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What makes a house a home: factors of influence for Black students' sense of belonging at a predominately White institution

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What Makes a House a Home: Factors of Influence for Black Students Sense of Belonging
at a Predominately White Institution
by
Jeffrey Marques Dolliole

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2022

© Copyright by Jeffrey Marques Dolliole 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Jeffrey Marques Dolliole certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Alan Green
Cynthia Olivo
Patricia Tobey, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
Much conversation in higher education spaces has been surrounded around the goal of becoming
an anti-racist institution focusing on diversity and inclusion for its student population. According
to Strayhorn (2019) sense of belonging in terms of college, refers to students' perceived social
support on campus, a feeling or sensation of connectedness, and the experience of mattering or
feeling cared about, accepted, respected, valued by, and important to the campus community or
others on campus such as faculty, staff, and peers (Strayhorn, 2019, p. 4). Black students have
had difficulty developing a sense of belonging at predominately White institutions (PWI)
resulting in lower graduation rates. This space enrolls 80% of all Black college students in
America. This qualitative research study aimed to understand the factors that enhance Black
undergraduate college students’ sense of belonging at a PWI. Strayhorn’s (2012) core elements
of sense of belonging served as the base for the conceptual framework of this qualitative semi-
structured interview research study. This study analyzed 10 participants attending a small private
liberal arts university located on the West Coast of the United States of America. The themes
identified were that community safety, cultural engagement, university inclusivity, peer
interaction and campus representation were factor of influence for Black students attending this
PWI. Practical implication of these findings and implications for leadership in higher education
were discussed.
Keywords: college students, sense of belonging, Black students, predominately White
institutions, factors of influence

v
Dedication
To those family and friends, I have lost throughout my life who have pushed me towards this
milestone. I could not have achieved this without your love and support. A piece of you is in this
work. I dedicate this dissertation to
To my mother and father
To my sister
To my wife’s
To my mother-n-love
To my grandparents in heaven
To my aunties and uncles
To my cousins
To my godparents
To my nieces and nephews
To my unborn children
To all my teachers, principals, and professors
To my homies I grew up with
To my elementary, middle school, high school, and college friends/family
To my line brothers of Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity Incorporated (Sakrifice)
To all my teammates and coaches
To my colleagues
To all my student’s
To my Melanin Poppin Group (Christen Johnson, Toni Richardson, D’Andre Coats, and James
Tucker)

vi
To Inglewood, California

vii
Acknowledgements
Often, I wish I had more than a thank you to give to those who guided me away. Instead,
all I have is this dissertation and this piece of research. As I present this piece of research, this is
a compilation of countless hours, sacrifices, dedication, laughs, and tears invested into one soul.
To my committee Dr. Patricia Tobey, Dr. Cynthia Olivo, and Dr. Alan Green, I thank you
for the support, blessing, feedback, thoughtful conversations, and inspiration to add to this
research to cultivate change.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 3
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 4
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 5
Conceptual Framework ....................................................................................................... 6
Definition of Terms ............................................................................................................. 8
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 10
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 11
History of Higher Education in America .......................................................................... 12
Legal Cases Impact on American Education .................................................................... 13
Predominately White Institutions ..................................................................................... 15
Creation of Historically Black Colleges and Universities ................................................ 17
Campus Climate ................................................................................................................ 19
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 21
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 31
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 32
Research Question ............................................................................................................ 32
Qualitative Approach ........................................................................................................ 32

ix
Site Selection .................................................................................................................... 33
Sample ............................................................................................................................... 34
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 35
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 35
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 38
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 38
Ethics ................................................................................................................................. 39
Role of Researcher ............................................................................................................ 40
Limitations and Delimitations ........................................................................................... 40
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 43
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 45
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 45
Research Findings for Question 1: Influential Factors ..................................................... 49
Summary of Research Question 1 Findings ...................................................................... 56
Research Findings for Question 2: Campus Climate ........................................................ 57
Summary of Research Question 2 Findings ...................................................................... 63
Other Emergent Themes ................................................................................................... 64
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 68
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 69
Overview of Study ............................................................................................................ 70
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 70
Discussion ......................................................................................................................... 72
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 75
Implications for Leadership in Higher Education ............................................................. 78
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 80

x
Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 81
References ..................................................................................................................................... 82
Appendix A: Screening Survey Protocol ...................................................................................... 88
Appendix B: Interview Invitation Email ....................................................................................... 92
Appendix C: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................... 94
Appendix D: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix ............................................................. 99
Appendix E: Information Sheet for Exempt Research ............................................................... 101
Appendix F: Grounded Theory Transcription Codes ................................................................. 105

xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Participants Demographics 46
Appendix D: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix 99
Appendix F: Grounded Theory Transcription Codes 105

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 8

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
May 25th, 2020 is a day that will forever be in the history of the United States of
America. Perhaps it will be the 8 minute and 46 second recorded video ingrained in Americans’
minds. In Minneapolis, Minnesota, George Floyd, a 46-year-old Black male, was murdered by
Minneapolis Police officer Derrick Chauvin by kneeling on his neck for 8 minute and 46
seconds. Although police brutality against the Black community is not new, in fact, “Black men
are about 2.5 times more likely to be killed by police over the life course than are White men.
Black women are about 1.4 times more likely to be killed by police than are White women”
(Edwards et al., 2019, p. 194), for some reason this video seemed to capture the world’s attention
uniquely. Some would suggest that there was nothing else to focus on amid a world pandemic
and being confined under quarantine. Others would say it was due to the world’s media coverage
of the murder and the subsequent events. Whatever the initial cause may have been, this event
ignited and, in essence, cause a “racial awakening” many Black and Non-Black people to the
injustices facing the Black community. The uprising also inspired the youth in the country to
fight for justice and equality outside of just police reform. The nation saw a massive push of
college-going students demanding that their respective institutions address the needs of equality
and justice for its Black students. These demands are explicitly directed toward predominantly
White institutions (PWI) whose history and conditions have not supported the needs of Black
students.
Due to the push of these students, PWIs have begun to stress their efforts to become anti-
racist institutions. Being anti-racist is an active pursuit. It involves:
• Recognizing and working to eliminate racist practices, structures, policies, and beliefs
in all levels of society and its institutions.
2

• Identifying how the White race benefits from said systems and institutions and
working to change them.
• Raising awareness of how racism impacts people of color and limits our country’s
ability to become a better place for all of its citizens.
• Recognizing how racism is more than a personal belief system, but rather an
indoctrination system and an essential part of American history.
• Acknowledging how it shapes society in both obvious and subtle ways.
• Working to dismantle racist systems and institutions (Anti-Racism Explained, 2021)
With this framework in mind, many PWIs are developing positions, initiatives, and
concepts to move their institutions towards anti-racist environments. However, currently, there is
a lack of opportunity for Black students to feel as if these institutions properly serve their needs.
Background of the Problem
A staggering statistic according to Dr. Brian Bridges, vice president of member
engagement and research, HBCUs make up only 3% of the country’s colleges and universities
but enroll 10% of all Black students and produce almost 20% of all African American graduates.
Nationally, African Americans graduate at 42% compared to 62% of their White counterparts
(Bridges, 2019). Graduation rates for Black students who attend HBCUs in 2018 were 74%
(NCES, 2018). However, these numbers are substantial; as seen in the data above, more than
80% of college-going Black students attend institutions that graduate half of the number of
students who attend HBCUs. A more significant percentage of Black students are attending but
not graduating from PWIs at the rate of HBCUs. It is simple to ask, “why do more students not
attend HBCUs?” As of 2018, there were 101 HBCUs located in 19 states out of 4,298 degree-
3

granting post-secondary institutions in the United States of America. Instead, the question should
be, “why do Black students choose to attend HBCUs?”
A study performed by Van Camp et al. (2009) stated particular quotes on race self-
development given by participants in this Journal of Negro Education study of why they selected
to attend an HBCU were goals to “find out who I am as an African American male in society,”
“to become better exposed to the different aspects of African American and African culture,”
“determining whom you are by first determining who you are not” (Van Camp et al., 2009, p.
463). Hence, a more significant percentage of Black students attend universities that have
struggled historically to provide environments where Black students can successfully create a
sense of belonging (Brown, 2016).
There is an apparent disconnect between the sense of belonging experiences of Black
students at PWI vs. HBCU campuses. This disconnect contributes to a downward trend in the
number of Black students graduating from PWIs. If higher education institutions are honest
about becoming anti-racist institutions, the impact of the environment for its Black students is
paramount in increasing experiences at PWIs.
Statement of the Problem
In today’s society, the value of a college education continues to increase. The educational
system has been utilized to assist in the continual divide of who has power and who does not. An
example of this divide was in the 2019 scandals involving college admissions and wealthy
parents who paid to have their children admitted into prestigious universities across the United
States of America that they were unqualified to be admitted into. For those minority students
who are fortunate to enter a higher education institution, it seems that the barriers do not cease.
This is a significant problem for our educational leaders. According to Carnevale et al. (2018),
4

there will be 55 million job openings in the economy through 2022: 24 million openings from
newly created jobs and 31 million openings due to baby boom retirements. A total of 65% of
those job openings will require some college degree, whether an associates or 4-year degree.
Science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM), healthcare professions, healthcare
support, and community services will be the fastest-growing occupations and will require high
levels of post-secondary education (Carnevale et al., 2018). The direct impact on the access to
employment and the wealth gap by race is one of the prominent factors of the power divide in
America. The creation of true equality and an anti-racist world is at risk.
Purpose of the Study
This study examines Black students’ experiences with a sense of belonging at PWIs. This
study is needed for PWIs to develop a campus climate that creates an anti-racist environment for
Black students. The research questions that will guide the study are: What factors influence
Black undergraduate students’ sense of belonging at predominately White institutions, if at all?
How does campus climate impact the sense of belonging for Black students at predominately
White institutions, if at all?
This study used these questions to examine a sample of Black undergraduate students at a
small private research university on the West Coast of the United States of America.
This study analyzed the sense of belonging of Black students through Strayhorn’s (2012)
seven core elements of a sense of belonging. This study used four of seven of Strayhorn’s core
elements to inform and focus on the understanding of a sense of belonging. A qualitative semi-
structured interview process was conducted to explore the experiences of Black undergraduate
students attending a PWI.
5

Significance of the Study
Higher education is entering a precipice of a new type of learning experience for Black
students. As the United States population increases, the number of college-age Black students
will also continue to grow since Black women have had the third-highest fertility rate per 1,000
women (Statista, Research Department, 2021). From 2000 to 2018, the college enrollment
numbers for Black male students have increased from 25% to 33%. Black female college
enrollment rates from 2000 to 2018 have seen growth from 35% to 41% (NCES, 2020). Both of
which are the second-highest rates following Hispanic students. Of the 16.6 million
undergraduate students enrolled in the Fall of 2018, African American students made up 1.1
million students (13%) of the undergraduate population, but they were not equally represented in
different institution types (PNPI, 2020). As the Black student population begins to grow, PWIs
need to find ways to create environments to understand the needs and resources of this
demographic of students, particularly within campus environments.
As the number of Black undergraduate students increases, the number of PWIs are
beginning to arrange initiatives to develop more inclusive and anti-racist environments. President
of Princeton University Christopher Eisgruber, one of the top Ivy League institutions in the
United States of America, stated in a letter to the university:
Racist assumptions from the past also remain embedded in the structures of the university
itself. For example, Princeton inherits from earlier generations at least nine departments
and programs organized around European languages and culture, but only a single,
relatively small program in African studies … at a university that, for most of its history,
intentionally and systematically excluded people of color, women, Jews, and other
6

minorities, Princetonians—from the oldest alumni to the newest undergraduates — now
take pride in the diversity of our community. (Eisgruber, 2020, p. 1)
The significance of this study is essential for these institutions of higher learning as they
strive to create an environment that allows Black students to enhance their basic need of
belonging. Not only will the recommendations and results of this study assist students, but Senior
Leadership will also benefit as they prepare services to support their anti-racist initiatives.
Conceptual Framework
Strayhorn’s (2012) seven core elements of a sense of belonging sit as the foundation of
this conceptual framework. The seven core elements are sense of belonging is a basic human
need, sense of belonging is a fundamental motive sufficient to drive human behavior, sense of
belonging takes on heightened importance, sense of belonging is related to, and seemingly a
consequence, of mattering, social identities intersect and affect college students’ sense of
belonging, sense of belonging engenders other positive outcomes, sense of belonging must be
satisfied continually and likely changes as circumstances, conditions and contexts change
(Strayhorn, 2012). These core elements serve as a base for how students experience a sense of
belonging.
Black students must craft their experience on campus with the majority White student
population, faculty, and staff that is not representative of them. All while learning a curriculum
being taught in a place that was not designed to serve them. Instead, it was structured to keep
them out. Cultural suicide is a huge requirement to obtain a sense of belonging for most Black
students attending PWIs. When attempting to adapt to unfamiliar territories or environments that
include social class, race, religion, or any other can incite the use of cultural suicide in an
individual. Communities of color, specifically Black students in higher education attending
7

PWIs, feel the need to commit cultural suicide to feel a sense of belonging on campuses. The
belief that one needs to be accepted or matter to feel a sense of belonging can impact students’
experiences on campus.
Strayhorn’s (2012) seven core elements of sense of belonging and Hart and Fellabaum
(2008) dimensions of campus climate were relevant to this study because the assumption is that
Black students bring their background and cultural heritage into the college environment, and the
lack of sense of belonging along with a negative campus climate they have at PWIs can impact
their persistence and ultimately their future success. This study’s research questions, and semi-
structured interview questions were based on this theory and its relationship to the topic. In
Figure 1, you will find a visual illustration of the relationship between these topics.

8

Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Definition of Terms
• Anti-racism is the policy or practice of opposing racism and promoting racial equality
(Oxford, 2020)
• Black refers to all individuals who identify with one or more nationalities or ethnic
groups originating in any of the Black racial groups of Africa. (U.S. Census, 2020)
9

For the purpose of the study the use of “Black” will be used interchangeably to
represent African-American as well.
• Campus climate is defined as student’s perception of their experiences both inside
and outside of the classroom (Hart & Fellabaum, 2008).
• Cultural heritage is an expression of the ways of living developed by a community
and passed on from generation to generation, including customs, practices, places,
objects, artistic expressions, and values (Brumann, 2015).
• Cultural integrity is strategies that engage students’ racial/ethnic backgrounds
positively toward the development of more relevant pedagogies and learning
activities (Tierney, 1999, p. 84).
• Critical race theory (CRT) is a perspective that emphasizes the centrality of race and
racism and challenges White supremacy in law, education, politics and other social
systems (Patton, et. al., 2016).
• Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCU) is defined by The Higher
Education Act of 1965, as any historically Black college or university that was
established prior to 1964, whose principal mission was, and is, the education of Black
Americans (U.S. Department of Education, 2020).
• Predominately White institutions (PWI) is a term used to describe institutions of
higher learning in which White’s account for 50% or greater of the student
enrollment. However, the majority of these institutions may also be understood as
historically White institutions (Brown & Dancy, 2010).
• Sense of belonging in terms of college, refers to students’ perceived social support on
campus, a feeling or sensation of connectedness, and the experience of mattering or
10

feeling cared about, accepted, respected, valued by, and important to the campus
community or others on campus such as faculty, staff, and peers (Strayhorn, 2019, p.
4).
Organization of the Study
This dissertation begins with a review of past and current literature surrounding the history of
higher education and how those events have impacted sense of belonging for Black
undergraduate students attending PWIs. This is followed by Chapter Three, which included an
overview of the research design and methodology used. Chapter Four covered the themes and
codes extracted from interview data. Finally, this dissertation concluded with Chapter Five which
includes the summary, discussion, implications for practice and implication for leadership in
higher education.

11

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This chapter provides a background on the experiences of Black students in higher
education institutions at HBCUs and PWIs. The research questions that will guide this study asks
what factors influence Black undergraduate students’ sense of belonging at predominately White
institutions, if at all? How does campus climate impact the sense of belonging for Black students
at predominately White institutions, if at all? In order to understand the experiences of Black
students, this literature review will evaluate the background and shared knowledge of this
community’s experiences in higher education in the United States through prior research.
As the U.S. population increases, the number of college-age Black students will also
continue to grow since Black women have had the third-highest fertility rate per 1,000 women
(Statista, Research Department, 2021). From 2000 to 2018, the college enrollment numbers for
Black male students have increased from 25% to 33%. Black female college enrollment rates
from 2000 to 2018 have seen growth from 35% to 41% (NCES, 2020). Both of which are the
second-highest rates following Hispanic students. Of the 16.6 million undergraduate students
enrolled in the Fall of 2018, African American students made up 1.1 million students (13%) of
the undergraduate population, but they were not equally represented in different institution types
(PNPI, 2020). As the Black student population begins to grow, PWI’s of higher education need
to find ways to create environments to understand the needs and resources of this demographic
of students.
This chapter is separated into five sections. The first section will present a context of the
problem, highlighting the historical background of higher education, its foundation, legal cases,
and its impact on education for Blacks in America and involvement in the slave trade. This has
cultivated a marginalization of Black people in terms of economic power and college degree rate.
12

The second section will evaluate the history of integration in higher education before
understanding how campus climate affects the current experiences of Black students at PWIs.
Section three will provide insight into HBCUs and their place in the history of higher education,
along with the experiences of Black students at HBCUs related to their sense of belonging.
Section four will describe how campus climate impacts students’ experiences on college
campuses. Finally, the last section will explore the critical race theory lens that this study will be
viewed in and Strayhorn’s (2012) seven tenets of sense of belonging that have laid the
foundation of the conceptual framework for this study.
History of Higher Education in America
The United States of America has an extensive history and tradition that many admire
and celebrate on its way to being a world power. However, as beautiful as it reads, the dark past
of slavery is as rooted in its history and tradition as Betsy Ross’s American flag. Jamestown,
VA, a location that looms heavy in the Black community as in 1619, was the location the first
20–30 enslaved Africans arrived from the Kingdom of Ndongo, now known as Angola. Slavery
was much of the U.S. fabric that, in 1778, it was included in the constitution known as the
“Three-fifths clause.” The three-fifths clause states:
Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which
may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be
determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to
Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other
Persons. (Citro, 2019, p. 40)
After the conclusion of the American Civil War in 1865, the “three-fifths clause” was
later changed by the Thirteenth Amendment. Thus, the United States of America received nearly
13

246 years of free labor and service that led to the foundation of its history. Consequently, 150
plus years following the ratification of slavery, the country still finds the effects of the first 246
years in its institutionalized racism rooted in other areas. Higher education institution in the
United States. was another form of systematically carrying out the ideas and premise of slavery
in the post-Civil War era.
Legal Cases Impact on American Education
The rights of people of color advanced through the legal system throughout history.
Specifically, within the field of education, two cases have advanced people of color.
The first case is Plessy vs. Ferguson, 1896, a landmark case within the U.S. Supreme
Court that formalized what we know today as the “separate but equal” principle. This decision
confirmed the “de jure segregation,” which means “legal segregation.” The history of this case
stems from an incident in 1892 in which an African American Louisiana resident named Homer
Plessy refused to sit in a train car labeled for Black people. As a result, he was arrested when he
refused to move from his seat. Plessy’s goal was to challenge the state’s “one-drop rule” as he
identified as seven-eighths White and one-eight Black, defining himself as White and eligible to
sit in the White section. Plessy also claimed that this was a violation of the “Equal Protection
Clause” in the Fourteenth Amendment, which states:
No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities
of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the
equal protection of the laws. (Interactive Constitution, 2019, p. 1)
The Supreme Court ruled in favor of John Ferguson, indicating that “separate but equal”
is constitutional, stating that the Fourteenth Amendment only applies to civil rights such as
14

voting but not social rights in which seating on a train car would equate. This decision fully
legalized racial segregation in the United States. and was law for 58 years until 1954 when it was
then deemed unconstitutional. Black Americans were the ones who carried the burden of this
ruling as “separate but equal” also impacted higher education. However, many attempted to
dismantle the Plessy vs. Ferguson, 1896 rule, but only one successful ruling came in 1954. The
Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, in 1954 declared the Plessy vs. Ferguson,
1896 case unconstitutional. Although monumental in its decision, the effects of Plessy vs.
Ferguson had created its foundation in higher education institutions, and we are currently seeing
its impact on Black American college students today.
Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, 1954 was a landmark legislation that
overturned Plessy vs. Ferguson,1896 and eradicated “separate but equal,’ in all public schools,
including colleges and universities (Epperson, 2016). Due to the “separate but equal” ruling a
schoolgirl Linda Brown was unable to attend an elementary school in her neighborhood. With
the National Association of Colored People (NAACP) support and encouragement, the Brown
family filed a lawsuit against the board of education in Topeka, Kansas. Future Supreme Court
Justice Thurgood Marshall worked the case as it made its way up to the U.S. Supreme Court. The
final ruling was that “separate but equal” was indeed unconstitutional and breached the “Equal
Protection Clause” of the Fourteenth Amendment, in turn overturning Plessy vs. Ferguson, 1896
(Stefkovich & Leas, 1994). Although “de jure segregation” was dismantled, “de facto
segregation” was now in place. During racial integration efforts in schools during the 1960s, “de
facto segregation” was used to describe a situation in which legislation did not overtly segregate
students by race, but school segregation continued (Cornell Law, 2020). The hidden covert
racism and segregation can still be seen within higher education.
15

There were continual advancement attempts to desegregate the American educational
system in the early ‘60s. Some would argue that the racism faced by Blacks in America is too
intrinsically embedded into the formation of the United States to remove. However, there were
efforts to continue to pick away at the constitutional legislation, and none more impactful than
The Civil Rights Act of 1964. The benefit of “The Civil Rights Act of 1964” expanded on the
Fourteenth Amendment and the Brown ruling and banned discrimination based on race, color,
religion, sex, and national origin in all public spaces (Berg, 1964). What was also beneficial
about this ruling signed by then-President Lyndon B. Johnson was that The Civil Rights Act of
1964 included higher education institutions. Briefly after, the nation begins to see more
inclusivity of Black students in higher education spaces.
The legal cases and origins have been imperative to the advancement of Black
Americans, especially in education. However, Black students, particularly Black college
students, still face barriers to their sense of belonging at a PWI. These higher education
institutions have roots in the tradition of the United States of America. These spaces for higher
learning were initially established for White males of high socioeconomic status, all of which
were opposite characteristics of Blacks in America. In order to examine modern-day higher
education institutions, we must understand the history of higher education and its impact on
Black students.
Predominately White Institutions
A common term used in higher education is PWIs. Predominately White institutions is a
term used to describe institutions of higher learning in which White account for 50% or greater
of the student enrollment. However, most of these institutions may also be understood as
historically White institutions (Brown & Dancy, 2010). Also, these institutions are known to
16

have policies, histories, and ideologies focused on the majority—ultimately minimizing the
identities, perspectives, and histories of students of color. The establishment of higher education
in America centered around excluding students of color. These institutions were designed
especially for White students, particularly White men of high socioeconomic backgrounds. The
current environment at PWIs still has roots in its native traditions. However, these institutions are
beginning to understand the systemic racism permeating their walls and institutional policies and
looking for ways to change. An example of the changes made can be seen with the development
of a Presidential Task Force on Inclusion and Belonging at Harvard University in 2016 to foster
the personal and intellectual transformation work affirmatively and collectively to advance a
culture of belonging (Faust, 2016).
This is important because Harvard University is known as one of the oldest and most
prestigious institutions of higher learning in the United States of America. Since its charter in
1636, many highly revered citizens have attended this institution, from Presidents to tech
tycoons. However, when Harvard was founded, Black students were not allowed to attend (Endo,
2014). Not until 1870 would we see a Black graduate from Harvard University. The students
who attended northeastern institutions like the University of Massachusetts, Princeton, Yale,
Amherst, and others typically owned slaves and brought their slaves with them to campus
(Romer, 2014). Slavery, in essence, became a foundation in the development and progression of
what is known today as the Ivy League schools because of the profit slavery brought to the
institutions. The first five colleges were established in the American Colonies, Harvard (1636),
College of William and Mary (1693), Yale (1701), Codrington (1745) in Barbados, and The
College of New Jersey (1746), now Princeton University, were all founded and funded by the
17

slave trade and slave owners (Wilder, 2014). It was typical to see enslaved people in the back of
classrooms while their owners attended class.
Throughout its history, the historical racism and exclusion shown in PWIs towards Black
students created a need to develop other opportunities. This is when colleges and technical trade
schools known as historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs), were established by
Blacks and partnering abolitionists.
Creation of Historically Black Colleges and Universities
Historically Black colleges and universities establishment is summarized:
Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCU) were established to serve the
educational needs of Black Americans. Before their establishment and for many years
afterward, Blacks were generally denied admission to traditionally White institutions. As
a result, HBCUs became the principal means of providing post-secondary education to
Black Americans. (US Department of Education, 1991, p. 1)
Before the civil war, there was no higher education structure for Black students. HBCUs,
when initially established, wanted to educate free Blacks and formerly enslaved people in
specific trade skills such as craftsmanship and teaching. HBCUs needed to serve the needs of
Black students as they were not allowed to attend PWIs due to previous rulings of de jure and de
facto racial segregation discussed prior.
The foundation of HBCUs owes enormous gratitude to the support of the Quakers.
Quakers are members of the Religious Society of Friends, a Christian movement founded by
George Fox c. 1650 and devoted to pacifist principles (Oxford, 2021). Central to the Quakers’
belief is the doctrine of the Inner Light, or the sense of Christ’s direct working in the soul. This
has led them to reject formal ministry and all set forms of worship. Richard Humphreys, a known
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Quaker, founded the first historically Black college in the United States, Cheney University, in
1837 (Clayton, 2020). Although known as the first established historically Black college,
Lincoln University was the first to be a degree-granting institution. In 1868 Lincoln University,
formerly known as The Ashmun Institute, awarded bachelor’s degrees to its graduates (Clayton,
2020). The third HBCU that impacted these specific types of universities (also founded by
Quaker William Wilberforce) was Wilberforce University, located in Wilberforce, Ohio.
Wilberforce’s website lists its history as:
Wilberforce University is the nation’s oldest private, historically Black university-owned
and operated by African Americans. Its roots trace back to its founding in 1856, a period
of American history marred by the physical bondage of people of African descent. It was
also a period when the education of African Americans was not only socially prohibited
but was illegal. Nothing about the era’s prevailing social and cultural ethos suggested that
African Americans might or should be taught or could learn. However, a powerful idea
assumed life, and Wilberforce University was born. The founding of Wilberforce
University represented a bold, audacious, and visionary example of what could happen
when men and women of goodwill transcended race and the prevailing social and cultural
constructs and norms to pursue a noble purpose. (About Wilberforce University, 2019, p.
1)
The most important aspect of the establishment of Wilberforce was that it was known as
the first private, historically Black university. Cheney, Lincoln, and Wilberforce were the
foundation of the HBCU system. They focused on preparing formerly enslaved people and free
Blacks with necessary educational skills to then go back and teach others in the community
because they could not receive this privilege at the elite Ivy League schools discussed prior.
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As of 2018, there were 101 HBCUs located in 19 states out of 4,298 degree-granting
post-secondary institutions in the United States of America. Although not nearly the majority of
eligible higher education institutions, HBCUs have continued their excellence and goal of
educating Black students by graduating more than 50% of all Black lawyers, doctors, and
teachers. A statistic that surpasses that of its counterparts at PWIs. These numbers can be
attributed to the development of belonging provided by these institutions. The campus climate of
the institution impacts the experience of its students.
Campus Climate
Campus climate is a term that is often used; however, it can be defined differently
depending on the institution. Woodard and Sims (2000) consider campus climate strictly
restricted to interactions inside the classroom (Woodard & Sims, 2000). Further interactions with
faculty, staff, and students have been included as encompassing campus climate. Often campus
climate surveys are the tools used to examine all members of the institution and their role in
creating a positive campus climate for students of color.
Dimensions of Campus Climate
Four dimensions assist with examining campus climate. Hart and Fellabaum (2008) list
these dimensions as institutional history, structural diversity, psychological climate, and
behavioral climate (Hart & Fellabaum, 2008). The first dimension of institutional history
spotlights long-standing and outdated policies that marginalize a group or unintentionally benefit
other groups. The second dimension of structural diversity explicitly addresses the need for
PWI’s to increase the ethnic population of the campus to diversify the overall population.
However, if there is an increase of students of color, but there are no additional policies, services,
or programs available to assist these students, it still has a harmful campus climate (Milem et al.,
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1998). The third dimension of campus climate is the psychological climate which can be defined
as how individuals perceive certain aspects of the campus climate, such as the institutions’ views
on racial discrimination, their stance on issues of diversity, and how university administrators
respond to others from different racial and ethnic groups (Milem et al., 1998). The final
dimension is the behavioral climate. Behavioral climate evaluates interactions between different
racial and ethnic populations.
Campus Climate and Students
A study done in 1992 by Walter Allen studied Black students attending both HBCUs and
PWIs indicated that campus climate was a significant factor in their success both socially and
academically. “The HBCU climate was more welcoming and provided more psychological and
social support, which enabled students to feel a stronger sense of community and have increased
confidence levels and led them to excel academically” (Allen, 1992, p. 39). Although some
Black PWI students could integrate into the institutions, the majority struggled to adapt to the
campus climate. Allen found that those who did succeed at the PWIs could do so by assimilating
to the dominant White culture and switching their cultural norms for success. Those who chose
not to assimilate found difficulty forming relationships with students and professors and had to
deal with discrimination. These factors often led to negative views of themselves, a sense of
isolation which limited their success academically (Allen, 1992).
Critical theoretical frameworks such as critical race theory and Strayhorn’s seven core
elements of sense of belonging have assisted in analyzing the experiences of Black students on
college campuses.

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Theoretical Framework
Critical race theory (CRT) is defined as a perspective that emphasizes the centrality of
race and racism and challenges White supremacy in law, education, politics, and other social
systems (Patton et al., 2016). CRT was developed by legal scholars who looked to gain traction
on inclusive lawmaking that was mentally not beneficial to anyone who was not White. Headed
by a Black civil rights lawyer who also taught at Harvard Law Derrick Bell in the 1970s, he
understood that the laws were designed to service the wealthy and powerful, not caring about the
cost to others. There are five tenets that serve as the foundation of critical race theory. These
tenets have become the base of some of the most impactful sense of belonging theories. The first
tenet of critical race theory is that racism is systemic and has been normalized in American
society, which includes higher education, and often excludes the voices of minoritized
populations in favor of the White narrative (Counter-narratives) (Crenshaw et al., 1995). When
you exclude the storytelling of others within the space of higher education, you continue to
perpetuate the narrative of those not in power. Payne Hiraldo (2010) states, “Counter-stories can
assist in analyzing the climate of a college campus and provide opportunities for further research
in the ways which an institution can become inclusive and not simply superficially diverse”
(Hiraldo, 2010, p. 54). The second tenet of CRT is the permanence of systemic racism. This tenet
details that racism is ingrained systemically into every facet of American society, meaning
social, political, and economic power resides with those in power. The critical aspect of this tenet
is that marginalized communities will experience racism in every part of their lives, including
higher education (Landon-Billings & Tate, 2006). Patton et al. (2016) list the third tenet of CRT
as Whiteness as property (Patton et al. 2016).
This tenet can be attributed to the slave trade established in America with Africans.
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Historically, the idea of Whiteness as property has been perpetuated as an asset that only
White individuals can possess. African men, women, and children were objectified as
property during enslavement. This historical system of ownership and the reverberations
from it further reinforce and perpetuate the system of White supremacy because only
White individuals can benefit from it. (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995, p. 55)
The fourth tenet of CRT is the principle of convergence. The principle of convergence is
defined as the dominant culture addressing the needs of the marginalized population if and only
if it adheres to and benefits them in some form. (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). This concept could
be seen in many civil rights legislations granted to Blacks in America during the civil rights
movement. Although progression was made, it could be deemed superficial because the rights
granted are viewed as simple democratic rights afforded to American citizens innately. An
example of this tenet in higher education is Affirmative Action. Although under constant attack
to benefit people of color, research shows that White women have been significant recipients
(Ladson-Billings, 2006). In turn, White women benefiting from this interest convergence
continue to enhance the power structure of White authority. The final tenet of CRT is the critique
of liberalism or “colorblindness” (Hiraldo, 2010). In higher education, colorblindness is a tool
used to show an institution as liberal or progressive. Colorblindness is for the benefit of the
dominant culture, and it provides an escape root for White guilt. In actuality, colorblindness is
viewed as detrimental to eradicating systemic racism. Harris III and Bensimon (2007) thought
that if one does not see color, it is easy to ignore racism and its benefits to the dominant culture
(Harris III & Bensimon, 2007).

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Sense of Belonging
One of the most critical factors in students’ psychological development, along with their
learning in college, is a sense of belonging. Therefore, there has been a massive push in recent
years for institutions to create roles and initiatives that promote creating and developing
inclusive environments for students on PWI campuses. Particularly with a focus on a sense of
belonging for marginalized students, specifically Black students. To understand how institutions
can further this method, we must define a sense of belonging. Maslow (1962) defines a sense of
belonging as fundamental motivation, and all people share a strong need to belong (Maslow,
1962).
Strayhorn’s (2019) description of the sense of belonging highlights:
In terms of college, a sense of belonging refers to students’ perceived social support on
campus, a feeling or sensation of connectedness, and the experience of mattering or
feeling cared about, accepted, respected, valued by, and essential to the campus
community or others on campuses such as faculty, staff, and peers. (Strayhorn, 2019, p.
4)
The examination of social structures such as social groups or communities has been used
to evaluate the experiences of belonging. The relational process is vital in understanding
belonging, and critical factors of this are behavior and social relations. It impacts not only the
individual but also the entire group. The psychological evaluation of the experience of belonging
is examined through both affective elements and cognitive capacities. Psychologists, specifically
social psychologists, often study the performance-related group task or interpersonal
communication component of belonging. Anthropologists focus on forming groups, the in-group
and out-group norms within different cultures to examine belonging. Sociologists find
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similarities with the evaluation of belonging with an anthropologist. The different examinations
of belonging show that understanding belonging is not monolithic.
Sense of belonging in higher education accounts for combining all the strategies listed
above. It involves aspects of psychological variables, cognitive and affective elements, social
forces, and behavioral responses. Initial research on college students’ sense of belonging has
been based on the understanding that academics and social engagement relate to persistent
involvement and retention (Astin, 1984). Recently, a more psychological focus has been on
evaluating belongingness, mainly focused on the effect and cognitive processes. An example of
this process is that a “sense of belonging has been defined as an individual’s sense of
identification or positioning to group or the college community, which may yield an effective
response” (Tovar & Simon, 2010, p. 200). The two attributes that construct a sense of belonging
are valued involvement, and fit (Hagerty & Patusky, 1995). Valued involvement consists of the
value of being needed. Fit believes that one’s characteristics link with the system or environment
that the person wishes to be accepted or immersed in (Hagerty & Patusky, 1995).
Also, cognitive and affective components have been shown to drive behavior (Bollen &
Hoyle, 1990). Perceived cohesion is work done by Bollen and Hoyle’s consisting of two
dimensions a sense of belonging and feelings of morale and has been referred to in multiple
higher education studies on belonging (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). This concept has extended
research on the experiences of belonging to historically marginalized communities on campuses.
For example, Hurtado and Carter (1997) expanded the value of Bollen and Hoyle’s idea on
perceived cohesion in post-secondary education with their study on understanding Latino
students’ belongingness and perception of racial climate on campus. This study showed a
psychological element of student integration on campus for a sense of belonging. A sense of
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belonging is an imperative element to the student’s academic and social integration and success
on campus (Hurtado & Carter, 1997).
As stated above, Strayhorn focuses on a different aspect of a sense of belonging. He
argues that the experience can differ for each student depending on the context that can
ultimately affect students’ educational and developmental outcomes. Examples include
motivation, persistence, and academic achievement. Uniquely, Strayhorn speaks on the
intricacies that sense of belonging with college students provide.
Strayhorn highlights seven elements that will also guide this study:
1. Sense of belonging is a basic human need
2. Sense of belonging is a fundamental motive sufficient to drive human behavior
3. Sense of Belonging takes on heightened importance
a. In certain contexts
b. At certain times
c. Among certain people
4. Sense of belonging is related to, and seemingly a consequence, of mattering
5. Social Identities intersect and affect college students’ sense of belonging
6. Sense of Belonging engenders other positive outcomes
7. Sense of belonging must be satisfied continually, and likely changes as
circumstances, conditions, and contexts change. (Strayhorn, 2012, pp. 18–23)
Strayhorn used the existing body of research done on a sense of belonging to establish
these core elements. Its design is set to develop a framework that can analyze a sense of
belonging from a multifaceted perspective. This framework incorporates identity, interpersonal
influences, contextual concepts, and the effect and cognitive elements of previous sense of
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belonging research. Due to this design, Strayhorn’s definition of a sense of belonging and the
core elements was adopted as a conceptual framework for this study.
A fundamental need of all humans is belonging (Strayhorn, 2012). Both education and
psychology research have all referenced the model of Maslow’s (1954) hierarchy of needs.
Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs includes five needs which are physiological needs, safety needs,
love and belonging needs, esteem needs, and needs for self-actualization. Maslow states that all
people require these five basic needs however, how those needs are met can differ depending on
context and experiences. For example, research on student development, retention, and
involvement confirms that the need to belong occurs in different aspects of higher education
institutions, including academia and student involvement (Strayhorn, 2012).
College students are often navigating through different environments during their time at
the institution. Through those experiences, one common factor is the need to belong.
Marginalized students’ experiences in post-secondary institutions create specific emotions and
behaviors that highly influence the feelings of mattering and, ultimately, a sense of belonging.
Understanding that if one feels they matter or are needed, the experience of belonging increases
exponentially and impacts healthy behaviors on campus, specifically campus involvement and
academic achievement (Schlossberg, 1989). A sense of belonging increases when the student
experience is surrounded by validation and support in their curriculum and student involvement
on campus. A sense of belonging contributes to the ability of students to succeed in these
learning environments (Osterman, 2000).
Interpersonal experiences and interactions are essential to satisfying one’s need to belong
because it coincides with cognitive processing (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). In addition, these
interpersonal experiences are essential to developing how college students categorize themselves
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in the setting. Therefore, typically when students are in these environments that force them to
question their idea of how they fit into the setting or if they belong, it has adverse effects on the
need to belong to the student.
Black College Students’ Sense of Belonging
There is an understanding that research in higher education has shown that students’
sense of belonging has many factors that include interactions with students, faculty, and staff
(Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Other factors include residing on-campus, cultural factors, racial
climate and diversity, and involvement on campus. In addition, Strayhorn (2012) states that
social identities and intersections of these social identities play an essential role in the sense of
belonging (Strayhorn, 2012).
Specific findings have shown that no matter single ethnic group or being racially diverse
students, academic, setting factors, and social interactions are needed to satisfy the need to
belong. A sense of belonging has been seen as high when we are involved in the campus culture.
Specifically, involvement in clubs and organizations, living on campus, limited racial climate,
diverse student population, and finally, positive influences on faculty and staff. Also, research
finds that racialized contexts and cultural factors are essential to minority students’ sense of
belonging outcomes in higher education. (Hurtado & Carter, 1997).
Research highlights the importance of community ties for students entering college and
how continuing these ties can assist with college transition and academic achievements for
students (Museus & Maramba, 2011). Museus (2014) states that “tension that results from
incongruence between their cultural meaning-making system and new cultural information that
they encounter in their environment” (Museus, 2014, p. 191). This can cause cultural dissonance,
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which harms students by decreasing motivation and causes trouble adjusting to college,
ultimately ending in a lower sense of belonging.
Cultural dissonance is not a foreign experience for students of color attending PWIs. The
students must find a way to maneuver through the dominant cultures that may differ from their
community or moral ties. As discussed previously, the history of higher education has led to a
cultural and academic capital advantage for the dominant culture that has placed students of
color at a disadvantage. Tierney (1999) focused on what is known as cultural suicide that is
expected in minority students to undergo, which requires them to detach from their cultural
communities to assimilate into the mainstream culture on campus. Tierney has been one of a few
researchers who have challenged and stressed the need for institutions to take the initiative to
create more culturally responsive, engaging, and relevant climates on campuses that have a focus
and value on the diverse identities and needs of their students. (Huartado et al., 2012).
Cultural integrity is essential for marginalized students and their engagement on campus
(Tierney, 1999). Cultural integrity is defined as “strategies that engage students’ racial/ethnic
backgrounds positively toward developing more relevant pedagogies and learning activities”
(Tierney, 1999, p. 84). In addition, cultural integrity has been connected to increasing degree
attainment for ethnic groups on campus (Tierney, 1992).
Although this is a relatively new area of study, some previous research has been done on
what factors influence students’ sense of belonging for single designated ethnic groups. For
example, Museus and Maramba (2011) performed a quantitative study with 143 Filipino
American students that highlighted the connection between cultural factors and a sense of
belonging. The study provided a survey that measured the students’ demographic information,
sense of belonging, campus climate, cultural congruence, and ethnic identity. Variables
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evaluated were cultural heritage connection and pressure to commit cultural suicide. Additional
questions were added from Bollen and Hoyle’s (1990) subscale of sense of belonging to
highlight different outcomes. The focus was on how much students “felt a part of the campus
community, felt that they were “a member of” the campus community, and felt a sense of
belonging to the campus community” (Museus & Maramba, 2011, p. 242).
The findings showed that an increased sense of belonging was connected with an easier
transition to the campus culture. As students were more pressured to commit cultural suicide,
adjusting to the campus culture became difficult. Connection to cultural heritage had a positive
correlation to cultural adjustment. This means that the stronger the connection a student has with
their own culture, the adjustment to the campus culture becomes more effortless as well.
Additionally, some studies were conducted that highlighted the experiences of students’
sense of belonging on campus. For example, Strayhorn performed two studies in 2008: a
quantitative study performed with a sample size of 589 college students attending f4-year
institutions (White: n = 300; Latino: n = 289) evaluating the College Student Experience
Questionnaire (CSEQ). The findings showed positive indicators of Latino/a students’ sense of
belonging, increased interaction with peers, additional time spent studying, and academic
achievement.
The second study conducted by Strayhorn (2012) was a qualitative study performed with
31 Latino/a undergraduate students. This study aimed to validate the results that Strayhorn found
in his 2008 research stating that interaction with diverse peers for Latino/a student’s produces a
higher sense of belonging for its students. Again, a comparative analysis was used to develop
themes in the semi-structured interviews (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). This study showed that the
sample of Latino/a students was working while attending school, came from low-income
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backgrounds, experienced social, financial, and academic challenges, contributing to less
engagement on campus. These factors contributed to their lack of sense of belonging on campus.
This caused the students to develop characteristics and norms outside of their cultural origin,
committing cultural suicide to create a sense of belonging.
The body of research done on this topic has shown that racial identities impact the sense
of belonging of college students in many ways. Race impacts how a student experiences college.
Interactions with others and how they express themselves are impacted based on how they are
viewed on campus. This was shown in Museus, and Maramba’s (2011) study as cultural heritage
for Filipino American students impacted their transition to college and their experiences.
Secondly, the implication is that campus climate is a vital factor in understanding the students’
sense of belonging on campus (Museus & Maramba, 2011). As Strayhorn’s (2008) study
showed, campus climate directly impacts a sense of belonging. Campus climate is derived from
institutional policies and practices that help support diverse backgrounds and race relations on
campus. Therefore, it is essential to evaluate how institutional designs and structures assist with
cultivating these experiences for single designated students (Strayhorn, 2008).
Black Identifying Students and CRT
The dimensions of campus climate and critical race theory impact Black identifying
students’ sense of belonging on the campuses of PWIs. CRT in this study reflects the campus
environment. This means that the campus is a racialized environment in that all students’
experiences exist in the context of race, racism, and power. The campus culture, in turn,
influences the racial identity of Black identifying students.
The experiences of Black identifying students on campus can lead to code-switching.
Code-switching is the ability to adapt one’s behavior as a response to a change in social context
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between two or more distinct communities (Morton, 2014). This concept is prevalent in
communities of color, specifically Black students, and they must understand based on the
environment that their Blackness may not be accepted during their time at PWIs while
interacting with non-Black faculty, staff, and students. (Hurtado, et al., 1998).
Conclusion
With the growing conversation about diversifying higher education institutions,
particularly PWIs, must be prepared and equipped with the necessary environments to
successfully service Black students. This begins with campus climate, which impacts students’
sense of belonging. Studies have shown that students of marginalized populations, specifically
Black and Latinx, have higher dropout rates than their White counterparts by 10%, with a sense
of belonging being a primary determinant (Banks & Dobby, 2016).

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Chapter Three: Methodology
This qualitative study aimed to explore what factors influence Black undergraduate
students’ sense of belonging attending Maxine-Barbara University (MBU, a pseudonym), if at
all. This study analyzed the sense of belonging of Black undergraduate students through
Strayhorn’s (2012) seven core elements of a sense of belonging. This study focused on four of
the seven core elements to inform the understanding of a sense of belonging for Black
undergraduate students. A qualitative semi-structured interview process was conducted to
explore the experiences of Black undergraduate students attending a PWI.
Research Question
This research study followed these research questions: What factors influence Black
undergraduate students’ sense of belonging at predominately White institutions, if at all? How
does campus climate impact the sense of belonging for Black students at predominately White
institutions, if at all?
Qualitative Approach
This study conducted semi-structured interviews with 10 Black undergraduate students.
Creswell & Creswell (2018) states that 10–15 interviews are an adequate amount to consider for
mixed methods research and qualitative research (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). “Qualitative
research interviews protect the research from inappropriate generalization and allows the
researcher to recognize the diversity among the participants” (Maxwell, 2012, p. 54). The
developed semi-structured interviews offered opportunities for the researcher to probe and gain
more understanding from each interviewee on specific subjects. In contrast, a fully structured
interview would have prevented those opportunities for exploration. The semi-structured
interviews allowed the interviewee to express their authentic views on their experiences of a
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sense of belonging on a college campus. The benefit of this interview format is that it focuses on
the actual lived experiences of the respondents while also allowing the researcher to engage with
additional theoretically driven questions (Galletta, 2013).
“Constructivism is the fundamental philosophical assumption upon which all types of
qualitative research are based. It is the view that reality is constructed by individuals interacting
with their social worlds” (Merriam, 2014, p. 41). Therefore, constructivism was the best base for
this qualitative approach. An initial screening survey was conducted to inform and collect
purposeful sampling for the researcher. Maxwell (2012) calls this method an explanatory
sequential design (Maxwell, 2012). The explanatory sequential design allowed the researcher to
develop a data set to move on to the next phase of the study.
This information was designed to provide data on the respondents’ initial views on a
sense of belonging at MBU. In contrast, the qualitative interviews provided information on the
factors that influence a positive sense of belonging for Black undergraduate students. This
qualitative process was essential in understanding the interviewees’ views as it provided
opportunities to engage in further discussion with the specific demographic of students.
Site Selection
MBU was the site selection chosen for this research. MBU is a small private, PWI
located in a major metropolitan city with 10 million residents on the West Coast of the United
States (U.S. Census, 2020). It is important to note that MBU was in a very affluent neighborhood
of the city. The surrounding area around the campus had a majority White population of 60%,
with an average household income of $140,820 (Point2, 2019). The Black undergraduate
population of MBU is 6%; however, the local community is 60% White which is 8% higher than
the entire city population (U.S. Census, 2020). When analyzing the sense of belonging on
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campus for Black students, they were the minority community on campus and off-campus. As a
result, Black students can hold a sense of isolation in this environment.
The undergraduate population of MBU was 6,654. The demographic breakdown of the
institution by ethnicity for MBU was essential for this study as it describes the true definition of
PWIs. Roughly 965 undergraduates identified as Black and were sent a survey from a third-party
source of MBU. MBU was in the Top 5 private colleges with the largest Black undergraduate
student population on the West Coast.
MBU was one of the Top 100 college institutions in the United States of America, but
Black students are the lowest represented ethnicity on the campus but the highest on the coast.
This study looked at how these Black undergraduate students experienced a sense of belonging at
this PWI, if at all?
Sample
“A strategy in which particular settings, persons, or activities are selected deliberately to
provide information that cannot be gotten as well from other choices” is what Maxwell defines
as purposeful sampling (Maxwell, 2013, p. 88). With purposeful sampling, the final group of
students selected to move onto the interview stage of the study was selected based on their
responses, including ethnicity, undergraduate standing (1st-year, 2nd-year student, junior or
senior), and significant. The final sample used consisted of students from a wide range of the
demographics listed above.
The 965 Black undergraduate students who attended MBU received a survey sent through
the Qualtrics survey system. The undergraduate student population at MBU was 6,654, with a
6.8% population of students who self-identified as Black/African American, which provides the
965 total used for this study.
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This study included 10 Black undergraduate students that participated in interviews.
Creswell & Creswell (2018) indicate that the sample size determined is an acceptable amount for
this study as mixed methods research aims to conduct interviews until saturation is achieved
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Additionally, Charmaz (2006) states that “Saturation is achieved
once new information has been gathered by the researcher” (Charmaz, 2006, p. 30), and this
typically occurs with a collection of 10–15 interviews.
Instrumentation
Students received a survey that included seven demographic and background questions
surrounding the topic of a sense of belonging attending a PWI. See Appendix A for the screening
survey that outlined the demographic questionnaire provided to students.
The screening survey was to ensure the students entering the semi-structured interview
stage met the necessary qualifying requirements to participate in the study and were willing
participants. Finally, the base of the researcher’s interview questions was surrounded by the
information gathered from the research questions, the theoretical frameworks mentioned above,
and the semi-structured interview protocol designed. See Appendix C for the interview protocol.
Data Collection
In order to execute the purposeful sampling strategy for this study, a survey was sent to
roughly 965 undergraduate students who self-identified as Black/African American by a third-
party source. Partners such as the Ethnic and Intercultural Service Office within the Student
Affairs Division, African American Studies Department, and the African American Alumni
Association dispersed the survey. The Ethnic and Intercultural Services Office had access to the
Black undergraduate students who attend MBU. The African American Studies Department had
a large population of Black undergraduate students who were either minors or majors in their
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department and therefore had access to a portion of the demographic data. The African American
Alumni Association conducts a scholarship each semester offered to Black undergraduate
students and had a data set that benefited the study. In order to receive the appropriate population
of students for the semi-structured interviews, a screening survey was disseminated to Black
students to record their responses.
Post the USC Institutional Review Board (IRB); data collection began with the screening
survey prepared and disseminated via email. The email was distributed to the 965 Black self-
identifying undergraduate students by third parties: Ethnic and Intercultural Service Office
within the Student Affairs Division, African American Studies Department, and The African
American Alumni Association.
The survey instructions specified to the students that there is no obligation to participate
in the study. Also, if students chose not to participate, they were aware that this did not hurt their
academic standing or placed on their university records. All survey respondents were
anonymous.
The reliability and validity of this data collection were kept for this study. In order to do
so, specific qualifying questions in the screening survey, such as “the student’s current academic
standing,” verified that students were undergraduate students and provided diversity in class
standing. Additional qualifying questions asked to respondents included students’ majors, which
allowed for the opportunity to gather a wide range of students’ perspectives from different fields.
The screening survey also included ethnic self-identifying questions to verify that the students
met the necessary criteria for the study.
Those students who responded to the survey that met the specified criteria of identifying
as Black/African American, current undergraduate students at MBU, and agreed to
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correspondence with the researcher were contacted by the researcher via email and telephone for
an interview to solidify their eligibility for participation in the semi-structured interview stage.
The purpose of the follow-up email and call was to verify that the information provided by the
survey respondent was correct. Those respondents who met the criteria for this study were
invited to participate in a 60-minute virtual (via Zoom) semi-structured recorded interview.
Questions for the semi-structured interviews were centered around the students’
experiences at MBU based on their sense of belonging as a Black undergraduate student.
Experiences with campus climate, relationships/interactions with professors and students, and the
student’s connection to the institution. All interviews conducted had the same protocol to ensure
consistency. This study followed Merriam and Tisdell’s (2015) concept that researchers must
construct interview questions that adhere to the specific PWI setting. This protected from the
generalization of all PWIs. It ensured that the study recognized the diversity among the
participants and acknowledged the contexts of the participants experiences (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015).
After approval from the participants, the interviews were recorded. They understood that
those who chose not to be recorded were removed from the research study. The recorded
interviews allowed the researcher to be fully involved in the interview and provide follow-up
probing questions to understand the participants. Also, the recorded interviews guaranteed an
exact collection of the participants’ responses post-interview.
The researcher asked follow-up questions to provide a full scope and understanding of
the participants’ responses. Examples of follow-up questions consisted of understanding the
participants’ sense of belonging at MBU, opinions on what is most valuable for the researcher to
know the participants’ need for belonging and understanding how the institutions impacted the
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students’ sense of belonging. The researcher took brief notes during the interview to allow for
follow-up questions. However, the researcher did not distract from the interview process and still
allowed the researcher and participant to be engaged throughout the session. A professional
transcription service was used to transcribe the interviews that were recorded.
Data Analysis
Strayhorn’s (2012) four of seven core elements of a sense of belonging was the guiding
foundation of this qualitative analysis centered on exploring the factors that influence a sense of
belonging for Black undergraduate students’ attending a PWI.
A qualitative codebook was developed to examine the data. Utilizing Barney Glaser and
Anselm Strauss’s (1967) grounded theory, the researcher used open coding, axial coding, and
selective coding to analyze the data. Opening coding took place first, which allowed for
examining the data collected and creating codes from a casual lens. This kept the authenticity of
the data and prevented wrongful interpretation of the participants’ responses. Next, the axial
coding process created more extensive themes from the initial open codes (Strauss & Corbin,
1997). Finally, axial codes translated by selective coding created more extensive themes,
narrowing the focal point and making meaning of the participants’ narratives.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness or rigor of a study refers to the degree of confidence in data,
interpretation, and methods used to ensure the quality of a study (Pilot & Beck, 2014). Creswell
& Creswell (2018) identifies that there is an opportunity for additional trustworthiness with this
specific type of study that needs to be considered. The researcher must thoroughly evaluate the
quantitative data before moving on to the qualitative data collection (Creswell & Creswell,
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2018). The researcher ensured validation and analysis of the responses were established while
also specifying the relationship to the qualitative data collected.
Following Maxwell’s (2012) model, the researcher created a list to ensure data collection,
intervention, search for evidence, and negative cases to minimize the threat to validity and have
rich data (Maxwell, 2012). This strategy assesses the internal validity post-completion of the
coding process of the qualitative data. The researcher used the strategy of member checking to
ensure trustworthiness was upheld throughout the qualitative semi-structured interviews and with
the subsequent themes that were derived from the study. “Member checking, also known as
participant or respondent validation, is a technique for exploring the credibility of results” (Birt,
et al., 2016, p. 1802). Finally, the researcher used examples of requesting feedback and clarifying
questions to guarantee direct data collection.
Ethics
Every study will encounter ethical concerns throughout the research. The researcher’s
goal was to create strategies that minimize any ethical issues. For this specific study, the
researcher followed the code of ethics designed by the professional associations that govern
academic research (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). As an additional form of ethical consideration,
this study was approved by the University of Southern California Internal Review Board (USC
IRB) before data collection began. The researcher also followed the Federal Education and
Rights Privacy Act (FERPA) regulations to ensure privacy for the study participants. Finally, the
participants were well informed of the purpose of this study and how their responses were used
by providing this information in the introduction of the initial screening survey they received.
The focus on confidentiality was imperative during this research and was upheld
throughout the study. During the screening survey process, a secure, password-protected USC
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server was used to hold the responses by the students. For Phase 2 of the study, the qualitative
semi-structured interviews were recorded and stored on a computer, and USC Google Drive was
only accessible to the researcher through a duo authenticated password system. Codebook and
notes taken by the researcher were highly secured, and in addition, pseudo names and numbering
systems were used to secure the confidentiality of the student participants.
Role of Researcher
The researcher must understand that the researcher is the primary instrument of the
research and ensures that the study has validity and is trustworthy (Merriam & Tisdale, 2016).
Also, understanding the researcher’s bias is critical in ensuring that trustworthiness and validity
are upheld in this study. Understanding that life experiences, background, and worldviews could
impact the study. Creswell & Creswell (2018) state, “identifying personal values, biases, and
assumptions at the outset of the study is important as these characteristics may shape
interpretations formed during the study” (Creswell & Creswell, 2018, p. 67). This study had
multiple connections to the researcher’s personal story. The researcher was an undergraduate and
graduate alum of MBU and self-identify as a Black male. The personal life experiences as a
Black male and a student at MBU could present certain biases and assumptions throughout the
study. Understanding that the researcher was a part of the research process ensures that
assumptions or biases do not interfere with the successful and ethical collection as the researcher
collects and interprets the data.
Limitations and Delimitations
Every research study presents its own set of limitations. Limitations in research are
defined as “weaknesses within a research design that may influence outcomes and conclusions of
the research.” (Ross et al., 2019, p. 262). For example, qualitative research presents a limitation
41

for the need for extensive timing for data collection and analysis. However, with the time
restrictions placed on this study, there needed to be a cap placed on these items to allow for
completion. Additionally, the qualitative sample size and its setting can create another limitation.
Creswell & Creswell (2018) indicate that no specific or correct number of participants is
necessary for a particular sample size (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Data collection was
completed once the researcher obtained saturation for this study. This study conducted 10
interviews.
A screening survey was distributed to the 965 undergraduate Black self-identifying
undergraduate students enrolled at MBU. Understanding that these students have self-identified
as Black, there could have been a group of students who have not been included in this
approximate total and therefore excluded from receiving the screening survey. All the
participants in this study attend small private liberal arts, PWI. Transferability may be a concern
related to this study’s applicability to more prominent research universities, public universities,
and institutions in other parts of the country.
This qualitative study does not present the ability to conduct an extensive and in-depth
involvement based on the timeline presented. Therefore, 10 semi-structured interviews were
conducted in order to produce valuable data. Further evaluation of this topic may allow
additional data collection to provide new information for this study. The researcher data may be
limited due to a lack of follow-up interviews after the initial 60-minute semi-structured
interview. Only the experiences of a sense of belonging of Black undergraduate students enrolled
at MBU were studied, which means that the setting was a limitation as students who attend other
PWIs were not studied. The data collected for this study could be skewed, but this provides an
opportunity for further research on this study to identify applicability.
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Single-setting interview settings present limitations because Maxwell (2012) states
“homogeneous group of interviewees can contribute to the interpretable or causality of results”
(Maxwell, 2012, p. 58). The outside world impacts the views of students inside the ecosystem of
a university. As previously stated, George Floyd’s murder has impacted universities’ goals of
achieving an anti-racist environment on their campuses. Understanding this movement and its
context on the participants’ sense of belonging is vital to keep in mind throughout the study.
The semi-structured interview format could also present a limitation. In addition, the
interview setting can be a limitation, as it is not a natural environment like a field study where
the researcher is observing participants and not engaging with them (Creswell & Creswell,
2018).
There were outside factors that impacted this study. There was a reintegration into
traditional college life while experiencing the COVID-19 pandemic. MBU was not above this
pandemic and felt its impact, and students’ experiences were also affected. With MBU moving
from a year and a half of online learning with campus closures, it caused limited in-person
interaction with peers and the campus environment. For example, 1st-year participants and 2nd-
year participants are experiencing the same in-person on-campus experiences for the first time.
Although 2nd-year participants have virtual interactions from the previous year to compare, 1st-
year participants only knew the current state of campus life at MBU. However, the upper-level
students did have more of an understanding of the climate of campus pre-pandemic and now
with instituted pandemic protocols. These students had more experiences with concepts such as
housing culture and the institution’s perception of them prior to George Floyd's death.
The researchers’ cultural bias and identities may present additional conflicts in the study.
For example, with the researcher self-identifying as Black, possible biases in the study and
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interactions with the participants during the semi-structured interviews with similar self-
identifiers may have presented some limitations. Continuous checking on validity throughout the
study was necessary because similar self-identifiers may have enticed participants to respond to
questions in ways that they may feel to the researcher’s opinions instead of their specific
viewpoints on the topic. The researcher’s goal was to ensure that their potential bias did not skew
the study results.
Understanding the delimitation of this study had a direct impact on this study.
Wolgemuth and Agosto (2017) define delimitations as “choices by the researcher that may
impact the study results and conclusions” (p. 32). This study was for students who self-identify
as Black. Any students who identify as multiracial or non-Black were excluded from this study.
If any graduate students responded to the screening survey, they were removed from the study as
participants because this research only concentrated on undergraduate student experiences.
Finally, any Black self-identifying undergraduate students who were not currently enrolled in
MBU were also excluded from the study.
Conclusion
This chapter provides detailed information on why it is imperative to study factors of
influence on Black undergraduate students’ sense of belonging at PWIs. This is a unique topic
that has not been heavily studied. Higher education institutions are beginning to find different
ways to increase the diversity of their students with an emphasis on Black students. This research
is necessary because it studies how PWIs create environments that allow the development of
belonging for Black students on campus. Research is defined as the creation of new knowledge
and/or the use of existing knowledge in a new and creative way to generate new concepts,
methodologies, and understandings. This could include synthesis and analysis of previous
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research to the extent that it leads to new and creative outcomes (Department of Education and
Training, 2019); it is time to create new and creative outcomes.

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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of the study was to examine Black students’ experiences of a sense of
belonging at PWIs. This chapter will center around the results and findings of the data and
analysis of emergent themes presented from the in-person interviews conducted at MBU. MBU
is a small private, PWI located in a major metropolitan city with 10 million residents on the West
Coast of the United States. (U.S. Census, 2020). It is important to note that MBU is in a very
affluent neighborhood of the city. These interviews supported the factors of influence defined in
the literature found in Chapter Two. Utilizing this study’s conceptual framework, the data was
organized and analyzed to develop themes based on the participant’s responses. Themes arose
around concepts of community safety, cultural engagement, university inclusivity, peer
interactions, and campus representation.
Participants
A screening survey was sent to MBU campus partners, including the Ethnic and
Intercultural Service Office within the Student Affairs Division, African American Studies
Department, and the African American Alumni Association. The Qualtrics screening survey
received 65 responses. There was a total of 20 students out of 65 who agreed to be interviewed
for this study. The researcher then began analyzing the data, and 12 of the respondents met the
designated criteria for the study of being a self-identifying Black undergraduate student attending
MBU. There were 10 Black self-identifying undergraduate student participants that were
interviewed using the virtual video client Zoom. Of those 10 participants, six of the participants’
hometowns were in western states, two in the eastern states, and two in mid-western states. The
gender breakdown for the participants was even, five males and five females. There was one 1st-
year student, one 2nd-year student, two junior students, and six senior students. The participant
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pool included a diverse range of majors, with four business majors, two psychology majors, two
sociology majors, one political science major, and one engineering major. There were four of the
10 participants identified as first-generation college undergraduate students. Table 1 shows a list
of demographic information used to select participants for this study. It is essential to include this
information as it provides context on the participants’ viewpoints in their interviews.

Table 1
Participant Demographics
Name Year in school Major Hometown region Race
Albert Freshman Political science Midwestern state Black
Alberta Senior Psychology Midwestern state Black
Anita Sophomore Sociology Western states Black
Ann Senior Sociology Western states Black
BJ Senior Business Eastern states Black
Brandon Senior Business Western states Black
Keeilan Junior Business Western states Black
Leo Junior Business Eastern states Black
Regine Senior Engineering Western states Black
Shirley Senior Psychology Western states Black

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The following section will provide insight into each participant’s background in the
study. It allows for a contextual lens framework through which participants may view the
questions asked during their interview.
Albert
Albert is an 18-year-old 1st-year student attending MBU. Albert is majoring in sociology
with the aspiration of being a criminal justice activist. His passion and commitment to the Black
community at MBU allows him to hold the pulse of campus culture even within a small
timeframe at the institution. Albert is from a mid-western state and adds additional context to this
study.
Alberta
Alberta is a 22-year-old senior attending MBU. Alberta is a psychology major focusing
on entering the broadcast journalism industry. Alberta is a passionate, outspoken member of the
Black student community. She is engaged with many extra-curricular programs based inside the
Black community and outside involving other communities. Alberta allows for additional
perspective on how Black students find a sense of belonging on campus outside of their
community.
Ann
Ann is a 21-year-old student in her senior year at MBU. She is a sociology major whose
goal is to have a career in higher education to assist with changing education for students of
color. She was born and raised on the west coast, and her culture impacts her view on life.
Anita
Anita is a 19-year-old 2nd-year student at MBU. Anita is a sociology major aspiring to be
a writer and content creator. Anita has close involvement with foundational programs and
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departments to service the Black Community: The Learning Community (TLC) and the Office of
Black Student Services (OBSS). Her relationship with these entities provides context on how
campus culture is developed within the Black community.
B.J.
B.J. is a 21-year-old senior attending MBU. BJ is a business major whose goal is to
develop funding for non-profit businesses in low-income communities. B.J. partnered with
Brandon to develop the “Black Student Demands” presented to the university administration as
well. B.J. raised $50,000 during the pandemic to support the Black Lives Matter (BLM)
movement following the murder of George Floyd through the Black Male organization he leads
on campus entitled Brothers of Consciousness (BOC).
Brandon
Brandon is a 21-year-old senior student at MBU. He is a business major aspiring to create
changes in the homelessness problem seen in the United States of America. Brandon is a leader
within the Black community, which presented to the university administration “Black Student
Demands” to create change for the experiences of Black students on campus.
Leo
Leo is a 20-year-old student in his junior year at MBU. He is studying business with a
focus on entrepreneurship. Leo aspires to develop businesses that will help increase the
economic value of Black communities. He is heavily active in the campus community, focusing
on forging togetherness.
Keeilan
Keeilan is a 20-year-old junior attending MBU. Keeilan is a business major who aspires
to create his clothing line. He is heavily involved with six Black clubs and organizations and
49

holds a position in each group. Keeilan was also involved in developing the “Black Student
Demands” and worked for TLC.
Regine
Regine is a 21-year-old senior student attending MBU. Regine is studying engineering to
continue her career in the field following graduation. Her story of attending MBU was unique
because she did not initially want to attend the institution. MBU was the only school to accept
her for engineering, so she attended. Regine provided unique context on her experience attending
MBU with an original focus on academics but turning into an impactful leader within the Black
student community on campus.
Shirley
Shirley is a 22-year-old senior student attending MBU. Shirley is a psychology major
with a minor in African American Studies. Shirley’s goals for developing spaces for African
Americans to feel mentally free and safe align with her campus community involvement. She is a
transfer student who provides a unique perspective on the environment at MBU from her
previous experiences.
Research Findings for Question 1: Influential Factors
The goal of the first research question of this study was to identify the influential factors
Black students attending a PWI need to experience a sense of belonging on campus. Based on
the interviews conducted for this study, three themes emerged. Those themes were developed
using the conceptual framework and influential factors presented in Chapter Two. The themes
are community safety, cultural engagement, and university inclusivity.

Community Safety
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This section will examine influential factors of a sense of belonging within community
safety. Black students attending PWIs need safety in spaces that allow them to feel that they
belong and can be authentically themselves. A recurring concept under this theme presented by
participants in the study was the need for designated space on campus.
Increase in Black Student Spaces
Institutions across the country after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 began to develop
services that were intended to support the needs of Black students attending PWIs. Popular
versions of these services centered around a Black cultural center or office located on the
campus. The Office of Student Affairs typically manages these offices within the institution.
They serve students of color and provide campus support from university administrators on
campus. The purpose of these centers is to capitalize on the positive consequences of ingroup
membership present by the Common ingroup identity model (CIIM).
As the environment of higher education institutions changes, so does the need for
additional resources to support Black students attending PWIs. Although cultural offices have
been beneficial to the support needed for Black students’ advancements, particular spaces such
as identifiable Black Student Spaces on campus were a reoccurring theme presented by seven
participants in the study. Albert expressed how being a new incoming 1st-year student; the Black
Student Space was one of the only places where he felt a sense of community safety on campus
and could be authentically himself.
I feel like the Black space is community safety; it is just a vibe whenever you can put
Black people together who like to have fun at the same time or want to study at the same
time or want to chill out at the same time. Like, energies do not clash. You just combine,
and they feel natural. That is underrated.
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Anita, a sophomore on campus, still identifies that the Black Student Space is the only
location she feels comfortable and develops her sense of belonging.
I guess I could say the new Black Student Space. I think just being able to have that I
like. However, when I do go there, I can have that feeling that I belong. I can see other
people that look just like other individuals from our community or me. I really like that.
Honestly, I do not think of any other spaces that I can really say I feel connected to.
However, there are no specific spaces where I am like, wow, this is really helping me
develop besides that one.
Ann expresses how the need for community safety is particularly why she attends the Black
Student Space at MBU: “I am surrounded by people who are similar to me and people who leave
an open door whenever I need to, talk or anything or connect or relate.”
The previous section presents physical locations that influence and develop a sense of
belonging for Black students attending a PWI.
Cultural Engagement
This section will highlight the needs for cultural engagement that impact the experience
of belonging. The main topic discussed by participants in the study was participation in cultural
clubs and organizations within MBU and the impact these clubs and organizations have on
belonging.
Cultural Clubs
Overall, MBU hosts 300 registered student organizations (RSO) on its campus. Of the
300 RSO, only 10 are cultural clubs connected to the Black student community, including four of
the National Pan-Hellenic Council (NPHC) Greek letter fraternity and sororities, also known as
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“Divine Nine,” on campus. All participants in the study consistently referred to their
involvement in these cultural clubs as an aspect of their belonging at MBU.
Leo discusses how his involvement in the African Student Association allows him to feel
connected to his cultural heritage and a connection to his peers on campus.
It is a massive part of my life. I am the President of the African Student Association on
my campus. And I live for understanding who each of us is and how we fit into the
puzzle pieces of life-based on recognizing our history or what we can grab from it. And
my ethnic identity and my race are critical in recognizing our history or what we can grab
from it. And my ethnic identity and my racial identity as a Black man in America, and
being a Nigerian American, I am blessed enough to be able to go back and know where I
have come from and hold on to that. That is where I get a lot of my values of hard work,
specifically because I was born of the Igbo tribe in Nigeria, which was a marginalized
tribe, and was during the Nigerian Civil War, which was basically like the group of
people who had to go through genocide, they were the least of these in the country. And
because of that, everybody, a lot of the people from the country, you know, eventually
would leave Nigeria to be more successful because of the hard work and have that kind of
mentality. I can see it has been passed down through the years of my ancestors and then
my recent relatives and all of that, so I cannot hold on to that. I take a lot of pride in it.
And I would just love to share with as many people as I possibly can in a respectful
manner. And that is why I am also the President of my organization. I just want to create
that kind of culture on our campus, especially for people who may not know where they
are coming from, just to enjoy parts of the culture that we all share that colonialism has
taken away from us.
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Regine discussed how her involvement in organizations on campus, especially her
leadership roles in Black organizations, has provided a sense of community needed for her at
MBU.
I am involved in a few extracurriculars. So, I am currently a resident advisor on campus. I
am also co-president of the National Society of Black Engineers (NSBE) and Chair of the
American Society for Civil Engineers. And then, I am pretty heavily involved in the
Black Student Union and #BlackAtMBU [a pseudonym], a student-led organization
designed to push university administration to address the needs of the Black student
community. I love everything that I am involved in. If I did not, I would not be a part of
it. I think I just like the sense of community that I found here.
Participants like Keelian made it his goal to be a part of every Black cultural club and
organization on campus to be sure that he felt connected not only to his community but the
campus as well, coming from another state.
I think I am a part of every organization on campus, not kidding. I am so serious. We
have BOC Brothers of Consciousness and the Black Student Union. You know we see
each other all the time, so it is always a good time, wherever we are around. In my first
year, I did “TLC” [The Learning Community], and this past summer, I was able to
mentor that group. So that is somewhere I really feel connected, like being able to give
back what was given to me. I was part of CYP this past semester, so I was able to tutor
Black kids around campus online. I am also part of the Black admissions teams under
[Mr. John, a pseudonym]. So, although all those groups, you know, they kind of form like
a big circle, and they all work like intertwine with each other. So, there is always going to
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be a connection. Whenever it is anything that is surrounding Black people, we are going
to be connected.
Th study saw that two participants even discussed typical experiences when they stepped
out of their cultural clubs to experience other clubs and organizations dominated by other
cultures on campus. For example, see Regine’s experience attending a Ski and Snowboarding
Club meeting where she did not feel included.
When I went to the ski and snowboarding club my 1
st
-year, I was the only Black student
that was in that auditorium. I did not know what to do. I kind of just sat there, and I was
like, okay, I am at the front cannot leave because it is so crowded. And I do not want to
be here because they are talking about whatever they were talking about. It just felt very
uncomfortable. Because I was very aware of what I looked like being there. I do not even
remember what they were talking about. I think it was like some trip that they were
planning. That was the one time where I said, okay, I am going to branch out, get out of
my comfort zone completely. I will just go with my other engineering friends who are
White. Not even POC [People of Color], just White. Like, okay, we will go with them.
But that is where I was like, I do not belong in this particular group. I am going to find
somewhere else.
University Inclusivity
The factors explored in this section directly impact the overall sense of belonging of
Black students attending MBU. The theme that continued to surface with the participants was
Anti-Racist Initiatives. This section explores Black students at MBU’s push to the university
administration to address overlooked aspects of their experience of a sense of belonging on
campus.
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Anti-Racist Initiatives
The study had eight participants that referenced Black Student Demands or
#BlackatMBU as it refers to their interaction with MBU and their belonging. The students noted
that following the murder of George Floyd, they felt the need to hold the MBU administration
accountable for systemic injustice that they believed resembled the injustice of the criminal
system. Participants understood that the words, letters of support, and anti-racism statements
presented by the institution did not represent the day-to-day experience of its students on
campus.
Keeilan speaks about how the Black Student Demands were derived and their
presentation to the university.
I will start with my freshman year. I would say more of what happened during the
summer of 2020 after the death of Ahmaud [Arbery], George [Floyd], and Breonna
Taylor. We were looking for some type of solidarity within the [MBU] community. The
university administration’s response did not come as fast as we wanted to, and they did
not really say what we wanted them to say. So, we brought forth demands, and there was
definitely a committee that we also had. We brought forward demands toward the
campus. And it is taking us a while not only to see demands put in place, but we get to
see some things put in place like very quickly, like having at least one AFAM [African
American Studies] class be required. So, we made that one of those courses required to
take in order to graduate. We were also able to get our Black [Student] Space on campus.
Regine spoke about how important it was for Black faculty to be involved with the Black
Student Demands to be presented to MBU administration. However, more importantly, the
purpose of the demands was not just another document on file but to create institutional change.
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Yeah, the Black students and Black faculty as well, I think that we really came together.
It came in 2020 and just made our demands clear that it was a problem. Or made it clear
if we said what the problems were, but this is what needs to happen going forward.
Not only did these sets of demands strive to affect the experience of Black students on campus,
but Regine also speaks about its impact on other communities of color at the institution
surrounding the conversation of race on campus.
It is talked about a lot more now. And I think it is present because Black students have
raised the issue. And it was the Black students that have brought these issues to the table,
which eventually trickled into other races as well. But the Black students were the ones
who brought it up and made those demands and said, this is what is up.
As mentioned by Regine and Keelian, the perception of belonging starts with
fundamental needs presented by survival in a space such as PWIs. Like Maslow’s hierarchy of
needs mentioned in Chapter Two, one cannot successfully belong in an environment if these
needs are not met. These needs are often different than those of the dominant culture attending
PWIs.
Summary of Research Question 1 Findings
The above sections examined influential factors in Black undergraduate students’ sense
of belonging and the themes that came forth during the responses to the first research question of
this study. Most of the participants’ responses mirrored those findings found in the literature.
However, there was a notable difference. The literature did not explicitly examine the
concept of students demanding institutions to create spaces for their belonging. The narrative
around activism on campus was a subject brought up by seven of the 10 participants in the study.
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It allowed further conversation on how students now play an active role in their sense of
belonging on campuses such as MBU.
Research Findings for Question 2: Campus Climate
The goal of the first research question was to understand what influential factors are
critical to a Black student’s sense of belonging while attending a PWI. This question collected
data on how the overall campus climate impacts developing a sense of belonging for Black
students attending MBU. The findings derived from this question presented themes around peer
interactions and campus representation.
Peer Interactions
Participants were asked about their overall experience interacting with their peers while
on campus. In this section, we find that inside and outside the classroom, these interactions
impacted participants and their relationship to the campus climate. Experiences with
microaggressions were prevalent in the responses of the participants.
Microaggressions
There were six participants that discussed their experiences when interacting with peers
on campus. Some spoke highly of the impact peers have on the on-campus experience. However,
others spoke about positions in which being a Black student at a PWI can lead to cultural
pressures placed on them while experiencing microaggressions inside and outside the classroom.
For example, take Regine’s experience with her roommate regarding her hair.
My roommate asked to touch my hair. And I am like, “No,” you cannot do that. I know
that we are close, and we say we are best friends, but that is where we draw the line. No,
you just do not do that. It is like, I am not a zoo animal. You are not allowed to touch my
hair. But I touched her hair. So, like, she did not understand that this was a thing. You
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know? Like, she will ask me, “Hey, can you braid my hair?” And I am like, sure, no
problem. I think she thought it was an equal thing. And this is a big cultural thing. Which
it should not be, but it is.
Similarly, Albert had an experience with his hair and the language his peers used during his first
week on campus at MBU.
Yeah, it was like, my first week here. I had just got my braids done. Looking nice or
whatever. And this girl literally comes up to me. I was like, “what do you have to do?”
And then she is like, oh, I like your hair. And I am like, Cool. Then she is like, “Can I
touch it?” I am like, no, and she already goes to reach out. I am just like; I am not going
to create a scene because it is not a big deal. But like, let this have been someone else.
This could have been a bad deal. So, I was just like, let me treat this as an educational
moment because it did not make me mad, just why is she doing it? So, I am going to
teach you why that is invading someone’s privacy at the bare minimum. That is a human
thing. And I was like, from a Black man or a Black person’s perspective, hair is sacred.
Do not touch their hair. If it is not broken, do not change it and teach it. Then there are
just certain situations where, like, I will hear people say things are like, “Oh, well, these
apartments are like the ghettos.” I am just like; you do not understand what that implies.
Then I remember, there was the big thing about the one dance team that had, like, the
very Afrocentric names still attached, [Kuumba Beats] but like, the population currently
on the team was 99% White. I remember just talking to people and hearing certain
people’s viewpoints, and you cannot teach everybody. There are definitely
microaggressions that fly a lot around here.
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Leo discussed how the experiences of microaggressions from hair to language are
entangled in the experience of Black students attending a PWI. It is almost necessary for most to
“brush it off” to keep their sanity on campus.
Yeah, little things, here and there. And most of the time, it just questions about my hair or
things of that nature. I can think back to one of my peers. I had saw him outside of class,
and like, I was hearing him talk to somebody else. Then he kind of came up to me, and
then we were having a conversation; I can immediately tell he started talking in African
American vernacular English. He switched it up right away. You know, and this guy was
a White guy. I recognize this also happened quite a bit. Whenever a White male
specifically has talked to me, there is always a switch-up. Like, their lingo and things of
that nature. I do not know, and I guess to make me feel more comfortable. But I feel like
it has the opposite effect. That is kind of like a microaggression. I tend to just kind of
brush it off and keep on living my life versus tripping or whatever. But yeah, that comes
to mind.
The following section discusses how on-campus representation affects the experience of
Black students attending MBU and their sense of belonging.
Campus Representation
The participants were asked about their perception of what could increase a positive
campus climate experience for Black students’ sense of belonging on campus. Overall, the
participants acknowledged a need for more representation of people who look like them around
campus. There were seven participants discussed how they could be represented more on
campus.
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The study presented data on the participants’ need for campus representation and how the
lack of Black students on campus impacts their classroom experience. Ann outlines an
experience in her class in which she felt ostracized and forced to speak on a cultural topic.
It was during the pandemic on Zoom. And it was like in a theology class. And we were
talking about, I think, Martin Luther King [Jr.]. So, he was like, it was kind of silent,
people were speaking, but then it got to a point where he was just silent. And he was like,
well, I want to hear from the Black students on this topic. And it was not like, “[Ann] do
it,” but it was only about three of us in the class, maybe two. I think I turned off my
camera at that point. I remember it because I went to turn off my camera and went to my
mom and I was like, “am I angry for no reason right now?” and she was explaining, it
could be seen from both sides because it could be, oh, he wants to hear, you know, a
different perspective. But also, it can make you uncomfortable, obviously.
Similarly, Brandon had an experience in his 1
st
-year that he felt singled out by his professor due
to a lack of campus representation.
In my 1
st
-year, I think I got singled out by one of the professors. Well, it was a business
law class. And it is not even taught anymore, but he was like, “we are going to learn
about the amendments.” And he pointed at me, and he is like, “you should be happy that
they have the, like, 13 through 15.” And I was like, this is weird. One of my friends
talked to me outside of class, and she was like, “Did I hear that right?” And I was like,
Yeah, I did not even know what to say.
There is pressure placed on students to represent the entire culture, and it can become
taxing. Regine discusses this pressure.
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I think it is a lot of pressure on people. First, I think it seems easy for those who are a bit
more confident and a bit more extroverted. But I think I do not want to speak for
everyone under the surface, so I will just speak personally. It is a lot of pressure for me
because I was raised a very certain way. And I was raised with a certain type of Black
family. And again, even in the Black community, we come from all different walks of
life. So, someone from, you know, Philadelphia, Louisiana, or wherever, like, they would
have a different experience being Black than I would. I was born and raised in [western
state]. And so, while I love being around the Black community, I would not change a
thing about it. It is a lot of pressure because I am like I do not know how to act most
days. I am just an Awkward Black Girl just here. Like Issa Rae, I do not know what to do
with myself, but I am here. So, I am just going to be present.
Not only was the experience of anger expressed through these responses, but the data also
showed how the experience of having an African American professor in these courses could
impact the uncomfortable nature of being the ‘only one’ in class. Anita expressed this as she
discussed her academic environment.
My favorite class was a sociology class that I took. And my professor was African
American himself. So, I really enjoyed that space. Because as I said, sociology is my
major, but I just really enjoyed being engaged in that space because I was able to talk to
my classmates, but then I also had a professor that I felt like I could relate to in a way. I
felt like he understood me better when I made specific comments or just expressed our
feelings about stuff regarding sociology. My other classes honestly have not had a lot of
other Black students in my classes. I do not know if that has to do with my major, but I
have not really had too many classes where I saw other Black students. So, at times, that
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was kind of, I do not want to say frustrating, but it was like kind of uncomfortable, I
guess you could say, especially in certain classes that had to do with like, sharing specific
perspectives that I had, because sometimes I felt like my perspective was completely
different from someone else’s. I just felt judged in a way. All of my other professors were
not people of color. So, the only one that was a person of color was my sociology class.
This concept of the “only one” applies unwarranted pressure from outside sources such as
professors and peers and places cultural pressure on participants to represent their entire culture
to the highest standards. Shirley discusses the need to take up space in the classroom due to the
lack of student and faculty cultural representation.
It is easy for students of color to take a passive approach in these settings. Whether it is
out of just discomfort. But for me, I make it a point because I feel like I want to
maximize my time here. I know how easy it is for students who look like me or come
from where I come from to take the back seat approach to this type of setting. Even if you
are taking in all the information, like I have friends who are top-performing students, but
you will not really hear them talk in class, but it is just like, for me, I feel like if you hear
me, if you see me, you know that I am engaged, then you know that I am invested. Then
that can show you that I take this seriously and take the time that I am putting into this
seriously. So, I feel like it communicates a certain standard to the faculty and reinforces
why I am here for myself. It is important to take up space in any room, even if it is
virtually. And so, I have just found that to be beneficial. When my voice is heard, when
there is a face to put to the name on the roster that you know, engages regularly, I just
feel that it adds a different incentive of making sure that that student is heard. Suppose
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something needs to be addressed about the class, how things are being delivered, and how
the material is engaged. There is more weight if it comes from an engaging student.
Brandon also discussed how this one topic could lead to Black students leaving the institution
because of the need to “take up space.”
When I take up space in a class, I am more noticed. But if I do not take up space, initially,
it is like, I am not even in the class, if that makes any sense. I have to assert my
intelligence or willingness to learn in the class prior to being acknowledged by the
professor. I think I excelled because I excelled in most of my classes. It is usually not an
issue for me. But I could understand and know of people who have left [MBU] because
they did not feel like professors were listening to them or the admin was listening to
them.
These factors of campus climate identified in Chapter Two are further explored in the section
below.
Summary of Research Question 2 Findings
In summary, the participants’ responses were expected by the research. The concept of
peer interaction and representation were concepts derived from the dimension of campus climate
presented in Chapter Two. The participants in the study addressed how these themes affect their
immediate needs of creating a sense of belonging on campus. Although some responses were
more introspective while others were extrospective, we can see through the data a unique
experience personalized by these Black students that others do not share.
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Other Emergent Themes
This section presents findings of two emergent themes that were not identified by the
literature in the study or included in the research questions presented. The interview protocol
presented for this study did not highlight information on students being active in their protest of
campus experiences, nor did they feature experiences of the participants during the COVID-19
pandemic and its effect on their sense of belonging. However, every participant mentioned one
of these emergent themes, if not both, during their interview responses.
Active Protestor
There were seven of the participants that shared their experiences of their participation in
the change on campus views to enhance their experience. The participants’ responses tailored to
their involvement in creating and participating in the Black Student Demands were presented to
university administrators.
Leo expressed his experience with institutional change. He commented that the
institution’s push for change for Black students on campus is only driven when the students are
involved in the process. “Lazy” is the term he used to describe university administrations motive
to develop and create change on campus. Leo stated:
I would say the institution’s environment as a relates to university change is very lazy at
times. I think it is something that needs to be addressed that we have an institution in
which things need to happen in order for, you know, action to be made. I do not believe
the institution is completely actively anti-racist all the time. Only when it is convenient
and only when there is in demand from students. So, I would say it is lazy. But I think
there are a lot of instances where there are things that do hamper students on campus,
students of color on campus that are not being addressed through the institution because
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of a lack of pressure or a lack of just attention. It is just one of those things where there
always needs to be something to happen.
B.J. agreed with this concept. However, he added that outside social climate also either adds or
subtracts from the impact of student pressure on change towards the institution.
Shirley commented on the institution’s reactionary behavior, focusing on why students
need to be involved in climate change on campus consistently. She stated
Um, the climate, in general, is very interesting because, as I said, I think that faculty is
just micro, a reflection of the macro culture of the school. So, it is like, you can bring
your concerns, and you can bring like, issues like very blatant issues to the school, and
while they will address them, there is not always action or sufficient action that follows
that. But I would say the school does a good job of sending out community advisory or
acknowledgments of student demands and concerns. But when it comes to like timelines
and actual action-oriented steps to rectify or completely change what is going on or
change the climate of the campus. I cannot say that I have experienced that part of it. But
I have seen the institution respond to demands and concerns that students, specifically
students of color, have presented.
Alberta furthered this thought by committing to this cause of change students of color also
experience “burnout” because of the attention they must place on the causes of the community as
well as maintain their own responsibilities as students on campus, i.e., schoolwork, internships,
work, and social life, to name a few.
COVID-19 Global Pandemic
This study did not incorporate any questions on the COVID-19 global pandemic, but this
did have an impact on the experiences of the eight participants in the study. They consistently
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referred to how the pandemic affected connectivity to a sense of belonging on campus during the
pandemic and once going through reintegration on campus. This theme’s emergence in the data
collection made it imperative to include it as an emergent theme.
Brandon, a senior, experienced campus life before the pandemic. He expressed how the
COVID-19 pandemic added a level of stressors to his on-campus experience a belonging upon
returning:
Prior to the pandemic, when I was living on campus, I was hanging out with people every
day, like, going in to listen to music late at night and going down to the shops, with the
Whole Foods and everything, just going getting ice cream with some late night, I made a
point to try a new food place every weekend in different parts of [the city] with some my
friends. Um, so I think, overall, it is like a community. And there are people you can
always talk to, by getting, especially outside of the first like, month of the semester,
especially fall semester, it is kind of hard to meet people that you are already cool with.
Um, and it is unique for me because I do not party and stuff like that. So, there is some
like; there are some things that happen on campus that I just have no idea about because I
am not there.
He continued by saying:
Yeah, yeah, I was having an issue. When we first came back in the fall semester this year,
I did not see anybody I knew. It was just like the time I was on campus was not synching
with other people. Like, we are all trying to figure out what, like how, when we could
hang out or where we could hang out and stuff like that. So that was a tough time to feel
connected. I did not feel connected to the university. I just kind of felt like I was taking
classes. And if I was not in class, I was at home; if I was not at home, I was in class or at
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work. So, it is kind of like that because I am on the more cautious side of the pandemic
than everyone.
Keelian highlighted how the COVID-19 global pandemic created a unique challenge to
find other ways to develop a sense of belonging virtually. Though difficult to do such, he still
valued the on-campus experience. He stated:
I will say it has been slightly different from my time before the COVID pandemic to now
because we had that online year. So, connecting with the university has really gone up
and down. I would say it was going up my 1
st
-year because, you know, pre-COVID and
everything, but then it went down. We were able to still all able to come together on
Zoom when we wanted to do something. And we did things sort of like game nights we
connect with like, [other institutions] to do like a trivia night, or like, some type of online,
music-centered something. So, we were still able to come together. However, being
online versus being in person is two different things. So, really, the connection is
currently being put back together. Um, I felt it more this previous semester, my first
semester, my junior year, you know, being back in person and seeing people going to
class, honestly, with regulations. However, it is back in person, seeing people and talking
to somebody face to face. Um, definitely put that connection back. Hopefully, we will be
able to stay for this full spring semester. That is one of the things I love about [MBU], it
is not a big campus where you are not going to know anyone, you are not just like a
number to, you know professors or teachers, you are going to be like a face with a name
to that small campus where you can, you will see everybody but not on a day-to-day
basis. So, you will be able to figure out whom everybody is building, meet everybody,
and not see them every day, but you still have that connection with them. So that
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connection, I want to say, came back stronger. Because we were all going through our
online year. Everybody wanted to come back in person. So, the previous semester, they
would feel a sense of community. So, that is the sense of connection today.
The stressors to connecting to the university community were additionally added to the
participants’ experience due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Distance protocols, mask mandates,
and restrictions across campus change the ability to connect with peers and the campus
environment.
Summary
The first research question collected data on the influential factors that impact Black
students’ sense of belonging attending MBU. It gathered themes such as community safety,
cultural engagement, and university inclusivity. The second research question examined how the
overall campus climate affects how these influential factors are achieved. The emergent themes
from this research question were peer engagement and campus representation.
Chapter Five will further discuss the findings in this chapter and connect back to the
literature review found in Chapter Two. Finally, Chapter Five will present recommendations for
implementation for PWIs regarding influential factors of a sense of belonging for Black students
on campus.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
The significance of this topic is due to the ongoing growth of the population in the United
States. As the U.S. population increases, the number of college-age Black students will also
continue to grow since Black women have had the third-highest fertility rate per 1,000 women
(Statista, Research Department, 2021). From 2000 to 2018, the college enrollment numbers for
Black male students have increased from 25% to 33%. Black female college enrollment rates
from 2000 to 2018 have grown from 35% to 41% (NCES, 2020). Both statistics are the second-
highest rates following Hispanic students. Of the 16.6 million undergraduate students enrolled in
the Fall of 2018, African American students made up 1.1 million (13%) of the undergraduate
population, but they were not equally represented at different institution types (PNPI, 2020). As
the Black student population begins to grow, PWIs need to find ways to create environments to
understand the needs and resources of this demographic of students, specifically within campus
environments. PWIs need to acknowledge that the current models addressing the needs of
belonging for Black undergraduate students are outdated. Black undergraduate students need to
be included in these institutions’ overall cultural climate and progression.
There were critical factors in the development of this study. All the participants in this
study self-identified as Black. Each participant had a high level of extra-curricular activities and
campus experiences centered around their cultural heritage and acceptance. Participants felt the
need for these safe spaces as the dominant culture was not supported campus wide. This study
may inspire those in senior leadership at MBU and other similar institutions of higher learning to
acknowledge the factors of belonging for Black undergraduate students and commit to changing
the institutional culture for this student population.
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Overview of Study
The focus of this study was to identify influential factors of a sense of belonging for
Black undergraduate students attending PWIs, if any. This qualitative study conducted 10 one-
on-one virtual interviews with currently enrolled Black undergraduate students to explore factors
listed in the literature from their perspectives and experiences.
Interestingly, the interviews were conducted during the slow reintegration following a
global pandemic, which impacted the participants’ influential factors during this study. Many
participants identified how the pandemic slightly impacted their ability to connect with the
institution. However, the main themes discovered from the data were also validated in the
literature outlined in Chapter Two. Each participant ended their interviews acknowledging that
their interest in this study was to assist with the understanding of the experiences of current
Black undergraduate students attending PWIs, moreover understanding how the history of PWIs
structure was designed to not cater to their needs of belonging.
Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework for this study was based on three theories, critical race theory
(CRT), Strayhorn’s sense of belonging core elements, and dimensions of campus climate. CRT is
the lens through which these theories are evaluated. critical race theory has recently become a
vital conversation topic as some educators and politicians are looking to remove its place in
education. However, this theory must be included in this study as racial identity impacts these
participants’ sense of belonging attending a PWI. The participants in this study expressed how
their racial identity impacts their experiences at MBU.

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Sense of Belonging
The critical component to a student’s sense of belonging is the relation between one’s
experience and environment. Strayhorn’s (2019) theory of sense of belonging describes this as:
In terms of college, a sense of belonging refers to students’ perceived social support on
campus, a feeling or sensation of connectedness, and the experience of mattering or
feeling cared about, accepted, respected, valued by, and essential to the campus
community or others on campuses such as faculty, staff, and peers. (Strayhorn, 2019, p.
4)
In essence sense of belonging is based on cultural acceptance and appreciation as a valued
member of the campus community by the institution. For example, if some Black cultural needs
and traditions are being met, a student’s sense of belonging may be high. However, if these
needs are not met, a student can feel a lack of value, and therefore a sense of belonging can be
low. As it relates to this study, the sense of belonging of Black undergraduates at MBU was
influenced by community safety, cultural engagement, university inclusivity, peer interaction and
campus representation. All the participants in this study felt a higher sense of belonging when
these factors were met.
Dimensions of Campus Climate
Dimensions of campus climate comprises four dimensions that assist with examining
campus climate. Hart and Fellabaum (2008) list these dimensions as institutional history,
structural diversity, psychological climate, and behavioral climate (Hart & Fellabaum, 2008).
The second dimension of structural diversity explicitly addresses the need for PWIs to increase
the ethnic minorities on campus to diversify the overall population. However, if there is an
increase of students of color, but there are no additional policies, services, or programs available
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to assist these students, it still has a harmful campus climate (Milem et al., 1998). Several
participants in this study reported the need for diversity among the Black student, staff, and
faculty at MBU. In addition, they responded that along with an increase in numbers, there is a
need to increase additional funding and program resources for these populations. This
population’s scholarship and programming funding are the second lowest on campus at 7% of
the operational budget. The value of structural change in policy, services, and programming is
key to a positive campus climate.
Discussion
This study presents several significant findings that can assist with the foundation of
future research. The four most prevalent themes that impacted the participants’ sense of
belonging were community safety, cultural engagement, university inclusivity, and campus
representation.
Community Safety
The participants in this study all referred to some communal safety aspects in their
interviews. All participants understood MBU is a PWI prior to attending and acknowledging its
history did not deter them from enrolling. Students referred to their own high school experience
as many attended a similar learning environment regarding race population. Therefore, each
participant was asked about spaces on campus in which they felt a sense of belonging.
Interestingly, eight of the 10 participants identified the place on campus in which they defined
space for a sense of belonging as the “Black Student Space.” One participant, B.J., referenced
that “the Black Student Space is the only place he can feel safe and let his guard down, be free
and be authentically himself without fear of judgment.” B.J. mentioned that this allows him to
feel a sense of belonging at MBU because he knows he is wanted, valued, and welcomed for
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who he is. This theme was prevalent in many of the responses given by the participants during
their interviews. A recommendation to mitigate these themes will be discussed later in this study.
Campus Representation
Campus Representation was the second most crucial finding in this study. In the context
of this study, campus representation represents the amount of Black faculty and staff on MBU’s
campus and administration roles. There is a 14% representation of Black staff, 10%
representation of Black faculty and 0% representation of Black cabinet members (senior vice
presidents and vice presidents that sit on the university presidents leadership board) at MBU.
Every participant noted the value of having faculty and staff cultural representation on campus as
it assists with their continued connection to the university. Alberta stated that “it means
something to walk into a classroom or a support office and not have to explain cultural norms;
instead, certain things are just understood and recognized.” Participants spoke about how often
they tend to see Black faculty and staff leave the institution rather than actively work to keep
members and increase the number of representations.
Cultural Engagement
The third important finding was the participant’s cultural engagement on campus and
how significant participation in these clubs and organizations is to their sense of belonging. All
study participants expressed their heavy involvement in the 10 Black cultural clubs and
organizations offered on MBU’s campus. Keeilan was overjoyed to inform the researcher that he
was involved in every cultural club and organization he could. He mentioned that his continued
involvement allows him to feel a part of bringing a piece of himself to the campus community.
Shirley discussed that as a transfer student, her way of getting connected to campus was by
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identifying Black cultural clubs and organizations that aligned with her interest and allowed her
to create a foundation on campus amongst her peers.
University Inclusivity
University Inclusivity was the fourth most prevalent theme presented in this study. When
asked, “how do you feel the institution addresses the needs of its Black students?” all the
participants responded with the notion that they believed they were an afterthought. Leo even
mentioned that he believes the university strives to be viewed as colorblind, but not identifying
race encourages racism. As stated in Chapter Two, colorblindness is a tool used to show an
institution as liberal or progressive in higher education. Colorblindness is for the benefit of the
dominant culture, and it provides an escape root for White guilt. Colorblindness is viewed as
detrimental to eradicating systemic racism.
Brandon even proposed that the university only acknowledges Black student needs when
either society or students force them. This theme was constant among the participants and was
discussed by presenting “Black Student Demands” to the MBU administration. Students crafted
a document listing needs of the community to feel included and have a sense of belonging on
campus. This document focused on missing components of the Black student experience on
campus that creates inclusivity. These demands were only heard and prioritized due to George
Floyd’s death and the civil unrest that followed worldwide, aligning with the participants’
comments in the study. The Black student community believed that MBU could not stand in
solidarity with the community following this event when its on-campus environment promotes
similar experiences seen in everyday society. critical race theory tenet of interest convergence
was often viewed by the participants as the approach used by MBU administration when
cultivating change on campus.
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Peer Interactions
Peer interactions was the fifth theme presented in this study. All participants discussed
how relationships with peers was valuable in the overall campus experience. With experiences of
microaggressions inside and outside the classroom, this has led participants to have to discuss
cultural norms and traditions with peers in uncomfortable settings. Leo discusses how the
changing of his White peer’s vernacular when he is present is something that he notices and must
acknowledge and accept in order to keep his sanity because he knows he cannot fight every
battle. However, participants like Brandon expressed how peers have been a support in difficult
situations such as microaggressions experienced by faculty in the classroom, by being an added
voice and standing in solidarity for change. The participants expressed the value of the peer
interaction as it is an added valuable component to the overall sense of belonging for students.
Implications for Practice
Recommendation 1: Create and Implement Spaces on Campus That Embrace the Black
Experience.
In order to begin to create a sense of belonging for Black undergraduate students,
acknowledge that MBU has room for improvement. Due to the growth of Black students in the
U.S. population, as stated above, and the decrease in the amount HBCUs, administrations at
PWIs must ensure Black students are welcomed in their campus because attendance will rise
specifically for this population. As stated in Chapter Two, Tierney found that cultural integrity is
essential for marginalized students and their engagement on campus (Tierney, 1999). Cultural
integrity is defined as “strategies that engage students’ racial/ethnic backgrounds positively
toward the development of more relevant pedagogies and learning activities” (Tierney, 1999, p.
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84). In addition, cultural integrity has been connected to increasing degree attainment for ethnic
groups on campus (Tierney, 1992).
It is recommended that MBU acknowledges this change in demographics and implements
additional spaces on campus that embrace the Black experience. Participants in the study
discussed how the place on campus they felt the most sense of belonging was the Black Student
Space. More importantly, it is critical to understand why this location is an influential factor in
students’ sense of belonging. Participants discussed how this location allows their voices to be
heard, feel included, and their cultural heritage represented. MBU can begin by allowing
departments across campus to have Black student representation to assist with redesigning their
structures and policies to add cultural significance to this population. For example, the dining
halls can adjust their dining menu to represent cultural dining experiences from the Black
diaspora, allowing for more inclusion of other cultures.
Recommendation 2: Create and Implement an Inclusive Curriculum for Registered
Student Organizations
Another example of developing a sense of belonging for Black undergraduate students
would be to develop inclusivity training for registered student organizations (RSO). MBU
currently has 300 registered student organizations (RSO), of which only 10 of these
organizations are Black cultural organizations. Registered student organizations (RSO) are
impactful for the growth and development of students. Unfortunately, Black students at MBU are
relegated to participating in Black cultural organizations to feel a sense of belonging due to their
lack of acceptance in more organizations led by the dominant student population. Marginalized
students’ experiences in post-secondary institutions create specific emotions and behaviors that
highly influence the feelings of mattering and, ultimately, a sense of belonging. Understanding
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that if one feels they matter or are needed, the experience of belonging increases exponentially
and impacts healthy behaviors on campus, specifically campus involvement and academic
achievement (Schlossberg, 1989). A sense of belonging increases when the student experience is
surrounded by validation and support in their curriculum and student involvement on campus. A
sense of belonging contributes to the ability of students to succeed in these learning
environments (Osterman, 2000).
Therefore, it is recommended that MBU institute a cultural inclusivity training module
for every registered student organization. This training should include all organization members,
advisors, staff, and faculty who work in partnership with the organization. In addition, there
should be an evaluation of these cultural inclusivity modules throughout the year on each
organization to ensure these policies are being upheld to increase a sense of belonging for Black
undergraduate students. If policies are not being maintained, the organization will be placed on
probation and ultimately suspended if they continue to be out of compliance.
Recommendation 3: Create and Implement University Policy for Increased Black
Representation on Campus
For a campus to encourage its students to emphasize inclusivity, the university must first
focus on this topic. However, if there is an increase of students of color, but there are no
additional policies, services, or programs available to assist these students, it still has a harmful
campus climate (Milem et al., 1998). Therefore, it is recommended that the MBU Office of
Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) create a task force consisting of a collection of Black
faculty, staff, students, and university leadership. This group will be tasked with developing a 5-
year strategic plan that will increase the representation of Black students, faculty, and staff at
MBU and appropriate funding to support these initiatives and incoming university members.
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These funding projects should include but not be limited to scholarship and financial aid support,
salary increases, operational budget support, marketing needs, and professional development.
Walter Allen (1992) conducted a study describing the difference in HBCU campus climate in
comparison to the climate of a PWI, which described that “The HBCU climate was more
welcoming and provided more psychological and social support, which enabled students to feel a
stronger sense of community and have increased levels of confidence and led them to excel
academically” (Allen, 1992, p. 39). This recommendation would assist with developing a similar
campus environment at MBU.
Although these recommendations could be viewed as similar to previous research, it is
important to understand the difference this particular study adds to this topic. Students no longer
want to submit request to institutional leadership with hopes to create change that will benefit
their belonging on campus. Instead, students want active roles in this change process of the
campus climate. As you can see in the recommendations presented all of them require active
participation by students in collaboration with leadership to create long-term change. Students
now demand a seat at the table and respect for their voices.
Implications for Leadership in Higher Education
Although the recommendations could lead to a successful transition of inclusion of a
sense of belonging for Black undergraduate students, change is difficult. Senior leadership can
have positive intentions to want to create change, but the development of interventions and
programs can tend to be the recommended fix. However, the change processes and context are
often ignored to create long-term success. MBU senior leadership must align its change
strategies with the concept presented by Adrianna Kezar (2012) called the bottom-up/top-down
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leadership model. This model consists of two frameworks tempered radical framework and
distributed leadership framework.
Meyerson and Scully (1995) created the tempered radical framework by applying social
movement theory with cooperation. The thought was that hierarchical models were missing the
bottom-up leadership. “This framework describes activities and strategies within the leadership
process that is not described within the dominant, position-based, and managerial leadership
literature (e.g., negotiation, leveraging small wins, resisting quietly, and collective action)
(Kezar, 2012, p. 729).
Distributed leadership framework has its foundation in humanistic psychology. This
model has more of a foundation in education than business, as seen in the tempered radical
framework. “Distributed leadership emphasizes the interdependence of different leaders and their
joint enactment and cognition; followers are considered essential parts of the leadership process
(Kezar, 2012, p. 731). There are three characteristics of this model empowerment, accountability,
and decision making.
1. Empowerment allows other individuals to make decisions and play leadership roles in
order to make the organization successful.
2. Accountability allows the empowered staff to be responsible with the use of the
newfound power.
3. Decision-making allows for decisions to be made at all levels of the institutions.
Kezar’s (2012) study found a need for convergence of bottom-up leadership and top-down
leadership.
Our findings provide an understanding of how bottom-up leaders might successfully
work with top-down leaders to garner support for their change effort, and we provide
80

novel information not provided in earlier research, including strategies bottom-up leaders
can use that lead to successfully convergence and highlight challenges they need to avoid.
(Kezar, 2012, p. 753)
The findings of this study assist bottom-up leaders to find ways to navigate convergence
and have positive results by managing up and sensitizing those in power while allowing top-
down leaders to navigate internal group dynamics, power conditions, and the skepticism that
comes with collaborative leadership efforts.
In conclusion, this model allows higher education institutions to develop a change model
that assists with the specific characteristics of their environment. “One of the key findings in the
literature on change is that creating a complex strategy and aligning it to the change situation and
type of change, often called a multi-theory approach, stands a better chance of succeeding”
(Kezar, 2013, p. 131). Kezar effectively provides higher education practitioners with a leadership
model to create long-term change for MBU.
Future Research
There is research that has been done on a sense of belonging for Black students.
However, there is little research performed on the sense of belonging of Black students following
the racial awakening of PWIs. Additional research could examine:
1. How do the influential factors listed in this study apply to other institutions across the
United States of America? MBU is a small private liberal arts institution located on
the West Coast. Opportunities to evaluate this topic in other parts of the country and
with different sizes of institutions can benefit the expansion of this research.
2. How influential factors of a sense of belonging for Black undergraduate students
change over time. As PWIs begin to adjust to the growing population of Black
81

undergraduate students and make changes to policies, culture, and experiences of
Black students on campus, will the needs of the Black undergraduate students change
or remain the same?
3. If these influential factors of sense of belonging are the same for students in other
populations such as graduate programs and law schools. Understanding that all Black
students are not monolithic, it would be interesting to see if the needs of different
populations of Black students attending PWIs need the same themes to feel a sense of
belonging on campus.
Conclusions
This study presents multiple recommendations for MBU. A sense of belonging is an
essential aspect for all students who attend higher education institutions as it is the fundamental
need for survival. However, for Black undergraduate students, their need for a sense of
belonging is greater. Statistics have shown that this population suffers from lower retention and
graduation rates than their White counterparts who attend PWIs. With the continued rise of
college-age Black students in the United States, higher education institutions can no longer rely
on Black students just fitting into the already designed program of PWIs. Responsibility comes
with the goal and commitment of many PWIs to strive to become anti-racist institutions. Black
students will no longer stand by and watch their time, money, and college experience go by
without their input and say on becoming a valued and respected part of the institution. Colleges
and universities must adhere to the needs of Black students because a change is upon us, and the
youth will lead it.

82

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Appendix A: Screening Survey Protocol
Thank you for participating in this survey. Your responses will remain confidential. If
you meet the study criteria, you may be contacted to participate in a confidential in person
interview for a doctoral dissertation research study.
Full Name: ___________________
Are you a current undergraduate student?
Yes
No
What is your academic standing?
Freshman
Sophomore
Junior
Senior
Graduate Student
How do you racially identity?
Black or African American
White or Caucasian
East Asian
Asian
Pacific Islander
Of Hispanic Origin
American Indian or Indigenous
What is your major?
89

African American Studies, BA
Asian and Pacific Studies, BA
Chicana/o and Latina/o Studies, BA
Classics and Archaeology, BA
Economics, BA
English, BA
Environmental Studies, BA
French, BA
History, BA
Humanities, BA
International Relations, BA
Liberal Studies (Elementary Education), BA
Modern Languages & Literatures, BA
Philosophy, BA
Political Science, BA
Journalism, BA
Pre-Law, Advisory Program
Psychology, BA
Sociology, BA
Spanish, BA
Theological Studies, BA
Urban Studies, BA
Women’s and Gender Studies, BA
90

Applied Mathematics, BS, BA
Biochemistry, BS
Biology, BS
Chemistry, BS
Civil Engineering, BSE (BS in Engineering)
Computer Science, BS
Electrical Engineering, BSE
Environmental Science, BS
Health and Human Sciences, BS
Mathematics, BA, BS
Mechanical Engineering, BSE
Physics or Engineering Physics, BS
Pre-Medical Post-Baccalaureate Program
Accounting, BS
Entrepreneurship, BBA
Applied Information Management Systems, BS
Finance, BBA
Management, BBA
Marketing, BBA
Art History, BA
Communication Studies, BA
Dance, BA
Music, BA
91

Studio Arts, BA
Theatre Arts, BA
Animation, BA
Film, Television and Media Studies, BA
Recording Arts, BA
Screenwriting, BA
Production (Film and Television), BA
Would you be interested in participating in a 60-minute interview via Zoom?
Yes
No
If yes, please Provide your email address: __________________________

92

Appendix B: Interview Invitation Email
To: {Participants Email Address}

Sender Email: dolliole@usc.edu

Sender Name: Jeffrey Dolliole

Subject: Interview Request: Black Student Belonging on Campus

Hello {Participants First Name}
Thank you for participating in the quantitative survey regarding your sense of belonging.
I am currently a third year Ed.D. candidate at the USC Rossier School of Education and working
on my dissertation.
Based on your survey responses, I would like to invite you to participate in my
dissertation study which is focused on the sense of belonging for Black undergraduate students at
a Predominantly White Institution. The study will be conducted in the form of a one-on-one
interview that will be held completely online via Zoom and should last for approximately 60
minutes. Please note that the interview will be recorded to ensure I accurately capture your
responses.
Please let me know if you would be interested in sharing your insight by responding
directly to me via email at dollioleusc.edu.

Please do not hesitate to contact me if you have any questions about this research project or how
93

the results will be used.

Thank you,

94

Appendix C: Interview Protocol
Researcher’s Name: Jeffrey Dolliole
Research Questions:
1. What factors influence Black college students’ sense of belonging at predominately
White institutions, if at all?
2. How does campus climate impact sense of belonging for Black students at predominately
White institutions, if at all?
Introduction
Thank you for your willingness to participate in my research study.
As mentioned previously in our email, this interview should last about sixty minutes - is this still
okay with you?
Before starting the interview, I wanted to provide you a quick overview of my study. I am
a current doctoral student at USC and am conducting this study as part of my dissertation as well
as my own interests, both professional and personal. As a Director of a Cultural Center, I am
interested in learning a student’s sense of belonging and the impact that the cultural heritage of
Black undergraduate students has on this belonging.
The data taken from this interview will be solely used for the purposes of this research
study. Although I may use some direct quotes from this interview, I assure you that your
responses remain confidential. Your name will not be used nor any personally identifying
information. Is there a specific pseudonym you would like me to use or do you prefer that I
select one for you?
In order to help accurately capture your responses, I would like to record the audio during
the interview. The recording and the notes I take during the interview will not be shared with
95

anyone and will be stored in a password-protected file that is secured and stored on my laptop
and USC Google Drive that I only have access to. Do I have your permission to record this
interview?
Before we begin, I would like to advise you that some of the questions I may ask you are
related to race and racial relations at this university. If you feel uncomfortable or emotionally
triggered, we can take a break or pause the interview. I also have a list of campus resources that
can assist you with emotional support, if needed.
Do you have any questions about the study before we get started?
Introduction/Background
1. Please begin by telling me about yourself? Probing questions (Year in School, Major
and Minors, Aspects of enjoyment or dislike of college).
2. Are you the First member of your family to attend college? If not, where did your
parents attend college?
3. How do you racially/ethnically identify?
4. How important is racial/ethnic identify to you?
Sense of Belonging
5. Please reflect on your time at this institution. Describe in what ways you feel a sense
of connection to your institution? Probing question (Spaces on campuses that are
comfortable, valued and supported).
6. Please list the spaces on campus in which you feel most comfortable on connected to?
Why?
7. Throughout your time on campus, what programs, organizations, or services have you
participated in and how connected do you feel with these communities? Probing
96

questions (organizations such as: clubs/orgs, living learning communities, community
services, leadership roles, support services).
8. Please describe your academic engagement by describing your experience in classes
and the type of interactions you have with your faculty members? Probing questions
(Comfort asking questions in class, faculty members accessibility, Racial issues in
curriculum or interactions in class, faculty or staff member involvement with your
academic and professional success)
9. Describe how you interact with your peers on campus? Probing questions (conflict,
acceptance, diversity-related, how peers impact your ability to feel connected to
institution)
10. How would you describe the institution environment? As it relates to experiences
with race. Probing questions (welcoming, unsupported, reactionary)
Do you know what microaggressions are? [If the participant doesn’t know what
microaggressions, I will read the following definition, “Racial microaggressions are brief
and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether
intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial
slights and insults toward people of color,” (Sue, et al., 2007).
11. Have you experienced microaggressions as a Black student? If so, can you describe
what happened?
12. How often is race talked about on campus? Who are the individuals often speaking
about it?
97

13. Please describe your perception of race relations and attitudes about being Black on
campus? Does it have a factor in how you feel develop a sense of belonging on
campus?
14. Can you talk about in detail any times in which you have felt a sense of belonging
while on this campus? What about times in which you didn’t? Probing questions
(faculty, staff, leadership, peers, race related).
15. Please describe what factors led to the feeling of belonging and/or the lack of?
16. Are there times in which race has played a factor in how you felt a sense of belonging
on campus? If so, please tell me about the experience. Probing questions: Negative
(isolation, hostility, discrimination, microaggression); Positive (shared spaces,
support, welcoming of outside cultures).
17. Please close your eyes and think about what it means to have a sense of belonging on
this campus. How would you describe that experience? Probing question (What
would you need to create a stronger connection with this institution?).
18. In your opinion what can the institution do to support Black students experiences
around feeling connected and supported on campus?
Closing
19. Is there anything else you would like to share with me?
20. Any final questions for me?
21. May I contact you if I have any additional questions or to clarify meanings from the
interview?

98

Thank you for your participation in this study. Tomorrow you will be receiving an
Amazon Gift Card in the amount of $20 as a thank you for your time!

99

Appendix D: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix
Research question/core elements Theoretical framework Data instrument questions

What factors influence Black
college students’ sense of
belonging at predominately
White institutions, if at all?

Strayhorn core elements
of sense of belonging
(Strayhorn, 2012)

Current pre-survey

Questions: 7–18,

Interview Questions 5–9, 14–
18

How does campus climate impact
sense of belonging for Black
students at predominately
White institutions, if at all?

Dimensions of campus
climate

(Hart & Fellabaum, 2008)

Interview Questions 9–13,
16–18

Sense of belonging is related to,
and seemingly a consequence,
of mattering

Whiteness as a property
convergence

Strayhorn core elements
of sense of belonging
(Strayhorn, 2012)

Critical race theory (Bell,
1970)

Interview Questions 5–9,
13–18

Sense of belonging engenders
other positive outcomes

Strayhorn core elements
of sense of belonging
(Strayhorn, 2012)

Critical race theory (Bell,
1970)

Interview Questions 5–8,
14–16

Social identities intersect and
affect college students’ sense
of belonging

“Color-blindness”

Strayhorn core elements
of sense of belonging
(Strayhorn, 2012)

Interview Questions 7–9
100

Research question/core elements Theoretical framework Data instrument questions
Critical race theory (Bell,
1970)

Sense of belonging is a
fundamental motive sufficient
to drive human behavior

Counter-narratives

Strayhorn core elements
of sense of belonging
(Strayhorn, 2012)

Critical race theory (Bell,
1970)

Interview Questions 7–8, 13–
17
Demographic questions Current Pre-Survey
Questions 1–7

101

Appendix E: Information Sheet for Exempt Research
University of Southern California
USC Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089

INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH

STUDY TITLE: Factors of influence for Black students’ sense of belonging at a predominately
White institution
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Jeffrey Dolliole
FACULTY ADVISOR: Patricia Tobey, PhD Professor of Clinical Education at Rossier School
of Education

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.
PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to explore Black students’ sense of belonging at predominately
White institutions. This research is important because as higher education universities move
towards becoming anti-racist institution, they will need to understand how to create a campus
environment suitable for its Black students. We hope to learn the ways in which Black Students
attending predominately White institutions seek to find a sense of belonging on campus. You are
invited as a possible participant because you are a Black undergraduate student attending a
102

predominately White institution. About 10–15 participants will take part in the study.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you decide to take part, this is what will happen: This study will include semi-structured
interviews of Black undergraduate students. In order to receive consent from my participants, the
interview protocol will begin with an introduction to the study including the researcher’s role,
the intention of the study, a confidentiality statement, and request for permission to record their
voice during the interview. The participants will also be informed that they are able to opt out of
any question throughout the interview. All of the semi-structured interviews will be conducted
live and recorded online via the Zoom communication platform. The interview will consist of
18–20 questions and will last approximately 60 minutes for each participant. After the interview
has been completed; the researcher will ask for permission to contact the interviewee to ask any
clarifying questions as needed.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
Payments for research participation are considered taxable income and participants may be
required to pay taxes on this income. If participants are paid $600 or more in total within a
calendar year for participation in one or more research studies, the University will report this as
income to the IRS and participants may receive an Internal Revenue Service (IRS) Form 1099.
This does not include any payments you receive to pay you back for expenses like parking fees.
You will receive a digital $20 Amazon Gift Card as a thank you for your time.

CONFIDENTIALITY
103

We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. Efforts will be
made to limit the use and disclosure of your personal information, including research study and
medical records, to people who are required to review this information. We may publish the
information from this study in journals or present it at meetings. If we do, we will not use your
name.

The University of Southern California’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) and Human Subject’s
Protections Program (HSPP) may review your records. Organizations that may also inspect and
copy your information include Maxine-Barbara University Institutional Review Board.

Your responses, which are also called “data” will be stored on the researcher’s personal laptop as
well as USC Google Drive. Access to information on the laptop and USC Google Drive will be
password-protected and the data collected will only be accessible by the researcher. The recorded
audio and transcribed data will be stored in a password-protected digital file. Pseudonyms will be
used to protect each of the participants’ identity.

The researcher will also confirm with the participants during the study that their responses will
not be tied to their name and pseudonyms will be used to protect their identity and ensure
confidentiality. To further protect the participants’ confidentiality, the data collected will be
stored securely and disposed of three years after the completion of the study.

104

Your data that is collected as part of this research will not be used or distributed for future
research studies, even if all your identifiers are removed.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, complaints, or think the research has hurt you, talk to the
study investigator at Jeffrey Dolliole dolliole@usc.edu

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

105

Appendix F: Grounded Theory Transcription Codes
Open coding Axial coding Selective coding

Security
Culture shock
Comfort

Safety needs
Safe spaces on campus

Community safety

Being seen
Being heard
Being in community

Engagement
Community likeness

Cultural engagement

Warmth
Welcoming
Black student demands

Psychological needs
Institutional policies

University inclusivity

Friendships
Positive experiences
Negative experiences

Intimate relationships
need for peers

Peer interaction

Role models
Images
Connectiveness
Only one

Black faculty
Black staff
Black students

Campus
representation

Abstract (if available)

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The Relationship Between Institutional Marketing and Communications and Black Student Intent to Persist in Private Universities

Asset Metadata

Creator Dolliole, Jeffrey Marques (author)

Core Title What makes a house a home: factors of influence for Black students' sense of belonging at a predominately White institution

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2022-08

Publication Date 08/02/2022

Defense Date 08/02/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag black students,College students,factors of influence,OAI-PMH Harvest,predominately White institutions,sense of belonging

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia (committee chair), Green, Alan (committee member), Olivo, Cynthia (committee member)

Creator Email dolliole@usc.edu,jeffreydolliole@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111375986

Unique identifier UC111375986

Legacy Identifier etd-DollioleJe-11072

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Dolliole, Jeffrey Marques

Type texts

Source 20220803-usctheses-batch-967 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu