate student?
Yes
No
What is your academic standing?
Freshman
Sophomore
Junior
Senior
Do you self identify as a woman?
Yes
No
Do you self identify as Black or African American?
Yes
No
What is your major? ___________________

102
Further participation in this study consists of a 60 minute interview either via Zoom. Are
you interested in scheduling a time to do a Zoom interview?

Yes
No
Thank you for participating in this survey! Your time and insights are greatly appreciated. If you
would like to continue with this interview process, the next steps will include setting up a date
and time for the 60-minute Zoom interview. Please provide the best email for me to reach you
for follow up.

103
Appendix B: Pre-Screening Survey Protocol
To: [Participant Email Address]
From Email: cmj57463@usc.edu
From Name: Christen Johnson
Subject: Interview Request: Student Persistence at PWI

Hello [Participant First Name],
My name is Christen Johnson, and I am a doctoral student conducting a study on Black female
students’ persistence while attending a predominantly white institution (PWI).
The purpose of this study is to understand your experiences as a Black/African American
undergraduate woman, and how you persist along your academic journey towards graduation.
The study will be conducted via Zoom and should last approximately 60 minutes. Please note
that the interview will be recorded to ensure I accurately capture your responses.
Would you be willing to share your valuable insight? I would greatly appreciate it if you could
please let me know either way by responding directly to me via email at cmj57463@usc.edu.

Please do not hesitate to contact me if you have any questions about this research project or how
the results will be used.

Thank you,

Christen Johnson

104

Appendix C: Interview Protocol
Researcher’s Name: Christen Johnson
Research Questions
1. How do Black undergraduate women at Predominantly White Institutions (PWI) perceive
their experiences as a student?
2. What forms of cultural capital do they use to persist at a PWI?
Introduction
Thank you for your willingness to participate in my research study. As mentioned previously in
our email, this interview should last about sixty minutes - is this still okay with you?

Before starting the interview, I wanted to provide you with a quick overview of my study. I am a
current doctoral student at USC and am conducting this study as part of my dissertation. I am
interested in learning about the experiences of Black undergraduate women at a PWI and how
they use their cultural capital to persist and graduate.

The data taken from this interview will be solely used for the purposes of this research
study. Although I may use some direct quotes from this interview, I assure you that your
responses remain confidential. Your name will not be used nor any personally identifying
information. Is there a specific pseudonym you would like me to use or do you prefer that I
select one for you?
In order to help accurately capture your responses, I would like to record the audio during
the interview. The recording and the notes I take during the interview will not be shared with
anyone and will be stored in a password-protected file that is secured and stored on my laptop
that I only have access to. Do I have your permission to record this interview?

Before we begin, I would like to advise you that some of the questions I may ask you are
related to race and racial relations at this university. If you feel uncomfortable or emotionally
triggered, we can take a break or pause the interview. I also have a list of campus resources that
can assist you with emotional support, if needed.

Do you have any questions about the study before we get started?

105
Introduction/Background
1. Please begin by telling me about yourself (location, major, year)
2. What does it mean to be Black woman to you?

Student Experience Resistance, Navigational
3. How would you describe your experiences as a Black female student at a PWI?
4. Have you faced any adversity within your time at a PWI based of your identity?
a. How did you overcome the challenge?

Microaggressions & Stereotypes
5. Have you ever experienced any microaggressions or stereotypes as a Black female
student that may have created a hostile environment? If so, can you describe what
happened?

Invisibility
6. Do you ever feel invisible as a black female college student, if so in what spaces?
7. Do you feel you are represented in the university activities, mission, programs,
advertisements, etc.? Why or why not?

Aspirational Capital
8. What are your dreams and goals for your future?
9. What motivates you to achieve your goals
10. How has your experience at a PWI impacted (negatively or positively) your aspirations?

Linguistic Capital
11. Do you feel the need to code switch in this space to be successful

Familial Capital
12. What communities or groups are you a member of (i.e., upward bound, sororities,
athletics, church, community centers, Jack and Jill, etc.) how have they impacted your
college experiences?
13. How has your family or friends support you with your educational goals?

Social Capital
14. Describe any significant relationships you have built with faculty (professors, TAs), and
staff (advising, student affairs, RA’s) at school, and how those relationships impact your
experience of college.

106

Closing Questions
15. What could the university do to better support you as a Black undergraduate woman?

Thank you for your responses. This concludes our interview and I thank you again for
participating in my study. You will be sent your $20 Amazon gift card to your email tomorrow.

107
Appendix D: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix
Research Question /Tenets Theoretical Framework Data Instrument Questions

How do Black undergraduate
women at Predominantly
White Institutions (PWI)
perceive their experiences as
a student?
Black Feminist Thought
(Collins, 1991)

Questions 1-5
What forms of cultural
capital do they use to persist
at a PWI?

Yosso’s Community
Cultural Wealth (Yosso,
2005)

Questions 3, 4, 8-14

Intersectionality Black Feminist Thought
(Collins, 2000)
Questions 3
Campus Climate Yosso’s Community
Cultural Wealth (Yosso,
2005)

Questions 3-5
Microaggressions Black Feminist Thought
(Collins, 2000)

Question 5
Stereotypes Black Feminist Thought
(Collins, 2000)

Question 5
Invisibility Black Feminist Thought
(Collins, 2000)

Questions 6-7

108
Aspirational Capital Yosso’s Community
Cultural Wealth (Yosso,
2005)

Question 8-10

Linguistic Capital
Yosso’s Community
Cultural Wealth (Yosso,
2005)

Question 11
Familial Capital Yosso’s Community
Cultural Wealth (Yosso,
2005)

Questions 12-13
Social Capital Yosso’s Community
Cultural Wealth (Yosso,
2005)

Question 14
Navigational Capital Yosso’s Community
Cultural Wealth (Yosso,
2005)

Question 3-4
Resistance Capital Yosso’s Community
Cultural Wealth (Yosso,
2005)
Question 4

109
Appendix E: Information Sheet for Exempt Research

University of Southern California
USC Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089

INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH
STUDY TITLE: And Yet, Still, They Rise: A Qualitative Study on the Persistence of Black
Undergraduate Women at a Predominantly White Institution

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Christen Johnson

FACULTY ADVISOR: Patricia Tobey, PhD Professor of Clinical Education at Rossier School
of Education

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.

PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to explore the experiences Black undergraduate women have while
attending a predominantly White institution. This research aimed to understand how Black
women college students perceive their experiences, and how they use their cultural capital to
persist while navigating a racial campus climate, microaggressions, and invisibility, which could
inhibit their persistence during their academic journey. You are invited as a possible participant
because you are a Black undergraduate female student attending a Predominantly White
Institution. About 10-15 participants will take part in the study.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you decide to take part, you will be asked to confirm that you meet the criteria for the study
and sign up for an interview slot using my Calendly link. This study will include semi-structured
interviews of Black female undergraduate students. In order to receive consent from my
participants, the interview protocol will begin with an introduction to the study including the
researcher’s role, the intention of the study, a confidentiality statement, and request for
permission to record their voice during the interview. The participants will also be informed that
they are able to opt out of any question throughout the interview. All of the semi-structured
interviews will be conducted live and recorded online via the Zoom communication platform.
The interview will consist of 14-15 questions and will last approximately 60 minutes for each
participant. After the interview has been completed; the researcher will ask for permission to
contact the interviewee to ask any clarifying questions as needed.

110

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
Payments for research participation are considered taxable income and participants may be
required to pay taxes on this income. If participants are paid $600 or more in total within a
calendar year for participation in one or more research studies, the University will report this as
income to the IRS and participants may receive an Internal Revenue Service (IRS) Form 1099.
This does not include any payments you receive to pay you back for expenses like parking fees.
You will receive a digital $20 Amazon Gift Card as a thank you for your time.

CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

Recordings and transcriptions will be stored in an online, password protected Google drive. They
will be labeled with pseudonyms to protect the anonymity of the participants.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Christen Johnson
(cmj57463@usc.edu) or Dr. Patricia Tobey (tobey@usc.edu).

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Johnson, Christen M. (author)

Core Title And yet, still, they rise: a qualitative study on the persistence of Black undergraduate women at a predominantly White institution

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2022-08

Publication Date 08/03/2022

Defense Date 05/06/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black female,Black undergraduate women,campus climate,cultural capital,invisibility,OAI-PMH Harvest,persistence,student experience

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia (committee chair), Green, Alan (committee member), Olivo, Cynthia (committee member)

Creator Email christenmj1@gmail.com,cmj57463@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111376017

Unique identifier UC111376017

Legacy Identifier etd-JohnsonChr-11083

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Johnson, Christen M.

Type texts

Source 20220803-usctheses-batch-968 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu