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African American males' lived experience: an autoethography approach

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African American males' lived experience: an autoethography approach

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“AN AUTOETHNOGRAPHY APPROACH”
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES’ LIVED EXPERIENCE
by
Devin Starnes

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2022

© Copyright by Devin Starnes 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Devin Starnes certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Bernadette Lucas
Brianna Hinga
Patricia Tobey, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv

Abstract
This autoethnography details my lived experiences as an African American man through
oppressive and racial structures in higher education. This study evaluated those experiences and
barriers created by systemic racial systems. This study utilized a qualitative method design for
data collection and analysis to evaluate the influences of those systems. The theoretical
principles that framed this study rest within the motivation of African American men that have
successfully navigated oppressive structures and systems. This is ultimately being applied to the
study as a conduit for African American men cross-generationally toward their success.
Keywords:

v

Dedication
To my parents, for your endless support and love.
To my friends, I am humbled by the blessing of having you in my life.
To my wife, your commitment and encouragement made this accomplishment much sweeter.
To my children, all that I have done has been to make a better life for you. You are my “Why.”

vi

Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Waging War ........................................................................................................................ 2
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Balancing Act...................................................................................................................... 3
A Wedge in the Door .......................................................................................................... 4
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 5
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 6
Limitations and Delimitations ............................................................................................. 8
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 8
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 10
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 11
Topic 1: An Autoethnographic of Black Male Experience .............................................. 11
Topic 2: The Black Male Experience Through Intersectionality and Interest Convergence
........................................................................................................................................... 13
Topic 3: The Black Male Experience Through African American Male Theory ............. 15
Chapter Summary ............................................................................................................. 19
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 20
Sample and Population ..................................................................................................... 20
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 21
Data Collection Procedures ............................................................................................... 21
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 22
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 22

vii

Ethical Considerations ...................................................................................................... 23
Chapter Summary ............................................................................................................. 23
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 24
Descriptions of the Participants ........................................................................................ 25
Reporting of Findings ....................................................................................................... 25
Research Findings for RQ1: How do Black Men in Higher Education Define Success? 30
Summary of RQ1 .............................................................................................................. 42
Research Findings for RQ2: How have African American Male Leaders Navigated
Higher Education’s Oppressive Systems and Structures? ................................................ 42
Summary of Research Question 2..................................................................................... 50
Cross-Generational Similarities ........................................................................................ 50
Chapter Summary ............................................................................................................. 53
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 55
Implications of the Study .................................................................................................. 56
Evaluation Model – Design for Equity in Higher Education ............................................ 56
Recommendations ............................................................................................................. 58
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................ 60
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 62
References ..................................................................................................................................... 63
Appendix A Interview Protocol(s) ................................................................................................ 67
Appendix B Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix .............................................................. 69
Appendix C Information Sheet for Exempt Studies ..................................................................... 70

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
This dissertation (or the completion of it) is the culmination of life experiences and
perspectives as a Black male succeeding in a society that is intentionally, intensely, and
irrevocably against him. Being Black in society means enduring a lifetime of mundane and
extreme racism punctuated by incessant microaggressions (e.g., intentional or unintentional brief
and commonplace daily verbal or behavioral indignities) and recognizing that constantly battling
racial stress takes a physical and mental toll on the lives of people of color (Carroll, 1998). This
study identified my perspective as an African American male on how I have successfully
navigated through the White hegemony and systemic racial and oppressive structures within
higher education.
I grew up in a family of Black men that, for generations, instilled a resilience toward
success that taught me how to be a compassionate leader and preached the importance of
education. I struggled with that notion as a Black male from childhood through adolescence.
Bush and Bush (2018) contended that African American males are born with an innate desire for
self-determination and an unlimited capacity for morality and intelligence. Even though there
was a significant focus on growing up to be successful, there was no formula for how to achieve
success as a Black man. This undefined role in my life followed my trajectory into manhood.
As I entered the workforce, systemic racism and oppressive systems met me with a
supernatural force that changed my life. This unrecognizable spirit invaded what I had known
about becoming successful as a man, but not as a Black man. This dissertation marked my
journey to understanding how success is achieved through the origins of higher education
institutionalized racism from the perspective of an African American man.

2

Waging War
With time, I was introduced to opportunities that challenged how I navigated through the
constant pressure of racial and oppressive systems. African American male theory (AAMT)
considers all forms of resistance and opposition demonstrated by African American boys and
men as a strength, though some manifestations may be counterproductive to what is viewed as
success or productivity in White mainstream society (Bush & Bush, 2013). These systems
dominated the societies in which I lived and worked. Racial inequities existed in government
agencies, little to no diversity was evident in the healthcare field, and no representation or
inclusion existed within higher educational organizations. My thoughts and suggestions were
consistently devalued. I was pigeonholed into opportunities that were below my education and
experience. I was also demoralized to the point that led to a personal family loss, long-term
health challenges, and continuous bouts with depression.
My experience within these social constructs led me to realize that, somewhere on life’s
journey, I lost my voice, and recovering it required an act of courage and vulnerability to reclaim
what is inherently mine (Espinoza, 2020). This treatment instilled a war in me. I waged war
against this type of treatment of a person, particularly that of a Black man. As I developed my
strategies for combat, the use of autoethnography through the lens of AAMT forged a blueprint
for Black male success in higher education racial systems.
Background of the Problem
Through education, I have learned the importance of the lived experience of Black males
to society. For generations researchers, practitioners and students are still searching for the
necessary tools to effectively analyze and challenge the impact of race and racism in U.S. society
(Yosso, 2005). It is critical to expose the perspectives of successful African American men for
3

the benefit of others in this community. Carroll (1998) explained that being Black in the United
States means enduring a lifetime of mundane and extreme racism punctuated by incessant
microaggressions (e.g., intentional or unintentional brief and commonplace daily verbal or
behavioral indignities) and that constantly battling racial stress takes a physical and mental toll
on the lives of people of color. Moreover, while data from various sources suggest that
conditions for Black males may indeed be growing worse, the deterioration is, of course,
measured against conditions that most observers agree have been bad for a long time.
Despite the Black man having been emancipated in 1863 and formally released from
bondage in 1865, the focus of White society on maintaining rigid control over him has gone
unabated (Elligan & Utsey, 1999). As Noguera (1997) advised, no evidence indicates that
present conditions are temporary, or that by some means presently unknown, they will eventually
improve. Before beginning on the path toward a doctoral degree, I did not have a historical
context of the deep-seated institutionalized problem with racism and the intentional acts to
oppress Black men. I was reminded by Noguera (1997) that Black males are in deep trouble.
Balancing Act
The Black culture is driven by pride, intelligence, and focus. I struggled to synthesize
what this meant for becoming a successful Black man. Young (2004) mentioned that recentering
the voices of Black men about their perceptions, meanings, understandings, and experiences
helps to better appreciate their coping strategies and persistence efforts in their daily lives. Being
resilient and resistant in a society that is structurally against the African American male requires
distinct lifestyle choices to become successful. How Black males balance these choices,
opportunities, demands, and expectations affects their mental health, physical well-being,
productivity, and life chances (White & Cones, 1999).
4

The balancing of being Black in a racial social construct created in me a mental and
physical tug-of-war in defining what success looks like as an African American male. To live
and be affected by racism daily does not guarantee understanding its systemic nature (Biven,
2005). White and Cones (1999) mentioned that Black men in America have used a variety of
coping mechanisms, including conformity, rebellion, retreat, and separation. I directly
experienced these mechanisms for survival, sustainability, development, and growth as necessary
tenants to become a successful Black man in educational systems that have intrinsic and
systematic racial structures. It is, therefore, impossible to understand and address the issues
confronting Black males out of context, for it is in relation to others and to the structure of power
and privilege in society that the issues confronting Black males have meaning and significance
(Noguera, 1997).
A Wedge in the Door
As an African American man that has transitioned through almost 5 decades of life, I
have realized that Black men are resilient toward success, compassionate leaders, and
unquestionably intelligent. My life experiences and perspectives are a wedge in the door of
oppressive systems. My wedge in the door is motivated by the brilliance in Black male
ingenuity, the consistent pressure applied by Black males’ focus and determination to succeed
through oppression, and the willpower to withstand and make a difference in the lives of Black
men that follow. I have learned to keep a wedge in the door for this study as well as in my
pursuit to address racial obstacles in the higher education organizational system.
Racism is commonly researched, effectively studied, and consistently debated. This
phenomenon has had a profound impact on African American men. Racism is a system
consisting of structures, policies, practices, and norms that structure opportunity and assign value
5

based on phenotype, or the way people look (Jones, 2000). This impact is pervasive and deeply
embedded in our society, affecting where one lives, learns, works, worships, and plays, and
creates inequalities in access to a range of social and economic benefits, such as housing,
education, wealth, and employment (Staples, 1982). As suggested by James and Lewis (2014),
Black males use education to contest self, schools, and society for their right to define and
determine a unique, positive, and functional understanding of Black male reality. In any society
that is based upon the systematic domination of a particular group, hatred and vilification of that
group are only part of how individuals from that group may be perceived and imagined
(Noguera, 1997).
Statement of the Problem
Through my experience and perspectives, I recognized a lack of understanding of how
African American males have been enmeshed in higher education oppressive mainstream
systems and what Black men have done to become successful. Cose (2003) mentioned that to be
a Black male in America is to be put into shackles and then challenged to escape. That analogy
underscores how systemic oppressive systems have crippled Black men. Hunter and Davis
(1994) explained that Black men move between majority and minority cultures and must
negotiate the racism and discrimination that accompany caste-like minority status. The limitation
of oppressive systems toward Black men is an important problem to study to understand how
Black men have become successful through systemic racial and oppressive systems. It is critical
to expose the educational perspectives of successful African American men for the benefit of
others in this community. This study provides a roadmap for African American men who want to
navigate racial inequities in higher education to fulfill their educational goals through the
restrictions established in higher education systems.
6

Purpose of the Study
Through autoethnography and the lens of AAMT, this qualitative study explored my
lived experiences through higher education oppressive and racial structures as an African
American male. Autoethnography was selected for this study because of its focus on personal
experience. A person who had directly experienced institutional oppression and/or cultural
problems, such as racism, loss, or illness, can talk about these issues in ways different from
others who have limited experiences with these topics (Adams et al., 2015). My lived
experiences were interwoven into this study and tell how African American men have become
successful through higher education’s White hegemony oppressive system. Aligned with the
components of autoethnography, the study connected intersectionality and interest convergence,
which are both tenants of critical race theory (CRT). Intersectionality and interest convergence
seemed like a natural inclusion based on my experience as a Black male working and living
toward attaining success in higher education.
Solorzano and Yosso (2002) asserted that majoritarian stories are generated from a legacy
of racial privilege and are stories in which racial privilege seems normal. Further, these stories
privilege Whites, men, the middle and/or upper class, and heterosexuals by naming these social
locations as natural or normative points of reference. If you are not within these categories of
hegemonic powers, then you are oppressed. Within this foundational outline of intersectionality,
the interference of race and gender layered through becoming a successful Black man had a
significant correlation within the dimensions of racial suppression.
Part of my journey toward success while diagnosing racial oppression included
establishing an in-depth understanding of the convergence between those in power and the
oppressed. A pivotal moment in my career was while working as the operations director for a
7

large educational institution. Soon after starting this position, I was asked to demote an employee
that was experiencing some work/life balance issues, which resulted in excessive absenteeism
and other policy violations. I recommended intervention before demotion, but this was ignored. I
did not agree with the punitive decision and voiced my concern about the possible personal
implications that a demotion would have on this employee. The senior manager, who directed me
to deliver the discipline, fell into that majoritarian category. The employee was a middle-aged
Hispanic man that had worked with the company for over 20 years. From my perspective, the
senior manager wanted to send a message not just to me, but also to the employee. This moral
decision forced me to balance service with the one in power while considering the needs of the
employee. I took responsibility for the employee’s development, owned his improvement, and
developed a strategy that satisfied management. This example of interest convergence has
become a staple in my leadership style, as I have developed an ability to understand the
perspective of those in power to achieve victories, particularly with White-dominated leaders in
power. For context, interest convergence, a principle of CRT, originated with the work of
Derrick Bell (1992) and posited the interest of Blacks in achieving racial equality will be
accommodated only when it converges with the interests of Whites.
This study aimed to examine how African American males’ experiences have contributed
to their success in a society of systemic racial and oppressive systems. The following research
questions guided the study:
1. How do African American men define success in higher education?
2. How have African American male leaders navigated oppressive systems and
structures within higher education?
8

Limitations and Delimitations
To ensure that the limitations and delimitations were addressed, varied provisions were
made to gain insight from African American men. One potential limitation was the lack of
openness from the respondents as they discuss their lineage toward success. The pain of forging
through what it takes to become successful through oppressive systems may have limited the
information provided. This could potentially be uncomfortable in a format that is being
documented and utilized for research. Even with a thoughtful approach, the interview questions
could trigger events that may lead to answers that are short, direct, and may not be related to the
study.
Through the process of self-observation and self-reflection, the autoethnographic process
captures the lived experiences of the researcher (Espinoza, 2020). The wording of the questions
and how they are framed could be a possible delimitation. The interview questions were written
to connect African American male relationships with racial and oppressive systems. I shared
similar cultural experiences and perspectives with all the participants in the study. Having been
similarly linked will support an organic and fundamental rapport between myself and the
participants.
Definition of Terms
The following terms are defined to help the reader understand the context of the term in
the study:
African American male refers to a person having origins in any of the Black racial groups
of Africa. It includes people who indicate their race as “Black or African American” or report
entries such as African American, Kenyan, Nigerian, or Haitian (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020).
9

African American male theory (AAMT) is a theoretical framework that can be used to
articulate the position and trajectory of African American boys and men in society by drawing on
and accounting for enslavement experiences (before, during, and after) while capturing their
spiritual, psychological, social, and educational development and station (Bush & Bush, 2013).
Autoethnography is an autobiographical genre of academic writing that draws on and
analyzes or interprets the lived experience of the author and connects the researcher’s insights to
self-identity, cultural rules and resources, communication practices, traditions, premises,
symbols, rules, shared meanings, emotions, values, and larger social, cultural, and political issues
(Adams et al., 2015).
Critical race theory encompasses the work of progressive legal scholars of color who are
attempting to develop a jurisprudence that accounts for the role of racism in American law and
that works toward the elimination of racism as part of a larger goal of eliminating all forms of
subordination (Matsuda, 1991).
Hegemony is a process of moral-philosophical and political leadership that a social group
attains only with the active consent of other important social groups (Artz & Murphy, 2000).
Interest convergence refers to the interest of Blacks in achieving racial equality will be
accommodated only when it converges with the interests of Whites (Bell, 1992).
Intersectionality refers to the complex, cumulative way in which the effects of multiple
forms of discrimination (e.g., racism, sexism, and classism) combine, overlap, or intersect
especially in the experiences of marginalized individuals or groups (Crenshaw, 1990).
Oppression refers to the arbitrary or unjust laws imposed on citizens illegitimately cause
material (economical or physical) deprivation (Cudd, 2006).
10

Racism is a generalizing definition and valuation of biological differences, whether real
or imaginary, to the advantage of the one defining and deploying and to the detriment of the one
subjected to that act of definition, to the end of justifying (social and physical) hostility and
assault (Memmi, 2000).
Organization of the Study
This study will take the reader on a descriptive journey of success from the perspective of
African American men faced with racial and oppressive societal systems. Chapter Two will
outline the literature relevant to CRT, interest convergence, and intersectionality through the lens
of autoethnography. In Chapter Three, I discuss the methodology of the study, the sample, and
data collection procedures and analysis. I also discuss the use of autoethnography as a research
tool and introduce the conceptual framework of the study.

11

Chapter Two: Literature Review
This literature review explored the importance of the African American male experience
to society as they navigate hegemonic oppressive and racial structures in higher education. The
literature review begins with a foundational roadmap of oppressive systems established to
disenfranchise African American men. Through the literature review, I defined race and the
impact of racism and discuss how African American men have maneuvered through racism to
become successful within higher education oppressive structures. In this section, I explain the
research as it relates to my lived experiences to become successful through higher education
racial systems. In this nontraditional study, the literature review served to give autoethnography
an identity, a legitimization, within social science, and it is an important source of data that
contextualizes my personal story (Chang, 2008).
The chapter is organized into three topics. Topic 1. Black male experience. This section
attaches autoethnography (Chang, 2008; Poulos, 2009) and self-reflexivity, which is a starting
point for self-study and a place from which relationships between the self and others can be
explored (Pithouse et al., 2009). Topic 2: Black male success. This section navigates CRT
tenants on intersectionality and interest convergence as a lens toward success for Black men
through oppressive and racial systemic structures. Topic 3: Theoretical concepts of AAMT. In
this section, I examine why African boys and men are resilient, healthy, and thriving (Bush &
Bush, 2013) in their journey toward success in higher education.
Topic 1: An Autoethnographic of Black Male Experience
Autoethnography
Autoethnography is a qualitative research method used by researchers interested in
narrative descriptions and evocations of the richly textured nature of lived experience (Poulos,
12

2009). The researcher delves into autoethnography by retrospectively writing and analyzing
epiphanies that occurred through lived experiences as a member of a culture or having a specific
cultural identity (Ellis et al., 2011). The methodology preserves the richness of ethnographic
research by giving men the opportunity to speak in their voices while also producing a graphic
display that provides a qualitative representation of the multidimensional structure of manhood
(Hunter & Davis, 1994). This study stemmed from my obligation to the Black male community.
This research design allowed for a deep and sensational approach from lived experiences that
empowers illustrations of life. Autoethnography thus requires deep reflection on one’s unique
experiences and the universal within oneself.
This qualitative research method uncovered a dormant lens in my lived experiences and
life perspectives. To further detail autoethnography, Adams et al. (2015) noted that
autoethnography (a) uses a researcher’s personal experience to describe and critique beliefs,
practices, and experiences, (b) acknowledges and values a researcher’s relationships with others,
(c) uses deep and careful self-reflection—typically referred to as reflexivity—to name and
interrogate the intersections between self and society, the particular and the general, the personal
and the political, (d) shows people in the process of figuring out what to do, how to live, and the
meaning of their struggles, (e) balances intellectual and methodological rigor, emotion, and
creativity, and (f) strives for social justice and to make life better.
Self-Reflexivity
As mentioned, autoethnography ignites a focus on reflexivity. Autoethnography is
grounded in active self-reflexivity, which refers to the careful considerations of how researchers’
past experiences, points of view, and roles impact these same researchers’ interactions with, and
interpretations of, the research scene (Tuck, 2009). Autoethnography is a method that attempts to
13

recenter the researcher’s experience as vital in and to the research process. Through the practice
of self-reflexivity, the researcher takes a deep dive into their life by engaging a retrospective lens
and turning the gaze on themselves (Boylorn & Orbe, 2020; Chang, 2016).
The idea of reflexivity challenged the approach of my study as an African American man.
Engaging in the delirium of racism and oppression from a self-reflexive standpoint affected my
positionality. Self-reflexivity articulates the concept of the subject itself, and the subject's
concept of an object, at the limit this object could be itself (Popoveniue, 2013). Taking a critical
self-reflective look at them led me to reconnect with who I am, validating my life (Bourdieu &
Wacquant, 1992). In social sciences, self-reflexivity should account for both the producer(s) and
the product(s) of knowledge, the situation of the individual researcher, and their relation to
collective theory (Popoveniue, 2013). Reflexivity is the way to instruct ourselves about how to
be critically and explicitly conscious of what we are doing as intellectuals (Jung, 1993). In this
reflexivity process of my subjectivity, I saw myself as a researcher, an activity system within a
relationship with another activity system, and the object of study (Roth & Breuer, 2003).
Topic 2: The Black Male Experience Through Intersectionality and Interest Convergence
Critical Race Theory—Intersectionality
What is interesting about CRT is that it arose out of lived experiences of students and
teachers in U.S. law schools who experienced and were witness to critical legal studies and
liberal civil rights ideology that failed to address the constrictive role that racial ideology plays in
the composition and culture of American institutions (Martinez, 2014). The premise of CRT as a
methodology is that it challenges White privilege, rejects notions of “neutral” or “objective”
research, and exposes research that silences and distorts epistemologies of people of color
(Bernal, 2002). Wilson and Thompson (2020) explained that CRT is committed to a
14

transformative approach to oppression with the focus on eliminating all forms of injustice by
understanding the ways that such practices are perpetuated.
Intersectionality, which is a tenant of CRT, informs research from a societal lens in
human experiences. At the core of intersectionality's insight is that, in a given society at a given
time, power relations of race, class, and gender, for example, are not discrete and mutually
exclusive entities but rather build on each other work together and that, while often invisible,
these intersecting power relations affect all aspects of the social world (Collins & Bilge, 2020).
After a lengthy custody battle with my ex-wife, I was granted full custody of my 5-year-old son.
I was serving in the military and needed services for my son. As an African American man, I was
isolated from services (childcare, government assistance, transitional support, etc.) that were
readily available for women. This example of intersectionality points to the nexus of race and
gender. In other words, as opposed to examining gender, race, class, and nation as separate
systems of oppression, intersectionality explores how these systems mutually construct one
another (Collins, 1998).
Critical Race Theory—Interest Convergence
Interest convergence, as explained by Derrick Bell (1980), is the idea that the interest of
Blacks in achieving racial equality will be accommodated only when it converges with the
interests of Whites. He further elaborated that only when Whites perceive that it will be
profitable, or at least cost-free, to serve, hire, admit, or otherwise deal with Blacks on a
nondiscriminatory basis, they do so. When they fear—accurately or not—that there may be a
loss, inconvenience, or upset to themselves or other Whites, discriminatory conduct usually
follows (Bell, 1980).
15

A part of tracking toward success as a Black man requires a coordinated effort that aligns
interests. As simple as the example I provided earlier, convergence with those in power is
necessary. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. wrote a letter from a jail in Birmingham on April 16, 1963.
In part, he noted, “through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the
oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed.” It is, therefore, impossible to understand and
address the issues confronting Black males out of context, for it is in relation to others and to the
structure of power and privilege in society that issues confronting Black males have meaning and
significance (Noguera, 1997). Convergence is unavoidable from racial and oppressive structures.
Bell (1980) mentioned that, from a lens of interest convergence, racism is so integral a part of
American life that no matter what Blacks do to better their lot, they are doomed to fail as long as
the majority of Whites do not see that their well-being is threatened by the inferior status of
Blacks.
Topic 3: The Black Male Experience Through African American Male Theory
African American Male Theory
While the stories of oppressed people should never be forgotten and are necessary for
scholars to thoroughly investigate, scholars are encouraged to move away from damage-centered
(Tuck, 2009) and reactive approaches (Bush & Bush, 2013) that tell stories of native peoples
only in relation to those who have oppressed them and which tacitly conveys that the existence
and importance of oppressed people are bestowed upon them by their oppressors. AAMT
provides a conceptual framework that can be used to describe and analyze the interrelated
structures, systems, and processes that occur in these dynamic and multidimensional
environments that influence the development, experiences, outcomes, and trajectory of African
American boys and men (Spencer et al., 1997; Swanson et al., 2003).
16

Resilience, uniqueness, lived experiences, social justice, and the impact of racism are all
subcomponents of AAMT. These elements, or the knowledge of them, are the foundational roots
of success for African American men. African American men, through the lens of AAMT,
determine that Black boys and men are both resilient and resistant. It contents that social and
educational challenges facing this group stem from socially constructed systems rather than any
innate biological or cultural deficiencies (Bush & Bush, 2013). Being resilient and resistant in a
society that is structurally against the African American male requires distinct lifestyle choices to
become successful. How Black males balance these choices, opportunities, demands, and
expectations affects their mental health, physical well-being, productivity, and life chances
(White & Cones 1999).
Black men are unique. Our behavior, culture, and experiences are qualities that separate
us from White males. The historical record indicates that even in the worst of times—through
slavery, economic deprivations, and urbanization—Black men managed to develop a sense of
dignity and self-worth, were connected to their families, and provided for them as best they
could (Bowman, 1989, Cazenave, 1979, 1984; Gutman, 1976, Gwaltney, 1980; Hunter, 1988;
Shaw, 1974). Extended family networks and social and religious institutions in the Black
community provide an opportunity to connect to an African American way of being that
emphasizes harmonious relationships, expressiveness, persistence in the face of obstacles,
spirituality, and conflict resolution by synthesis of opposites (White & Cones, 1999).
Although African American men are diverse in terms of their socioeconomic status,
values, belief systems, political ideology, sexual orientation, racial identity, and other social
variables, the one commonality among them is the experience of societal racism and oppression
17

(Elligan & Utsey, 1999). Racism is commonly researched, effectively studied, and consistently
debated. This phenomenon has had a profound impact on African American men.
Race is a social construct that is embedded in American society alongside racism (Wilson
& Thompson, 2020). It is not enough to center race without racism, as studying the two
separately can lead to findings that focus on individual community behavior, placing the onus
back on the oppressed community rather than the racist institution (Wilson & Thompson, 2020).
This has resulted in African American men suffering from the chronic stressor of living in a
racist and oppressive society (Elligan & Utsey, 1999). The societal racism and oppression
directed against African American men include unemployment (Leavy, 1983), poor education
(Patton, 1995), discrimination within the judicial system, and incarceration (Staples, 1982).
Although several negative indicators of quality of life suggest that Black males are
disproportionately overrepresented in many of the most undesirable categories, statistics on
incarceration homicide and life expectancy do not capture the complex nature of the Black male
experience in the United States (Noguera, 1997). Maintaining dignity and self-esteem is essential
when pathways are blocked because of discrimination and structural racial barriers (White &
Cones, 1999). White and Cones (1999) also stressed that Black men do not have to justify their
existence as human beings, nor are they forced to contend with race as a barrier to self-worth. In
every sector and on almost every issue, race occupies a central role as a variable that can be
employed to explain and interpret social reality (Noguera, 1997).
The core concepts derived from African American men's perspectives, experiences, and
knowledge gained while circumnavigating inherent and ongoing racial disparities are
intentionally directed toward this community. A concept map (Figure 1) outlines the connection
18

of the key elements of African American men’s success factors, which include navigating
systemic racism cross-generationally all from the perspectives of African American men.
Figure 1
Tenants of African American Male Theory

Note. Figure 1 articulates the position and trajectory of African American boys and men in
society by drawing on and accounting for pre- and post-enslavement experiences while capturing
their spiritual, psychological, social, and educational development and station (Bush & Bush,
2013).
African American
Males
Ecological
Systems
Approach
African Decent
Uniqueness
(History)
Culture
Resilience
Racism
Social Justice
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Chapter Summary
Chapter Two focused on how success is defined from an African American male
perspective. It explained through literature the gene that connects African American men in their
journeys to success through long-term racial biases and oppression. The literature review also
addressed the prolonged impact of oppressive systems on African American men, society, and
their success. Autoethnography as a research design, placed my lived experiences at the center of
the study validating my voice and my agency (Espinoza, 2020). The literature also interrelated
the tenants of CRT, intersectionality, and interest convergence found in systemic racial barriers.
Further, this chapter included crucial components of AAMT; it considered success must be
rooted in history, culture, community, and political realities worldwide (Bush & Bush, 2018).
The theoretical principles that framed this study rest within the motivation of African American
men that have successfully navigated oppressive structures and systems. This was ultimately
applied to the study as a conduit for African American men cross-generationally toward their
success.

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Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this chapter is to introduce the research methodology of the study from
the tenets of the AAMT. The study dove into the experiences and perspectives from the lens of
successful African American men. This chapter will outline the methodological approach for the
study as well as the research elements utilized to describe, define, and discern the framework of
the study. The research questions guiding this study were as follows:
1. How do African American men define success in higher education?
2. How have African American male leaders navigated oppressive systems and
structures within higher education?
This study employed autoethnography qualitative research as the research design. Ellis et
al. (2011) noted that such research delves into autoethnography by retrospectively writing and
analyzing epiphanies that occurred through lived experiences as a member of a culture or having
a specific cultural identity. The rationale for a qualitative analysis specifically for this study, as
Merriam and Tisdall (2016) noted, is that the qualitative research approach presupposes a certain
view of the world that in turn defines how a researcher selects a sample, collects data, analyzes
data, and approaches credibility, trustworthiness, and ethics.
Sample and Population
The research setting for the study was a combination of in-person (when possible,
considering COVID-19 restrictions and/or lack of access to digital/platforms), virtual, and
telephone interviews. The participants determined the modality based on their schedule,
availability, and comfort level. The target population was 15 Black leaders/CEOs cross-
generationally. The target group was comprised of the following generations: Baby Boomers
(born 1946–1964), Generation X/Gen-X (born 1965–1980), and Millennials (born 1981–1996).
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I only used interviews as the method for data collection. The interviews lasted
approximately 60 minutes and were audio-recorded. The sampling approach was a purposeful
sampling of participants recruited through professional organizations and relationships as well as
from peer networks and colleagues’ resources. The target sample size was a combination/mixture
of African American men within each generation. Demographically, the participants were from a
pool of nationwide leaders across generations that have obtained success in their industries.
Instrumentation
The overall interview approach was semistructured. As noted by Merriam and Tisdell
(2016), this format allows the researcher to respond to the situation at hand, the emerging
worldview of the respondent, and new ideas on the topic. This approach was chosen to allow for
dynamic and fluid conversation. It also provides some structure to the questions and the
flexibility needed for additional probes.
A series of open-ended questions encouraged the participants to share their perspectives,
wisdom, and knowledge of how they have become successful through racially oppressive
systems in narrative form. The interview questions addressed the research questions as well as
the key concepts, as they were structured in a manner with the end in mind. The outcome of the
interviews was a consortium of information that helped to establish a roadmap for African
American men to follow toward success.
Data Collection Procedures
Data collection captured a relatively small national sample of African American men.
Fifteen Black men across multiple generations were selected to participate in this study. The men
were recruited through purposeful sampling utilizing variations of snowball and convenience
sampling. The collection procedures were primarily in the form of interviews, both in-person
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(considering COVID-19 restrictions) and virtually. Consent forms included an explanation of the
study, the importance of their participation, and confidentially guidelines that were disseminated
in advance for approval.
Logistically, the interviews occurred over 2 weeks, Monday–Friday during business
hours in the time zone of the participant’s choice. I took written notes during the interviews and
data were recorded with an appropriate audio recording device. I paid particular attention to how
each participant defined their pathway toward success. After completing the interviews, audio
files were saved and labeled (e.g., Participant 1 for anonymity purposes) and transcribed.
The Researcher
A potential issue with positionality, identity, and bias could implicate the data collection
for this study. I recognized that my positionality as the researcher and subject has had an impact
on my own bias as well as on the reflexivity, or reactivity as referred to by Maxwell (2013). I
interviewed African American men, which I am, who have overcome oppressive systems toward
success, which I have, and I can identify with each generation from the lens of the study. When
researching for this study, I found myself embedding my life experiences into the study. To
mitigate these influences, I made an intentional effort to remain focused on the study by
continuously reflecting on my personal biases to ensure the data were not skewed.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
The methods utilized to maximize the credibility of the study were a detailed explanation
of the underpinnings of the study, data collection/usage, and the approach utilized in the
dissertation. The sampling was purposeful, and recruitment was targeted to capture African
American men across generations. To maximize response rates, I sought out professional leaders
of organizations to disseminate information about the study among their colleagues. I also set
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reminders for the duration of the survey timeframe (30 days). For this qualitative study, I used
the methods approach from peer reviews, respondent validation, and rich, thick descriptions to
ensure the credibility and trustworthiness of the findings.
Ethical Considerations
Concerning involving human participants in the research, I established consent with the
use of consent and prescreening forms, voluntary participation acknowledgment agreements, and
permission protocols for recording, storing, and securing data. These measures were established
in advance and communicated to the participant before any data collection. Merriam and Tisdale
(2016) contended that this situational and relational nature of ethical dilemma depends not upon
a set of general pre-established guidelines but on the investigator's sensitivity and values.
Chapter Summary
The methodological influences identified in this chapter assert themselves through
autoethnography, the primary tenants of CRT, and AAMT. The methodology within social
science research is giving it an identity that canonical researchers recognize, it also
contextualizes my personal story (Chang, 2016) as described by autoethnography. The sample
and population were targeted to a community of Black men cross-generationally that have
experienced success through systematic racial and oppressive systems. This chapter described
how the participants were introduced and engaged in a conversation about their success traits
through purposeful sampling and a semistructured interview approach. This chapter also
identified my positionality as well as the credibility, trustworthiness, and ethical derivatives of
the research. Each of these elements contributed to the synthesis of the methodology decisions
toward the significance of the study.

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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to explore how African American males in higher
education have successfully navigated racial and oppressive systems. Chapter Four presents the
findings from 13 interviews with Black males in higher education to understand from their lived
experiences their journey toward success within systemic racial and oppressive structures that led
to their success. This study also served as a reflection of life for me, a Black male living,
working, and thriving in a sphere of racism, oppression, and systems deliberately set up for my
failure. This important autoethnography has forced me to identify life moments when I struggled
to acclimate to White hegemony oppressive systems and how racism and discrimination
diminished my development both personally and professionally. As described by Duran et al.
(2006), autoethnography clarifies the purpose, question, problem, context, or issue being
addressed by utilizing the self as a central foundation for inquiry.
The chapter opens by detailing the experiences and perspectives of Black men cross-
generationally that have learned, developed, and grown through systemic racial barriers and
obstacles from oppression. I intended to listen to their explorations to identify similarities among
Black men in higher education journeying through racially biased structures. The research
questions below were developed from the conceptual and theoretical frameworks mentioned
above and examined the lived experiences through the lens of the participants and the researcher:
How do African American men define success?
1. How do African American men define success in higher education?
2. How have African American male leaders navigated oppressive systems and
structures within higher education?
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Descriptions of the Participants
I conducted 13 interviews with Black men in higher education, cross-generationally. The
generations included the baby boomers (born between 1946 and 1964), Generation X (born
between 1965 and 1980), and millennials (born between 1981 and 1996). My perspectives as a
Black man in higher education were also part of the data collected, and my information is
included in the generational categories.
Reporting of Findings
Table 1 outlines the participants’ generation identification and current position in higher
education. Participants were identified by pseudonyms for the privacy and protection of their
personal and professional lives.
Table 1
Characteristics of Participants
Participant
(Pseudonym)
Generation Higher Education Position
Armstrong Millennial Faculty
Benson Gen-X Administrator
Byrd Millennial Sr. Administrator
Coltrane Gen-X Superintendent
Davis Boomer Dean
Devin Gen-X Researcher
Hancock Boomer Faculty
Jarreau Boomer President
Marsalis Gen-X President
Montgomery Gen-X Vice President
Parker Millennial Faculty
Rollins Millennial Faculty
Washington Boomer Faculty
Whalum Boomer Administrator

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Armstrong
Armstrong is a faculty member teaching mechanical engineering in higher education. He
holds a master’s degree in engineering and divinity. He identifies as a “millennial for change”
focusing on bridging the learning gap for African American boys interested in the engineering
field. He also serves as the associate pastor as well as a mentor/coach for his community church
and is a CEO of a community nonprofit organization.
Benson
Benson is an administrator who manages the Personnel Department in a higher education
organization. He is directly responsible for faculty retention and recruitment for his agency. He
has worked in various roles in the education sector overseeing diversity and equity initiatives and
education program development. He coaches sports in his community and is an active member of
his local school board.
Byrd
Byrd is a mental health professional that manages the clinical support unit for an
education organization that he has developed specifically designed for Black males in higher
education. His clinical experience as a Ph.D. has led to the development of mental health
programs that he offers to higher education institutions as a professional consultant. His long-
term career strategy is to create awareness of mental and address the lack of mental health
support services for the African American community.
Coltrane
Coltrane is a newly hired superintendent for a large school district. Before his new role,
he worked in higher education for 20 years. His focus in higher education was on creating
opportunities for diversity, equity, and inclusion, particularly for African American students
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living in underserved areas. He is also a grassroots community member that spends time
mentoring and advocating for the homeless. He enjoys writing and will soon publish his memoir
detailing his experiences transitioning from higher education international structures to higher
education structures in the United States.
Davis
Davis is a dean for a large private educational institution. He has worked in the higher
education sector for over 3 decades as a professor and administrator. He has written over a dozen
books and has authored numerous articles and publications on his research on the social and
economic conditions of American society.
Devin
Devin is a chief operations officer who works in administrative and business services for
a higher education institution. He has managed business operations for government agencies,
healthcare organizations, and educational institutions. His work in the community includes the
formation of mentoring and coaching programs, foundations, and a learning center for early
childhood education and learning development. He is also on numerous boards and works as an
advocate for disadvantaged and impoverished Black boys and men. Devin is committed to
“reimaging Black education in higher education.”
Hancock
Hancock is a chemical engineer professor who teaches at a higher education institution.
He gravitated to chemistry and biology early in his education career and knew someday he
would teach engineering concepts. His research has focused on educating students of color on
the principles of biology. From that, he has developed a circular around this passion and is
working to get his work into higher education classrooms.
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Jarreau
Jarreau is a retired educator and a former president of a higher education institution. Over
his 40-year career, he held various roles teaching, directing, and administrating education
services around the globe. He currently is a chair on several boards in his community and has
developed a great game of golf. He remains active in supporting organizational programs toward
the development of students of color entering higher education. He has established community
groups, transition support programs, and other outlets for the success of the Black community.
Marsalis
Marsalis is a president/CEO of an education organization that supports institutions of
higher learning and other organizations in their efforts to promote diversity, equity, and inclusion.
His success-driven approach to learning and developing has contributed to the publishing of two
books that are currently trending globally. His internationally known organization creates
workshops, conferences, and seminars on generational equity, corporate mindfulness, and the
elements of DEI.
Montgomery
Montgomery is a vice president of student support experience overseeing the technology
needs of an educational organization. He is a mentor and local politician in his community. His
journey included a stint in the military, where he completed his undergraduate degree and
“learned the art of communication” that contribute to his success in service to corporate America.
Montgomery has personal experiences of racism and discrimination throughout his life both
personally and professionally that he utilizes as the foundation of his successful career.
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Parker
Parker is a faculty member who teaches math at a higher education institution. Similar to
Hancock, Parker knew early in life that he wanted to teach in higher education. His recognition
of the lack of African American men in the mathematics field sparked his interest, and he
“wanted to reach back” to provide a visual representation to Black boys in his community. He
works to demonstrate math concepts in ways that are relatable to the learning styles of Black
boys. He “makes it a point to meet them where they [Black boys] are.” He has also developed
mathematic programs that he shares as a mentor to strengthen the proficiencies and confidence in
the principles of math.
Rollins
Rollins is a career resource manager for a higher education institution. He has been a
faculty member working in several capacities during his tenure. He is a former athlete who
played Division I football and trains and mentors prospective athletics. Part of his training
program includes a mentoring component specifically designed for Black boys and men on
leadership, finances, and relationships. Rollins is also a CEO/president of a career services
organization that assists those in need with employment opportunities.
Washington
Washington, another athlete, is a program manager for a higher learning education
institution. From a successful career as a collegiate baseball player, he established action
networks for men of color in low-income areas in his city. He has worked internationally
educating on the importance of living healthy (physically, mentally, and emotionally) throughout
his career. Washington has also formed an organization through sports that brings Black boys
together in a safe environment with activity, camaraderie, and sportsmanship.
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Whalum
Whalum has recently been hired as the athletic director for a higher education institution.
Before beginning his current position, Whalum was the president of a consultant firm that trained
educators on school finance and administration. He believes that, from a Black male perspective,
“education is the only thing that can’t be taken away from you [emphasis added]” when facing
racial adversities. He stresses in his work an intentional emphasis on knowledge of self with a
deep focus on goal achievement. He is the chair of several organizational committees in his
faculty role and enjoys advancing movements centered around the progression of people of color.
Research Findings for RQ1: How do Black Men in Higher Education Define Success?
The purpose of RQ1 was to define the success traits of Black men in higher education.
The interviews concluded with varied success themes from each generation of participants. The
nascent themes are organized based on the conceptual framework in Chapter Two, specifically
about the barriers to success in higher education for African American men cross-generationally.
The participants’ lived experiences noted themes of community, diversity exposure, and
operating from a lens of duality as the roadmap for Black male success in higher education. They
collectively mentioned that their success was driven by their responsibility to their community,
their diverse exposure to society, and a dual knowledge of self and an awareness of institutional
racism in their lives both personally and professionally. We, as participants in this study,
understand that the playing field is uneven, we notice clear disparities in access, and we
recognize from our experience, the deliberate inclusion of racism and discrimination in
oppressive structures. I join my fellow participants with these identifying traits toward success in
higher education inequitable systems.
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Black Male Success in Higher Education—Community
Looking back, living through a time in society (Generation X) that realized a rise of
substance abuse with the crack cocaine epidemic, communicable diseases (e.g., HIV/AIDS),
Black on Black violence, the war on drugs, and national crime waves, the community was the
primary survival component growing up. Being introduced to success and understanding what
education meant came through a community conduit. My community (and those of the
participants) included family (blended or not), relatives, friends, mentors, teachers, pastors, and
other positive influencers that crossed our paths.
Baby Boomers
The baby boomers (born between 1946 and 1964) who participated in the study noted
that accountability to something larger than oneself was necessary to successfully navigate
through the barriers in higher education. The Black community from the baby boomers’
perspective sets the stage for success for Black boys and men. Jarreau mentioned that
“community makes or breaks Black boys.” He stated that a community that model’s success and
practices the importance of education creates a “nucleus” that promotes growth and development
educationally. Washington and Whalum described their upbringing as a network of loving and
caring people that did not have any ties to education. Their parents came from impoverished
conditions where they struggled to provide for their basic needs. The pursuit of education was a
secondary cause in their upbringing. The other two boomers, Davis and Hancock, had models of
success within their communities. Davis’ family made it a point at the dinner table growing up
that “education was the way out of the ghetto.” Hancock’s family taught him early in his life that
“your path is set” through the community. He was instructed to return to the community that
provided for him and give back so that others can learn and see what success looks like. It was
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important for him to present to his community a visual representation of good decision-making
and what overcoming means as an African American male.
Generation X
The Generation X participants (born between 1965 and 1981) viewed their community
from a perspective of legacy and the knowledge and awareness of the community’s Black
history. Legacy from the Gen-X participants aligned with “the mark you make” as discussed by
Montgomery. He went on to say, “success is identified by the legacy you leave from your path.”
Benson noted that “legacy is built from the community and is always there as a barometer for
success.” From this group’s experience, as mentioned by Marsalis, “the knowledge of where you
came from dictates where you are going.” With education being the focus, understanding the
plight of people of color, particularly that of the African American male, can foundationally
ground you when faced with racial inequities in higher education. Coltrane noted that “an
awareness in the history of the Black community provides Black boys a safe place to go” as they
track through systemic educational disparities, such as oppression and marginalization.
An understanding of history tied into the notion of legacy inspires purpose and promotes
achievement. This Gen-X community of Black men believes defining success for Black boys and
men in higher education requires historical awareness of community and a vision of legacy that
keeps a focus on the future and a successful mark left behind for those to follow educationally.
Millennials
The millennials (born between 1981 and 1996) had a tangible response to community as
an element of success in higher education. They believe that community is not directly tied to the
people but is more about the places, events, and activities that the community provides. These
places are a visual representation of their communities, such as schools, community centers,
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bodegas, and barbershops. This generation of higher education professionals signified visual
aspects of the community as the point for their success in higher education. Rollins, a former
high school and college star athlete, remembered growing up that “football games, parties, and
social-type events” were his primary connection with his community. He mentioned that his
participation in these types of events allowed him to “frame what successful adults do and how
that survive in certain conditions.”
Byrd pointed out how his community taught tenacity and resilience for survival. He
related success to “making it out alive.” His perspective of success was based on not being
arrested for selling drugs or stealing or being killed by gang violence. The community was the
“environment and how it connected to the streets connected to the sidewalks.” This success was
in the resistance and knowledge of self, which taught him the resolve to succeed in higher
education.
Parker and Armstrong had similar experiences with their upbringing. They both
contributed community as a “place to create, thrive, and survive.” Parker specifically mentioned
that the community “helped establish his dreams of not just going to college but also completing
it.” Another collective note from the millennials was that they suggested that higher education
was only a moment in time and that their success was not dependent on being successful in
higher education.
Black Male Success in Higher Education—Diversity Exposure
Experience through opportunities of exposure to diversity allowed me lived experiences
with diverse cultures as a Black man. This exposure, positive or not, also assisted me in different
ways of thinking as it relates to success. As a military veteran, I consistently worked, trained, and
lived in split societies. This level of exposure taught me as a Black man that the learned
34

prejudices of racism can be stopped through the benefits of diversity exposure and embracing
differences all through an empathetic lens can be the pathfinder for success for Black boys and
men in higher education.
Baby Boomers
The participants in this age demographic also identified diverse social intercourse as a
success trait for Black males. They explained that life included a series of interactions with
different cultures as a catalyst for success. Washington mentioned in our conversation “that
success as a Black man is all in the relationships you cultivate.” Within those relationships are
important experienced connections that Black males can continuously draw from when faced
with oppressive systems. Hancock explained his diversity exposure as “a gift that keeps on
giving.” The lessons he learned from diversity exposure now provide him insight that he
strategically uses for his success. Davis mentioned that “exposure was key for him for his
success in higher education.” He also indicated that his “exposure experience is how he funnels
his associations with all that he comes in contact with, including people of color.”
Generation X
The Generation X participants noted that diversity exposure provided the necessary
establishment of important relationships that led to their success. The Gen-X groups’ input on
how relational experiences nurtured relationships was a common theme toward their success.
Throughout his career, Coltrane made building relationships an intentional action. He mentioned
during our interview, “I was able to transform a work environment in a higher education setting
simply because of my relationships with my colleagues.” He continued, “because of those
relationships, I was able to successfully remove communication barriers, historic personal issues,
and other obstacles to gain collaboration in a diverse population of employees.” Diversity
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exposure for Washington was developed from his time coaching and mentoring students from
different cultures and backgrounds. He noted, “I learned more about myself from interacting with
people from different backgrounds that did not align with my own.” The Gen-X participants
landed on the importance of relationships as a necessary tool for success both personally and in
the higher education organization.
Millennials
The millennials’ outlook on diversity exposure was based on the interrelation between
cultures. They described this relational experience as a necessary ingredient for success in higher
education. Parker, who now teaches math both as a faculty member and as a tutor, relies heavily
on his experience with successfully interacting with diverse people. He talked about his
interactive experiences as “life-changing” and that they “cemented his love for education” and
the “need to represent through exposure as a Black man.” Rollins commented on his position
within diversity exposure as “living in an environment of differences with the varied and distinct
personalities are mechanisms of success to do you well as an African American male,” the
cultural nuances brought on simply because of our differences.
Black Male Success in Higher Education—Duality
Duality as a success mechanism, particularly in higher education, was a strategy that was
validated after the interviews with several of the participants. We all identified that operating
from a lens of duality was a trait we all embodied and it contributed to our success. Black men in
this study acknowledged duality as a common theme. The two distinct categories of duality were
knowledge of self and intentional awareness of racism in higher education structures.
As I entered my first year in college, I was both in the military and a student. I had both a
difficult commander in the service and an unsupportive professor at school. My commander, a
36

White male, would make it difficult for me to attend classes by scheduling my assignments
during my courses. He intentionally would place me in rotations while giving my White
shipmates time off to attend their classes. My professor, also a White male, would give
extensions on assignments and approve absences for the White students and not for me or other
Black students, particularly Black men. These racial experiences highlighted for me that my
success was not bound by the decisions of the White male commander and professor. My
knowledge of self, as a bold, confident, and focused Black man, and my consciousness of racism
that was taught early in my life grounded and comforted me through these racial experiences. As
mentioned, the interviews with several of the participants confirmed my lived experience. All
five boomers shared similar experiences. Three out of five Gen-X participants had comparable
situations, while two out of four millennials had no experience with recognizing what it meant to
operate in duality.
Baby Boomers
The baby boomers all related from their experiences how their upbringing modeled a
knowledge of self and a keen awareness of racial structures and systems. This generation from a
success standpoint helped them through the oppressive struggles in higher education. Davis, who
is a life-long educator, mentioned on several occasions during the interview how he kept in mind
“the main thing.” The main thing for him was “not allowing absolutely anything getting in the
way of my education.” Hancock explained how his knowledge of self and racism awareness was
instilled as a part of his life growing up in a racist environment. He struggled with his Black
identity as well as his identity as a man. His knowledge of self, as he stated, “was duality as long
as I can remember; living in a toxic abusive home, my knowledge of self was built from
enduring in negativity.” Also, for Hancock, he recalled that “even though higher education as an
37

organization is oppressive, the negative experiences built tough skin against racism and now
enables him to teach this level of racial mindfulness to those he teaches.” Jarreau witnessed this
binary type of functioning working and living through oppressive systems as a “necessary
function to not only for Black male success but also for Black male survival.”
Generation X
The knowledge of self, as well as an awareness of racism for the Gen-X participants, is
another important trait to success in higher education. This generation of Black men talked about
how living and working in these dual modes helped them in their journeys toward success when
dealing with the disparities in higher education. Benson suggested, “knowing thyself in a society
against you is half the battle.” His take on the disparities against Black males in higher education
as it relates to an awareness of racism was that “growth is developed in systemic inequities for
Black men.” His positive spin on the struggle through oppression aligned with Marsalis’
thoughts. Marsalis, when discussing operating through a duality of self-knowledge and racism
awareness, described this level of reflective behavior:
Higher education has a promise to uphold. It owes the Black male the same opportunities
as it has for White males. Knowing this entering into a market (higher education) that
separates humans by the color of their skin, is a benefit on the ladder to success.
Coltrane mentioned the significant balance in functioning simultaneously in an awareness of self
and racism “allows for the alignment of acceptance in institutional racism.” Allowing the
presence of awareness of “oneself through inequitable struggles while also allowing that
knowledge to guide your path, supports your surviving barriers and obstacles to your success”
was the interpretation from Montgomery. His comment focused on being in a consistent
reflection state, consciously reflecting on an awareness of self and that of racism.
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Millennials
The millennial generation thought that success was achieved in higher education through
embedded racial structures. As we conversed about how to operate successfully in higher
education, only two participants, Rollins and Parker, could relate. Even though both Byrd and
Parker could not directly relate, they thought this level of awareness came from a spiritual
realization. Rollins noted from his experience “that self-success is driven by an internal
awareness while being observant of racism.” Armstrong instantly related; he mentioned his
“personal belief of success in higher education requires a duality mode of awareness of self and
that of racism.” As a millennial Black man in higher education, he equated how he thought of
himself (knowledge) and his awareness of racism as a growth point through oppressive systems.
He intently talked about this merging process as “the synthesis of a dual relationship of
knowledge and awareness leads to other elements of success, such as kindness, compassion, and
empathy through systemic higher education inequities.”
Black Male Success in Higher Education—Anchoring
An anchor on a military vessel solidifies the position of a ship in a body of water. Once
the anchor is dropped, it searches for a solid foundation at the bottom of the ocean to secure
itself. Once secured, the chain that is attached to the anchor is tensed until that tension creates a
foundation between what is below to what is above. This research question asked how African
American males navigate oppressive higher education structures and was described and
established in the conversations from their values and belief systems. The responses from the
participants in the interviews acknowledged that anchoring their beliefs and value systems sets
the groundwork that successfully navigates disparities in higher education. Their lived
39

experiences and perspectives are the sustaining factors that anchor them in responding to the
oppressive structures in higher education.
Baby Boomers
Based on the anchoring concept, the baby boomer generation identified the need for self-
determination to navigate higher education’s structures of racial biases. This element of
resilience as an African American male indicates a tenacity to succeed in any condition or
atmosphere. Self-determination for the boomers was a core value that they believed was critical
in the plight to become a success in higher education environments. Washington explained, “self-
determination in Black males is an innate behavior that we as Black males possess.” This
motivator creates what baby boomers think lies dormant physiologically in African American
men. Jarreau explained, “self-determination is the type of motivation that instills in Black males
the skillset and knowledge to succeed.” He added, “self-determination is a double edge sword
whereas if failure exists, self-determination takes corrective action to address the failure and
eliminate the possibility of it occurring in the future.”
Davis, a seasoned educator, noted, “a determination of self, intrinsically for Black males
is a demonstration of their motivational relationship with success.” As it relates to
circumnavigating higher education racial disparities, Davis instructed, “self-determination is a
navigation beacon on the way to success, especially within the walls of higher education.”
Whalum related self-determination to the Black male well-being as they track through the
oppressive systems within higher education. Whalum strategically connected self-determination
to “the sustainability of persistence and performance as an anchor in becoming successful in
higher education.” Hancock indicated, like the other baby boomers, that self-determination “is a
40

guide through the racial obstacles and barriers of higher education … this level of determination
is a lighthouse for behavior in the difficulties in the disparities.”
Generation X
The Gen-X participants thought anchoring to self-identity was the foundational element
to navigating racial structures in higher education. A knowledge of self-identity makes available
a universe of traits that benefit success in disparate structures. Self-identity, as described by
Marsalis, “is an eye gate to a clear understanding of oneself so that personal achievement is
possible.” Self-identity and navigating higher education’s racial disparities from the Gen-X
perspective points to potential and “the definition of you,” as Benson mentioned. Benson further
indicated, “as a Black man in both higher education and society, your self-identification is the
guardian of your physical, mental, and emotional state.”
Montgomery outlined from his experience how self-identity provided him relief as he
transitioned to his role in higher education. He explained:
After an extended hiring process, I was finally selected as the new vice president of
technology for a higher education institution. I was the first Black supervisor for a
technology department that was 90% White and 100% male. My knowledge was
criticized, and my expertise was critiqued and consistently compared to my White
predecessor. I would hear comments like “Paul would have done it that way” or “the
processes that Paul established are the best way to get this project done.” This
environment pushed me to question my ability and where I fit in as the new leader. After
a series of reflective moments, I realized that I had misplaced my identity. I was soon
reminded of my identity as a successful, empathic leader who is unquestionably
knowledgeable. I self-identified as a Black man who understood who he was in higher
41

education and had survived racial inequities in the past. With this, I was able to
successfully align my vision and set strategic goals that align with both my department’s
purpose and that of the education institution.
Coltrane mentioned, “my anchoring in my self-identity gives me a level of cognition that
stabilizes the chatter while working in higher education racial systems.” He reiterated that “self-
identity makes me work harder and smarter and mindful of racial inequities and relativeness to
my role in higher education.”
Millennials
The millennial generation thought self-worth is an essential anchoring method to combat
racial equity gaps in higher education. The millennial group thought that anchoring in a value
system that included self-worth was a sustainable option while steering through the higher
education racial inequities. Rollins talked about anchoring in self-worth in the context of
navigating through oppressive barriers “as a sense of self to overcome and persevere through
environments that challenge your value and belief systems.” Parker viewed “self-worth as a
tenant of self-respect and confidence.” He mentioned that “an understanding of your worth as a
Black male in the struggle against racism is that part of being Black that creates organizational
change.” He explained, “even though racism exists, the enemy is in me.”
Byrd thought psychologically that “self-worth as a strategy for Black males to intently
address and attack systemic racial obstacles in higher education was necessary toward success.”
He also suggested that “the value of self-worth foundationally is an important trait to uphold in
the preservation of respect and consideration of oneself and their well-being.” Armstrong
identified self-worth as an internal component of self-esteem. He noted that “working in
42

oppressive systems, such as higher education, requires that Black males and their core values are
anchored in a trajectory that aligns with success and self-worth delivers that.”
Summary of RQ1
The sections above explored how African American men in higher education defined
success as identified in Chapter Two and the themes that emerged in response to the first research
question. The participants from three generations (baby boomers, Generation X, and millennials)
validated the literature findings in Chapter Two. They agreed that racial obstacles get in the way
of success for Black males and that higher education as an organization, embodies systems and
structures that are established to oppress men of color.
With clear discrimination and inequities, success was identified through three specific
traits that all Black males innate possess: community, diversity exposure, and duality. Each
participant shared in detail their lived experiences within these themes that contributed to their
success in higher education. A clear interrelation existed between these themes that connected the
Black male experience living and working in systemic racial institutions.
The community was defined as a network of people, places, and things. Diversity
exposure was explained both from positive and negative perspectives, operating from knowledge
of self. Awareness of racism was expressed as success identifiers from African American males’
cross-generationally. The section below further outlines the participants’ experiences as they
relate to navigating institutional oppression and systemic racism in higher education.
Research Findings for RQ2: How have African American Male Leaders Navigated Higher
Education’s Oppressive Systems and Structures?
The purpose of RQ2 was to also obtain the lived experiences and perspectives of a
sample of multigenerational African American males who have successfully navigated higher
43

education’s oppressive structures. This question asked the participants to reflect on any
discriminatory experiences and what techniques they utilized to overcome any racial biases while
working in higher education. Through the findings, three prominent themes emerged:
recognizing your positionality, developing coping mechanisms for racism, and anchoring
yourself in values and belief systems.
Black Male Success in Higher Education—Positionality
I have recognized how my positionality affects my decision-making, my focus, and
where I place my efforts, both personally and professionally. Several lived events have
positioned me toward success in higher education. A significant and pivotal decision was in the
development of this ethnographic study. The navigation methods I used to explore inequities in
higher education are woven deeply in this writing and have forced a deep reflection on life—
past, present, and future.
Baby Boomers
The baby boomer participants outlined higher education’s oppressive nature through
generations of struggle, violence, and oppressive isolation. Their experiences on their
positionality as a success measure to navigate inequalities in higher education provided a historic
perspective on racism, oppression, and discrimination. For example, Washington talked about his
first-hand experience when he recognized that his positionality hindered his growth in higher
education. He mentioned, “for years while working in higher education, I steered away from
those with which I could not identify. If they did not look like or act like me or even had a
similar background, they were an adversary.” Hancock, as an engineer, had no idea that his
positionality was a factor in his success until he was hired as the only Black professor in the
44

Engineering Department of an educational institution. He explained how his educational
positionality was formed in a conversation with his dean:
It was my first day on the job. After a series of introductory meetings with other faculty
and staff, I was escorted to my new office by the dean of the Engineering Department.
The dean, an older White man walked me to my new working digs and sat me down to
chat. He explained candidly that I was not the most qualified nor was I his selection for
my new teaching position. I was hired to diversify a department that, for over 20 years,
had never had a Black professor. I was told directly by him to not raise a fuss, keep to the
business of teaching and I could have a long, successful career at the university. One
month later, I resigned. There was and is no place in education for that type of treatment.
I am a man first, Black second, and an educator third.
Hancock noted it took him a month to realize that his biases toward White people and his internal
positionality would not allow him to remain in an organization of higher learning that
perpetuated racism. Similarly, Jarreau noted:
My positionality was framed while working in higher education. My Blackness was
never challenged and from my life experiences with racism, I survived the barriers and
obstacles of oppression that I encountered in higher education environments.
Whalum explained that his foundation growing up set his positionality in life. Although he did
not share any meaningful bias and positionality experiences, he felt his bias recognition and
positionality early on supported his success through higher education.
Generation X
The Generation X participants, under the theme of recognizing positionality, connected
on the thought that the systemic nature of higher education was a footstool in their success. They
45

felt knowing your positionality protected and guided you in the disparities associated with higher
education. An element of positionality that stood out in the conversations with the Gen-X
participants was identity. We talked during the interviews that identity was learned through
positionality.
Montgomery, as a member of the organization’s senior staff, recognized that his position
in higher education is not who he is. He mentioned, “my identity comes from a place outside of
work and my title … my identity rests with my family, my service, and my life spiritually.”
Marsalis echoed, “the confines of an educational institution are temporary, and tying that as my
identity would professional suicide.” Benson noted how his positionality influenced the steps
taken while navigating oppressive systems in higher education. He explained:
As a Black man who lives and works in communities where Black people are scarce, my
positionality is important to me. I recognize that my daily surroundings include systems
of oppression toward Black males. My identity guides how I interact in these settings,
particularly in my administrator role in my organization. My identity controls how and
when I engage, it controls my body language and my awareness of the inequities placed
on Black men.
Coltrane aligned with the other participants on how positionality plays a part in Black male
success. He mentioned how “the realities of oppressive systems can be a contributing factor in
success, because of its negative nature, positive outcomes are possible.” Marsalis indicated that
“identifying your positionality and where you stand on your views are successful navigation
traits when dealing with racial barriers.”
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Millennials
The millennials’ outlook on positionality focused on the acknowledgment of their
abilities. Armstrong, Parker, and Rollins felt that their abilities as they relate to positionality are a
necessary strategy to navigate subordinate structures in higher education. Ability, from a
positionality standpoint, was a shared theme among the millennial participants. The millennials
underscored positionality as an action. Armstrong mentioned that his “ability to actively
challenge norms and disrupt traditions of discrimination” was his positionality. Parker described
his positionality as a “movement, which requires deliberate attention and focus to remain
proactive” while navigating discriminatory systems in higher education.
Rollins also interpreted his positionality as action steps. He talked about his positionality
“as a pivot action that turns me from point to point, from situation to situation keeping my view
of racial inequities at the forefront.” Byrd acknowledged his positionality as slightly different
from the other millennials. He specifically called out his positionality in higher education and its
disparities toward Black males “as an acceptance, not an agreement.” He works in a manner that
he says, “allows flexibility in my positionality so that constant adjustments can be made when
working through the racial systems of higher education.”
Black Male Success in Higher Education—Coping Mechanisms
The circumstances behind my experience navigating systemic inequities in higher
education came from an unfortunate place professionally. I had the opportunity early in my
career in higher education to mentor African American male military veterans. This group of
servicemembers was transiting from military life to life as a civilian. They all came to campus
with different views and perspectives on learning and education. Within their viewpoints on
succeeding in education, were coping mechanisms and strategies utilized to deal with
47

experiences from institutional racism. The coping mechanisms I encountered ranged from active
coping, such as religion and spirituality, to direct coping, such as substance abuse and educating
White people. As I dove into these mentorships, I was reminded from the participant interviews
of the similarities between the two groups. All participants spoke about the coping mechanisms
necessary to survive and be successful against higher education prejudices.
Baby Boomers
The baby boomer participants explained that coping mechanisms are important sanity
points when navigating the racial equity gaps in higher education. The participants in this
generation, who were entrenched in times of deep segregation, mentioned several coping
mechanisms for the prevalence of institutional inequities. The one theme that flushed out from
the others was armoring. Further, into our conversations, they settled on categorizing armor as
the lessons learned from childhood on how to deal with racism.
Davis reflected on his upbringing and how he was taught to “protect your mind, body,
and soul” when faced with racial inequalities. His armor, he said, “was his end goal to become
the first-generation college graduate in this family.” When asked how armoring was used in his
higher education experience, he noted it included “working harder than his White colleagues and
speaking out at unfair situations.” Hancock spoke of armoring as “a headpiece to protect your
thoughts, a breastplate to protect your heart, and leg and foot shields to protect your walk.” He
went on to discuss “no matter what, keep moving.” This phrase was instilled in him by his
parents at an early age. Washington referred to armoring as a protective component for success
when piloting through systems within higher education that are discriminatory. He mentioned, “I
use positive reframing as a coping mechanism to protect me mentally, emotionally, and
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physically.” He continued to explain, “using this mindfulness tool allows me to reverse the
negative intent in racial situations so that I can think critically and act calmly.”
Jarreau stated that while working in higher education, his spirituality was the primary
coping mechanism for navigating inequitable situations and in life. He went on to describe, “[my
armor rests in] my reliance on my connection to God provides me security, reminds me that love
overcomes all and that my life is in God’s control.” Whalum described his armoring and coping
mechanisms as “educating through confrontation.” His approach, he said, “immediately
addressed the issue and made his position clear” when having to engage in inequitable situations.
He also noted that “navigating injudiciousness within educational structures for Black males, a
learned mechanism to cope is critical to success.”
Generation X
The Gen-X group discussed coping mechanisms while circumventing oppression from
social support within their network of other Black colleagues. The Gen-Xers coped by sharing
experiences, developing healthy relationships, and with informal support meetings,
conversations, and alliances. These positive support connections with others that we (Black male
Gen-X) can identify with help with pains and struggles navigating unfair systems in higher
education.
Coltrane outlined support from like-minded Black men as an important outlet for the
work necessary to battle the oppressive systems in higher education. He explained, “a team to
coping and problem-solving inequities lead to success in higher education.” This team, as
defined by the Generation X participants, is comprised of Black male educators that join you in
the subordinate struggles of higher education. Benson and Marsalis suggested support groups
helped them cope with racial systems and balance inequitable systems in higher education.
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Montgomery thought communicating with other African American men in the education
industry on racial disparity issues in higher education was an important coping technique to
navigate what only Black males experience in higher education. He explained, “the divisiveness
in higher education and the maneuvering toward success requires a collation of Black men linked
at the hip for idea sharing, for comic relief, and as a safe place to be yourself.” He also
mentioned, “coping together in oppressive systems provides an opportunity to learn and grow
from the shared and lived racial suffering.”
Millennials
This generation used activity as their coping mechanism to navigate racial systems set up
against them. They framed activity as a physical, mental, and emotional movement. This
movement was an effective coping mechanism that allowed flexibility in their positionality in
racial systems. They expressed that their daily foundation included activities that allowed them
to separate from the racial stresses within higher education.
Rollins, one of the former athletes, praised the use of activities as a positive coping
mechanism. He mentioned, “physical activity, such as running and weightlifting, allows me the
time to blow off steam after a day working in oppression.” Physical activity in the millennial
sphere provides them time to refocus and reenergize strength to sustain the racial pressures
brought on by higher education. Byrd noted, “mental movement, such as therapy and deep
meditation, are active movements that promote balance and stability.” He also thought that
“activity clears the mind and allows for a cleansing of cognitive load in preparation for the next
day.”
Armstrong, one of only a few African American professors in his institution, remarked, “I
work hard throughout the day, always looking forward to leaving the oppressor of higher
50

education to enter into a place physically where I am safe and where I can charge my batteries.”
The millennials’ visceral reaction to navigating through higher education and its repressive
systems indicated that the fight for equity required the capacity to be physically stable to be
effective.
Summary of Research Question 2
In summary, the participants provided insightful responses to RQ2. Their well-thought-
out responses in the sections above synthesize the process for African American males to
navigate higher education’s oppressive structures. The participants from the three generations
(baby boomers, Generation X, and millennials) validated the findings from the literature in
Chapter Two.
RQ2 flushed out emergent themes of positionality, establishing coping mechanisms, and
value and belief system anchoring as tools to navigate racial inequities in higher education. From
an African American male perspective, the participants charted the necessary tools needed to
overcome subordinate structures in higher education. Each generation pillared these themes as
mechanisms similar to those of RQ1.
RQ2 asked how to best navigate the systemic inequities as a Black man in higher
education. It drew from the participants a shoring of their convictions on race, racism, and anti-
Blackness in higher education. Their experience steering through the privileges of others in
higher education reminded a cross-generation group of Black men that success was a hidden gem
embedded deep in racial and oppressive structures, and the research agrees.
Cross-Generational Similarities
This section outlines the similarities in the experiences and perspectives of the
participants on success in higher education. Other success themes included wanting to see visual
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demonstrations from higher education White leaders that address racial equity gaps, purposeful
connections among other generations of Black males in higher education, and expanding the
Black male’s racial capacity and understanding. These themes were not identified by the
literature introduced earlier in the study; however, each participant in the interviews mentioned
at least one of these themes in our conversations. These themes further demonstrated additional
tactics that Black men can utilize for success in higher education.
Visual demonstrations from White leaders that address the Black male voice in higher
education were a critical component multi-generationally. The participants suggested that
intentional conversations that were open, unfiltered, and uncomfortable could generate a
connection toward the success of Black males in higher education. Davis (boomer) suggested
that “creating forums specifically established for conversations with Black men on higher
education disparities is something where White leaders can show their commitment and even
their vulnerability.” Armstrong (millennial) noted that it would be “interesting to see White
leaders in higher education discuss racial inequities in their institutions and how they are
addressing it.” He went on to say, the others “in my circle of millennials would likely engage in
those conversations to see if their voices were heard.” Coltrane (Gen-X) mentioned that “part of
the success path for Black males in education is to be shown that their White counterparts care
and that they are willing to listen.” Washington (boomer) identified “crucial conversations that
show ownership from White leaders in higher education would send volumes for the Black male
that could eventually lead to the removal of racial obstacles in higher education.”
Purposeful connections for Black males in higher education were pointed out by the
participants in the interviews. They believe that they were stronger together and that their success
united was just as beneficial as their success individually. Rollins (millennial) explained that
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“connecting with like-minded Black males in multiple generations could contribute to a sharing
of ideas and experiences that move the needle for all our success.” Jarreau (boomer) thought that
“bridging opportunities for cross-generational conversations is a recipe for success for Black
men in higher education.” Montgomery (Gen-X) stated in this same vein “that having the
opportunity to align our thoughts multi-generationally would allow for greater insights on the
needs of our people working through the oppressive nature in higher education.” Parker
(millennial) said that “conversing with other Black men in higher education in this capacity
would force postmillennial generations to tell the truth about their experiences.” He went on to
explain that “hearing how they [postmillennial generations] have become successful in higher
education’s subordinate structures would be a huge confidence boost for millennials struggling to
navigate its racial barriers.”
Expanding the Black male’s racial capacity and understanding as it relates to higher
education demonstrated the mindset of Black men in education and the importance of outlining
our similarities toward success. As educators cross-generationally, the participants noted at some
level that expanding their knowledge base on the inequities in higher education invokes action,
disrupts oppressive systems, and ultimately, as suggested by all generations, promotes the
resilience necessary to overcome racism and achieve success. Benson (Gen-X) stated that “one
of the major elements of success for a Black male is directly derived from his knowledge
capacity.” Marsalis, also a Gen-Xer, suggested, “increasing cognitive knowledge as a Black man,
especially in higher education, creates that the ability, self-respect and overall defines you and
your success track.” Hancock (boomer) stated that expanding racial capacity “forces its victim to
continuously search out opportunities to learn and grow.” He also mentioned that “in higher
education, expanding knowledge capacity of racial injustices promotes an attitude of overcoming
53

and conquering whatever in your path.” Byrd (millennial) spoke from a lens of learned capacity
through higher education’s oppressive systems. He went on to reiterate that “a stick-to-itiveness
is birthed from what’s learned and is built from the capacity of knowledge.”
My viewpoint on success and navigating through higher education’s systemic oppressive
structures as a Generation X Black man was also informed through autoethnography, relational
themes from RQ1 and RQ2, as well as the similarities shown cross-generationally. I share and
recognize as a Black man how my fellow educators define success and successfully navigate the
systemic barriers found in higher education. My lived experiences with the need for a
community, operating from a position of duality and exposure to diversity as a Black male,
create an ecosystem of honor and dignity and, as the participants noted, define success in higher
education for men of color. The other emergent themes of positionality, anchoring, and
establishing coping mechanisms, in contrast, created a compass to navigate higher education’s
oppressive nature. The responses from this cross-pollination of generations recognize higher
education as a system of racism and disparities toward African American men and owe us equal
experiences, exposure, and access to all opportunities higher education provides.
Chapter Summary
The first research question gathered the lived experiences and perspectives on the success
of Black men across generations in higher education. Moreover, it challenged the participants to
reflect on what success means and how it is achieved in the racial confines of higher education.
The purpose of the second research question was to uncover how Black men in higher education
cross-generationally had navigated and overcame racial and oppressive barriers within higher
education.
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This chapter provided a synthesis of the generational similarities between the three
generations (boomer, Generation X, and millennials) of participants. The participants dictated
similar definitions of success and how to navigate the oppressive systems in higher education.
My autoethnographic lived experiences and perspectives were also included to further
synchronize the similarities that emerged cross-generationally.
Chapter Five further discusses the findings in this chapter and draws connections to the
literature review in Chapter Two. It also provides a summary of the implications and suggested
organizational change model. Finally, Chapter Five delineates recommendations for
implementation so that African American males can successfully navigate the racial barriers and
oppressive structures of higher education.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
This study explored how African American men in higher education define success and
how they have successfully navigated the racial and oppressive structures in higher education.
Based on autoethnography, which helps clarify the purpose, question, problem, contest, or issue
being addressed by utilizing the self as a central foundation for inquiry (Hughes et al., 2012), I
shared my lived experiences and perspectives as a man of color to expose the inequities in higher
education and how to successfully overcome the racial obstacles that hinder Black males in a
subordinate structured organization. Through autoethnography, my narrative as a Black man
came alive. For the first time in my life, I was in a position without walls, restrictions, or barriers
to my success. This type of nontraditional structure breathed life into what it felt like to be free,
to have the freedom to express and be creative and be free from oppression. The journey of self-
reflection opened new ideas, thoughts, and a knowing that as an educational leader, inequitable
systems are not insurmountable to overcome and that, with time, equality will be achieved.
This study utilized AAMT as the theoretical framework and guide to the interrelation of
Black males and their success in higher education’s racially oppressed structures. AAMT
considers success must be rooted in our history, culture, community, and political realities
worldwide, and in that success, is freedom (Bush & Bush, 2018). This framework is tied to the
success traits necessary in higher education.
The previous chapter shared the experiences and perspectives of Black males in higher
education identified in Chapter Two. In this chapter, I comprise an overview and the implications
of the study, introduce an organization change model for further assessment and evaluation, and
detail recommendations for future research.
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Implications of the Study
Sharing a relevant testimony of the experience of Black men and their success in
subordinate structures of oppression and racism in educational society is urgent, and utilizing the
essence of autoethnography is particularly effective for this purpose. As mentioned previously,
AAMT considers success must be rooted in our various realities (Bush & Bush, 2018). The
findings of this study create an awareness of Black male success and navigation techniques these
men have used for generations to follow. Success in higher education for Black males to achieve
through equity. The participants, as well as myself, felt that higher education owed Black males
equal experiences, equal exposure, and equal access to all opportunities that higher education
provides. This study referred to the design for equity in higher education (DEHE) evaluation
model to provide recommendations for future research to provide Black males in education a
roadmap to success through the racial and oppressive systems in higher education.
Evaluation Model – Design for Equity in Higher Education
The DEHE model (Figure 2) was employed in the evaluation of equity-minded design
change in higher education. This design model for organizational change identifies equity at the
core of its vision. Every phase of its practice includes an equity component from conception to
completion. This type of organizational change is defined as a human-centered and design-focus
methodology for solving problems (Harper & Kezar, 2021). It also addresses the inequities at the
root of many problems and emphasizes power-sharing in the design process (Anaisse et al.,
2020). Moreover, organizational equity change and policy development can be achieved from
this model. Design thinking can be used in change efforts to develop more collaborative
organizational cultures (Elsbach & Stigliani, 2018).
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Figure 2
Design for Equity in Higher Education Model

Note. The DEHE model for organizational change integrates equity as the foundational element
in all phases of the practice. In organizational contexts, such as higher education, it integrates
policymaking explicitly into the model and locates equity-minded practice as underlying the
entire process (Harper & Kezar, 2021).
Design for Equity in Higher Education {DEHE)

---·---- - --
Organize (1)
Form design team.
Define objectives.
Assess participation

the experiences and
Identify most
solutions and

Decide which ideas
for representation
perspectives of those relevant context(s), encourage creativity.
to expand and draft.
and political will.
you are designing.
stakeholders. Look for models
Multi-pronged approach
Develop a narrative that
of innovation as
to data gathering.
captures complexities.
sources of inspiration.

- -- ·-- - ------ --·- ·-·- ·------- -·-- - -·· --- --·---
-------- ... ---··--·
+ Prototype (6) + Get Buy In (7) + Test (8)
Draft solutions and Share problem- Facilitate implementation
learn by building. and-solution story. at scale.
Share with key
Build support
Evaluate and get
stakeholders.
among coalitions.
feedback.
Develop a solution Refine and revise
Ideate
narrative.
Negotiate.
for future iterations.

Prototype

EQUITY-MINDED PRACTICE

Underlying Mechanisms
Get Buy-in

EQUITY-MINDED PRACTICE
• Address issues of identity, power, and values.
• Attend internally to team process and externally to design solutions.

Notice bias and power. Ensure intent increases equity. Be authentic.

Reflect on insights, actions, emotions, and impact.
Improve the process as you're working.

Collaborate and build relational trust. Share, don't sell.
ORGANIZATIONAL CONTEXT
• Understand political and bureaucratic landscape.
• Consider constraints and opportunities.

Navigate competing interests internally and externally.

Leverage institutional priorities and political will.

Negotiate with key stakeholders and decision-makers.
+ Empathize 2) + (Re)Defme (3) + Ideate (4) + Choose (s)
Gain well-rounded Synthesize and Brainstorm a wide Assess feasibility
understanding of connect findings. variety of potential and context of ideas.

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The DEHE model is a useful evaluation framework for this study due to its use of equity-
minded mechanisms that encourage organizational change. This model situates equity-minded
practices as underlying the entire design process to emphasize the ever-changing nature of
power, oppression, and emotions (Harper & Kezar, 2021). The model also aligns with
autoethnography as an approach to data collection. It mentions that design thinking encourages
primary data collection through ethnographic methods, including observations and interviews,
which allow designers to gain a better understanding of the end-users, especially by
understanding their experiences as a journey (Micheli et al., 2019). The model also promotes
self-awareness of identity, values, emotion, assumptions, and positionality before beginning with
the design process so that the team can engage authentically in the process (Harper & Kezar,
2021). The DEHE model would in essence redefine Black education in higher education. In
addition to embracing the diversity of people and their experiences, liberatory design thinking
requires designers to practice self-awareness of human values when hearing users’ stories
(Harper & Kezar, 2021).
Recommendations
Through this study, I intended to expose the inequalities in higher education as it relates
to the success of African American men. I focused on institutionalized racism, biases, and
oppression in the higher education system. The cross-generation of African American male
participants uniquely categorized navigating the oppressive systems in higher education from
their lived experiences and perspectives. This study aimed to understand how Black men in
education have successfully navigated higher education’s systemic racial and oppressive
systems. Through the nontraditional qualitative method of autoethnography, the exploration led
to breakthroughs exposing a schism: something needed to shift (Espinoza, 2020).
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This section addresses recommendations that demonstrate how African American men in
education have successfully navigated inequitable and racially biased systems. Additionally,
these recommendations address success and how Black men have navigated mainstream cultural
hegemony and oppression in higher education. Ultimately, these recommendations will become a
roadmap toward success for future generations of Black men and boys in higher education.
Community Importance
The first recommendation is for the establishment of grassroots programs and/or
organizations that engage a community of Black men that teach, coach, and mentor African
American boys and men in a space that is supportive of the growth and development of their
lives. This is community development as defined by the participants. All 13 interviewed
participants mentioned the lack of support and developmental programs available to meet Black
boys and men where they are in life circumstances. Young (2004) mentioned that reentering the
voices of Black men in relation to their perceptions, meanings, understandings, and experiences
has the potential to better appreciate their coping strategies and persistence efforts in their daily
lives. White and Cones (1999) stated how Black males’ balanced lifestyle choices, opportunities,
demands, and expectations affect their mental health, physical well-being, productivity, and life
chances. The recommendation to create programs for those underserved provides a growth outlet
for Black boys and men in their long-term personal and professional development.
Educational Development
The second recommendation concerns the development of educational opportunities for
the uplifting of Black boys and men through a consortium of successful Black males in education
that are convened specifically to address discrimination, oppressive barriers, and racial obstacles.
The research revealed from the boomer and Gen-X generations (10 participants) that a
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nationwide collation of successful Black male educators could align resources to develop group
think tank opportunities, strategic planning sessions, and educational outreach that addresses
hope to cope, survive, and become successful despite the obstacles of racial and oppressive
systems. White and Cones (1999) noted that maintaining dignity and self-esteem is essential
when pathways are blocked because of discrimination and structural racial barriers. Carroll
(1998) explained that being Black in the United States means enduring a lifetime of mundane
and extreme racism punctuated by incessant microaggressions and that constantly battling racial
stress takes a physical and mental toll on the lives of people of color. The second
recommendation alludes to organizing like-minded successful Black men in education to share in
the challenge of eradicating racial barriers for Black boys and men.
Black Male Awareness Movement
The third recommendation is to educate and inform future generations on race and
resilience to create an awareness of the innate intelligence and resilience of African American
boys and men. In this study, all 15 interviewed participants noted the importance of educating
Black boys and men on the research theories that describe and define the distinctive character of
self-determination, morality, and intelligence. Holling (1973) noted that resilience theory is
concerned with and addresses the ability, capacity, and powers that people or systems exhibit
that allows them to rise above adversity. The final recommendation points to an education
movement that would be used as a mechanism for success to anchor Black boys and men in the
face of tremendous adversity and minimal resources.
Recommendations for Future Research
As shown in Chapter Two, the African American male experience must be acknowledged
in higher education. Moreover, the success traits necessary to combat higher education’s racial
61

and oppressive structures must be understood before researchers can continue to investigate these
organizational structures and systems that intend to alienate Black boys and men. Future research
that captures a larger group of African American men demographically may provide participants
with more diverse experiences and perspectives. Researching Black male participants nationally
may indicate additional racial barriers not identified in this study. Demographics should also be
considered. For example, Black males in the southern United States may be experiencing
different racial barriers than their counterparts in the eastern regions. Results may be used to
further inform how the barriers they face in higher education affect their success.
Second, a limitation of this study was only collecting data from African American men in
higher education. Casting a wider net to include Black men in other education settings could
yield a greater comparison of success and reach generations of Black men at earlier stages in
their careers. Other education settings could include Black men in K-12, trade school
environments, and education settings outside of the United States.
Third, a quantitative approach that collects data on the success of Black men in education
could prove beneficial toward program creation, funding of grassroots initiatives, and support
networks for Black males in higher education. Results from a quantitative research study may be
used to influence awareness of the lack of resources for African American males working in
higher education institutions.
The use of autoethnography as a research tool is the final recommendation for future
research. This method could yield important narratives for future researchers interested in
addressing the oppressive structure of higher education. This nonrestrictive tool critically allows
the researcher to lend their voice to the research from lived experiences.
62

Conclusion
This study utilized AAMT as its theoretical framework to demonstrate the inter-relational
aspects of Black male success in higher education’s racially oppressed structures. In this
dissertation, I also discussed the tenets of CRT—intersectionality and interest convergence—as
transformative approaches to address oppressive practices. These theoretical relationships were
all synthesized through a lens of autoethnography, which allowed me as the researcher the
exploration opportunity to share my lived experiences as a Black male in higher education.
This study highlighted oppression in higher education and the success traits necessary for
African American men to navigate its racial barriers. Through autoethnography, the pain of my
past was revealed, and that pain ignited a fire within me for equity. As mentioned earlier, higher
education owes the Black man. It owes us inclusion, equity, and diversity for its inequitable
systems for those it has marginalized for decades. I have emerged with more resilience and a
more renewed sense of self. The roadmap toward success in higher education’s oppressive
structures is set. We are uniquely qualified to reimagine Black in higher education.

63

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67

Appendix A
Interview Protocol(s)

Prescreening Protocol:
Due to inclusion criteria for the study, those interested in participating in the study will be
contacted for prescreening to determine eligibility and to schedule the date, time, and location for
the interview.
Prescreening Questions:
1. Based on your age, what generational category do you are in you?
• Baby Boomers (1946 – 1964)
• Generation X (1965 – 1980)
• Millennials (1981 – 1996)
2. What is your sex?
3. What is your gender identity?
4. What is your race?
Introduction to the Interview:
Thank you so much for agreeing to chat with me today. Your insight and experience are
extremely valuable for my study. I am going to be recording our conversation to ensure I capture
your thoughts accurately. Is that, ok? Are there any questions that you have before we get
started?
Interview Questions:
1. What is your definition of success?
2. What traits, as an African American male do you think, are necessary for success?
68

3. Can you name a few pivotal career milestones that established a foundation for your
success?
4. What conditions existed throughout your career that have now defined your leadership
style?
5. How have you utilized your platform for the success of others?
6. How do you disseminate influence?
7. Is there an example you can share professionally that pushed you to the point when you
wanted to quit?
8. For Baby Boomers (1946–1964) what life experiences have you applied to your line of
work?
9. For Generation X (1965–1980) has your approach to leadership changed while
managing during an external crisis?
10. For Millennials (1981–1996) What drives you?
11. What process do you undertake to initiate organizational change in your organization?
Conclusion to the Interview:
Thank you so much for you sharing your thoughts with me today! I appreciate your time and
willingness to share. It has been a pleasure. Everything that you have shared is really helpful for
my study. If I find myself with a follow-up question, can I contact you, and if so, is email, ok?
Again, thank you for participating in my study.

69

Appendix B
Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix

Research Questions Theoretical Framework Data Instrument Questions

How do multigenerational
African American male
leaders define success?

African American male
theory (AAMT)
(Bush & Bush, 2018)

Interview Questions:

1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 10, 11

How do multigenerational
African American male
leaders navigate oppressive
and racial structures?

Critical race theory:

Intersectionality
(Crenshaw, 1990)

Interest convergence
(Bell, 1982)

Interview Questions:

2, 5, 8, 9

Demographic questions

Prescreen Questions:
1–4
Interview Question: 2

70

Appendix C
Information Sheet for Exempt Studies

INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH

STUDY TITLE: Black Male Experience – An Autoethnographic Approach

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Devin Starnes

FACULTY ADVISOR: Patricia Tobey, PhD

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This
document explains information about this study. You should ask questions about
anything that is unclear to you.

PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to address how African American men have successfully
navigated higher education’s oppressive systems, its inequitable structures, and its
racial disparities. We hope to learn the necessary success traits for African American
males to become successful in higher education. You are invited as a possible
participant because you are an African American leader in higher education within the
study’s cross-generational expectations.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
The participants will be asked a series of interview questions to gather information and
data on their perspectives and experiences as African American males in higher
education. The interviews will last approximately 60 minutes and will be audio-recorded.
If you choose, you can decline to be recorded and your participation will not be
impacted.

If you decide to take part, you will be asked to schedule a date and time for a virtual
interview via Zoom.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $25 gift card for your time. You do not have to answer all of the
questions in order to receive the card. The card will be given to you when you return the
questionnaire.

71

CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California
Institutional Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors
research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

As you know, your participation is voluntary. Any information you provide will be kept
anonymous. The researcher (me) will not use your personal information (name, email,
contact information) for any purposes outside of this research project. Also, the
researcher will not include your name or anything else that could identify you in the
study reports. Data will be kept secure by password protection and data encryption. The
data will be destroyed at the conclusion of the dissertation. You as the participant at any
time can request to review/edit. The researcher (me) will only have access to the
recordings, which will be deleted approximately 30 days after dissertation conferral.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Devin Starnes and Dr.
Patricia Tobey at devinsta@usc.edu or tobey@usc.edu.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Starnes, Devin (author)

Core Title African American males' lived experience: an autoethography approach

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2022-08

Publication Date 08/03/2022

Defense Date 08/02/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag african american male lived experience,african american male lived perspectives,african american male success,autoethnography,black male lived experience,black male lived experiences,black male success,cross generations,equity,Higher education,higher education disparities,multi-generations,OAI-PMH Harvest,Oppression,Racism

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia (committee chair)

Creator Email devinastarnes@gmail.com,devinsta@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111375991

Unique identifier UC111375991

Legacy Identifier etd-StarnesDev-11081

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Starnes, Devin

Type texts

Source 20220803-usctheses-batch-967 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu