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Increasing African American male participation in pre-college programs: improving TRIO programs’ support for Black men

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Increasing African American male participation in pre-college programs: improving TRIO programs’ support for Black men

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Increasing African American Male Participation in Pre-College Programs: Improving
TRIO Programs’ Support for Black Men
by
William Syms

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2022

© Copyright by William Syms 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for William Syms certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Alan Green
Briana Hinga
Patricia Tobey, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
This study was created to understand how pre-college programs that retain men of color increase
their persistence and completion. Specifically, the study asked how Black male students
experience TRIO programs regarding sense of belonging, perceptions of care, and identity
affirmation by measuring their feelings on locus of control, environmental factors, program
ethos, and identity. Secondly, the study sought to ascertain how these programs’ practices and
frameworks support Black men based on factors known to increase retention, persistence, and
completion for African American males. The aim is to understand how these programs’ design
includes these factors. The African American Male Theory conceptual framework serves as a
lens to view the investigation, as research suggests that increasing Black males’ persistence and
retention requires competencies regarding their experience to help them develop a well-defined
identity (Bush & Bush, 2013; Harper, 2010). Additionally, as professionals deepen their
understanding of the dynamics of race and racism in higher education, they are better equipped
to improve students’ persistence and completion (Bush & Bush, 2013; Harris & Wood, 2016;
Rendón, 2015).

v
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ vii
List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. viii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study ...............................................................................................1
Pre-College Programs Supporting Black Men .....................................................................2
Black Men and College and Higher Education ....................................................................3
Impacts of Covid-19 on Black Male Participation in Pre-College Programming ...............3
Importance of the Study .......................................................................................................4
The Statement of the Problem..............................................................................................5
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................6
The Significance of the Study ..............................................................................................7
Limitations ...........................................................................................................................8
Delimitations ........................................................................................................................9
Assumptions .......................................................................................................................10
Definitions..........................................................................................................................10
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................12
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .........................................................................................14
TRIO Pre-College Programs ..............................................................................................15
Black Men in College and Higher Education ....................................................................21
Student Engagement ..........................................................................................................24
Dual Enrollment and Early College High School ..............................................................24
Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................................27
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................34
Chapter Four: Findings ..................................................................................................................45

vi
Participants .........................................................................................................................45
Findings Research Question 1 ...........................................................................................56
Discussion Research Question 1 ........................................................................................63
Findings Research Question 2 ...........................................................................................64
Discussion Research Question 1 ........................................................................................70
Chapter Five: Recommendations ...................................................................................................74
Recommendations for Future Research .............................................................................80
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................81
References ..........................................................................................................................83
Appendix A: Recruitment Email .......................................................................................99
Appendix B: Information/Facts Sheet for Exempt Non-Medical Research ................................100
Appendix C: Participant Screening Protocol ...............................................................................103
Appendix D: Focus Group Protocol ............................................................................................105
Appendix E: Interview Protocol ..................................................................................................108
Appendix F: Post-Interview Reflection .......................................................................................111

vii
List of Tables
Table 1: Participants ......................................................................................................................47
Appendix G: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix (Qualitative) .......................................112
Appendix H: Qualitative Codebook.............................................................................................113

viii
List of Figures
Figure 1: UB/UBMS and SSS Statistics ........................................................................................18
Figure 2: Ecological Systems Model for African American Male Theory ....................................29
Figure 3: Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................32

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
College attendance and completion are higher than ever, yet Black men are still enrolling
and completing at lower rates than all other gender and race groups (Davis, 2016; McDaniel et
al., 2011; U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). Harper et al. (2015) proposed that there is a unique
experience of African American men, and institutions do not take this into account or create
programming that supports these students in a significant way. Beyond pedagogical failures of
programming, the lack of male African American faculty and administrators in higher education
contribute to institutions’ misunderstanding of male African American students and how to
support them (Harper, 2010; Newman & Wood, 2015).
Many programs created to close achievement gaps and prepare vulnerable populations do
not specifically structure programming to support Black men. Further, these programs do not
understand Black men’s specific needs regarding completing education. Harper (2010) argued
programs must explicitly focus on preparing Black male students for the challenges presented by
educational institutions that are ill-prepared to support them. Many pre-college programs track
metrics but do not employ the data in a manner that expands cultural competence. These
programs often employ data to meet numerical quotas focused on economic metrics. However,
programs must center equity to increase persistence and completion (Witham et al., 2015).
Additionally, the impacts of COVID-19 continue to push Black men out of higher
education and into the workforce, as they are often required to contribute financially to their
families. Beyond these issues, higher education in America is an antiquated system built at a
time when Black people were not considered human. The effects of early America’s White
supremacy can still be seen at institutions of higher education, further alienating African
American men. To better prepare Black men for college and increase completion, preparatory
2

programs must increase cultural competence, employ new pedogeological frames, and disavow
themselves from the practices of White supremacy. Reframing how pre-college programs
support Black men will increase these students’ persistence and completion rates at the
undergraduate and graduate levels.
Pre-College Programs Supporting Black Men
Pre-college support programs have an antiquated structure focused on meeting quotas
based on data-driven metrics that do not incentivize these programs to create equity-driven
programming to support Black men through culturally relevant pedagogy (Witham et al., 2015).
Black men need programs specific to their needs and roles in their families and society (Harris
&Wood, 2016). Harris and Wood (2016) contended that equity metrics for Black men require
programming to understand the socio-ecological environment that impacts their persistence in
higher education. Pre-college programs adopting these practices foster these students’ early
success and create the supporting networks necessary for their persistence and completion at the
undergraduate level, as described in Harper’s (2010) anti-deficit model. As the network of
support is developed, pre-college programs must engage families to increase understanding of
the work required for Black male students to persist and earn undergraduate degrees (Wood &
Palmer, 2014). Yosso (2005) suggested that leveraging this familial capital empowers the
student’s community to support them as they navigate higher education.
TRIO programs are federally funded and highly organized from pre-college to graduate-
level programs, making them the ideal place to implement gender-specific and culturally relevant
interventions (U.S. Department of Education [DOE], 2016, 2018). TRIO programs must reshape
their practice to provide culturally relevant programming focused on increasing persistence and
completion among the most systematically marginalized groups of higher education students.
3

Black Men and College and Higher Education
Data from the U.S. Census Bureau (2020), disaggregated by race and gender, show that
Black men complete undergraduate education at the lowest rate. Understanding the reasons for
their low persistence and completion requires examining the environments in which Black men
exist at these institutions (Wood & Essien-Wood, 2012). The educational experience of Black
men is unique and specific, and programs that seek to prepare Black men for success in college
must employ pedagogical practices specific to this population’s needs (Wood & Palmer, 2014).
These practices begin the process of removing the barriers to persistence and completion among
Black men.
A significant barrier to increasing Black men completing college and pre-college
programs is the lack of African American representation in the faculty and staff associated with
these programs (Wood & Palmer, 2014; Wood & Essien-Wood, 2012). Reduced representation
of Black men among higher education and pre-college professionals creates environments where
Black male students feel lost and threatened by faculty and staff who lack an intimate
understanding of the Black male experience (Amechi, 2015). Black men’s success has significant
implications for expanding Black wealth in American. The pipeline to increasing persistence and
completion starts with increasing representation. Because pre-college programs are training
grounds for future administrators and higher education leaders, diversifying the ranks of
professionals in these nationwide programs will filter into higher education institutions.
Impacts of Covid-19 on Black Male Participation in Pre-College Programming
The full extent of COVID-19’s impact on the world is yet to be discovered. As
communities throughout the United States struggle to re-open and higher education institutions
fluctuate among in-person, hybrid, and online learning modalities, students are pushed out for
4

various reasons. Similarly, programs that facilitate college readiness face hurdles in supplying
services to students virtually. The high schools where these services are provided are
experiencing shutdowns, and many districts do not allow non-district staff to be physically
present on campus. This reduction in physical contact with students increases the difficulty of
pre-college work tenfold. During non-pandemic times, TRIO staff often engage in some student
chasing. Co-location on a high school campus makes the task of wrangling students more
tenable, and the transition to online modalities increases difficulties in getting students to attend
sessions, staff performing check-ins, and ensuring persistence through programs. Therefore,
TRIO professionals nationwide are developing new methods to support students, but the
immediate impacts of COVID-19 have reduced participation overall in Black males.
Importance of the Study
This study is important because it presents a basis for pre-college programs to assess how
to serve Black male students. Additionally, the study sought to increase culturally relevant
instruction and help programs better prepare all vulnerable students to succeed at the
undergraduate and graduate levels. Furthermore, the study serves as a basis for pre-college
professionals to examine their efficacy with the Black male population. This is a conversation
starter asking practitioners to examine anti-Blackness in their programs and offering a path to
eradicate these practices in college preparation. Guided by the theoretical framework of African
American male theory (AAMT), the study helps practitioners develop a new lens to understand
how programming should meet Black male students’ needs using the tenets of AAMT. The
theory’s six tenets form a framework through which practitioners can remediate issues
experienced by African American men and boys. The AAMT lens will shift perspectives and
5

attitudes of pre-college professionals by exposing bias and reframing understanding of Black
male students.
The Statement of the Problem
Twenty percent of the African American population is college-educated. Disaggregating
this 20% by gender, college completion predominantly occurs among African American women,
who represent the largest group of college-educated people in the country per capita (National
Center for Education Statistics, 2019). With the completion rates for African American men
continuing to fall and their representation in TRIO programs being low, there appears to be a
correlation between increasing TRIO pre-college completion among Black men and increasing
their college completion rates. However, questions remain about why more Black men are not
participating in these programs and how these programs can employ gender-specific culturally
relevant pedagogy to increase their participation. Finally, there is a need for a framework to
better serve Black men across TRIO programs to reduce and ultimately close the college
completion equity gap.
Closing the equity gap requires examining pre-college programs and their support of
Black men. Specifically, this study used the lens of AAMT to examine the benefits of college
access programs, college access and success, college readiness, and the needs of Black men in
these programs. Additional considerations must be made for the experiences of Black men in
higher education and how pre-college programs prepare Black male students for this journey.
This examination included the impacts of fewer African American male faculty and staff,
institutions of higher education understanding Black men’s needs, and developing a familial
understanding of higher education. Finally, these issues are contextualized in Black liberation
6

theory to understand how Black male college completion can help to decolonize and create
positive outcomes for the Black community.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to conduct a comprehensive assessment for evaluating
Black male student success in TRIO pre-college programs. TRIO pre-college programs focus on
students who have been historically underserved in secondary and post-secondary education. Yet
the number of equity gaps exist for Black men around college completion. This study focused
specifically on African American male participants and seeks to understand how programs help
this population persist and complete TRIO pre-college programs and ultimately post-secondary
education. The study aimed to establish benchmarks for key indicators of student success,
provide a method of monitoring Black male students’ experiences and performance, and help
TRIO pre-college programs identify issues in need of enhanced attention. The study and tools
associated with it were developed to examine student success predictors. The items and scales
were specifically designed to measure experiences and factors directly impacting the success of
male students of color. These factors include non-cognitive outcomes (e.g., locus of control,
utility, academic self-efficacy), environmental factors (e.g., finances, family responsibilities),
program ethos (e.g., campus climate, perceptions of care), and identity (e.g., gender and
race/ethnicity).
The study sought to understand and create a general measure that can TRIO programs can
use to gauge and improve the Black male experience to increase retention rates. Additionally, the
study aimed to help TRIO professionals leverage higher education conditions affecting specific
populations to better prepare them for college. Lastly, the study offers a framework by which to
increase Black male students’ college completion to improve conditions in their communities.
7

This was accomplished by developing an index to measure programs’ readiness to serve Black
male students, employing gender-specific culturally relevant practices, and constructing
programs through a lens of serving Black male students.
This exploration may serve to discover solutions and a path to enhance TRIO programs’
ability to support Black male students. This research is guided by two questions:
1. How do Black male students experience TRIO programs in terms of sense of
belonging, perceptions of care, and identity affirmation?
2. To what degree have these programs employed practices and frameworks that support
Black men?
The Significance of the Study
Each time America’s brutalization of people of color is displayed to the world, the
country must do penance by examining its inequities. The significance of this study is that it
leverages a moment in history when America’s brutality has extended to White Americans,
opening, for what feels like the first time in our country’s history, an opportunity to gain a bit of
freedom for Black people as the guilt of the country’s original sin motivates those who are now
stepping up to be allies. This study is significant because it sought to develop a frame through
which Black men can be further humanized on college campuses and seen as scholars. The study
sought to add to a robust and timely conversation on how to serve Black male students.
More than leveraging this time in American history, the study is useful to DOE leaders
seeking to expand TRIO programs beyond the current parameters and undo the damage of the
previous education secretary’s actions over the last 4 years. From program specialists to section
chiefs, this study and the tools associated with it can guide reform and improve service to all
TRIO students. TRIO program directors across the nation can employ the survey tools to
8

measure their programs’ effectiveness in serving a multitude of students and families. This study
also presents individual programs with resources to guide institutional support asks.
Ultimately, this study is most useful to the Black male students and their families seeking
a language to use when advocating for themselves. This study served as a translator for Black
male students who need improved services. The study can be used as a reflective guide and
engage these students with a guided exercise to assess whether their needs are met and, if not,
what can be done to better serve them. This study gives words to those seeking help to dismantle
a system built without consideration for their existence.
Black men are not a monolith and come in many forms, yet what remains true in this
nation is that a gap exists for this population around college completion. This work adds to the
expanding research on how to address this group’s specific needs and prepare professionals to be
of better service. The study was timely as it sought to address the immediacy of undoing harm at
the federal level and recommend solutions to improve practice as additional research is
compiled.
Limitations
The time between respondents’ participation in the program and the current day creates
challenges for some in remembering the exact happenings of their participation in TRIO
programs. Thus, recollections of situations may vary. Respondents’ recollections of experiences
and understanding of federal regulations that govern programs vary widely, thus limiting, to
some degree, the accuracy of their impressions in relation to programs’ ability to take certain
steps. Respondents’ impressions are valid, but other factors may contribute to the experience
they encountered in particular programs. Federal restrictions on program dollars, activities, and
exercises are also a significant barrier to inclusionary practices implemented in recent years.
9

During the previous presidential administration, federal agencies and programs were restricted
from equity training and activities related to exploring equity issues. This prohibition posed
significant barriers to the organization of TRIO pre-college programs created to address equity
gaps.
The adoption of Black male theory as a theoretical framework provides a robust lens by
which solutions can be formed to serve Black men nationwide. Black male theory, however,
does not critically reflect on gender identity and is largely devoid of a deep analysis of gender
theory in relation to the intersections of sex, gender, race, and sexual identity. The absence of
this reflection or grappling of the issues associated with maleness, the performance of gender,
and specifically the relationship between Black cisgender men and Black men whose sexual
identity is in a different location on the sexual identity spectrum creates gaps in how these issues
influence persistence, completion, and the everyday existence of Black men.
Lastly, I am aware of my positionality as a cisgender Black male, former TRIO student,
and employee. The intersectionality of these identities creates a perspective that influences the
interpretation of responses, comments, and actions related to the study. This unique experience
influences the perceptions, assumptions, and lens through which to interpret the data. This
positionality is also an asset, as it allows for an in-depth understanding of the importance of the
study, areas of exploration, and how data can be extracted to provide the most robust
examination.
Delimitations
Given the time constraints, the study did not capture perceptions of students of other
genders or backgrounds, limiting the ability to capture a full picture of program climate.
Additionally, there is no method by which to account for other challenges respondents may have
10

been encountered in a meaningful way. Thus, there is the possibility that some challenges were
due to issues outside of the measurement parameters.
The study did not account for regional population differences that may reduce particular a
program’s ability to increase the number of Black male participants. Specifically, during the
period of measurement, the Black population of the community on which the study focused
reduced from 25% to 11%. This significant reduction may have created challenges for participant
recruitment. The discussion here centers on practices that increase retention and completion. I
acknowledge that geographic location may have limited particular programs’ ability to do so.
The study did not account for the impacts of student interest in other programs. While TRIO
programs are this study’s focus, a host of other pre-college programs may meet students’ specific
needs or align with religious and community affiliations.
Assumptions
The study assumed that participants accurately recounted their participation in TRIO
programs and provided truthful responses to interview questions. Furthermore, prior to
conducting research, I developed assumptions regarding TRIO programs for Black male students
that derived from my personal and professional experiences as a TRIO staff member and former
student. These experiences shaped my perceptions towards supporting distance learners
throughout their educational journey. I assumed all programs adhere to Title V and IX
regulations.
Definitions
For the purposes of this study, it is important to establish a shared understanding of terms
used to discuss the topics addressed. These words and phrases may carry other definitions, yet, in
this study, they are defined as follows.
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African American male theory (AAMT) refers to the set of concepts and tenets associated
with the theoretical framework created by Lawson and Bush (2013). The concepts are built on an
ecological systems approach but expanded to address specific needs of Black or African
American men.
Black male support programs, or support programs, are a set of academic and co-
curricular programs created to assist in Black men’s higher education retention and completion
or in preparation for enrollment in post-secondary education.
Black men are individuals who identify as male-gendered and belonging to the African
American or Black cultural ethnic group. For this study, it includes trans Black men, pre- and
post-op. The distinction is made because of the importance of LGBTQIA+ inclusion and its
impact on preparing Black men to thrive in the larger public. The expansion of Black male
allyship with the LGBTQIA+ community may create greater mobility for Black men.
Additionally, the partnership of marginalized groups creates solidarity that expands the power to
demolish oppressive systems that thrive of these groups not working together.
Critical race theory (CRT) refers to the study of theories and concepts of hegemony or
the prevalence of dominant culture without coercion. It can also be understood as a study of
collective denial of racial inequality created by systems of oppression.
Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) statistics and rates play important
roles in TRIO and pre-college students’ ability to exist as college students.
Financial aid is the system that includes FAFSA, grants, loans, work study, and other
funds that support the cost of college.
12

Grant funds, for this study, are the monies in institutional budgets that come from grants.
These funds are distinct because arguments are made regarding the importance of institutions
using institutional monies versus grant funds to support Black male student support.
Institutional support: any funding made available by a higher education institution to
support programming.
Institutional budget: refers to funds that are part of the college general fund and not
associated with grants. The distinction is made because general fund dollars are allocated based
on objectives and programming the college deems essential, while grant funds are often
expended on programming that is not ranked as essential to the institution.
TRIO refers to the nine federal educational opportunity programs created to increase
undergraduate and graduate retention and completion for first-generation low- to moderate-
income students.
Conclusion
Identifying gender and culturally specific interventions creates the ability to close equity
gaps for marginalized communities who have been failed by higher education institutions.
Research in this area provides an opportunity for higher education institutions to acknowledge
their participation in the systematic oppression of marginalized minoritized groups and begin to
offer reparations for the furtherance of this oppression. The research seeks to present a shared
lexicon for all parties involved to engage while working to close equity gaps in education for
Black men. This study relied on previous research to make a case for the importance of this topic
and a way forward to increase positive outcomes for Black men seeking to create new
opportunities through education.
13

This chapter detailed the existing problem of low retention and completion rates for
African American men in pre-college and undergraduate programs in relation to all other groups.
The purpose of the study was presented along with the significant contribution gender-specific
culturally based research would offer the literature. Key terms were defined to avoid ambiguity
and allow an operational understanding of commonly used terms throughout the study.
This dissertation is organized into five chapters. Chapter Two will examine relevant
literature and expound on existing research to create a shared lexicon of related topics and
conceptually framing for this study. The literature review first examines the history of Black men
in higher education and their unique experiences in America. Next, the review examines barriers
to expanding support for Black male students, including increasing the number of Black male
educators in higher education. Research related to pre-college programs contextualizes Black
male retention and completion in terms of dismantling systems of oppression and establishing
lasting effects in the Black community. Lastly, the literature discusses how to support Black
male students in TRIO and pre-college programs as a means of increasing undergraduate
completion for Black men.
Chapter Three will outline the methods used to conduct this study. Chapter Four presents
the data analysis results. Chapter Five discusses the results, using the literature as a lens for
understanding the data. It also presents conclusions and implications of the study in Chapter
Five.
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Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The purpose of Chapter Two is to establish the study’s historical context and provide a
rationale for exploring this topic based on existing research. Chapter Two examines research on
pre-college programs with regard to their support for students of color, specifically Black male
students. Further, the chapter explores the methodology, structure, frameworks, and populations
examined in previous studies. The chapter identifies similarities and differences in the research.
Chapter Two focuses on pre-college programs’ support of Black men. The research
describes the need for pre-college programs to go beyond the mandated annual report to identify
culturally relevant interventions to increase Black male students’ participation and completion.
Additionally, the chapter explores how programming can be augmented to better bridge pre-
college students to undergraduate education through dual enrollment. The research also examines
this population in higher education from a professional and student perspective.
The examination of Black men in higher education focuses on the challenges both
students and professionals face and the need to expand services by increasing representation in
both student and professional ranks. Expanding their presence in both the student and
professional ranks creates a bridge for pre-college students and the community in which they will
thrive at undergraduate institutions. Additionally, developing community is important for success
in pre-college and undergraduate education, as these communities can increase completion rates.
After exploring how pre-college programs contribute to undergraduate completion for Black men
and their continued education, the chapter examines AAMT as a conceptual framework to
ground the study.
Finally, Chapter Two explores the framework of AAMT and how its tenets and structure
provide the best lens through which to increase Black male students’ college enrollment and
15

completion and the role of pre-college programs in that effort. The theory is a derivative of the
theory of interconnected systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1986, 1989, 2005) that contribute to a
person’s overall development. Additionally, I consider the social-ecological outcomes models
(Wood & Harris, 2016), which combined with AAMT serves as a framework to ground the study
and interventions to support Black male students.
TRIO Pre-College Programs
In the 1960s, young men were uprooted by the draft, and Americans learned about the
dreams of a young preacher from Atlanta of unity and equality for all men and women, no matter
the color of their skin. Collectively, Americans watched as the first steps were taken on the moon
and stood together as that young preacher who professed his dreams for a better nation and an
American President died from assassins’ bullets. The 1960s forced America to grow and live up
to the ideals stated in the Declaration of Independence. While the country healed from losing a
president against the backdrop of turmoil, President Lyndon B. Johnson rolled out his Great
Society Programs (Bullion, 2008). The platform itself earned its name from speeches Johnson
gave on the campaign trail, such as when he said,
We are going to assemble the best thought and broadest knowledge from all over the
world to find these answers. I intend to establish working groups to prepare a series of
conferences and meetings—on the cities, on natural beauty, on the quality of education,
and on other emerging challenges. From these studies, we will begin to set our course
toward the Great Society. (Johnson, 1964, p. 72)
The Great Society platform helped spawn a variety of spending programs that Johnson
saw as the means to create the world he spoke about (Brands, 2012). These programs addressed
medical care, housing, violence, rural poverty, transportation, and education (Bullion, 2008). The
16

idea behind these federally sponsored programs was the elimination of poverty and racial
injustice. Johnson envisioned an American where “no man that wants work would fail to find it,
no citizen would be barred from any door because of his birthplace or his church, and where
peace and security is common among neighbors and possible between nations” (Johnson, 1963,
p. 73.
After the authorization of the Economic Opportunity act of 1964, which created the
Upward Bound program to expand access to higher education for marginalized communities
through pre-college intervention, President Johnson signed the Higher Education Act of 1965
(Council for Opportunity in Education, 2007). This act expanded the provisions of the earlier act,
creating pathways to education for communities that had been marginalized and led to federally
funded efforts to improve college attendance (McElroy & Armesto, 1998). TRIO programs were
founded throughout the country under Title IV of The Higher Education Act of 1965, which also
charged the DOE with governing them (Zamani-Gallaher, 2010). Upward Bound expanded to
include the Talent Search program, and, in 1968, Student Success Programs were added, helping
to coin the term TRIO. TRIO programs were created to target students from communities that
had suffered from discrimination, segregation, poverty, and restrictive practices that hindered
their college entry. Congress mandated that two-thirds of students served by federal TRIO
programs come from low-income families and be first-generation college students (McElroy &
Armesto, 1998).
More than 281 million students have participated in TRIO programming (National
Clearinghouse Research Center, 2016). Through these programs, students receive the guidance to
navigate these situations and a map to locate services on their campuses (Cowan et al., 2009).
They also develop networks of friends, support, and mentors they can seek out when they
17

become overwhelmed, increasing the likelihood of persistence and earning a post-secondary
degree (Cowan et al., 2009). Currently, over 2,800 TRIO programs serve more than 799,000
students across the country (National Clearinghouse Research Center, 2016). The primary goal
of these programs is to meet the overall mission to (a) identify and provide programming to high
school students who have the potential of succeeding in higher education and (b) to support and
track these students as they complete their post-secondary degrees (DOE, 2018). TRIO pre-
college programs address the need for a diverse student body while helping disadvantaged youth
have the supports to complete their secondary education (National Clearinghouse Research
Center, 2016).
Moreover, these programs are geared and designed for students who are underrepresented
in post-secondary education. The programs focus on building participants’ aspirations to earn a
post-secondary degree. They offer tutorial services, career exploration, aptitude assessments,
counseling, mentoring programs, workshops, and information on post-secondary institutions
(Cowan et al., 2009). Additionally, counseling services help to improve students’ financial and
economic literacy. TRIO program staff report student data to the DOE (2018). The DOE uses the
reports to assess the grantees’ progress and performance for continued funding (DOE, 2018).
Programs are evaluated annually, and assessment focuses on measuring increases in participants’
grade completion and GPA as well as on demographic changes (DOE, 2018). Persistence and
completion are indicators of programmatic success, and the current assessment makes
correlations between activities and completion (DOE, 2018).
TRIO programs offer a model for students to replicate as they matriculate through their
undergraduate studies. By scaffolding study skills and career exploration, students build tools for
engagement. Additionally, pre-college programs are tethered to similarly funded programs on
18

college campuses that give students instant membership in a campus community that removes
barriers to engagement. These programs offer mentors, peer support, tutoring, and other
resources that these students are familiar with from participating in pre-college programs. While
TRIO programs as a whole support persistence and completion for participants students
participating in Upward Bound (UB), Upward Bound Math Science (UBMS) in secondary
education then a Student Support Services (SSS) programs in post-secondary institutions have
the highest 6-year degree attainment of all TRIO programs (DOE, 2021). Together UB/UBMS
and SSS serve as a pathway for post-secondary completion.

Figure 1
UB/UBMS and SSS Statistics

Note. From Fast facts report for the Upward Bound and Upward Bound MathScience
Programs: 2017–18 by U.S. Department of Education, 2021
(www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ope/trio/ububmsfastfactsreport1718.pdf)
19

Even though 4-year institution UB/UBMS-SSS participants had higher degree-
completion rates than comparable UB/UBMS students who did not participate in SSS in their
post-secondary program, they also differed in key contextual factors that may contribute to
degree completion (DOE, 2021). For instance, the UB/UBMS-SSS participants were more likely
to have participated in these programs during their senior year in high school and were served
longer by UB/UBMS, on average, than those who were nonparticipants in an SSS program.
These factors are associated with high degree-completion rates. Also, UB/UBMS participants
who did participate in an SSS program were more likely to meet both low-income and first-
generation eligibility criteria, which allowed them to participate in SSS. As practitioners examine
pathways to increase Black male graduation rates through TRIO, it is important that they
leverage this data to pipeline these students to post-secondary degree attainment (DOE, 2021).
TRIO programs are a positive disrupter in terms of the educational achievement of
students of color. The purpose of the programs was to close earning gaps and expand access to
education for marginalized groups. Over the last 50 years, these programs have helped students
of color gain access to higher education (DOE, 2016). The DOE (2016) released a report on
outcomes for program grantees in the 2011–2016 cycle. According to the report, 74.7% of
participants were low and potentially first-generation students. Females made up 60.6% of the
students served (DOE, 2016). With regard to race and ethnicity, the largest populations were
African American, White, and Latinx students (DOE, 2016). Additionally, 71.8% of students
were in grades 9 through 12. Students had a 79% college enrollment rate and a 79% completion
rate over 6 years (DOE, 2016). These rates show the difference pre-college programs make for
their students, specifically because of the support they receive (DOE, 2016). This is key because
assessing programs is important to understand their outcomes.
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As students progress through TRIO programs, much attention is paid to measuring,
understanding, and expanding self-efficacy (Palmer, 2014). By providing supports and decoding
the systems by which higher education operates, program staff act as cultural navigators:
individuals who help students move through education and life (Witham et al., 2015). Cultural
navigators are those who know something about the new culture and help students belong. They
must act as translators, coaches, and guides. Cultural navigators know the culture, how it
operates, how to get things done, how to be part of it, and how to feel a sense of belonging
(Witham et al., 2015). They know the codes of conduct, customs, dominant values, language,
requirements, rules, and traditions (Keeling, 2004). Their knowledge is based on experiences as
former students and professionals who navigated higher education, which gives them the acumen
and understanding to help others. Like a high-tech global positioning system, cultural navigators
do more than tell someone where to go; they show possible paths via demonstration, illustration,
or simulation (Keeling, 2004).
TRIO program staff assist students in building supportive connections with others on
campus so they can find a sense of belonging and engender achievement and success (Witham et
al., 2015). To feel part of this culture, one must be socialized to it or learn its implicit and
explicit aspects. While the staff of TRIO programs acts as cultural navigators, they also work
with students to build a positive identity that builds self-efficacy (Keeling, 2004). Student self-
efficacy and academic achievement have a close relationship, as the earlier students develop
these skills, the better their performance will be later in life. The focus of pre-college programs
on developing a strong identity and self-efficacy is helpful for participants (Palmer, 2014). A
significant part of developing student self-efficacy is student engagement, and getting buy-in
21

from students increases the time they will spend attending programs and working on skills
development.
TRIO programs have grown exponentially through partnerships with 4-year and 2-year
higher education institutions (Cowan et al., 2009). Participants are introduced to college-going
culture earlier, as middle school students were included in these programs during the Obama
Administration. TRIO programs and other federally funded programs focused on increasing
college attendance were expanded as the Obama Administration sought to increase the number
of college graduates in the 21st century (Cowan et al., 2009). Reports commissioned by the
Obama Administration detailed that the earlier students are introduced to college activities, the
more likely they are to persist to graduation. Since their founding, TRIO programs have proven
to be pathways to success for many first-generation students and, for many years, Black men
specifically. For TRIO programs to adequately address support for Black men, these programs’
leaders must understand these students’ unique experiences and perspectives.
Black Men in College and Higher Education
Myriad issues affect the experiences of men of color in higher education. Campus
climate, perceptions of faculty and staff, and the interactions men of color have with the world
around them all play a part in how they arrive in academia (Wolf et al., 2017). The
intersectionality of race and gender significantly impacts their matriculation from preschool
through doctoral programs. Black men have a specific positionality in America that requires
them to contribute significantly to their families early on. At the early stage of identity
development, much of this framework centers leadership, financial resources, and protecting
themselves and others from outside forces (Bush &Bush 2018; Curry, 2017; Howard 2017).
Because of this positionality, essential TRIO programs must include dual enrollment as a tool to
22

reduce the time to degree completion. Often, Black men drop below full-time enrollment or stop
out because they are required to support their families financially (Harris et al., 2017; Wolf et al.,
2017).
Reducing the time to completion allows participants to earn meaningful wages faster. The
conceptualization of masculinity contributes to navigating the academic landscape for young
men of color (Harper, 2004; Newman &Wood, 2015). Black male identity development is
characterized by autonomy, achievement concerns, competence, mastery, supremacy, and
competitiveness (Bush & Bush 2018; Curry, 2017; Harper, 2004). Harper (2004) presents many
generally accepted theories regarding masculine identity development and consistently confirms
that same-sex peers are part of the core development of masculine identities, as they help define
what it means to be a man. Men of all ages and ethnicities negotiate their masculinities with
other males, meaning that their manhood is approved and validated by their peers (Harper 2010;
Harris et al., 2017; Howard, 2017). In the context of academia, there is a significant correlation
between participating in campus programming focused on same-sex peers and mentorship and
college graduation (Harris et al., 2017; Howard, 2017; Wolf et al., 2017). Because masculine
identity is affirmed and validated through same-sex relationships, it is important for young men
of color to be surrounded by mentors and peers who are vested in high academic achievement
and in developing the skills that will contribute to this goal (Center for Community College
Engagement, 2014; Harper, 2004; Harper & Harris 2012). Support programs, when developed
intentionally, have a significant impact on increasing completion and persistence (Harris et al.,
2017; Howard 2017; Wolf et al., 2017). The implications of this work are important for higher
education institutions, as they must commit to creating, funding, and sustaining programs that
facilitate space for these students and their positive identity development (Harper, 2010; Harper
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& Harris 2012; Wolf et al., 2017). Additionally, they must invest in hiring staff who reflect the
population and are empowered to do the work. Specifically, young Black men need to interact
regularly with faculty and staff who are Black men (Harper & Harris 2012; Newman &Wood
2015). These interactions reinforce to the students that they have a place in the institution and
can achieve the goal of completion because they see individuals who look like them who have
done so (Harper, 2010; Howard, 2017).
Often, higher education institutions design interventions for a specific population based
on the view that these individuals lack the normalized knowledge and skills for success (Harper,
2010; Yosso, 2005). Much research finds these views to be deficit‐based, noting that
underrepresented students bring a wealth of culture, knowledge, skills, and experiences that are
not visible to or valued by higher education (Samuelson & Litzler, 2016; Yosso, 2005).
Researchers advocate an assets‐based view of students that builds on the wealth drawn from
culture, knowledge, skills, and experiences (Borrego et al., 2014). The research offers ample
evidence of the importance of cultural wealth and employing an anti-deficit lens when creating
interventions.
The intentional design of a pathway to increase Black men’s persistence and completion
of post-secondary degrees starts with TRIO programs in middle school, transitions to secondary
education, and continues at post-secondary institutions. This pipeline consists of TRIO Talent
Search for Middle School, UB or UBMS is during secondary education and SSS or another
support program during post-secondary education. At each step, programs and institutions must
focus on identity development, student engagement, and the specific intentionality of Black men
in America’s education complex.

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Student Engagement
Researchers agree that student engagement is a multidimensional construct determined by
many factors, including self-efficacy and familial expectations, and is the fusion of behaviors,
emotion, and the understanding of being involved (Finlay, 2006). Researchers found that
engagement leads to developing relationships and networks that can be used to find mentors,
peer support, and community. This is especially important for first-generation low-income
students who are looking to establish community in college. The school engagement model
consists of three interrelated domains of engagement: emotional engagement, behavioral
engagement, and cognitive engagement (Finlay, 2006; Fredricks et al., 2003; Fredricks et al.,
2004; Jimerson et al., 2003). Emotional engagement refers to students’ attachment to their
teachers and peers as well as their feelings about academics and school in general. Behavioral
engagement includes students’ positive conduct, such as effort, persistence, concentration,
attention, and contributions in class (Fredricks et al., 2004). Cognitive engagement comprises
both motivation and learning strategies (Fredricks et al., 2004). Motivation includes students’
investment in their learning as well as an intrinsic desire to learn and master the material.
Students who are cognitively engaged can self-monitor and evaluate their learning strategies
(Fredricks et al., 2004). Emotional engagement may be a precursor to cognitive and behavioral
engagement, and cognitive and behavioral engagement appears most directly linked to academic
success (Bush et al., 2006; Fredricks et al., 2004). As TRIO programs grow efforts around
student engagement, meeting students need to complete college faster will make programs more
attractive. To accomplish increase engagement dual enrollment plays a key factor.
Dual Enrollment and Early College High School
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TRIO Programs provide comprehensive programming focused on providing high quality,
academically robust learning environment that encourage, support, and facilitates student
learning and success. Programs are mandated to serve students who meet federal poverty
guideline or are first-generation college students. This population of students is often challenged
by the time it takes to complete post-secondary degrees because their families rely on them to
contribute financially much earlier than their counterparts who have a higher socio-economic
status. By providing academic programming that replicates an early college or include dual
enrollment classes, TRIO programs can cut the time it takes for their students to complete post-
secondary degrees in half. TRIO programs provide academic advisement and counseling that are
critical in helping students navigate the complex and varied requirements of 4-year institutions.
Adding a dual enrollment component to all programs reduces the load on already crowded public
school who often lack adequate resources for lower SES and first-generation students
(McFarland et al., 2017).
National research found 83% of students from families with high SES enrolled in post-
secondary instructions immediately after high school, compared to 63% of students from lower
and middle SES households (McFarland et al., 2017). Dual enrollment and early college high
school (ECHS) participation allow student from schools and districts that lack resources to
become college ready. While challenges with ECHS and dual enrollment exist, so does evidence
that underserved students benefit exponentially from dual enrollment and ECHS by interacting
with the college environment and increased academic rigor (Giani et al., 2014; Karp, 2015; Kim
2008). College access starting as early as junior high school affords early opportunities for
college experiences which equip students with the language and ability to understand post-
secondary life. Translating the language of post-secondary education increases navigational
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capitol and confidence in self for program participants. Some of the benefits of dual enrollment
programs are a reduction in time for degree completion, strong collaboration between high
schools and colleges, a decrease in course repetition, increased recruitment for colleges, access
for students who live in rural areas, and cost savings for families who are constantly concerned
about where the next dollar will come from (An, 2013b; Jones, 2014; Kim, 2008).
Established in 2002 by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation the ECHS program facilitates
completion for underserved and represented students through college exposure, academic rigor,
and student support (Haxton et al., 2016). Traditionally the ECHS program allows participants to
complete at least 60 semester credit hours toward a baccalaureate degree or an associate degree
while pursuing a high school diploma (Zinth, 2016). The primary goal of the ECHS program is
to increase completion of post-secondary degrees (Berger et al., 2014). National studies indicate
ECHS positively impacts enrollment in post-secondary programs (Berger et al., 2014).
College readiness and affordability were cited motivators for increases in dual enrollment by
the American Association of State Colleges and Universities (2017). Dual enrollment expands
college access, readiness, and transitions from secondary to post-secondary. Dual enrollment
exposes students to college level rigor demystifying what they can expect in college classrooms
early on. The increased rigor also reduced the lack of engagement non-dual enrollment students
may encounter as seniors in high school (An, 2013a; Kim, 2008). An (2013a) examined the
influence of dual enrollment on academic performance and college readiness. The author found
first-year GPAs of dual enrollment participants were .11 points higher than for non-dual
enrollment participants. In another empirical study, An (2013b) examined college degree
attainment of dual enrollment participants finding an increase of 8% of students attaining any
postsecondary degree and a 7% increase for bachelor’s degree attainment than non-dual
27

enrollment participants. Research indicates participation in dual enrollment programs increases
student ease transitioning from high school to college (Jones, 2014; Karp, 2015; Kim, 2008).
Dual Enrollment reshapes how students, college, and high schools engage with each other (Karp,
2015). Student gain control of their journey and high school establish themselves as real feeders
to postsecondary institution no matter what district they are located in. Dual enrollment provides
early college access to postsecondary education, matriculation opportunities, and financial
benefits for underserved students (Giani et al., 2014). Dual enrollment creates a seamless
secondary to postsecondary transition, and increase college access, retention, and completion.
Most importantly dual enrollment and ECHS expand equity in ways the current system is not
prepared to create (Howley, Howley, Howley, & Duncan, 2013, p. 80).
Theoretical Framework
African American male theory (AAMT) is posited as a development in the men’s studies
movement as a theory that contextualizes the experience of African American males (Bush &
Bush, 2013). The theory is a continuation of theories that better explain the phenomena and
development of previously excluded groups, including Black feminist and womanist theory
(Cannon, 1988; Collins, 1990), feminist theory (Kolmar & Bartkowski, 2005), Latino and Latina
CRT (LatCrit; Bernal, 2001; Fernandez, 2002; Solórzano & Bernal, 2001), Tribal CRT
(TribalCrit; Brayboy, 2005), African-centered theory (Asante, 1980, 1990; Asante & Mazama,
2005; Mazama, 2001), and Kawaida theory (Karenga, 1980). As such, AAMT is influenced by
the ancient and current African worldview or experiences of African men pre-and post-slavery
and that the trans-Atlantic slave trade; African American men’s experiences post-slavery play a
role in their view of the world (Bush & Bush, 2013).
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The theory was also developed from Bronfenbrenner’s work in that it uses all of the
interconnected environmental systems (Bush & Bush, 2013). It expands ecological systems
theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1986, 1989, 2005) by dividing the microsystem into two areas. The
inner microsystem holds components such as a person’s biology, personality, and
perceptions, and beliefs. The outer microsystem holds the space to analyze the impact of the
family, peers, neighborhood, and school environments (Bush & Bush, 2013). Additionally,
AAMT added the subsystem, which holds space to consider a relationship of influence with the
supernatural or spiritual (Bush & Bush, 2013). This subsystem is the space for the collective will,
or connections to the ancestors (Bush & Bush, 2013).

29

Figure 2
Ecological Systems Model for African American Male Theory

In addition to the ecological systems model, AAMT positions six tenets that
operationalize the theory and frame how practitioners can remediate issues experienced by
African American men and boys. The first tenet is that the individual and collective experiences,
behaviors, outcomes, events, phenomena, and trajectories of African American boys’ and
men’s lives are best analyzed using an ecological systems approach (Bush & Bush, 2013). The
second is that there is something unique about being male and of African descent (Bush & Bush,
2013). The third is that there is a continuity and continuation of African culture, consciousness,
and biology that influence the experiences of African American boys and men Bush & Bush,
30

2013). The fourth is that African American boys and men are resilient and resistant (Bush &
Bush, 2013). The fifth is that race and racism coupled with classism and sexism have a
profound impact on every aspect of African American boys’ and men’s lives (Bush & Bush,
2013). The sixth is that the focus and purpose of study and programs concerning African
American boys and men should be the pursuit of social justice (Bush & Bush, 2013).
To develop AAMT, researchers scanned theory highlighting themes in the literature,
using a meta-synthesis approach to identify themes with the most relevance to the topic of
African American men (Turner et al., 2008). Literature meta-synthesis is conducted by
collecting, annotating, and synthesizing research to find emergent themes (Turner et al., 2008).
Meta-synthesis synthesizes works from qualitative and quantitative works by treating a
significant variable as equivalent to an emergent theme. Using numerous databases (e.g., ERIC,
Google Scholar, JSTOR, EBSCOhost, Project MUSE), researchers identified published and
unpublished documents about African American men (Bush & Bush, 2013). Then, researchers
generated extensive annotations for each work collected, focusing efforts in the following areas:
the topic of interest, the problem that prompted the study, theoretical frameworks, methodology,
study findings, recommendations for policy, and recommendations for practice (Bush & Bush,
2013). Annotations were coded for each article in these areas; then, researchers extracted
emergent themes from study findings (Bush & Bush, 2013).
AAMT in Respect to the Research
This study sought to understand how pre-college programs that retain men of color
increase their persistence and completion. Specifically, the study asked how Black male students
experience TRIO programs regarding sense of belonging, perceptions of care, and identity
affirmation by measuring their feelings on locus of control, environmental factors, program
31

ethos, and identity. Secondly, the study sought to ascertain how these programs’ practices and
frameworks support Black men based on factors known to increase retention, persistence, and
completion for African American males. The aim was to understand how these programs’ design
includes these factors.
The AAMT conceptual framework serves as a lens to view the investigation, as research
suggests that increasing Black males’ persistence and retention requires competencies regarding
their experience to help them develop a well-defined identity (Bush & Bush, 2013; Harper,
2010). Additionally, as professionals deepen their understanding of the dynamics of race and
racism in higher education, they are better equipped to improve students’ persistence and
completion (Bush & Bush, 2013; Harris & Wood, 2016; Rendón, 2015). The ecological system
of AAMT will aid in developing programs and design a pathway to increase persistence and
completion in post-secondary education. Combining the ecological AAMT model with the
programmatic structure of TRIO pre-college programs may increase these students’ retention,
persistence, and degree completion. This study examined students’ experiences to inform the
development of this pipeline.
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Figure 3
Theoretical Framework

Conclusion
The literature review identified the need to address Black male support in pre-college
programs to increase their retention, persistence, and completion of post-secondary degrees.
Additionally, challenges at multiple levels of the education system were identified, and a strategy
was developed to address issues related to programmatic support. Most clear from the literature
is the need for programs focused on identity development early on. The earlier a student enters
the support program, the more likely they are to persist through a post-secondary degree.
Additionally, dual enrollment reduces time to degree completion, increasing the chances of
completing post-secondary degrees by reducing the time to meaningful employment. African
33

American male theory was used as a lens to understand how pre-college programs support sense
of belonging and college completion.

34

Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of the study was to examine TRIO program practices to identify how to
increase African American young men’s participation and retention. This chapter discusses the
study’s research design, including the research questions, methods utilized, site description,
population selected, data collection process, data analysis, and role of researcher.
The research questions reflect the vital issues and core components of the problem a
study examines (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdale, 2016). The first question was designed to
understand participants’ experiences that led to them enrolling and remaining in TRIO programs.
The second question pertains to how TRIO programs meet participants’ needs through program
design.
1. How do Black male students experience TRIO programs regarding sense of
belonging, perceptions of care, and identity affirmation?
2. To what degree do these programs employ practice and frameworks that support
Black men based on factors known to increase retention, persistence, and completion
for African American males?
Research Design and Methods
This study was designed to understand the respondents’ experience, which is not
quantifiable (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Because program ethos and personal experience cannot
be measured quantitatively, a qualitative method is best to capture these narratives. Qualitative
research is valuable when attempting to understand how people interpret experiences and the
meaning they attribute to them (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Qualitative studies also allow
researchers to produce a clear narrative for a particular set of individuals or groups (Maxwell,
2013). Qualitative studies enable the researcher to be the primary instrument for collecting data
35

and analysis, creating a human instrument. This allows researchers to immediately respond and
adjust to respondents as required (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Additionally, the inductive process involved in qualitative research yields robust data that
can be used to craft narratives. The inductive process includes collecting data to build concepts,
hypotheses, or theories (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Interview data were used to identify themes,
map categories, and develop concepts for the study. The result of qualitative evidence is a broad
diaspora of information through which experiences are told (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In
addition to narratives captured in interviews, I utilized direct quotes and document reviews to
support the study’s findings and contribute to its descriptive nature (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Site Selection
The study was conducted at Rose City Community College (RCCC), a pseudonym.
Located in the foothills of Southern California, RCCC is a fully accredited, comprehensive,
public 2-year community college whose mission is to provide a high quality, academically robust
learning environment that encourages, supports, and facilitates student learning and success. The
Future Stars Program was created to increase college access for low-income first-generation
students by ensuring they have the supports to complete their secondary education while building
their aspirations in enrolling and completing post-secondary education. The campus serves a
total undergraduate population of 27,324 students and offers 124 1-year certificates, 369 2-year
certificates, and 4,107 2-year associate degree types, and 47 2- to 4-year certificates. At RCCC,
38% of students are enrolled full-time, and 62% are enrolled part-time.
The campus hosts four of the nine TRIO programs. These programs have existed on the
campus since the late 80s and have exponentially increased access to low-income first-generation
students in the area. Their mission is accomplished through tutorial services, career exploration,
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aptitude assessments, counseling, mentoring programs, workshops, and information on post-
secondary institutions. Additionally, counseling services were designed and implemented to
improve students’ financial and economic literacy. Moreover, RCCC TRIO programs are geared
and designed for students with limited English proficiency, groups that are underrepresented in
post-secondary education, students with disabilities, students who are homeless children and
youths, and students who are in foster care or are aging out of the foster care system.
The site was selected for the unique services offered. The campus has long-standing
programs and has large numbers of male African American alumni. The RCCC programs
provide a robust data to analyze for best practices and understand African American young
men’s experiences in these programs.
Population and Sample
The target population for this study were male African American students who
participated in TRIO programs at RCCC between 2000 and 2016. These criteria were set to
ensure respondents could describe the program’s influence on their academic journey and reflect
on how they experienced programming. Additionally, the criteria were set to ensure my
involvement would not influence respondents, so participation years were set outside of the time
of my employment in RCCC’s TRIO programs. This criteria-based selection was a vital
component of the study because it directly reflected the purpose of the study and allowed for
collecting the most robust data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Additionally, the parameters mitigate
bias from participants’ answers, as the implied power imbalance is removed when participants
have no prior relationship with the researcher. A limited population of students was selected to
participate. The sample’s demographics reflect the institution’s African American male
37

population. Approximately 20 respondents were selected. Twelve respondents participated in
individual interviews.
This study utilized purposeful sampling to select respondents. Purposeful sampling is a
non-randomized process of selecting respondents who meet specific study criteria (Johnson &
Christensen, 2008). Purposeful sampling also reflects the average or typical person of interest for
the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) and was used for this study because I sought insight to
understand participants’ experiences and specific needs (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The sample of respondents was also small and convenient. The sample size was
determined based on the ideal number of respondents who can be interviewed within the study’s
limited time frame. The study utilized a convenient sample because the respondents were
selected based on their availability, willingness to divulge their experiences, and consent to being
recorded (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Convenience sampling “makes no pretense of identifying a
representative subset of a population” (Leedy & Ormrod, 2013, p. 214) However, paired with
criteria-based, purposeful sampling, it can produce reliable, robust data for analysis (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016), which was the purpose of this study.
Data Sources
A review of annual performance reports for respondents from the 2000–2016 funding
cycle will be conducted to identify male African American respondents. Following document
review, individuals who fit the study criteria received a screening survey. The screening survey
included five to eight questions to identify willingness to participate in the study and identify
achievement outcomes (i.e., undergraduate completion, current enrollment status, and
employment), interview preference (individual or focus group), and availability. Document
38

review aided in ensuring that the respondents reflect the institution’s demographics and that they
would be available for the interviews.
I administrated the survey, as I had access to the online student population. Individuals
who received the pre-screening survey had the option to complete the survey to opt into the
study. I received the survey results and was responsible for communicating with interested
respondents and scheduling individual or focus group interviews. The survey did not ask for
personal information other than an email address to protect the respondents’ privacy and
confidentiality. Study participants were assigned a pseudonym that was utilized when reporting
the results.
Individual interviews were the data sources utilized in this study. Individual interviews
identified the respondents’ personal feelings and views, uninfluenced by other respondents.
Focus groups allow an environment in which to capture robust data impossible to obtain through
individual interviews (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Interviews were selected to obtain information
that is specific to individual respondents (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Interviews serve to identify
and understand the respondents’ character traits, feelings, and/or interpretations of past and
present experiences that cannot be readily observed (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Since this study
sought to uncover specific program support needs and to verify whether services have an impact
on completion and persistence, interviews were the most appropriate source of data.
Additionally, based on the information this study sought, time constraints, and limited resources,
interviews were the most efficient method of collecting data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Questions in the interview protocol are semi-structured, open-ended, and presented in a
conversational format (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Leveraging less-structured interviews reflects
the understanding that each participant views the world differently (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
39

This was essential in capturing respondents’ perceptions, as the African American male
experience is not monolithic, and participants have different backgrounds, experiences, and
needs. Less-structured interviews offer a space where respondents can feel more comfortable
sharing their experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Open-ended questions expand an
interview’s dialogue and allow the researcher to actively listen to what respondents are saying,
which enables the researcher to follow paths of the conversation that could lead to rich
contributions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). These concepts are contrary to highly structured
interviews, which restrict respondents. Semi-structured, open-ended interviews best fit the needs
of this study and generated robust data to answer the research questions.
Interview questions were used flexibly and in no specific order, allowing me to respond
to particular concerns, conversation shifts, or perspectives offered by respondents and allow for
follow-up questions when necessary (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interview protocol was
submitted to the dissertation chair for approval, with modifications made based on feedback. The
validity of the protocol was tested on three students whom I pre-identified, with additional
modifications made. The research commenced upon approval from the institutional review board
(IRB).
Data Collection
Upon IRB approval, I contacted the associate dean of equity programs at RCCC to
request access to annual performance report data from 2000 to 2016 to identify potential
respondents. The pre-survey included the nature of the study and the compensation that interview
respondents would receive (a $10 Amazon gift card). Upon receiving responses from the pre-
survey, I identified candidates for individual and focus group interviews. I contacted the
potential respondents via email to schedule interviews. During this time, I assigned respondents
40

pseudonyms to protect their anonymity (Creswell, 2014). Emails included the purpose of the
study, the length of the interviews, and a confidentiality statement. Interviews were scheduled
only with respondents who were available during the interview period, who agree to the length of
time for the interview, and who agree to be recorded. Interviews were conducted at a time and
location that was safe, ensured privacy, and was convenient for both the participant and me: a
private room located in RCCC’s student life office. The original study format included focus
groups. Scott, Ryan, and Ezekiel were individual interviews that were slated to be focus group
participants but converted to individual interviews due to low attendance. On three separate
occasions focus groups were scheduled with 15 respondents registered across the sessions. On
the day of each session, only one respondent attended. The low participation led each session
being converted into individual zoom interviews using the individual interview protocol.
Interviews began with me introducing myself and thanking respondents for their
willingness to share their perspectives. Respondents received an interview protocol that
presented a brief description of the purpose of the study and detailed my and the participants’
roles. Respondents were informed that participation was voluntary, and they were free to stop the
discussion at any time or decide not to answer any question. I explained how anonymity would
be met by using pseudonyms and how confidentiality would be met by storing data and
recordings on a password-protected device. The recording interviews were recorded, transcribed,
validated by the participant, and then deleted. Respondents were asked to give verbal consent.
Individual interviews were an hour in length. All questions were asked once unless
interviewees asked for them to be repeated. Follow-up questions were asked to clarify their
responses. All interviews were recorded on two devices: Otter.ai software and a portable audio
recorder. During interviews, I did not take notes. Rather, I listened attentively to each participant.
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This allowed for full engagement in the conversation, assuring the respondents had my full
attention and affirming their statements’ importance. Interview recordings were transcribed and
reviewed after each interview via Otter.ai.The interviews were recorded using the Otter.ai
software and a portable audio recorder. I listened attentively and intentionally did not take notes
to fully engage in the group discussion. Interview recordings were also transcribed and reviewed
after each interview.
I dressed in casual clothing on the day of the interviews to ease nerves and diminish any
perceived power imbalances due to business attire. Initial questions were neutral, information-
based questions, such as the respondents’ awareness of the support programs and services on
campus to build trust and ease respondents into the interviews. As the conversation progressed, I
introduced probing questions to allow respondents to speak about their experiences and
perspectives. Several types of questions were asked to stimulate responses, such as experience
and behavior, feelings, opinions and values, and knowledge (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The goal
was to clarify whether TRIO programs impacted the participants’ persistence and completion,
how they experienced these programs, and how they perceived their sense of belonging,
relationship quality, cultural competence, and other factors.
Data Analysis
Data analysis and data collection occurred simultaneously (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The Otter.ai system recorded and transcribed interview recordings simultaneously (Creswell,
2014). I allowed the system to identify themes the review audio transcription for continuity.
After the audio review, I reflected on the themes and ideas documented and make additions
based on reflection to account for anything missed during the initial documentation (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Subsequent interviews were compared to the first to identify similarities and
42

themes that connect respondents. This process continued during the review of all interviews
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Data comparison informed what data would be collected next and
aided in data analysis. This also improved the interviews and resulted in robust data that were
refined over the course of the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Along with the comparative method, I utilized coding to manage and analyze data.
Coding refers to assigning a code or labeling parts of the data for easy retrieval (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). Coding is useful in categorizing themes that emerge from the data (Maxwell,
2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I began with the open coding to identify patterns and themes
and assign codes to terms and statements used repeatedly (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Additionally, I cross-referenced codes with codes identified by the Otter.ai system. After coding,
I interpreted codes and group them through axial coding. Data were separated into categories and
subcategories using titles based on content. Following this step, I theorized. Theorizing involves
identifying connections within categories that are significant (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Finally,
specific codes were selected to represent key concepts from the data (Creswell, 2014).
Validity
There are multiple strategies to establish the authenticity and trustworthiness of a
qualitative study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Ensuring validity in qualitative research requires
the study to be administered ethically (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In addition to receiving IRB
approval, I requested verbal consent for respondents to be interviewed and recorded. Prior to
taking any step in the study, I explained the nature of the study, the interview structure and
purpose, the length of the study, and my positionality. Respondents were informed of how the
information obtained in each interview would be shared. Their confidentiality was maintained.
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All recordings, transcripts, and other identifiable materials were destroyed at the culmination of
the study.
Moreover, respondents were informed that they could stop the interview at any time or
skip any questions. These steps increased participants’ protections, supporting their right to
privacy and informed consent and avoiding deception (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Furthermore, I
only recruited respondents who participated in TRIO programs when I was not affiliated with the
institution to avoid ethical concerns regarding power, authority, or coercion (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
To ensure the reliability and trustworthiness of the study, I engaged in triangulation and
member checks and used rich descriptive data (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Triangulation included the use of individual and focus group interviews. Data from interviews
were compared and cross-checked to support findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Member
checks were used to avoid misinterpreting what the respondents expressed and their perspectives
on the subject. Respondents were emailed their interview transcript and asked to confirm that the
findings were accurate or provide additional feedback (Creswell, 2014). Additionally, I presented
original, plausible data and employed robust rich descriptions of settings, respondent selection
criteria, and the study’s findings. The methodology ensures validity through credibility,
transferability, dependability, and confirmability (Lincoln & Guba 1985).
Role of the Researcher
My primary role is to understand the participants’ experiences and understand the impact
TRIO programs have on their college persistence and completion. Due to 20 years of affiliation
with TRIO and educational programs, I gained specific skills that lend themselves to this study.
Having worked in higher education for the past 5 years, I have been immersed in TRIO and other
44

student life programs, providing first-hand knowledge of supporting students in completing their
undergraduate education. In addition to leading teams dedicated to supporting TRIO and other
students, I participated in TRIO programming as a student, worked in outreach for both a
community college and a historically Black campus, all of which created the desire to study more
closely how this work contributes to young African American men’s success.
While the I bring experience and knowledge of the subject matter, my perspectives can
be an asset to the study yet present potential bias. I believe that TRIO programs have a
significant impact on financial outcomes for low-income first-generation students. I have also
realized the direct implications of these programs in my professional and personal life. Rather
than avoiding or trying to eliminate these subjectivities, I had to be mindful of these biases and
monitor them (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I understand that my views and experiences cannot be
imposed on the respondents, and I had to maintain objectivity at all times.
Conclusion
This chapter presented the specifics, rationale, and explanation of this study’s
methodological approach. The chapter presented the research questions, respondent recruitment
and selection, and the methods for data collection and analysis. Additionally, I described my role
and personal biases related to the study. Chapter Four will discuss both data collection and
findings based on the methodology outlined in Chapter Three.

45

Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of the study was to conduct a comprehensive assessment for evaluating
Black male student success in TRIO pre-college programs. TRIO pre-college programs focus on
students who have been historically underserved in secondary and post-secondary education. Yet
several equity gaps exist for Black men around college completion. This study focused
specifically on African American male participants and sought to understand how programs help
this population persist and complete. The study aimed to establish benchmarks for key indicators
of student success, provide a method of monitoring Black male students’ experiences and
performance, and help TRIO pre-college programs identify issues in need of enhanced attention.
The study and tools associated with it were developed to examine student success predictors. The
items and scales are specifically designed to measure experiences and factors directly influencing
the success of male students of color. The following research questions guided this qualitative
methods study using interviews through the lens of AAMT:
1. How do Black male students experience TRIO programs in terms of sense of
belonging, perceptions of care, and identity affirmation?
2. To what degree have these programs employed practices and frameworks that support
Black men?
Participants
For the purposes of this study, Black men who previously participated in TRIO pre-
college programs at RCCC between 2000 and 2016 were selected to participate. Twelve Black
male participants between the ages of 23 and 39 were interviewed. All had graduated from high
school between 2001 and 2016. Eleven participants identify as Black or African American and
all identify as male. One participant identifies as Black and Indigenous to North America. One of
46

the participants identifies as a gay man while the other 11 identified as heterosexual. This is of
note because while none of the respondents were asked about sexual identity, all of them
disclosed their sexual identity while discussing their experiences in the TRIO pre-college
programs. Of the 12 participants, 10 completed at least a bachelor’s degree, four obtained both a
bachelor's and a master's, and one completed two bachelor’s degrees. Of the two participants
who have not completed bachelor’s degrees, one completed an associate degree and is working
to complete a bachelor’s degree, and one is currently working to complete an associate degree.
All 12 participants work full-time. Table 1 summarizes the participants’ demographic makeup,
including gender, age, ethnicity, degree attained, and employment status. Pseudonyms were used
to protect the privacy of participants and the site. Six demographic questions and 26 semi-
structured interview questions were used asked of the participants. Table 1 lists the participants’
demographic information.
47

Table 1
Participants
Participant Gender Age Ethnicity Employment status Degree attained
Ajai Male 27 Black FT college outreach BA, MA
Cliff Male 27 Black FT respiratory therapist BS, MA
Damon Male 39 Black FT film producer BA
Daniel Male 24 Black FT fitness instructor AA in progress
Ezekiel Male 38 Black FT sales executive BA, MA
Kemet Male 25 Black FT Plumber A.S., A.DT,
B.A.
Mack Male 36 Black FT engineer PT graphic
designer
BA, BS
Phillip Male 23 Black, Native
American
FT butcher AA, BA in
progress
Raymond Male 39 Black FT creative executive BA
Ryan Male 24 Black Currently active-duty
Army
BS, MA in
progress
Scott Male 31 Black FT TRIO program
manager
BA, MA
Troy Male 23 Black FT Freelance Producer BA, MA in
progress

Ajai
Ajai is currently employed by RCCC. After completing his undergraduate education, he
worked for two TRIO programs as an education advisor and transitioned to the RCCC outreach
team upon completing a master’s degree program. Ajai joined TRIO because his mother made
him after recognizing he was struggling with school as a high school freshman: “Joining the
Math Science Upward Bound Program was not a choice, but I stayed because I had existing
48

relationships with some staff, and I had friends from my school in the program.” Ajai joined the
program at the end of freshman year and stayed in the program through the end of his senior
year: “I didn’t really have the option to quit. My mom made it clear I was to be in the program
until I graduated.” While Ajai may not have had a choice to leave or stay, he said relationships
kept him active and engaged:
The program didn’t have specific activities tailored to Black men or any Black staff while
I was in the program, but I had Pablo and I knew he genuinely cared about my success
and had my back when it came to the program. My relationship with Pablo and being
allowed to serve as a leader kept me engaged.
Cliff
Cliff joined the UB program because his mother’s best friend worked at RCCC and told
her to enroll Cliff, so he could be with her son Jason. Cliff joined the program during his
sophomore year of high school and stayed until he graduated. Cliff worked for the program in
college and attributes staying in the program to the relationships he built with other students and
the opportunity to get ahead in school because of the summer programs and college classes it
offered: “I have known Jason my whole life, our mothers are best friends and his mom worked
for Rose City College. As long as Jason was in the program I was going to be there.” Cliff
mentioned that while he did not participate in programming related to his racial or gender
identity, the idea of earning college credit in high school made him engage: “I could get tutoring,
well it was mandatory, but I could get help with homework, and I could get ahead by taking
college classes in summer. That was a clear benefit and reason to actually participate.”

49

Damon
Damon joined UB at RCCC in the Spring of 1999, stayed for the 1999–2000 school year,
and did not participate during his senior year in 2001. Damon completed a bachelor’s degree in
public relations. Damon joined because his friend Raymond was in the program and spoke
highly of the college trips. Damon was also involved because his local neighborhood center
hosted UB: “Raymond was in the program as well as an older friend Adam, I joined because of
them, but sports was more important, so I didn’t stay. It was really my scheduling conflicts and I
had other academic supports” Damon did not find a mentor or programming that focused on his
racial or gender identity in the UB program. Additionally, he never found personal value in the
program, so it was difficult for him to engage: “I participated in a summer enrichment program
in middle school and that showed me private school had more value that the programs in public
school.” Damon continued,” In high school, it was kind of a game, and they were teaching things
I had already learned.” Daniel added his connection to other programs led him to be engaged in
cultural and academic supports outside of TRIO: “The community organization Natha is where I
got affirmation as a Black man and more exposure to things that made me confident.”
Daniel
Daniel works at a boxing gym. Daniel joined UBMS. Daniel stumbled into UBMS by
accident: “I was looking for a teacher to talk about a grade, and I found the tutoring session they
hosted. That’s how I joined. They were tutoring in the subject I needed help in.” Daniel joined
during his sophomore year and stayed until he graduated from high school. He attributes his
completion of the program to the relationships he developed with Sal, a summer instructor who
became his educational advisor, and Scott, an ed advisor from another program: “Scott. He
50

pulled me through my sophomore and my junior year. He was willing to talk to my teacher, and
both Scott and Sal made sure, personally, I was ok.”
In addition to his personal relationships with staff, Daniel participated in an HBCU tour
and received verbal affirmation from program staff that he described as both his favorite moment
in the program and what affirmed his belief that he could be successful in college: “They saw my
intelligence, they saw my potential, they wanted me. That was a clear example of my value.”
Daniel added, “The college tour specifically. I loved it. Not only was each college we visited
great and whatnot I found what I was looking for on that tour honestly. That is how I know I
want to go to Clark Atlanta.” Daniel is in an associate degree program at RCCC.
Ezekiel
Ezekiel joined during his sophomore year in the 1999–2000 school year and left the
summer before his senior year in 2001. He stated he “joined because, basically, I was recruited
by the head of the program at the time. When I was there, the dean who oversaw the program
was a Black man and the director was a Black man, so I saw a lot of myself in them, and it was a
good place.” Ezekiel noted that staffing changes and a different atmosphere were the reasons he
decided not to go back to the program during his senior year: “When the new director came, the
level of support was different. I cannot exclusively attribute it to race, but when the racial
dynamics of staff changed as far as the Black dean and Black director leaving and being replaced
by Latino staff, I noticed a difference. I’m not saying people stopped caring directly about Black
people, but there’s favoritism somewhere, right?” Ezekiel earned a bachelor’s in
communications and a master's in crisis communication and management.

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Kemet
Kemet joined the program during his first year of high school and left after the first
semester of his senior year. Kemet is the younger brother of study subject Ajai. Like Ajai, Kemet
was required to attend the program by his mother who worked at RCCC. Kemet joined the
program because he was a student-athlete, and the program supported his continued competition
on the baseball team in high school: “You know, tutoring was one of those things I liked because
to play sports, I needed certain grades and so tutoring always helped be stay eligible.” Kemet
attributes his engagement in the program to having developed community, and the decision to
leave came when the community he developed left the program: “I say the community made me
buy into the program. They had an interest in helping me get better and helping me achieve my
goals of eligibility.” Kemet continued, “By my senior year, I got tired of the TRIO program. My
educational advisor was tripping, and the director I was cool with left. I had my grades for
baseball, so I kind of quietly stopped showing up, so they wouldn’t tell my mom.” Kemet earned
a bachelor’s degree in public relations.
Mack
Mack runs a graphic design company in addition to his work as an engineer. Mack
completed two bachelor’s degrees: one in engineering and another in graphic design. Mack
joined UB during his sophomore year and stayed in the program until he graduated. Mack joined
the program because his best friend was in the program: “My best friend PJ was in the program,
and he was really my accountability partner to help me complete the program and get through
college. We ended up going to UC Davis together also.” Mack joined the program during his
sophomore year and stayed through completing high school. Mack attributes his deep
engagement in the program to the relationship he has with a staff member:
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I think just the overall experience impacted me as an adolescent. You know, there was an
individual who had a huge impact on my experience with Upward Bound and that was
Gail. She submitted me for a chance to fly out to Washington DC and really advocated
for me during my entire time in the program.
Phillip
Phillip joined the program during his freshman year of high school because his older
brothers were in the Talent Search Program: “I have two older brothers, and they were both in
the program. All of us have learning disabilities, and the program was helpful in providing
support for IEP when the school district we went to could not meet that need.” Phillip stayed in
the program until he graduated from high school. Phillip credits his brothers’ experiences with
the program for his staying his entire high school career: “I stayed in the program just because I
saw what it did for my brothers, and I knew it could help me. Phillip earned an associate degree
in graphic arts and design and is in a bachelor’s degree program in animation.
Raymond
Raymond joined the program because his mentor recruited him, and he valued the
scholastic acceleration he gained by being in the program: “By the time I had gone through all of
the credit classes, I was able to start taking classes at a Cal State early, and that allowed me to
pledge a fraternity my freshman year.” Raymond continued,
Joseph Broomfield was a teacher. He was a fun teacher, and he ended up being a mentor
even after he left. Also, those conversations that we would have and the things I learned
from him on a personal level gave me a start to all my career interests.
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Raymond stayed in UB until he graduated from high school, and he credits being provided with
leadership opportunities and the chance to get ahead in school for his full commitment to
participating:
I was able to get in spaces or do things that typical students didn’t, so at one point I was
driving to rose city high school to be the tutor assistant. I saw I was able to build some
relationships and I received an award that created the impression that this was a place for
me.
Raymond earned a bachelor’s degree in marketing
Ryan
Ryan is an active-duty Army Ranger. Ryan joined UB during his sophomore year of high
school and stayed in the program until he graduated from high school: “The whole program was
amazing for me because it helped me get stuff done and stay eligible to play basketball.” Ryan
credits his educational advisor Scott for helping him stay engaged in the program:
The program was amazing for me because of one person in particular: Scott. He really
pushed me a lot to do stuff I did not want to do. To go one step further, to make sure I
was there and doing what I needed to do. Honestly, if it was not for Scott, I would not
have been active. He would text me and after doing a thing or event, I would find that I
really enjoyed myself.
Ryan earned an associate degree in computer science and is in a bachelor’s in computer science
program currently.
Scott
Scott joined TRIO UBMS during the second semester of his freshman year in high
school. Scott joined the program because his grandmother made it mandatory for him and a
54

cousin. Scott Joined during his freshman year and stayed in the program until he graduated from
high school:
I wasn’t the same as I am now in high school. All I wanted to do was perform, to act. I
did not understand why I needed to be a part of a program called Upward Bound Math
and Science. I remember my grandmother, more specifically than my parents, was like,
you are doing bad at math and science, so you need to be part of this program, and that is
one thing that I laugh at now because the program is not necessarily going to help me get
better but they help you out with tutoring and other programs.
Scott credits his desire to represent for Black men for deeply engaging in the program:
I feel like it gave me a chance to change the narrative. It gave me a chance to change the
narrative because there weren’t a lot of Black men in the program, I had to represent for
the Black men that were going to be in the program and who are not even in the program.
I have to represent for the culture as a Black man and not just the culture but for my
gender, too.
Scott earned a bachelor’s degree in communications and a master’s degree in leadership.
Troy
Troy joined the TRIO Talent Search Program during his sophomore year to attend a
college tour. He credits having space to reflect on his plans and get support from staff for
joining.
For me, it was always nice to have advice given about life beyond high school and how to
prepare for college. I did come to appreciate how valuable those moments of support
were. I may have been goofing around with my cousin, but I was still being exposed to a
lot of information that other people were not privy to.
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Troy was in the program for two years and did not return after his senior year. Troy felt he had a
solid plan for next steps and did not need the program to support him:
I got most of what I needed from the program. I was already tutoring in other places, and
I had a lot of support from my family. My community was not in TRIO and that is
probably the biggest reason I kind of stopped attending things.
Troy completed a bachelor’s degree in education and is currently earning a master’s degree in
education.
Summary
The participants’ biographical portraits provide an understanding of how their lived
experiences informed their perceptions of the program, persistence, and completion of the
program. Each participant provided a compelling narrative that detailed their perceptions of care,
self-efficacy, affirmation of work, sense of belonging related to staff, and their ability to
complete the program and be successful in college. Respondents spoke in depth about
relationships or lack thereof in relation to how they navigated the program. Many of the
respondents identified individuals, some staff and some peers, who created accountability as a
means of completion. Participants noted the importance of participating in programming and
spoke directly about their gender and racial identities. Those who had participated in
programming related to these identities remarked about their importance. Those who had not
participated in activities related to racial and gender identity remarked about their need for
affirmation in the area and talked about how they filled those gaps in other programs. All
respondents discussed their careers and displayed significant identity was developed through
professional pursuits. The following section will discuss how participants experienced TRIO pre-
college programs in terms of sense of belonging, perceptions of care, and identity affirmation.
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Additionally, it presents how the programs engaged practice and frameworks to support Black
men.
Findings Research Question 1
Four major themes and several subthemes emerged in discussion with study participants
about how they experienced their pre-college programs. Participants' responses revealed various
accounts of how they encountered challenges, developed relationships, solved problems, and
navigated the world outside of pre-college programs. Study respondents recounted the desire to
get ahead and familial requirements as reasons for their initial involvement. Additionally, they
identified institutional agents as tethers to the program and peers and motivators who helped
them stay engaged and create accountability for their performance.
Finding the Program
Of the 12 participants, 10 entered the program because a family member required them
to. Often, that family member was a Black woman who heard about the program through her
friend network, work, or an employee of the college. This path to the program suggests
partnerships with local Black women’s groups are a key to the recruitment and growth of Black
male populations. Scott described finding the program in this way,
So, being in the program as a student was forced on me. I did not I understand why I need
to be a part of a program called Upward Bound Math and Science because that's the
particular program I was in. And because I was not interested in math or science on top of
that, but I remember my grandmother, more specifically than my parents, was like,
“You're doing bad at math and science and so you need to be a part of this program.” And
that's one thing that I laugh at now because that actually has nothing to do with being a
part of the program. It's really based on interest, not on what they can help you do. But
57

they can do that. too. Honestly, they can help out help you out and tutoring in the middle
subjects that any one of these TRIO programs can do that. So, I was forced to be in the
math and science program, and I gave a lot of pushback to my advisor. I was probably
that token kid. And I'm gonna say that by that token Black kid because there wasn't a lot
of African Americans in the program then. It was just me, and then I have been to my
grandmother forced my cousin to be and so it was just two pieces and about doing this
being forced to be in the program.
Ajai, whose mother works at RCCC, described coming to the program in this way, “I
didn’t really have a choice. My mom said I was going, and I went, it was kind of like if I wanted
to do anything else I was going to have to be in this program and learn to love it.”
While Ajai and Scott had to learn to love their pre-college programs, participants like
Troy and Damon, who were also led to the programs by Black women in their lives, felt at home
despite being made to join. Damon shared,
I was involved because of Mrs. Walker. Remember Mrs. Walker from Natha? I was
involved because she hand-picked a group of us to participate in things every summer. In
middle school, it was the chandler summer enrichment program that prepared us for high
school, and in high school, it was Upward Bound. I went because she made it mandatory
for participation in the community programming. Upward bound kept me eligible for
soccer so it was an easy win.
While Damon’s interest was in eligibility for sports Troy was interested in an HBCU
tour:
“I joined because my mom told me I was going on a free HBCU tour and to go on the
tour I had to be in the program. I was interested in exploring that part of myself because I
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come from a diverse area and if the program was going to provide an opportunity to
explore my Black identity as a student it didn’t seem bad”
Despite the reason, they arrived these Black men found the program through Black
women in their lives: mothers, college employees, community leaders, and grandmothers. This
indicates the deep importance Black women play in their communities, specifically in relation to
educating Black men.
Sense of Belonging
Participants’ responses indicated that a sense of belonging develops pre-college, and the
development of lack thereof contributes greatly to why Black male participants persist and
complete programs. Mack indicated,
I felt part of the program immediately. One of my best friends, Eros, and my cousin were
in the program, so it felt like I was at home. I mean, I think just the overall experience,
the impact on me as an adolescent, you know. There was definitely an individual who
had a huge impact on my experience with upper bound, and that was Miss Gail. Her
name escapes me at the moment, her last name, but Miss Gail was a huge influence in
providing opportunity that [I] otherwise wouldn't have. The first one that comes to mind
is entering the program as a 10th grader, and she submitted me for a chance to fly out to
Washington DC and meet … a senator, Senator or Congressman Adam Schiff. I don't
know my garbage titles, but we got stuff in Washington DC and go to American
University for a couple of days. And that was such a huge impact on my just exposure to
the world outside of Rose City.
Similar to Mack’s experience, Phillip shared,
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I think for me, one of the things was like something that I was a part of, and that was
even though it was challenging at times because I remember, I vividly remember, having
to take the bus to RCCC and leaving at 6 am. Taking public transit and that was just kind
of like a culture shock moment because I was so young and also giving up those
weekends for having many Saturdays a year, but it was like my thing. A good friend of
mine in the neighborhood, too, who graduated a few years before me and is kind of like a
big brother, and he was a part of it. We did a lot of stuff in our local community together.
From a service organization standpoint, tutoring and things like that. So, I already had
kind of like a commitment to it.
Daniel, who did not persist to program completion, shared, “The program was very much
like a family, but I didn’t see myself reflected in the program, and while I had peers in the
program, they were ahead of me, so I didn’t stay after they left.”
Like Daniel, Damon did not persist to program completion and indicated, “I never
meshed with anyone in the program. I had kinda been exposed to the academics and I got study
hall through soccer, so I opted to leave once I got to do a few trips. I guess I popped in and out
but, after that first year, I wasn’t involved as heavy.”
A sense of belonging is key to increasing persistence and completion. Even if access is
increased, students who do not feel they are part of the community will be pushed out of the
program.
Environmental Factors
Identity development, the role they play in their families, money, career, and work were
all environmental factors that impacted how respondents experienced their pre-college programs.
Raymond talked significantly about his need to reduce the burden on his single mother by
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covering the cost of his activities and wanted more focus on career exploration. Raymond
discussed reducing the time and cost of his undergraduate education as a significant motivator to
persist and complete the program:
I knew I had to cover the cost of college early on. My mom is single and was taking care
of my grandparents, so there wasn’t a tremendous amount of financial resources available
to me. Participating meant I got to take credit classes at RCCC, and that meant getting
ahead. At one point, I was paid to tutor, like a lead tutor, and would go from my high
school to Rose City High School to tutor other kids. So, I got paid, and that was helpful.
In addition to getting ahead, I was able to pledge my fraternity my freshman year because
I already had enough credits. So, the pre-college program helped me in that regard, too.
Similarly, Kemet shared his need to earn money and move through college quickly to pay
his own way, as he put it:
My parents were divorcing, and my pops was straight up with me about needing to pay
my own way as soon as high school ended. I was trying to do whatever I could do to cut
down the cost, so Talent Search and Upward Bound were my best options.
Scott shared candidly about the need to explore identity beyond hegemonic definitions of
Black and male identity in addition to identifying the positives of getting ahead:
After a while, I was done rebelling and got over being forced to be in the program when I
did, basically, became a great student, and completing college credit was a clear benefit. I
was exploring a lot about who I was, too, so it was interesting to be in that space and
pretending to be someone I wasn’t really as far as being a Black man. I felt the need to
represent. I felt the need to do well because the other Black men made that clear. But I
knew I was gay, and I wish I had the space to be more out back then.
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Cliff talked about forming identity as a leader and how his career choices required him to
get ahead:
Oh, I knew what I wanted to do as far as a job or career or whatever, so I bought in
quickly. That is probably what made them make me a mentor and offer me jobs in the
summer and stuff. They saw I was serious and not only getting good grades, but I could
help keep my peer in line and get them to show up to stuff.
Ezekiel discussed the lack of identity development he experienced and how his role in his
family and the need to earn money combined with a lack of support from the program pushed
him out of the program:
There were a few other Black men there, but I was focused on work more, so I just took
whatever hours I could get at work and put my energy there. I will say the peer support
was the motivation to get more serious and graduate as far as the last-minute stuff I had
to do in high school. The program did help me meet my peers that would end up being
support through college, but that was it. If there had been something that spoke to me
more as a Black man, I may have done more or seen more value in being in the program.
Program Climate
Program climate perhaps affected participation the most among all the factors related to
experience, persistence, and completion. Chief among the subthemes related to program climate
were peer mentoring, support or lack of support from the program, mandatory participation,
leadership opportunities, and opportunities related to employment or compensation for
participation.
Ajai shared at length about the positive impact of his relationship with peers and program
staff, specifically how that support led to deeper engagement and a sense of belonging. He
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indicated that the support manifested as opportunities to lead and eventually work as a program
mentor, then a summer staffer, and later, a full-time employee. These roles significantly
impacted how he participated and his thoughts about his ability to complete undergrad and
graduate programs:
Over time, I was able to forge a good relationship with Pablo and that really made a
difference because I could talk with him, and it felt like he knew what I was going
through. He is the one that talked me through the mandatory tutoring thing. I hated that it
was mandatory, but he helped me see why I needed it and how it helped me. That led to
me being a mentor, then summer staff, and eventually I worked for the program after I
finished my bachelor's and while I was doing my master’s.
Mack talked about the benefits of peer mentorship and the lifelong relationship he created
to keep him accountable:
My best friend Eros was in the program, and we helped keep each other accountable.
Upward Bound was where it started and when we went to college together, we
maintained that role in each other’s lives. To this day, we check in and just talk through
issues. It is a blessing to have a peer you can strategize with.
Raymond detailed the leadership opportunities that led him to be an ambassador for the
program and how the support increased his desire to excel:
I was able to get back in spaces or do things that typical students didn't, so I think at one
point, I was actually driving to Rose City High School to be the tutor assistant. So, I
wasn't the like lead tutor when I went and did, you know, stay? They're going to help out
and help the teacher after school tutoring that everybody was supposed to do. So, I think
that you saw I was able to build some relationships with some of the professors and meet
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some of the teachers and I wouldn't worry. I got to go to the Upward Bound teachers off-
site. We took a bus to Palm Springs, and I was maybe one-to-one. There may have been
another student, but I know I was there, and I know that that wasn't like a common thing,
which I couldn't even imagine still happening today.
Ezekiel talked about the negative impacts lack of support had on his participation and
how even with opportunities to lead not having a mentor present pushed him out of the program:
“Well after my second year, things had changed with the leadership, and my mentor who
recruited me was gone, so I didn’t really feel like there was even space for me.”
Phillip shared the importance of opportunities outside the program and how the support
for an IEP changed the trajectory of his education: “All my brothers were in the program, and
Gabby, she helped me get an IEP so that support and opportunities to get help made the program
the best place for me.”
Pre-college programs play an important role in Black men’s perceptions of care, self-
efficacy, and identity development. It is important that these programs examine their practices to
improve Black men’s persistence, access, and completion.
Discussion Research Question 1
The participants’ responses shared reveal Black men experience pre-college programs in
complex ways. Most salient from the conversations related to the study is the fact that
participants who find accountability partners in staff, peers, or faculty stay in the program longer
than those who do not. Additionally, it is key for their rendition, persistence, and completion that
they find advocates, a sense of justice when negative experiences occur, and opportunities to
serve or lead in the program. Black men develop self-efficacy and enhance their ability to
problem solve and seek help by finding trusted mentors in the program. These advocates become
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partners and serve as institutional agents that connect participants with opportunities to get
ahead, lead, and find their path to the completion of undergraduate and graduate degrees.
Respondents indicated Black men are coming to pre-college programs to get ahead,
shorten the time to undergraduate completion and reduce the overall cost of college. Black men
count on pre-college programs to provide the support that allows them to support themselves and
reduce financial burdens on their families often because they are required to begin supporting
themselves soon after completion of high school and in many cases toward the end of high
school. The unique role Black men play in their families should be considered when pre-college
programs conceptualize stipends and employment opportunities for participants.
Most of all, community is primary to increasing the sense of belonging, persistence, and
completion for Black men in pre-college programs. Community in the form of parents,
grandparents, aunts, and others guide Black men to these programs. Trust must be replicated in
the development of programming that supports Black male participants. These participants need
to see themselves reflected at all program levels, specifically concerning staff members who are
responsible for discipline. Training is paramount for staff and participants as unconscious bias
significantly contributes to pushing out this population. Safe spaces to be vulnerable, discuss,
and develop identity are needed for these programs to increase their sense of belonging, and
completion.
Findings Research Question 2
Three major themes and several subthemes emerged in relation to what practices and
frameworks pre-college programs employed to support Black men. Participants’ responses
revealed various accounts about how they encounter staff structures, programming, and
programming structure in preparing for college. Participants had clear ideas about why they
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joined programs, if the programs and staff were equipped to serve them and how programs could
improve support for Black men.
Staff Structure
The organization and training of staff are important with regard to supporting Black male
participants. Staff must understand the unique experiences of Black men, have anti-bias training,
and understand what it means to be anti-racist in the education and support of Black male
students. Key subthemes that emerged in the theme of staff structure were administrators,
faculty, staff, and trust. Ajai stated,
Sometimes, it felt like I never saw the program coordinator and like they allowed people
to run wild and talk to us any way they wanted. But also, that is why Pablo and I had such
a good relationship. He was an educational advisor, but he stopped people from
disrespecting me and that built a strong foundation for us. Sometimes, some staff or
instructors would be harder on the Black students, and we could go to Pablo to sort it out.
Cliff shared,
Equity terms were not being shared or taught widely when I was a student in the
program, but at every level, they needed help or someone to tell them what they were
doing was not cool. It wasn’t everyone but there were definitely people we knew hated
the Black students.
Damon spoke about shifts in what he felt were the priorities of the program: “I stopped
trusting the program a little when I saw the influx of students of a particular cultural background.
It was like when the new director came in or whatever, she stopped recruiting Blacks.”
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While Damon experienced reductions in Black participants and staff Daniel spoke about
seeing himself reflected in the program: “One of the reasons I think I got involved was I saw
myself in students, in teachers, and staff. It was one of the first times I had Black role models.”
Scott had the most unique experience. His desire to do other things made his relationships
more difficult. It was not until he bought in that his experience improved:
As a student, my relationship with my advisor … was rocky. I know that he cared about
me more than I cared about him. And this had nothing to do with race either. It was just
my focus was I do not want to be an actor. I have been acting. I actually stopped acting
just because my parents wanted me to continue in school and get an education, so I was
like, okay, I'm gonna pass these classes, and I'm involved in drama club. Okay, cool. I did
track, which was another little outlet for me to stay in shape. Everything I did was
purposely driven to be like, “Okay, I want to be an actor.” And so, my advisor supported
that no matter how much I gave pushback, when I didn't come to tutoring staff, or if I
didn't come to mentor to hear, to advising sessions. If you'll hit me up, and follow up with
me, but the one thing I took away from him that I do to this day as an advisor is that I
don't give up.
Staff must develop organic relationships based on trust and guided by social justice in the
pursuit of equitizing degree attainment and completion for Black men.
Program Structure
Equally as important to staffing structure is programmatic structure. Ten respondents
indicated having a need to reduce to cost and time to degree but not having a clear roadmap to
accomplishing this goal. Key subthemes of programmatic structure that emerged were tutoring
mandatory participation, guided pathways, and planning. Ezekiel said,
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Where I was a student, I needed a clear plan for how to make money and graduate.
Mandatory tutoring didn’t solve my problems. I didn’t have that in college either and that
is what made things harder. I needed someone to show me the A–Z to how to get what I
wanted. Money was my main focus, so I took whatever shifts I could at work, but if
someone could have pointed out to me how to get paid and accomplish my education
goals I would have listened. I just needed to see it plainly. I didn’t get that until my third
year of community college and once I got it, I took off.
Students are looking for simple instructions on how to accomplish their goals and often want to
start planning career as part of the process.
Kemet echoed similar thoughts to Ezekiel:
The tutoring was mandatory, and they had other programs that we had to do, but I needed
a plan to play baseball and cut out some of the cost of college. Those were my main
goals, and I didn’t really get answers for those things. My mom wasn’t going to let me
quit, but I needed more answers for my goals than I got.
Mack found his plan in peer mentoring when he and his best friend sought counselors' support to
plan what classes to take:
Eros and I kinda worked together to figure out what we needed to do. Beyond going on
the trips and other things we would talk to different people, and they would give us
information. Then, we would share it and it turned into a plan of how to get where we
wanted to go as far as college.
Phillip was clear that he felt he got enough support and attributed that to having extra
help due to his IEP:
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I mean the IEP really made us have to plan every semester and every year. Gabby would
sit in on my IEP meetings and got an updated copy, so she was able to help me plan as far
as the program went.
Scott offered deeper insights as a former student and now pre-college program coordinator:
Programs need to have more structure with regard to how they service students. It really
is about developing a pathway that tells the student where they should be and when. We
can add any number of supports to that plan, but we need to provide comprehensive plans
to the basic services we offer. I didn’t get it but as a pre-college professional I am
working to ensure my students get it.
Programs must examine what structures best serve their students and expand service to
ensure improved service and outcomes for students.
Programming
After restructuring programming and staff, it is essential to reshape programmatic
elements to meet the specific needs of Black male students. Programming or what programs are
offered emerged as a main theme while events, degree obtainment, financial literacy, and career
development emerged as main subthemes. According to Raymond,
We needed some things we just didn’t get. Academics are important, and I needed to get
ahead so I wasn’t complaining. I even appreciated improving my study skills, but I
needed to be taught how money works, simple things like don’t use a credit card like a
debit card. That needs to be part of what they teach.
Troy felt one of the key elements of the program was getting college credits or a
partnership with dual enrollment: “I feel like everyone should work to take college classes, it
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helps in high school, and you can use the classes for college later, that is one of the things that
benefits everyone.”
Ryan offered an interesting view about events and programs and their impact on degree
attainment:
It felt like they had a loose plan, but it could be more formal. I mean I got great at
studying, and I know the college classes helped me as I entered the army because I got
my aa a year in just from a few classes and the classes I took in high school.
Kemet said, “I wish I had more information on how to make money and make the money work
for me. I needed that early on because it would have helped as I was looking at what career to
start.” Ezekiel was adamant about the need for intentional peer mentoring:
I developed relationships that ended up helping me finish high school and those were my
accountability partners. If students could get that at the onset of joining a program it
would probably stop people from quitting, really because those relationships help you
stay in the fight you know.
Scott expressed gratitude for receiving significant training and recounted how much he
learned without knowing he was retaining the information:
The programs and events really made a difference in my life; I think ultimately it is what
led me to working in education. I think I was so unattached, but it was crazy because I
was storing that information somewhere. I remember a friend was talking about wanting
to go to [a university] with me and asked if he filled out the common app, and he didn’t
know what I was talking about. I was able to log him in and help complete his application
on the day of the deadline simply because of what I was learning in the program. I was a
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peer mentor without even knowing I was. I know without this program, I wouldn’t be
who I am today.
While these programmatic elements are key, programs must make a significant effort to
create feedback loops for their Black male participants to understand what specific programs
they are interested in and need to accomplish their goals.
Discussion Research Question 1
Pre-college programs as they exist are not built with an intentional focus on race, gender,
or real equity. As they exist, programs focus specifically on equity in terms of socio-economic
status and the education levels of parents. Programs must expand their equity metrics to create
sustainable impacts for Black males and others. Programs must examine staff structure, program
structure, and programming in terms of equity, identity development, and outcomes. Employing
a guided pathways model while examining the aforementioned aspects of the program will
significantly improve the pedagogical practice of pre-college programs. As practice improves,
access, persistence, retention, and completion for Black men will be achieved.
Staffing is key. Black men need to see themselves reflected in program administrators,
faculty, educational advisors, peer mentors, and participants. Reflecting the population increases
trust and provides modeling for the possibility of achievement. Beyond increasing the presence
of Black men in the programs at all levels, it is of great importance that anti-racist and anti-
deficit training be adopted to remove bias, create understanding of Black men, and support
participants as they matriculate through the program. Program structure is important and must be
examined to increase participation. New models of service delivery should be considered for
compulsory programming such as study hall and tutoring. Alternate language should be explored
for “mandatory participation,” using less punitive language will create better by in among Black
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male participants. Additionally, programs need to employ a guided pathways model to support
better planning and provide a roadmap to participants as they arrive seeking to map out careers
and educational goals. Plans can be changed, but it is important to have a map even if
participants stray from the original plan as their interests grow. A clear demand exists for
programming around career development and financial literacy. Black men are required to
provide for themselves early and access to training on how to obtain money and manage it is in
high demand. Additionally, programs need to provide roadmaps that include peer mentors to
create accountability and check points on the road to obtaining a degree and ultimately
undergraduate and graduate program graduation. Dual enrollment is a key part of meeting the
desire to get ahead and reduce the cost and time to degree.
Pre-college programs are helping Black male participants connect to their goals; these
programs can expand access and increase completion by making a focused effort to deploy
practice that is specific to the needs of Black men. In addition to creating spaces and programs to
explore racial and gender identity, providing spaces to discuss sexual identity is important.
Students are experiencing various types of identity exploration and need support in discovering
language that gives voice to who they are in intersectional ways. The expansion of who they can
be as Black men occurs during the pivotal developmental stages they progress through while in
pre-college programs. While programs are not designed currently to serve this need, it is
important to expand programming in these areas as Black men need these services. All tides rise
when culturally relevant pedagogical frames are used. Students’ racial and gendered experiences
matter and shape how they arrive at and navigate pre-college programs. Programs that
acknowledge these experiences and equip students with the skills to navigate higher education
will see increases in access, persistence, and completion. The definition of Black and male is
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ever-expanding and the intersectional identities that are encompassed in these racial and
gendered spaces must be given room to grow. There is no better place for the expansion of these
identities than pre-college programs.
Summary
Pre-college programs are essential to closing equity and completion gaps for Black male
students. The unique set of programs that comprise pre-college programs have staff members
who are dedicated, care deeply about students, and contribute to the success of thousands of
young Black men across the country. Students find connections to their careers, make lifelong
friends, develop a deep sense of self-confidence, and learn skills that allow them to unlock their
talents as academics and leaders. Pre-college programs are at a crossroads where they need to
examine unconscious bias, systems that negatively impact persistence and completion for Black
men, and how they employ data to improve service.
Young Black men are drawn to these programs because they understand the opportunity
to get ahead in school, reduce the cost and time to completion in college, and develop a network
of peer support that will carry them through the completion of their undergraduate and graduate
degrees. Black men desire programs that are led by administrators who understand their unique
gendered and racialized experience. Black men want the faculty, instructors, and staff associated
with these programs to be trained regularly and be guided by anti-racist pedagogy that increases
their ability to succeed in the program and beyond. Black men are resilient and despite having
negative experiences with administrators, staff, and faculty who may be unaware of their
unconscious bias, find peer mentors and others who advocate for them and support their
persistence and completion.
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Chief among reasons Black men find themselves in pre-college programs is family, most
often a Black woman who insists they join and creates supports to allow them to persist and
complete the program. Black male participants in pre-college programs go on to accomplish
great things and return to support programs as administrators, staff, and faculty out of a sense of
duty from the support they received. Pre-college programs that adopt new practices will support
increased undergraduate and graduate degrees among all of their participants.

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Chapter Five: Recommendations
The purpose of the study was to conduct a comprehensive assessment for evaluating
Black male student success in TRIO pre-college programs. This study focused specifically on
African American male participants and sought to understand how programs help this population
persist and complete TRIO pre-college programs and ultimately post-secondary education. The
study aimed to establish benchmarks for key indicators of student success, provide a method of
monitoring Black male students’ experiences and performance, and help TRIO pre-college
programs identify issues in need of enhanced attention. The study and tools associated with it
were developed to examine student success predictors. These factors include non-cognitive
outcomes (e.g., locus of control, utility, academic self-efficacy), environmental factors (e.g.,
finances, family responsibilities), program ethos (e.g., campus climate, perceptions of care), and
identity (e.g., gender and race/ethnicity). Three significant findings related to the study include
students who found meaningful relationships with peers or staff persisted and completed because
of the accountability created by the relationship. Students placed in leadership positions,
employed by the program, or who found intentional support from the programs had a broader
sense of belonging and increased perception of care from the program. Programs need to include
gender and culture-specific programming to increase retention and completion for Black male
students.
Recommendation 1
The first recommendation is to increase focus on developing intentional community to
improve the experience for Black male students. These students require intentional engagement
to ensure they feel part of the community. They also require student mentors to increase their
persistence in the programs. Black students need dedicated spaces to develop community; within
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these spaces, programming must be created to scale community among Black men. Before
relationships can be developed, Black male students need to feel safe in the pre-college program
(Newman &Wood, 2015; Howard, 2017). Providing space and Black male-focused time in the
space at the inception or onboarding period of a student’s engagement will increase persistence
and completion (Howard, 2017). Programs must develop engagement cycles to understand and
improve the experience of Black male students.
From introduction to completion of the program, engagement must be planned, tracked,
and changed based on the need of the student (Bush & Bush 2018; Bronfenbrenner, 1986, 1989,
2005). If Black male students can see themselves reflected in the program during the
introduction and onboarding portion of the engagement cycle, perceptions of care and an
increase in self-efficacy will occur. Pre-college programs need to increase trust among Black
male participants, providing clear examples of success that reflect their gender and ethnic-
specific identity is an easy step in developing intentional community. This must be reflected in
students and staff to create sustainable engagement and intentional community.
Understanding the life cycle of students is essential to developing engagement that
increases persistence and completion of pre-college programs and ultimately translates to higher
completion rates of undergraduate and graduate degrees (Bush &Bush 2018; Bronfenbrenner,
1986, 1989, 2005). Pre-College programs should examine the participation of Black men in
seven stages: introduction, interest, onboarding, participant, leader, alumni, and graduate. The
introduction phase of the cycle is finding out about the program through marketing, word of
mouth, or other means. In this phase, it is key that these students see advertising and meet people
associated with the program who reflect their gendered and ethnic experiences. In the interest
phase, these students should be guided to events, programs, or informational sessions where they
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see themselves again reflected and learn about the benefits of being a program participant. After
students buy in and join onboarding should go on their entire first year in the program.
Specifically with Black male students, it is important to check in consistently and provide
opportunities for feedback to increase their sense of belonging and support the development of
their voice. Onboarding should include providing a digital guide that gives detailed information
about the program, developing an educational plan that lists classes they will take, planning
opportunities to serve or lead, and career exploration activities.
As students engage, they will transition to participants who make meetings and
participate regularly or leaders who participate regularly and guide other students and serve as
ambassadors for the program. Students who persist through the program will assume a leader or
participant role, but both will complete and become alumni. As students transition to alumni, it is
important to keep them engaged through email, social media, and phone calls to support their
persistence in college conduct tracking for the grant. Finally, as students complete undergraduate
and graduate studies, they transition to graduates. The purpose of all pre-college programs is to
ensure the completion of an undergraduate or graduate degree. Thus, this cycle’s final step is a
graduate who gives back either time, money, or both. Likely, students who are willing to tether
themselves as a time and money contributor may make strong pre-college professionals.
Adopting the life cycle model for student engagement will support programs in the transition to e
to authentic partnership in the success of Black male students.
Because of societal structures and systematic barriers in some cases, college is the first
time Black men develop significant relationships with other Black men unrelated to sports. Pre-
college programs can build these relationships by providing student mentor or ambassador roles
to lead new students to and through the program (Harper, 2004; Newman &Wood, 2015). Black
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male students are confronted with myriad gender and ethnic-specific experiences and having
peer support to encourage them to engage in the program will increase their persistence and
completion. Modeling behavior by peers they trust will increase belief in the pre-college program
staff. This trust can be leveraged to create deep engagement and Black male students who will go
into their communities and recruit others to the program. This intentional engagement
immediately improves the sense of belonging, self-efficacy, and perceptions of care related to the
program (Bush &Bush 2018; Harris et al., 2017; Howard 2017). Pre-college programs must
increase the hiring of Black male staff and instructors to increase the participation of Black male
students. Black male students need to see themselves reflected at all program levels.
Additionally, partnerships with local chapters of Black fraternities will ease the development of
mentors and increase community support for the program.
Build community by leveraging the power of local groups. Black women emerged as one
of the single most important groups by which young Black men find TRIO and pre-college
programs. An effective intentional community for Black men includes Black women. Programs
must utilize the social capital of organizations like the Links, Alpha Kappa Alpha, Delta Sigma
Theta, church auxiliaries, Eastern Stars, and other predominantly Black female memberships to
ensure young Black men receive information about the resources available to them through
TRIO and other precollege programs.
Recommendation 2
The second recommendation is to integrate racial equity training in staff onboarding.
Also, equity metrics should be developed as part of annual outcome analysis. Cohorts should be
expanded to ensure students complete courses together. Program staff should create guided
pathways in partnership with dual enrollment to improve outcomes for Black male students.
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Recognizing the experiences of racism, sexism, and societal/familial expectations of Black male
students is key to staff, instructors and administrators effectively support them in pre-college
programs (Bush &Bush 2018; Harris &Wood, 2016). Integrating equity training regularly into
program design is key to expanding sense of belonging and completion for these students. Pre-
college program administrators, staff, and instructors need to understand their own unconscious
bias, examine practices that disproportionately impact Black male students, and develop
solutions that address issues like targeting, harsher punishment, and more strict grading policies
that often push students out of pre-college programs (Bush &Bush 2018; Harris et al., 2017;
Howard 2017). These training must be ongoing and include new concepts as they develop. The
goal is to develop pre-college programs that apply anti-racist frameworks in the service of all
students.
Pre-college programs track persistence and completion, so the next step in making data
truly impactful is disaggregation (Wood & Palmer, 2014). By disaggregating data, programs can
understand gaps in persistence and completion and implement interventions to close the gaps
caused by inequities in the system. To address issues of bias or pedagogical practice, program
staff must know where gaps exists and for which student groups. Disaggregating data creates
opportunity to employ equity metrics beyond just who is in the programs, as it exists currently.
Programs must conduct analysis that is more meaningful and examine the practice that leads to
the gaps. This will provide starting points to improve experience, increase completion, and
deepen engagement, which leads to real sense of belonging for Black male participants.
Cohorts exist in TRIO programs for completion tracking purposes. Expanding these
cohorts to enroll in classes together will provide better connectivity between students (Cowan et
al., 2009; Haxton et al., 2016; Witham et al., 2015). The expansion of cohorts provides the
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opportunity for students in older cohorts to serve as mentors for students in newer cohorts. This
process creates space in the engagement cycle for students who transitioned from participants to
leaders to serve in a mentor/ guide role to students in the earlier phase of the engagement cycle.
Students in the earlier phases of engagement gain the relationships that improve sense of
belonging, persistence, and completion (Witham et al., 2015; Palmer, 2014). Students in the
latter stages of the engagement cycle find more motivation to stay and upskill their ability to
lead, model behavior, and increase accountability. These experiences increase completion and
the likelihood that these students will reach the final phase of engagement, which is graduation
(Bush &Bush 2018; Curry, 2017; Howard 2017).
Pre-college programs must implement the guided pathway approach to ensure students
know where they are going when they begin these programs (Giani et al., 2014; Karp, 2015; Kim
2008). Guided pathways is an integrated institutional approach to support student success by
creating a structured educational experience tailored to each student from point of entry to
attainment of post-secondary credentials and sustainable career. Pre-college programs must
create MOUs with dual and concurrent enrollment programs to develop free classes and leverage
the resources of college partners at zero cost to the student and program (Giani et al., 2014; Karp,
2015). Programs can start by establishing goals related to the metrics of the annual performance
review and frame the work through the lens of student success and elimination of equity gaps
(Zinth, 2016). This frame centers social justice in education. Additionally, pre-college programs
can collect logic models from existing equity plans to assist in scaling adoption of the guided
pathways programs. Finally, programs must incorporate evaluation and analysis beyond the
annual performance review to ensure they gather lessons on how to improve the partnership,
increase service to students, and accomplish the goal of closing equity gaps and increasing
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completion for their students. It is important to note increasing completion and persistence for
Black men will not be improved by the scaling of pedagogical practice alone. Institutions must
reframe their vision for support and increase financial allocations for the aforementioned changes
to be possible. The catalyst for change is a shift in the moral behaviors of higher education and
higher education preparation institutions. No greater evidence of this shift can be found than in
their budgets. Budgets are living moral declarations the provide proof of any organizations
commitments to disproportionately impacted groups. TRIO professionals must continue to
expand professional development to include upskilling strategy to hold their institutional
sponsors accountable for increasing financial support. TRIO professionals can gain these skill
through participation in regional organizations like the Western Association of Educational
Opportunity (WESTOP) and national organizations such as the Council for Opportunity in
Education (COE) to expanding training in advocacy, training, and sharpening their organizing
for institutionalization by leveraging community support.
Recommendations for Future Research
This research focused on Black men who participated in TRIO pre-college programs at
RCCC between 2000 and 2016. The participants were all part of TRIO pre-college programs
focused on increasing persistence and completion of higher education degrees for low-income
first-generation students. Participants were invited to take part in the study based on the criteria
of being Black, male, and having participated prior to the fall of 2016. The size of the sample
was limited.
Significant research exists on improving support to Black male students and the
effectiveness of TRIO programs (DOE, 2016, 2018; Harper, 2010; Newman & Wood, 2015;
Wood & Palmer, 2014. However, it is still limited in viewing how these programs leverage dual
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enrollment and culturally specific programming to increase persistence and completion for Black
men. There is also limited research on developing TRIO pathways that include workforce
development or training functions to better prepare students to support themselves and reduce
financial burdens prior to entering university.
Recommendations for future research include interviewing Black men who completed
TRIO programs in high school, continued in TRIO programs in college, and began working
immediately after completing their undergraduate education. Individuals fitting this profile
followed the ideal trajectory for a TRIO student, and it is important to understand what supports,
systems, and programs allowed them to persist, graduate, and find work upon earning a degree.
Other future research study recommendations include research on the impacts of educational
plans and pathways for TRIO students.
Conclusion
Black men are not a monolith. Thus, the strategies, supports, and services required to
support them are not one-size-fits-all. Higher education preparation programs and n institutions
were built without consideration for the systematic barriers Black men encounter on the journey
to these spaces. To increase access, improve persistence, and increase completion, TRIO
programs and higher education institutions must reframe their programming and curricula to
affirm Black men’s the experiences, identity, and unique existence. Key to this process is
decentering the dominant culture and Whiteness as a norm, restructuring how services are
accessed, and connecting programming to pathways that lead to sustainable careers.
Additionally, TRIO programs must train staff to leverage the ecological systems approach in
developing solutions for Black male students, as understanding the collective experiences,
behaviors, outcomes, events, phenomena, and trajectories of Black men will make interventions
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more effective. There must be an acknowledgement of the classism, anti-Black racism, and
sexism Black men face and strategies centered on their resilience in navigating these experiences
must be offered. It is important that these programs connect content to African culture and
consciousness to ensure Black male participants are empowered and their identity affirmed. This
work must be done in the pursuit of social justice and racial equity, giving tangible outcomes to
the diversity statements TRIO programs and higher education institutions offer on websites and
brochures.
83

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99

Appendix A: Recruitment Email
Dear TRIO Alumni,

My name is William Syms, and I am a doctoral candidate in the Rossier School of Education at
the University of Southern California. As part of my dissertation, I am conducting a study that
captures the unique experiences and specific needs of the Black male TRIO students. The study
will include individual interviews and focus groups. You are invited to participate in the study.

If you are interested in participating in the study, please select the link below (see Survey Link
below) to complete a brief 2- to 3-minute survey that will help me determine if you qualify to
participate. If you meet the participant criteria, I may contact you to participate in either an
individual interview or in the focus group. The interview will be approximately 45–60 minutes in
length and the focus group will be approximately 60 minutes long. Both will be audiotaped, but
all voice recordings will be deleted after being transcribed.

Participation in this study is completely voluntary and your identity as a participant will remain
confidential at all times during and after the study.

If you are selected to participate in the study, you will be compensated with a $10 Amazon or
Starbucks gift card that will be presented to you at the conclusion of the interview or focus
group.

Survey Link:

If you have any questions, please contact me at WSYMS@USC.EDU or

Thank you for your consideration,

William E. L. Syms
Doctoral Candidate – Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California

100

Appendix B: Information/Facts Sheet for Exempt Non-Medical Research
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4033

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by William Syms under the
supervision of Dr. Patricia Tobey, at the University of Southern California. Research studies
include only people who voluntarily choose to take part. This document explains information
about this study. Please read through this form and ask any questions that may arise.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study is to conduct a comprehensive assessment for evaluating
Black male student success in TRIO pre-college programs. TRIO pre-college programs focus on
students who have been historically underserved in secondary and post-secondary education. Yet
the number of equity gaps exist for Black men around college completion. This study will focus
specifically on African American male participants and seeks to understand how programs help
this population persist and complete TRIO pre-college programs and ultimately post-secondary
education.
Participant Involvement
If you agree to take part in this study, you will be asked to complete a 2- to 3-minute
survey and a 45- to 60-minute audio-recorded in-person/zoom interview or focus group. After
the interview, you will have the opportunity to review a transcript of the interview and follow up
with any changes that need to be made. You are free to stop the interview at any time or decide
not to answer any question you not feel comfortable answering.

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Payment/Compensation for Participation
You will receive a $10 Amazon or Starbucks gift card for participating in the study. The
gift card will be given to you at the conclusion of the interview.
Confidentiality
Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will remain
confidential. Participant responses will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and maintained
separately in a password-protected computer. The audio recordings will be destroyed once they
have been transcribed and the interview transcriptions will be shredded once the study is
completed.
Focus groups: Due to the nature of focus groups, your confidentiality cannot be
guaranteed. However, in order to maintain the confidentiality of the group, you are asked not to
discuss the content of the group with anyone not in the group, or to discuss who participated in
the focus group.
The members of the research team, the funding agency and the University of Southern
California’s Human Subjects Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews
and monitors research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
When the results of the research are published, or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.
Investigator Contact Information
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact the
following William Syms via email wsyms@usc.edu or phone or Faculty Advisor Dr. Patricia
Tobey at Tobey@rossier.usc.edu

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IRB Contact Information
University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los
Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

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Appendix C: Participant Screening Protocol
A study examining the experience of Black male TRIO participants is being conducted
for the purposes of a doctoral dissertation at the University of Southern California. You were
identified as a previous participant of TRIO programs. If you are interested in sharing your
experiences in the exploration of improving services for Black male students in TRIO programs,
please complete the screening survey.
1. Name
2. Age
3. What year did you participate in TRIO programs?
2000–2004
2004–2008
2008–2012
2012–2016
4. Current enrollment status
Enrolled
Degree In Progress
Graduated
Completed Multiple Degrees
5. Highest level of education achieved?
High School Diploma
Bachelors
Masters
Doctorate
6. Are you currently employed?
Yes
No
7. Are you interested in participating in a one-on-one interview?
Yes
No

104

8. Are you interested in a focus group interview?
Yes
No

105

Appendix D: Focus Group Protocol
My name is William Syms. I am a doctoral student studying the experiences of African
American men in TRIO pre-college programs. College attendance and completion is higher than
it has ever been however, Black men are still enrolling and completing less than all other groups
gender and race. There is a unique experience of African American men and institutions do not
take this into account nor do they create programming that supports these students in a
significant way. This research is guided by two questions; How do Black male students
experience TRIO programs in terms of sense of belonging, perceptions of care, and identity
affirmation? To what degree have these programs employ practice and frameworks that support
Black men? The purpose of the study is to conduct a comprehensive assessment for evaluating
Black male student success in TRIO pre-college programs. As we get into the discussion feel
free to elaborate as much as you need to. The goal of this discussion is to learn details of your
experience and get as much information as possible. In this setting there is no such thing as too
much information. We want everyone to share about their experience. If you find yourself
stepping up in ways that could minimize other voices, please consider stepping to the side to
create space for all voices. If you have things you want to share that you don’t get a chance to
express in the group conversation, we can spend time following this to ensure your story is
captured. Your story is important, and we will create space to ensure it is documented robustly.
Over the next hour we will go through a series of questions that seeks to understand your
experience. Identify themes, occurrences, and programming that stood out to you. Our
conversation will be recorded however, for the purposes of the dissertation I will use an alias for
your name and any other identifying information. If at any point you feel uncomfortable of need
106

to stop, please indicate so and we can take a break. I appreciate your time and look forward to
the journey of our conversation.
1. How did you get involved in TRIO?
2. Talk about your fondest memories in the program
3. Would you encourage young Black men to participate in TRIO now?
Campus Ethos
Racial Bias
4. Describe how instructors and staff treated you in comparison of non-Black male students
Sense of Belonging
5. How did you know you belonged or what ways did the program demonstrate you
belonged there?
Personal Relationship With Faculty and Staff
6. Describe conversations with ed advisors or other staff you had about important things?
Did you discuss family, career, or life aspirations or goals?
Validation From Staff
7. What Kinds of messages did you get from staff about your ability to do the work?
8. How did the program and other staff let you know you were capable of succeeding in
college?
Welcomeness to Engage
9. Did you talk with program staff about personal issues?
10. Were you encouraged to speak about challenges or negative experiences?

107

Service-Efficacy
11. 11.Can you describe an instance in which you received help and how it made you feel
about the program?
12. Was this program critical to your success?
Help-Seeking
13. Why did you feel safe asking for help from staff? Why didn’t you feel safe asking for
help?
Racial Affinity
14. In what ways are you connected to the Black community and how does this impact
15. In what ways does your pride in your heritage show in your life?
your life?
As we conclude, are there other things I should know about your experience? Thank you
all for participating in this conversation. If you would like to elaborate, please stay and we will
continue individual conversations.

108

Appendix E: Interview Protocol
My name is William Syms. I am a doctoral student studying the experiences of African
American men in TRIO pre-college programs. College attendance and completion is higher than
it has ever been however, Black men are still enrolling and completing less than all other groups
gender and race. There is a unique experience of African American men and institutions do not
take this into account nor do they create programming that supports these students in a
significant way.
This research is guided by two questions; How do Black male students experience TRIO
programs in terms of sense of belonging, perceptions of care, and identity affirmation? To what
degree have these programs employ practice and frameworks that support Black men? The
purpose of the study is to conduct a comprehensive assessment for evaluating Black male student
success in TRIO pre-college programs. As we get into the discussion feel free to elaborate as
much as you need to. The goal of this discussion is to learn details of your experience and get as
much information as possible. In this setting there is no such thing as too much information.
Your story is important, and we will create space to ensure it is documented robustly.
Over the next hour we will go through a series of questions that seeks to understand your
experience. Identify themes, occurrences, and programming that stood out to you. Our
conversation will be recorded however, for the purposes of the dissertation I will use an alias for
your name and any other identifying information. If at any point you feel uncomfortable of need
to stop, please indicate so and we can take a break. I appreciate your time and look forward to
the journey of our conversation.
1. Please state you name
2. What is your most fond memory of the TRIO program you participated in?
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3. Did Race impact the resources made available to you by your TRIO program?
4. Would you describe yourself as proud of your heritage?
5. How would you describe your connection to your race and gender?
6. Describe your relationship with your program director, educational advisor, and
instructors
7. Please talk about you program mentors
8. Did you stay in the program from the beginning of high school until the end?
a. If yes, can you think of some reasons you stayed
b. If no, can you think of reasons you left the program
9. Do you feel like the program wanted you instantly?
a. If yes, did you feel like you belonged in the program at the beginning or was it a
gradual process
b. If no what things, or indicators made you feel unwelcome
10. In comparison to student of other ethnic and gender identities that you were
appreciated by staff and faculty?
11. In comparison to students of other ethnic and gender identities did staff and faculty
take interest in your success and program participation?
12. To what degree did you fee represented by the staff and students in the program?
a. Were there staff members you spent more time with than others?
b. What was it about these staff members you identified with that made you
gravitate to them?
13. Do you think staff knew your academic and professional goals?
14. Was race, gender, or cultural experiences discussed in programming
110

a. Did you attend conferences or activities focused on your race?
b. Did you attend conferences or activities focused on your gender?
c. Were speakers brought in specifically to talk to you about racialized or gendered
experiences in college
15. Were Ed Advisors and the program director aware of the things you felt were
important in your life?
16. Did you participate in programming specifically designed for Black male students?
a. Did you feel any additional scrutiny or attention was paid to you because of your
identity?
b. To the best of your ability please describe how race and gender impacted the
programming you participated in.
17. How if at all did TRIO prepare you to navigate college as a Black man?
18. In what ways did the program affirm your ability to succeed in college?
19. Did you know where to go to seek help with personal problems?
20. What academic supports did you utilize?
21. Was support with academic or personal issues available when you or if you needed it?
22. Are you connected to any people you went through the program with?
23. Do you volunteer with the program today?
24. Do you contribute financially to your former TRIO program?
25. Do you have any questions for me?

111

Appendix F: Post-Interview Reflection
Dear [Name],
Please review the attached transcription of your interview. Please take this time to reflect on the
responses you provided and ensure that they illustrate your experiences and thoughts accurately.
If any changes or clarifications are needed, please be sure to reply at your earliest convenience.

Thank you again for your participation,
William E. L. Syms
Doctoral Candidate – Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California

112

Appendix G: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix (Qualitative)
Research question Theoretical framework Data instrument questions
How do Black male students
experience TRIO
programs in terms of
sense of belonging,
perceptions of care, and
identity affirmation?
AAMT (Bush & Bush,
2013)
Social ecology theory
(Bronfenbrenner, 1977)

Focus group protocol: 4–8,
11, 12, 21–24, 26–29

Individual interview
protocol: 6, 7, 8, 9, 12,
13, 19, 20, 23, 25, 26, 27,
29, 30, 32, 37, 38, 47, 48

To what degree have these
programs employed
practice and frameworks
that support Black men
and increase persistence
and completion.
AAMT (Bush & Bush,
2013)

Focus group protocol: 9, 10,
13–20, 25

Individual interview
protocol: 12, 13, 14, 15,
17, 18, 21, 24, 28, 31, 33,
35, 39–46
Demographic questions

Pre-survey: 1–8

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Appendix H: Qualitative Codebook
Name Description Files References
Self-efficacy 12 123
Experience 12 214
Administrators 11 73
Faculty/ instructors 12 97
Staff/ed advisor 12 111
Sense of belonging 10 159
Work 7 47
Career 11 59
Money 12 22
Family 12 64
Lack of support 10 23
Support 12 96
Problem solving 10 112
Trust 12 46
Academic
programming
12 37
Getting ahead 11 146
Summer courses 5 29
Black male identity 12 100
Program structure 11 103
Help-seeking behavior 9 67
Graduate 12 137
Obtain degree 10 123
Support from program 12 121
Peer mentor 10 87
Community 7 100
Family 10 84
Opportunities 12 117
Programming support 12 119
Events and programs 12 114
Leadership opportunities 9 91
Mentorship 10
Financial literacy 7 33
Guided pathways 4 15
Dual enrollment 9 23
Peer support 12 91
Planning 12 117
Study skills 11 68
Tutoring 12 155
Mandatory participation 11 185

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Asset Metadata

Creator Syms, William E. L. (author)

Core Title Increasing African American male participation in pre-college programs: improving TRIO programs’ support for Black men

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2022-08

Publication Date 08/03/2022

Defense Date 07/11/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black,Black men,completion,dual enrollment,equity,OAI-PMH Harvest,precollege,support,Syms,TRIO

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia (committee chair), Green, Alan (committee member), Hinga, Briana (committee member)

Creator Email williamsyms@gmail.com,wsyms@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111376034

Unique identifier UC111376034

Legacy Identifier etd-SymsWillia-11089

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Syms, William E. L.

Type texts

Source 20220803-usctheses-batch-968 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu