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What will I be when I grow up? Understanding how the lived experiences of African American community college students impact their academic major choices

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What Will I Be When I Grow Up? Understanding How the Lived Experiences of African
American Community College Students Impact Their Academic Major Choices

by
Clara Thanisha LaShon Ross-Jones

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2022

© Copyright by Clara Thanisha LaShon Ross-Jones 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Clara Thanisha LaShon Ross-Jones certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Chelena L. Fisher
Briana M. Hinga
Robert A. Filback, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
This study examined the impact of African American community college students’ lived
experiences on their academic major choices. This study looked specifically at the role of their
K–12 academic identity and preparation, familial influences, and collegiate experiences in the
decision-making process. This qualitative study included participants who identified as African
American or Black currently attending a California community college who were aged at least 18
years old and had completed a minimum of 15 units at a community college. Semi-structured
interviews were facilitated. Critical race theory and social cognitive career theory served as the
conceptual framework for this study. Findings revealed that self-efficacy, racial identity, and
racialized trauma had a significant impact on the participants’ academic major choices.
Recommendations include trauma-informed training for all community college staff and faculty,
expansion of the major exploration and discovery process, and the bolstering of the K–12 and
community college partnership to include more academic major exposure to support confident
decision-making.
Keywords: academic major, self-efficacy, African American, critical race theory, social
cognitive career theory

v
Dedication
To my amazing family, I could not have achieved this without your unconditional love and
support.

vi
Acknowledgements
First, thank you, God, for your grace and mercy on this incredible journey. I am grateful
and appreciative.
Many thanks to my honey, Kyle Jones, who was my biggest supporter and advocate in
this dissertation journey. Your patience and understanding were unmeasured. You took care of
all of us and believed in me as I moved through this process. I am truly grateful for all the love,
motivation, and support.
I am appreciative of the unconditional love of my children, Parker, and Grayson. You
always gave mommy tons of hugs and kisses to keep me moving forward.
I want to thank my wonderful family and extended family for all the love and reassurance
along this journey.
I want to thank all my dear, sweet friends for checking in on me, providing me words of
inspiration and lifting we up with hope and courage.
I want to thank the ladies of “Cool Kidz” and “Operation Become Doctors” for all the
wonderful advice, feedback, endless zooms, and tons of laughs. So glad we all found each other.
I would like to thank my chair, Dr. Robert Filback and my committee members Dr.
Briana Hinga and Dr. Chelena Fisher for their kindness, encouragement, and guidance
throughout this entire process.
Lastly, thank you to all of my participants who shared their stories with me. Thank you
all so much!

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ........................................................................................................................................v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ..................................................................................................................................x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study ...............................................................................................1
Statement of the Problem .....................................................................................................3
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................4
Research Questions ..............................................................................................................5
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................5
Limitations, Delimitations, Assumptions ............................................................................7
Definitions............................................................................................................................8
Summary ..............................................................................................................................9
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...................................................................................................10
Educational Landscape for African Americans Students ..................................................10
Community College System ..............................................................................................13
African American Community College Demographics .....................................................18
Academic Major Choice ....................................................................................................19
African American College Students and Major Choice ....................................................26
Relevant Theories ..............................................................................................................29
Conceptual Framework ......................................................................................................36
Chapter Summary ..............................................................................................................40
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................42
Qualitative Approach .........................................................................................................42
Population and Sample ......................................................................................................43

viii
Study Context.....................................................................................................................46
Instrumentation ..................................................................................................................47
Data Collection Strategy ....................................................................................................48
Data Analysis .....................................................................................................................49
Trustworthiness Measures .................................................................................................50
Ethical Considerations .......................................................................................................51
Role of the Researcher .......................................................................................................52
Chapter Four: Findings ..................................................................................................................54
K–12 Academic Preparation ..............................................................................................54
Family Influences...............................................................................................................66
College Experiences...........................................................................................................76
Chapter Summary ..............................................................................................................83
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations..........................................................................85
Discussion ..........................................................................................................................85
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................93
Implications for Policy, Practice, and Research ................................................................93
Final Reflections ................................................................................................................97
References ......................................................................................................................................98
Appendix A: Recruitment Letter .................................................................................................128
Appendix C: Contact Information Form (Qualtrics) ...................................................................131
Appendix D: Interview Protocol ..................................................................................................132

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Study Participants 45

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 40
Appendix B: Recruitment Flyer 130

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES, 2019), over three and a
half million students across the United States graduate from high school every year. Of those
graduates, roughly 69% of students enroll directly in post-secondary institutions (NCES, 2019).
Community colleges receive approximately half of all undergraduates and over 40% of first-time
freshmen (American Association of Community Colleges, 2012). These institutions are the most
diverse sector of postsecondary education and are home to many adult learners, students of color,
low-income students, language learners, and working adults (Long, 2016). Within the structure
of higher education, community colleges play a significant role in helping students achieve
educational success.
Postsecondary education is essential in this changing and demanding economy and job
market. The impact that degree attainment or a technical certification has on one’s
socioeconomic status has proven critical when looking at students of color, specifically African
American students (Blackwell & Pinder, 2014; Padgett et al., 2012). African American students
often view a college education as the only opportunity for socioeconomic advancement (Bahr,
2010). Securing a college degree benefits the student, the family, and the community as more
career opportunities become available (DeAngelo et al., 2011). Without a degree, a student’s
earning potential and upward mobility may be limited. This crisis among the African American
student population has reached new heights. African American community college students have
the lowest associate degree attainment of any racial subgroup (Holland, 2017; Moore & Bush,
2016). Almost 50% of African American students at these institutions leave within 12 months of
their enrollment (Bivens & Wood, 2016; Long, 2016; Mertes, 2013). The low level of degree
2

completion continues to be detrimental to a population that has been historically excluded and
marginalized within this same educational system (Holland, 2017; Moore & Bush, 2016).
A considerable component of the degree completion process is identifying a pathway or
academic major (Fink et al., 2018). Waugh (2016) stated that community colleges provide
students with many major options and very little guidance in making an informed choice.
Confirming a major is a central decision for college students (Workman, 2015). Given the
significance of selecting an academic major, the process that brings students to those decisions
must be examined in relation to their college completion. Being undecided or exploring majors
has been studied for years (Gordon & Steele, 2015). However, there is limited research on how
African American community college students choose their majors. There has been research on
African American students’ major selection in the K–12 setting, with college athletes or science,
technology, engineering, and math (STEM) students, but little to none that highlights the impact
of African American community college students’ lived experiences on their academic major
selection. The limited research is concerning given the increased number of students not
completing their degrees each year (Shapiro et al., 2017).
It is important to examine this phenomenon of deciding on an academic major through an
organizing framework that explores academic identity, family influences, college impact, and
major exploration. In addition, secondary lenses of critical race theory and social cognitive
career theory make up the conceptual framework. This study contributes to the literature on
African American students and major exploration. Further background of the problem, the
purpose and significance of this research, and the questions guiding this study are described in
the following sections.
3

Statement of the Problem
The rising costs of 4-year universities, coupled with the expanding global economy,
caused more students to look to community colleges for short-term programs and advanced
transfer options (Townsend & Wilson, 2006). Community colleges nationwide have seen a larger
increase in attendance between 2000 and 2018 (Hussar et al, 2020). These institutions have an
open-access admissions policy that provides a gateway to specialty training and university
transfer at an affordable cost. Many underrepresented students begin their educational journey in
the community college system. Specifically, a high population of African American students
attends these institutions to advance their educational goals (Ma & Baum, 2016).
With increased attendance, research shows that roughly 40% of the entering 2014 cohort
earned a credential over 6 years (National Student Clearinghouse Research Center, 2020). Asian
American students’ completion rate is 51%, White students’ rate is 49%, and Hispanic students’
rate is 36%. African American students have the lowest completion rate of 28%. This gap in
completion rates puts African American students at an educational disadvantage. Several factors
compound these students’ academic success in postsecondary education (Asera, 1998; Collinson,
1999). Access alone has not been enough (Long, 2016).
Minoritized students enter these institutions feeling unwelcome, ill-prepared, and
different; they have a hard time fitting into the traditional collegiate experience (Long, 2016).
Given internal and external concerns, this research explored the role of academic major
selection. There has been a history of students being tracked into certain majors, redirected to
certain majors, and feeling unwelcomed in others (Libassi, 2018; Riegle-Crumb et al., 2019).
Given these challenges, the purpose of this study was to understand how the lived experiences of
4

African American community college students impact their academic major choices and decision
making.
Gianakos (1999) was one of the first researchers to suggest that career and major
indecision is common among college students. Twenty years later, Budiningsih et al. (2019)
acknowledged the complexity of identifying a career and selecting a college major. The authors
noted that for many, this process requires an array of information, not only about the field of
study but also for personal reflection. Most students entering these postsecondary institutions
seek their first career or a career transition (Orndoff & Herr, 1996). Close to 75% of those
students change their academic major at least once (Gordon & Steele, 2015). Another 20% to
50% of those students are undecided about their major, career, or both (Buyarski, 2009). One in
10 students, on average, change their major multiple times. For African American students, that
change of major happens more often. Waugh (2016) noted that the lack of upfront major
exploration at most community colleges and the number of major options means completion
rates will continue to be low until a more structured look at major decision-making occurs.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to (a) understand how African American community
college students make their academic major choices and (b) explore the role of their lived
experiences on their major decision-making process. Academic, familial, and collegiate
experiences were specifically highlighted to gain a deeper understanding of their impact on this
process. This study is grounded in critical race and social cognitive career theories to gain a
deeper awareness of the contextual, person, and socio-cognitive factors and their connection to
the major decision process (Ladson-Billings, 1998; Lent et al., 1994). Social cognitive career
theory considers how a student’s inputs (e.g., race/ethnicity, predispositions, gender, health) and
5

background environmental influences inform their personal goals, outcomes, expectations, and
self-efficacy. An overview of the early tenets of critical race theory will connect the historical
and systemic roots of race and racism pertaining to this exploration process for African
American students.
A qualitative research design was utilized to feature these student experiences. In seeking
participants, a purposeful sampling method allowed for an in-depth understanding of the
information-rich experiences connected to the phenomenon of interest (Patton, 2015). This
sampling method allowed for recruiting participants who were knowledgeable in the topic of
study (Creswell & Clark, 2017). Semi-structured interviews shed light on the process that brings
African American community college students to their choice of academic major. Upon
collecting the data and reviewing the findings, themes and recommendations will be presented to
better support and uplift these students’ voices.
Research Questions
The conceptual framework for this study is grounded in social cognitive career and
critical race theories. The following research question was addressed: Understanding how the
lived experiences of African American community college students impact their academic major
choices? To address this question, the following sub-questions were also addressed:
• What role does K–12 academic identity and preparation play in this process?
• What roles do family influences play in this process?
• What role does the collegiate experience play in this process?
Significance of the Study
Research regarding how African American community college students make academic
major choices is limited. This study contributes to the literature and uplifts student voices
6

regarding their major selection. Committing to an academic major is a central component of
degree completion. Students cannot graduate or transfer with an undecided major. Identifying a
major moves a student closer to degree attainment. The study's goal was to draw attention to the
issue and the needs of these students to provide them with better support services.
In the summer of 2009, President Barack Obama introduced the American Graduation
Initiative to raise awareness around community colleges and create a global economy in which
everyone had an opportunity to obtain a degree (Brandon, 2009). In 2012, California legislators
advanced that idea and shifted from the premise of just access at the community college level to
that of completion and degree attainment as a primary focus. Nonetheless, 63% of African
American California community college students are not earning a certification or a degree
within 6 years (Bates & Siqueiros, 2019).
There is a significant racialized gap in college degree completion rates, with Black
students on the low end compared to their White counterparts (NCES, n.d.-b). Waugh (2016)
noted that, in general, a reason for low completion rates is the lack of a program of study or
confirmed major choice. Understanding the impact of lived experiences on academic major
decisions provides an opportunity to craft intentional institutional structures to help students
make informed choices. This intrusive support would help as they navigate the completion of
that major and their educational goal. A focus on academic major selection would require a
purposeful shift. Encouraging practitioners to design best practices from a social cognitive and
critical race lens can incorporate a broader range of experiences that can lead to innovative
approaches to bolster African American student success. Colleges and universities need to foster
a campus culture that increases the persistence and retention of marginalized populations, such as
7

the African American student population (Burns, 2010). The student's voice is required for this
change.
Limitations, Delimitations, Assumptions
There are a few limitations and delimitations for this study. These findings may not be
generalizable to all community college students as the focus is on African American students’
academic major decision making. Also, in using a qualitative research design, a small number of
participants’ experiences are included in the findings. Regarding delimitations, there are three
identified in this study. The first is that the research focused on students who self-identifies as
African American or Black, excluding those who may be multi-racial but do not identify as
African American or Black. Secondly, participants were enrolled in a California community
college. In doing so, students who stepped away from the college or have already graduated will
be unable to participate in the study. Lastly, participants with less than 15 units completed were
not considered for this study.
It is important to acknowledge potential assumptions with the study’s findings. The first
assumption was that the interviewees would respond to the interview questions openly and
honestly. The second was that selecting an academic major is a significant contributor to degree
completion for African American community college students. The last was that the conceptual
framework was appropriate for understanding these students’ experiences.
As a career counselor, I provided a conducive space for the interviewees that allowed for
safe and open dialogue without bias. It was important to monitor bias toward major selection or
career-related decision making. I am also aware of these limitations and acknowledge the
importance of examining the data without bias.
8

Definitions
Academic major. Specific specialty coursework that a college student can complete
African American: refers to “those individuals of African descent who have received a
significant portion of their socialization in the United States” (Sellers et al., 1998, p. 19)
Black(s). According to the U.S. Office of Management and Budget (1995), “Black or
African American refers to a person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa”
(para. 108). This term will be used interchangeably with “African American.”
California community colleges: the largest higher education system in the United States,
with 2.1 million students attending 116 colleges. These institutions offer certification programs,
associate degrees, and options to complete 4-year transfer requirements (California Community
Colleges Chancellor’s Office [CCCCO], 2021).
California Community College Chancellor’s Office: The governing body for the
California community college system (CCCCO, 2021).
Career development: “Lifelong psychological and behavioral processes as well as
contextual influences shaping a person’s career over the life span” (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey,
2017, p. 12). Career development throughout higher education is a holistic process in which
students determine their major choices through self-exploration and research on the world of
work to determine the various career options available (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2017).
Community colleges: Community colleges are accredited higher educational institutions
that offer associate degrees, certificates, academic preparation, workforce training, and lifelong
learning opportunities to people in the community (American Association of Community
Colleges [AACC], 2012).
9

Completion: Earning a degree, certificate, and/or transferring to a 4-year institution is the
completion rate (CCCCO 2021).
Critical race theory: A movement to deconstruct the systemic and structural inequities
driven by dynamics of race, racism, privilege, oppression, and power between one’s ability to
successfully perform a given behavior (Ladson-Billings, 1998; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
Social cognitive career theory: In the collegiate setting, this theoretical framework
recognizes the student’s personal goals, outcome expectations, and self-efficacy beliefs. The
three variables are explored as students identify career interests and make major and career
choices (Lent et al., 1994)
Undecided. Used in an educational setting, defines a student who has not determined
their major or career pathway. Also, a student who has decided on a major but questions their
choice. Undeclared and exploratory are also common terms to describe undecided students
(Gordon, 2007).
Summary
This dissertation is comprised of five chapters. Chapter One includes the study's
introduction, the background of the problem, the significance of the problem, limitations,
delimitations, assumptions, and key definitions. Chapter Two reviews pertinent literature
highlighting elements of the African American student experience, an overview of the
community college system, an exploration of major decision making, and the theoretical
framework that encompasses social cognitive career theory and critical race. Chapter Three
describes the methodology, research design, population, sample, data collection, and data
analysis. Chapter Four will encompass the findings of the study. Chapter Five provides an
analysis of the results, the conclusion, recommendations, and implications for future research.
10

Chapter Two: Literature Review
The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the impact of
African American community college students’ lived experiences on their academic major
selections. Specifically, the study focused on academic identity, familial influences, and the
impact of the collegiate experience on the major decision-making process. Research indicates
that an increased number of African American students are attending community colleges, yet
there is a significant gap in students attaining a degree compared to their White counterparts
(Bates & Siqueiros, 2019; Shapiro et al., 2017; U.S. Census Bureau, 2019a). This review of
literature explores the experiences of African American students in postsecondary education,
specifically in the community college, and major selection through the lens of social cognitive
career theory and critical race as the conceptual framework. This chapter will discuss the
educational landscape for African American students, looking closely at high school and
community college. It will then move forward with the academic major choice process and the
influences on those decisions. Lastly, the relevant theories and the conceptual framework will be
introduced.
Educational Landscape for African Americans Students
African Americans have been historically excluded from social, economic, and political
systems solely because of their race. From primary to postsecondary, the educational pipeline is
no different in creating a marginalized and isolating environment for this population. (Harper et
al., 2009; Solórzano et al., 2000). The institutional racism that permeates education reflects the
disparities between the White and African American student experience (Austin, 2010; Edman &
Brazil, 2007; Hurtado & Ruiz, 2012). Hurtado et al. (2012) noted that the racial divide on
campuses and in schools reflects the continued structural and pervasive inequities felt throughout
11

the country. A significant number of African American families still live slightly above or in
poverty, the K–12 schools in these communities lack resources, and the school-to-prison pipeline
is growing (Bates & Siqueiros, 2019). The educational achievement gap continues to impact the
quality of life for African American students, their families, and the local and global economy
(Bates & Siqueiros, 2019).
High School
Even with support programs and improvements in educational reform, African American
students still experience lower graduation rates than other student populations (Hunter, 2015;
Musu-Gillette et al., 2016, 2017). The 2016–2017 data shows that 89% of White students
compared to 78% of African American students graduated high school across the United States
(NCES, 2019a). The high school dropout rates reflect the same disparity. White students ages 16
to 24 drop out of high school at a rate of 4.3%, and African Americans have roughly a 6.5% rate
(NCES, 2019a). In addition, African American students face biases in standardized testing, an
overrepresentation in special education, increased suspensions or expulsions, unqualified and
inexperienced teachers and counselors throughout K–12, and a reduction in the number of
college preparatory courses available through their school districts (Camara, 2013; Clotfelter et
al., 2005; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Musoba, 2011; Welton & Martínez, 2014). For a
disproportionate number of African American students, the structural inequities of the primary
and secondary educational pipeline directly affect their collegiate opportunities (Bryant, 2015).
In California, two-thirds of African American students who graduate high school feel
unprepared for college (Bates & Siqueiros, 2019). This gap in college preparation has a lasting
impact and perpetuates the injustices in the educational pipeline. Counselors and teachers
continuously redirect African American students into trade programs or low-wage occupations
12

instead of college preparatory courses (Stewart, 2007; Bryant, 2015). This long-term, engrained
deficit thinking remains with these students once they are in college and is sustained as they
begin to think about career and major choices. In addition, the inability to develop trustworthy
relationships with K–12 teachers and counselors makes African American students hesitant to
engage with collegiate faculty and counselors as they transition to college (Preston, 2017). This
inability is harmful to students as faculty interaction is an important source of information for
students as they begin to explore majors or work with their counselors toward career
development.
University and College Global Experience
With the desegregation of schools in 1954 and the integration of public schools in 1960,
African American students slowly received the opportunity to attend predominantly White
colleges and universities that were once inaccessible (NCES, n.d.-a). The number of African
American students attending post-secondary institutions across the country increased from the
late 1960s through the late 1990s (Hoffman et al., 2003). However, the decline in their
attendance throughout the last few decades indicates that this newfound access alone was not
enough to combat the systemic racism that African Americans had felt for centuries (Harper et
al., 2009). These newly opened doors provided access to many students. However, the
oppressive educational system still presented roadblocks to their success once they were there
(Harper et al., 2009). African American students were entrenched in an educational system
where the dominant group questioned their intellect, mental capacity, and worthiness (Austin,
2010; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Decades later, there continues to be a steady decline in
African American student college attendance, countless student reports of toxic environments,
13

racist experiences, and lower persistence for African American students overall (Harper, 2012;
Harper et al., 2009; Mustaffa, 2017).
Shaffer et al. (2002) noted the influence of history and racial oppression felt by African
Americans on their educational success. The historical marginalization and opportunity gaps in
academic and career pathways are well known and documented. The completion rates for
African American students at both 4-year and 2-year institutions show that the current pipeline to
degree attainment continues to present challenges to their success (Arroyo & Gasman, 2014;
Arum & Roksa, 2011; Tinto, 2012). Bush and Bush (2018) noted that African American
students' educational and social challenges are based on socially constructed systems.
Community College System
The open-access mission of the community college is central to the educational goals of
African American students (Dougherty et al., 2017). With more than a thousand public and
private community colleges across the United States, these institutions enroll over 44% of all
students seeking a postsecondary education (NCES, 2018). Awarding associate degrees and
certificates, community colleges provide career technical education, support for developmental
coursework, adult education, and noncredit opportunities, and help students complete their
academic requirements for transfer to a 4-year university.
The growth in the number of students attending community college over the last 10 years
has been significant. In Spring 2015, an estimated 5.7 million students were enrolled in a
community college (National Student Clearinghouse Research Center, 2015). By 2018–2019, 8.2
million undergraduates were enrolled in public 2-year colleges (NCES, 2020b). Underserved
populations, such as women, African Americans, and nontraditional students, were starting or
returning to college, seeking more training and education for an advancing workforce (AACC,
14

2017b). A significant number of African American undergraduate students begin their
educational journey at these institutions (U.S. Census Bureau, 2016a). This enrollment growth is
why the community college was the focus of this study.
California Community College System
Community colleges are a gateway to specialty training at an affordable cost (Turk,
2019). These institutions allow students to engage with various subjects and step away from the
typical classes of primary and secondary education. Situated in local communities, these
institutions offer flexible schedules, several learning modalities, and wrap-around support
services that promote student success (Carlan & Byxbe, 2000). Smith (2018) noted that if
community colleges were unavailable, many students would not pursue any postsecondary
education. This would be more detrimental to the ever-expanding job market and a community’s
overall economic growth.
With so many community colleges across the nation, the focus of this study drew from
the California community college system exclusively. California is home to the fifth-largest
African American population in the country (U.S. Census Bureau, 2016a). One in four
community college students across the United States attends an institution in the California
community college system (CCCCO, 2020). With over two million students across 116 colleges,
the system leads the nation in workforce development, University of California and California
State University transfer, and helping to advance communities’ economic and social mobility
(CCCCO, 2020). With a range of institutions within the system, almost 75% of African
Americans who attend a college in California begin at a community college, which is why this
setting is foundational to this research.

15

Community College Versus 4-Year Institutions
Community college students' make-up is vastly different from traditional 4-year
universities. Community colleges enroll students of various races and ethnicities, ages, genders,
and socioeconomic statuses (Ma & Baum, 2016). The AACC (2021) reported that the average
age of the community college student population is 28, with 57% of those students being women
and 43% being men. Roughly 29% of the students are first-generation college students. More
than 65% of students work part-time while attending college (Jenkins & Fink, 2016; NCES,
2018, 2021). They often have numerous family obligations and may be parents returning to
school after an extensive break (Bailey et al., 2005).
With both the non-credit and credit course offerings, these institutions serve a higher
percentage of low-income students and students of color, specifically African American students,
than 4-year universities (AACC, 2017a). Upwards of 50% of community college students
identify as a person of color, with many colleges even donning the title of a Hispanic-serving
institution (White House Initiative, 2000). The various learning modalities help support students
who might enter these institutions academically unprepared to meet the demands of the rigorous
coursework (Boggs, 2011). Scott-Cayton and Rodriguez (2012) discussed the increased number
of students needing developmental education at the community college. These students often
have gaps between high school and college. Community colleges offer students the time to
develop academically, mature before the next educational transition, and discover an academic
major. These institutions help support the promise of earning a certification or degree that can
move a student toward their career field and financial stability.

16

Campus Environment
The community college campus environment varies for public and private 4-year
institutions (Crawford Sorey & Harris Duggan, 2008). With less focus on academic research, the
campus and classrooms provide avenues to address varied educational goals and learning
objectives and an opportunity to be innovative in delivering materials using online resources.
Roughly 67% of the faculty teaching at the community college are part-time and not tenured, yet
these campuses have a history of being innovative in their teaching methods and more focused
on students’ success and learning outcomes (Boggs, 2011; Hurlburt & McGarrah, 2016). With
opportunities to expand academically, build skills, reeducate current workers, and career
technical education, community colleges are more of an option for African American students
given their nontraditional formats (Boggs, 2011).
However, research shows that African American students feel unwelcomed and
marginalized on community college campuses compared to their White counterparts (Sontam &
Gabriel, 2012). With a history of structural and systemic racism, African American students feel
that their worth, work ethic, and academic abilities are questioned and overlooked in the
environment (Sontam & Gabriel, 2012). Strayhorn (2008) noted that faculty members’ lower
expectations of African American students communicate a message of inferiority to these
students. This thought process adversely impacts the students’ belief about their ability to be
successful in completing these degree programs and actively engaging on campus.
Degree Completion
Even with this increase in student attendance, many community college students are less
likely to complete their educational goals than students who began at 4-year universities (Bowen
et al., 2009). Students of color and non-traditionally aged students have lower completion and
17

degree attainment rates overall (Dougherty & Reid, 2007). For example, African American
students who started at the community college in Fall 2014 had a 6-year student completion rate
of 28% (Causey et al., 2020). In comparison, Asian, White, and Hispanic students had a 6-year
completion rate of 51%, 49%, and 36%, respectively (Causey et al., 2020). In addition, 44% of
students who are 20 years of age or younger are completing their degrees compared to only 35%
of adult learners (Juszkiewicz, 2020). African American students experience the biggest drop in
degree completion and goal attainment. This is a concern as many African American students
begin their collegiate careers at community colleges. The completion gaps across age, race, and
ethnicity are important as a large population of African American students are also non-
traditional in age (Causey et al., 2020; Juszkiewicz, 2020).
This population faces a range of challenges. Lower completion rates widen the
achievement gap, increase equity gaps, have significant implications for career opportunities, and
decrease the chances for upward mobility for African American students (Shannon, 2021). While
there is ample research that discusses African American student achievement, retention,
persistence, or attrition (Harper, 2012, 2015; Harper & Newman, 2016; Patton et al., 2015), there
is a gap in the literature when exploring African American students’ lived experiences and the
impact on their academic major choices. Selecting a major is a substantial component of degree
completion. General education and major requirements are the two most significant elements of
community college coursework. Selecting a program of study influences the student’s
educational goal and the overall time to completion. Understanding the role of major selection
for African American community college students could help institutions craft intentional
support in their career development (Shapiro et al., 2019).
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African American Community College Demographics
Nationally, 51% of African American students attend a for-profit, technical or
community college (Baylor, 2016). Despite lower persistence and completion in this setting,
African American students are overrepresented in these colleges across 44 states (Baylor, 2016).
While much of the research on African American students focuses on 4-year institutions, there is
a gap in the literature when exploring their lived experiences at the community college. More
research needs to happen in this setting as community colleges are many African American
students’ first contact with higher education.
Strayhorn (2008) noted that a disproportionate number of African American students who
attend community colleges come from lower-income backgrounds. Many of these students work
a significant number of hours per week to contribute to their household incomes. In addition to
commuting and elevated family and childcare commitments, this population is often unable to
participate in co-curricular activities to the same extent as their White or Asian counterparts
(Wilson & Cox, 2011).
A substantial amount of literature speaks to this population being viewed as academically
unprepared. These perspectives cause African American students to have higher stress and
anxiety levels than their White counterparts (Bragg & Durham, 2012; Cano & Castillo, 2010;
Hughes, 2012; Walpole et al., 2014; Winkle-Wagner, 2009b). These feelings lead to problems
retaining African American students (Bragg & Durham, 2012). African American students are
often racialized and feel isolated based on the campus climate (Solórzano et al., 2000; Harper et
al., 2009; Yosso et al., 2009). While interactions with faculty and staff are proven to increase
levels of engagement, African American students feel less supported than their White peers in
continuing their postsecondary education (Rayle et al., 2007). With continued reports
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highlighting the significant increase in students attending and a dismal completion rate,
community colleges must find a new avenue to better support the student experience (NCES,
n.d.-b).
Academic Major Choice
Upwards of 20% to 50% of students who enter college are undecided on their major
(Freedman, 2013). Over 70% of students change their major more than once (Freedman, 2013).
On average, most students change their major two to three times in 6 years. Moving beyond the
traditional science, English, and math courses in K–12 to subjects like global studies,
philosophy, and anthropology gives students exposure to new information as they make
decisions about their career options. Community colleges provide students with myriad
opportunities that assist them in realizing their career goals (McWhorter, 2000).
Major and career exploration is an important decision-making process critical to overall
degree completion. Students who feel committed to their major and educational goal are more
likely to persist and complete (Nora & Rendón, 1998). Without a major, students may feel
unable to move forward in their academic pursuits. For African American students, this
indecision could play a significant role in their lack of completion. Jenkins and Cho’s (2012)
research showcases how selecting a major or a program of study is an area that needs attention,
especially as it pertains to increasing community college completion rates. Owens et al. (2010)
echoed that sentiment and highlighted that understanding these students’ perceptions and
experiences in relation to their academic major choices might increase overall degree
completion.

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Major Decision Making
Adults commonly ask adolescents what they want to be when they grow up as a way of
connecting with them (Dudovitz et al., 2017). As students finish K–12 and transition to college,
this same question resurfaces, and the questions about their major or career becomes even more
prominent. Dietrich et al. (2013) acknowledged that identifying an academic major is a complex
task. The student is potentially committing to a career choice in that decision, and it is often a
scary and overwhelming process. With every ask of the “what is your major” question, students
begin to feel an urgency to decide even if they are not confident in their choice (Dietrich et al.,
2013). Freedman (2013) noted that selecting a college major should be an intentional and
knowledge-based decision as selecting a major should support a student’s academic success.
Across postsecondary institutions, academic major selection policies vary widely. Like
the recommendation offered by Freedman (2013), some colleges allow students until their
second year to declare an academic major. Freedman (2013) notes that students would be more
informed and developmentally prepared by this timeframe to make an effective decision. In other
colleges, students have a shorter time frame to confirm their majors as the lack of a decision
might impede financial aid or course registration. With such a variance in policies, most students
are highly encouraged to pick a major upon entrance into college and are often encouraged to
stay with that choice moving forward. While a large percentage of students will change their
major at least once, changing majors multiple times can be frowned upon and could appear as if
the student has no clear direction (NCES, 2017b).
Many factors may influence a student’s major selection. Career goals, financial earnings,
long-term stability, personal preference, and an overall desire to improve their current economic
status usually rank highest for most students (Zafar, 2013). Enjoyment of the subject and course
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material were also important factors for students in reconciling their declared major (Zafar,
2013). The various levels of math, more so than English, required for a specific major also factor
into the decision. In addition, reflecting on their values, interests, personality, and previous
experiences can also determine students’ majors during the career exploration process (Niles &
Harris-Bowlsbey, 2017).
Selecting a major is a substantial decision for all students, not just undecided ones, and,
often, those who did decide on one did not select it based on self-discovery or research. Rather,
they choose based on assumptions and possible negative influences (Beggs et al., 2008;
Freedman, 2013; Jones & Jones, 2012). The selection of an academic major can positively or
negatively impact a student’s overall collegiate experience (Freedman, 2013). As St. John (2000)
noted, “there is, perhaps, no college decision that is more thought-provoking, gut wrenching and
rest-of-your-life oriented – or disoriented – than the choice of major” (p. 22). Choosing a major
has profound effects on all students, not just the undecided ones, and the process should be
explored broadly (Freedman, 2013).
Being Undecided
Across postsecondary institutions, many students enter college with a declared academic
major (Wang & Orr, 2019). However, 25% to 50% of entering students are also exploring major
options or are undecided (Wang & Orr, 2019). In this study, an undecided student is one who is
unable, unwilling, or unready to decide on their educational or vocational goals (Gordon, 2007).
Many community college students are more likely to be undecided on their major throughout
their first year than students who go straight to a 4-year university (Titus, 2006). It is common
that as students become more immersed in their college experience, they become undecided or
change majors as exposure to new subjects and coursework conflicts with their initial decision
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(Freedman, 2013). Community, social, and personal factors also play a considerable role in a
student’s indecisiveness and overall major decision-making (Gordon, 2007; Leach & Patall,
2016).
The relationship between major selection, academic performance, and overall degree
completion is significant (Yue & Fu, 2017). Not knowing your major or being undecided is often
accompanied by a stigma (Miller & Woycheck, 2003). When looking at the lived experiences of
African American community college students, that stigma could play a role in their decision-
making. Yue and Fu (2017) found that 61% of students who had a decided major over half of
their enrolled time graduated. This is compared to 20% of students who did not have a major
more than half of the time in college. The academic major is a substantial component that
requires further research regarding African American community college student success. The
impact of being undecided from the perspective of the institution and the implications felt by
undecided students is a significant concern.
From an institution perspective, identifying a major is part of a larger process in which
students take the appropriate courses to meet their educational goals (Schudde et al., 2020).
When students begin to switch majors or become unsure of their major, the academic progress
towards a certification or degree becomes slowed. From a fiscal perspective, community colleges
are funded based on the number of completed certificates or associate degrees each year. In
addition, institutions have viewed undecided students as having a greater risk of not completing
their degree and accumulating unnecessary units (Fink et al., 2018). Often undecided students
have lower participation in extracurricular and co-curricular campus activities than students who
have a decided major (Fink et al., 2018). As students continue to change their majors, the reality
of being undecided can impact their capacity to fully engage with their academic pursuits.
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Students’ experiences, engagement in career development, and beliefs in themselves bring them
to a declared major, which should be explored further (Cuseo, 2005).
From the student's perspective, being undecided feels different from the institution's
priorities. With a broad range of courses, students are exposed to subjects and curricula that are
different from their K–12 experience. This expansion of interest allows students to explore
multiple fields of study, given their diverse and newfound interests (Cuseo, 2005). Cuseo (2005)
argued that this indecisiveness should not be viewed negatively but as a reflection of their high
levels of engagement and involvement as they critically examine the new learning opportunities
available. Many students simply need time to gather information and get hands-on experience in
the courses before feeling comfortable with such a long-term decision.
Freedman’s (2013) research found that the ideal process for identifying a major should be
intentional and grounded in knowledge about oneself. The reflection and introspection required
in career development takes time and should not be rushed as it may apply unnecessary pressure
to students and cause them to make a major choice that does not align with their values and
interests (Cuseo, 2005). The literature shows that students who decide on a major can have a
higher risk of not persisting or completing than undecided students. This is because they
experience outside pressures to select a particular academic pathway, have not reflected on their
personal career development, or are uninformed about the other academic possibilities and career
options available. At many institutions, undecided students have an additional burden placed on
them when they should be free to explore and investigate all the options ahead of them.
Negative career thoughts are challenging for students as they explore major choices
because of the weight of the decision. Starling and Miller’s (2011) research discusses how
anxiety and frustration compound the indecisiveness that students feel regarding their major
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choices. These negative thoughts cause students to limit their capacities when it comes to
possible career options and influence their self-beliefs (Bullock-Yowell et al., 2014). Multon et
al. (2001) found that even requesting career assistance brings about varying levels of distress.
Community college students experience higher levels of career anxiety than the average U.S.
college students when seeking support (Multon et al., 2001). This could be because many of
these students are first-generation students and need additional support to navigate those
services. Cuseo (2005) highlighted that the common institutional misconception that undecided
equals uncommitted could weigh heavily on the student. For students, the stress and worry of
being undecided on their academic majors can cause them to lose confidence in themselves and
their ability to succeed in college (Starling & Miller, 2011). This distress is why their lived
experiences require exploration in relation to the major decision-making process.
Career Development
As students explore academic major choices, the career development process is a
prominent element in helping them gain self-knowledge and prepare for the workforce. Career
development includes informal and formal experiences throughout childhood and adulthood that
shape our career trajectory (Lent & Brown, 2013). Interests, values, talents, knowledge,
experiences, and behaviors are formed and impact one’s career decisions. While not always
linear or positive, these factors are significant in how one makes career choices.
Parsons (1909) is regarded as the originator of the vocational guidance evolution. His
three-step approach of understanding personal attributes, gaining knowledge about the work, and
learning to reconcile the information, has been the foundation for many formalized career
theories (Lent & Brown, 2013). Even with numerous theorists and advanced research, Parsons’s
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(1909) influential process still supports the importance of finding meaning in the work and career
one chooses.
In the collegiate setting, career development helps students uncover this same process,
but with a focus on choosing an academic major and determining an initial career goal (Niles &
Harris-Bowlsbey, 2017). Whether undecided or decided, career development seeks to ensure that
students’ discovery process is open and welcoming. Grounded across the life span, this holistic
exploration is not a one-size-fits-all approach as students are increasingly diverse with an array
of academic and career needs (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2017). Examining themselves through
interests, values, personality, and skills coupled with occupational research, students begin to
make meaning of who they are and connect that to the work they want to do. This growth and
development also include identifying the required educational goal to obtain that career and
building skills that can aid their student success (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2017). Given this
new exploration, students begin to make informed decisions about their major and career
choices.
While this examination of oneself and the world of work is essential, equally important to
this discovery is the belief in one’s ability to complete a particular educational goal. This belief
is how students make choices, establish expectations, and project outcomes. Altonji et al.’s
(2012) research supports the role of personal choices in selecting a major. It also showcased how
students’ belief in their ability to complete a task was an equal factor in determining a specific
major. This self-concept in college is nuanced as students develop their identities. Students see
themselves through the influence of family, peers, cultural roles, past and current educational
experiences, teachers, advisors, spiritual leaders, and employers. African American students are
the least likely to engage in career-related activities. This population needs additional support in
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making their major choices and exploring career options (Teng et al., 2001). African American
community college students’ lived experiences contribute to their overall career development
and should be at the forefront of the discussion on how to engage them in that process.
African American College Students and Major Choice
Previous research studies have examined the impact of influential factors on African
American students’ career development. A significant amount of the research looks at
adolescents (Bounds, 2017; Brown, 1995; Constantine, 1998; Constantine et al., 2005; Paa &
McWhirter, 2000) or at college students who attend a traditional 4-year university (Falconer &
Hays, 2006; Fouad et al., 2016; Owens et al., 2010; Tate et al., 2015). However, in navigating the
experiences of African American community college students, there are still gaps in the literature
regarding these student voices and the impact on their major choices.
One of the most important decisions a college student makes is the selection of an
academic major (Eide et al., 2016). It has a lasting impact on students' economic prosperity (Eide
et al., 2016). The experiences and voices of African American community college students have
been limited across career development research. Throughout the last decade, research shows
that there has not been a substantial shift in the representation of African American students
across majors (Carnevale et al., 2016). This lack of diversity within academic majors aids in
further widening the wealth gap between African Americans and other racial groups.
Understanding how students come to a major choice could also guide some of the degree
completion disparities that African American students experience.
African Americans are roughly 13% of the U.S. population but are underrepresented in
the number of college degree holders (Carnevale et al., 2016; U.S. Census Bureau, 2019a).
Specifically, there is a lack of representation of African American students in high-paying majors
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and fields such as business, health, and STEM (Carnevale et al., 2016). Data suggest that African
Americans are overrepresented in social work, human services, community organizations, and
medical administrative services (Carnevale et al., 2016). It is well documented in the graduation
data that African American students are attending college but are not completing their
certifications and degrees (Engle & Tinto, 2008; Shapiro et al., 2017)). Of the students who are
completing, many are overrepresented in majors with some of the lowest salaries (Carnevale et
al., 2016). Those major choices could be grounded in their community and familial ties or racial
identity, which are important to explore.
Family
Research shows that the selection of a major and the engagement in the career
development process are rooted in culture and family for African American students (Mayes,
2020). Wright and Fernander (2005) discussed the significant impact that the African American
family dynamic has on decisions related to education. Traditional, extended, or community
family units are looked upon to offer support and guidance on getting into college. In addition,
they provide advice on career and academic major choices. The literature discussed how
impactful other family members’ college experiences were on the student (Booth & Myers,
2011; Mayes, 2020; Smith & Fleming, 2006). Having studied the impact of the family on
students’ educational choices, African American students who completed had more engagement
and support from their family units than those who left the institution or were academically
unsuccessful (Guiffrida, 2005).
Understanding the family dynamic is instrumental in understanding African American
students’ educational decisions. The selection of a major is one of those important educational
decisions. When selecting a major, students value familial advice to the exclusion of official
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support programs at the college. The interdependence of the African American family usually
has students deciding to lean on the communal priorities than their own individual goals. This
thought process is important to understand as students may select majors based on familial goals
and not their autonomy (Constantine et al., 2005).
Racism-Related Stress
According to Harrell (2000), racism-related stress explores the “experiences that are
related to the unique person-environment transactions involving race” (p.44). In relation to one’s
well-being, the author discussed how the experiences of racism are felt within every relational,
political, interpersonal, and communal context (Harrell, 2000). As it relates to students, these
educational spaces become the environment, and the students’ subjective assessment is triggered
by interactions with various persons in the collegiate setting. The result is not just stress but a
validation of the interactions they have (Harrell, 2000).
This multidimensional construct of racism-related stress was further expanded in Tovar-
Murray et al.’s (2012) quantitative research. The study focused on how racism-related stress and
cultural identity impacted students' career aspirations at the university. The racialized
experiences that African American students encountered affected their trajectory and overall
career aspirations. This was especially true in the study if the students had identity development
(Mayes, 2020; Tovar-Murray et al., 2012). The racism-related stress and pressures are important
to address as all students may not be experiencing a solid cultural identity which makes some of
the decisions around selecting a major, the perceptions of them in that major and that career field
more difficult to make (Bounds, 2017; Tovar-Murray et al., 2012).
The adoption of White academic standards is a detriment to African American student
success and triggers this level of stress (Mayes, 2020). Bounds (2017) notes that the impact of
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racism-related stress on students’ cultural identity erodes students’ confidence and self-esteem
about their academic and career decisions. Tovar-Murray et al. (2012) stated that these barriers
hinder the capacity to make career progress. The way in which campuses engage African
American students is important. The possible barriers that students face in career exploration
from within the campus must be addressed and new support systems provided (Neblett et al.,
2004).
Relevant Theories
Lent et al.’s (1994) social cognitive career theory and Ladson-Billings’ (1998) critical
race were brought together to create a conceptual framework and better understand African
American community college students’ major choices and decision-making. These critical lenses
provide a comprehensive guide to practitioners on supporting African American students through
their major selection.
Social Cognitive Career Theory
Many early vocational theories were developmental or looked at the person's relationship
with the work environment. Social cognitive career theory is a postmodern approach (Niles &
Harris-Bowlsbey, 2017). Unlike most others, social cognitive career theory considers the
individual’s personal narrative and experiences in relation to their career decisions (Cochran,
1997; Lent et al., 1996). This theory moves career development beyond scores and ranges and
addresses the needs of a more diverse population of students by including the personal narrative.
This new process of vocational meaning-making connects their experiences to their career
decisions (Carlsen, 1988).
Developed by Lent et al. (1994, 1996, 2002), social cognitive career theory looks at the
role of socio-cognitive factors in career development. Similar to others, this theory examines
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how one’s interests, values, and abilities intersect. However, social cognitive career theory
moves career development forward by exploring the role of the environment, human actions, and
the person’s narrative on their overall career choices (Lent et al., 1994). Specifically, this
integrative framework highlights the impact of self-efficacy, outcomes, expectations, and
personal goals on cultivating career interests, goals, and decisions (Byars-Winston & Rodgers,
2019). The social cognitive career framework provides institutions with a meaningful structure to
learn more about the impact of the major and career exploration process on all students’
educational journey (Lent et al., 1994).
Grounded in Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory, social cognitive career theory
showcase how career goals, interests, choices, and actions are based on contextual experiences,
self-efficacy, and outcome expectations (Lent & Brown, 2013; Lent et al., 1994). This is a triadic
model in which the environment, specific behaviors, and personal characteristics are connected
bidirectionally. Social cognitive career theory draws attention to the person’s input (e.g., race,
age, gender), background (e.g., family, community, culture), predispositions and barriers, and the
direct influence on one’s vocational beliefs about themselves and their occupational outcomes
(Lent et al., 1994). These contextual components can either expand or inhibit one’s career
choices, goals, and actions through this framework (Lent et al., 1994). For this study, social
cognitive career theory served to examine the academic major choices of African American
community college students. Career goals, career outcome expectations, and self-efficacy
combined with the inputs and contextual factors will explore how this population makes
academic major choices. These choices are important to completing a collegiate degree and
require an informed decision-making process.

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Career Goals
Identifying personal goals is an important factor within the social cognitive career
framework. The importance of goals aids in the self-regulation of one’s behavior. Lent et al.’s
(1994) goal-setting component help guide and sustain identified behaviors over a significant
period and supports the bigger career outcome. These personal goals assist in keeping one
focused and organized on the task (Lent et al., 1994).
Career Outcome Expectations
In addition to identifying personal goals, the outcome expectation is an essential piece of
this foundational framework. The outcome expectation encompasses personal goal development
as it considers what one believes will happen if one executes some of those outlined behaviors
(Lent et al., 1996). Motivation, self-regulation, and self-directed learning are pivotal to career
expectations and outcomes. Identifying a goal is central. It is also important to visualize what
will need to happen if one carries out that behavior (Lent et al., 1996). The focus on outcome
expectation is that a student should be able to visualize what this process would be like for
themselves. For African American students, that imaging could be overwhelming as this
population often faces microaggressions and historical and cultural factors that would impair
their perspective. Ali and Menke (2014) highlighted this in a study on high school students and
their career-related outlooks. Ali and Menke discussed the significance of outcome expectations
with this population and found that efficacy to overcome barriers was central.
Self-Efficacy
The self-efficacy element of the social cognitive career framework was derived from
Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory. Bandura’s definition of self-efficacy spoke of one’s
belief in oneself to perform a specific duty or task. Lent et al. (1994) expanded on this theory and
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suggested that these expectations influence choices, performance, and overall persistence toward
specific career fields. In this framework and pertaining to identifying a major or career choice,
self-efficacy looks to answer the question, “Can I do this?”
Self-efficacy is a vital piece of career exploration, specifically in selecting an academic
major. Students’ belief in their skills or capabilities is important as they decide what major or
career they will move forward with during their postsecondary careers. Lacking these beliefs
could make the idea of having to select a major they enjoy less of an option, and students might
move towards identifying something that they deem easier and attainable. Lent et al. (1994)
highlighted how self-efficacy interconnects and influences personal, behavioral, and
environmental factors. Self-efficacy gives one the confidence to take control of one’s choices
and behavior. According to Hackett and Betz (1981), self-efficacy was initially found to foretell
how a student makes major and career decisions in relation to their academic journey. Hackett
and Betz’s (1981) initial study looking at self-efficacy and gender differences highlighted how
vital high self-efficacy was for women, in this case, looking for careers in male-dominated fields.
Some of those same concerns and issues that women were experiencing in that study could be
related to African American students as they explore academic major choices. African American
students are concentrated in a small number of majors; hence, they are not reflected in certain
career domains.
Gainor and Lent’s (1998) study of African American high school students also
demonstrated the impact of outcome expectations and self-efficacy on interests and academic
major choices at an earlier age. Wendt et al. (2019) discussed that social cognitive career theory
helps to understand career persistence. This exploration of how people cultivate career-related
interests and create and reimagine occupational choices will be foundational to this study.
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Postsecondary education should provide for all students’ cognitive and psychosocial
development. Students should be able to expand their self-efficacy and explore a range of
opportunities within the institution. Social cognitive career theory speaks to the belief in oneself
and recognizes the personal, behavioral, and environmental factors that impact students’ career
decision-making choices. Their experiences and knowledge can be used to help them,
academically and socially, reach their educational goals (Carter et al., 2013).
Critical Race Theory
The critical legal studies movement of the 1970s, and its challenge of the dominant legal
ideology, laid the foundation for critical race (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Recognizing that
the law was not objective, critical race theorists understood that these same laws were used to
maintain racial inequality. Ladson-Billings (1998) denotes that critical race theorists are united in
“understanding how a regime of White supremacy and its subordination of people of color have
been created and maintained in America and to change the bond that exists between law and
racial power” (p. 12). Critical race theory confronts White supremacy and acknowledges that
racism is still prevalent and deeply enmeshed in every formalized system, practice, and social
structure that impacts the experiences of communities of color.
Ladson-Billings (1998) noted that African American students have either experienced
continued oppression or have been silenced, mistreated, or ignored in curriculum, assessment,
instruction, funding, and facilities. Twenty years later, even with the strides made, these five
areas are still hindrances in both the K–12 and postsecondary settings. “In the classroom, a
dysfunctional curriculum coupled with a lack of instructional innovation (or persistence) adds up
to poor performance” (Ladson-Billings, 1998, p. 20). Through the lens of Ladson-Billings
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(1998), multiple critical race tenets will explore the role of lived experiences in African
American students’ major decision making.
Critical Race Theory Tenets
This study focused on five specific tenets of critical race theory. First, critical race theory
is grounded in the notion that racism continues to be ubiquitous. Racism is embedded in the
culture and is viewed as normal (Bell, 1992). Racial incidents happen all the time. According to
Lawrence (1995), the permanence of racism can be both a conscious and unconscious act.
Critical race theorists recognize the ordinariness of racism and how ingrained it is in our legal,
political, social, educational, and economic domains. With racism so embedded in the fabric of
the culture, the critical race framework sheds light on how hard it is to address this issue because
of its ineffable nature (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
Second, storytelling or counter storytelling allows the voices and the lives of
communities of color to be read, heard, and understood by others in a culture where the dominant
voice is held as objective (Ladson-Billings, 1998). The shared experiences of those categorized
as “other” highlight the importance of these communities sharing their own experiences and cast
uncertainty on the myths and stereotypes perpetuated by the dominant group (Ladson-Billings,
1998). The counternarrative allows for the rejection of deficit-informed research. This uplifting
of voices provides an opportunity for communities of color to heal by telling their stories and
establishing the context in which racism and oppression impacted their lives to hopefully release
the emotional trauma (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
The third tenet focuses on a substantial review and rejection of liberalism. Crenshaw
(1988) contended that the changes required to reform racism cannot be found in the liberal
practice or perspective. The slowed process does not offer the needed means for such hefty
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change (Ladson-Billings, 1998). For critical race theorists, this was exhibited in the civil rights
legislation of the mid-70s. Critical race theorists argue that many of the social benefits from the
civil rights movement impacted the dominant group, more specifically White women, than the
intended communities of color (Guy-Sheftall, 1993).
The idea of race as a social construction is the fourth tenet of critical race theory.
Delgado and Stefancic (2017) discussed that the development and categorization of various races
are not based on biological measures but on social thought. This idea of social construction
means that races are created, transformed, and extinguished based on the preferences of the
dominant group. Critical race theorists look to understand the complexities behind race and the
intersectionality of race with class, sexuality, and gender, along with antiessentialism (Delgado
& Stefancic, 2017).
The fifth tenet, interest convergence, showcases how members of the dominant group
racialize various ethnic communities based on their economic, political, or labor market needs.
With the dominant group holding most of the power, the group determines the hierarchy for the
other populations and can manipulate those communities and perceptions of those populations
for their own good as needed (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). Critical race theorists advocate and
give voice to populations that are disenfranchised and have been deemed subordinate to White
self-interest (Harris et al., 2012).
Critical race theorists look to understand the complexities behind race and the
intersectionality of race with class, sexuality, and gender, along with anti-essentialism (Delgado
& Stefancic, 2017). This framework shows that multiple communities of color experience racism
and injustice not just within the legal system. Racism is structural and systemic and proliferates
through stereotyping, implicit bias, microaggressions, or unconscious racism in educational
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settings. Critical race theory, as a theoretical framework, examines the roles and impact that
oppression, power, race, and racism have historically had on society at large and how those
experiences have impacted the academic choices of African American community college
students (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017).
The intersection with critical race and the educational system, coupled with social
cognitive career theory, is foundational in understanding African American community college
students’ academic major choices.
Conceptual Framework
Integrating social cognitive career and critical race theories provides a unique conceptual
model for exploring African American students’ career goals, expectations, and self-efficacy
from an analytical lens of race, racism, and counter storytelling. Social cognitive career theory
provides a structure for examining students’ belief in themselves and the task of completing their
educational goals. Critical race theory offers a lens to explore systemic, structural, and
institutional issues that may impact African American students’ informed selection of an
academic major, which affects overall degree completion (Harper et al., 2018).
Independently, social cognitive career theory and critical race have been used
significantly to examine college student success. Gibbons and Shoffner’s (2004) study of
prospective first-generation college students highlighted the benefits of exploring each social
cognitive career construct with new students. The findings demonstrated that students' self-
efficacy, goals, and expectations connect to their academic and career choices. It is important to
nurture those decisions early on.
Raque-Bogdan and Lucas (2016) examined the relationship between self-efficacy,
outcome expectations, learning and socialization experiences and how those factors related to the
37

student’s career aspirations. Factoring in a range of variables, the study showed that ethnicity and
socioeconomic status were key in understanding first-generation students' major and career
development. While first-generation college students held varying levels of optimism compared
to non-first-generation students in this study, this population perceived more career and
educational barriers than the other group (Raque-Bogdan & Lucas, 2016). Concerns regarding
racial discrimination, financial commitments, academic preparedness, and study habits were
pertinent to those decisions. This is important as many African American community college
students are first-generation college students, making this parallel significant for future research.
In addition, self-efficacy and outcome expectations were integral for first-generation college
students. These two variables either bolstered or jeopardized a student’s major and career
aspiration, as reflected by the responses.
Dickinson et al. (2017) looked at African American college students and the applicability
of social cognitive career theory through Holland’s career development theme codes. The
research showed that belief in oneself was essential in establishing positive outcome expectations
and that African Americans, specifically, perceive that there will be barriers as they move to
transition their interests into goals. In that study, the assertion that verbal persuasion and
encouragement enhance self-efficacy through the social cognitive career framework impacts
outcome expectations (Dickinson et al., 2017). The authors even recommend that future
researchers should use social cognitive career theory to examine other contextual factors for
African American students that could impede major selection or their career development
(Dickinson et al., 2017). The social cognitive career theory framework showcases the importance
of self-efficacy, career goals, and career expectations in students’ educational decisions.
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Understanding what contextual factors impact those decisions for African American community
college students provides another lens for institutions to support these students’ success.
Much of the literature on Black student success explores persistence, retention, identity
development, college, and career readiness. However, very few studies examine the role of the
students’ lived experiences on their academic major choices (Harper, 2012, 2015; Harper &
Newman, 2016; Patton et al., 2015; Patton et al., 2007). Selecting a major or completing a
program of study is essential to obtaining a degree. While numerous achievements have been
made in Black student success, this population still has the lowest degree attainment rates
(Carnevale et al., 2013; Harper et al., 2009). The critical race theory framework provides an
analytical lens through which to explore the students’ lived experiences and the impact on their
major decisions from the position of race, racism, and counter storytelling. Critical race theory
provides an analytical viewpoint for understanding the context in which race, racism, and
counter storytelling can impact African American community college students’ academic major
choices.
As illustrated in the literature, critical race in collaboration with social cognitive career
theory can provide structure for how African American students make decisions around their
major selection. Solórzano et al. (2000) used critical race as a framework to explore African
American student experiences at elite institutions. The authors focused on the campuses’ racial
climate by drawing specific attention to microaggressions and stereotype threat. Both variables
were considerable factors in understanding this population’s academic performance and
achievement (Solórzano et al., 2000). The findings demonstrated that the African American
students felt a strained racial climate in and out of the classroom at these predominantly White
institutions. Many of the students in the study felt invisible and had increased self-doubt and
39

isolation. The critical race framework highlighted how significant stereotype threat and
microaggressions were in the lives of those students and the impact on their overall student
success (Solórzano et al., 2000).
Gaxiola Serrano’s (2017) study of the racialized experiences of Latina/o students from
K–12 to community college also used the critical race framework to unpack participants’ lived
experiences. While Serrano did not focus on African American students, many of the
institutional and systemic injustices are familiar to African American students. Through the
critical race lens, the participants discussed limited access to college information, low
expectations and lack of encouragement, and the racism they received in both educational
systems (Gaxiola Serrano, 2017). The qualitative interview provided a voice for students to
express their counternarratives to the structural inequities they experienced and how that
impacted their K–12 and community college choices. The intersection of critical race and social
cognitive career theories (Figure 1) is the lens through which to view African American
community college students’ major decision-making. As illustrated in Figure 1, this study
explored how major choices are crafted through academic identity, familial influences, and
collegiate experiences with the conceptual framework as the broader lens.

40

Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Chapter Summary
African American community college students’ varied experiences and intersecting
identities play a significant role in their major and career decision-making. Intertwining social
cognitive career theory and critical race provides a framework to give voice to the students’
experiences concerning major choices. It also recognizes some structural and systemic concerns
41

that influence these choices and decisions. The self-efficacy and outcomes expectations are
significant as students design their career pathways. The vocational interests of African
American students are important, and as institutions look to uncover why this population is not
completing their degrees at the same pace, decisions around the academic major make for a
strong starting point.

42

Chapter Three: Methodology
The intent of this study was to examine how African American community college
students’ lived experiences influence their academic major choices. The study explored students’
academic identity, family influences, and collegiate experiences to understand what impacts their
major choices. African American students’ degree attainment rates continue to decline (Kena et
al., 2014). The selection of an academic major is an important component of the degree
completion process. The intertwining of social cognitive career theory and critical race allows for
exploring the role of race and the environment in those major decisions. (Ladson-Billings &
Tate, 1995; Lent et al., 1996). The following research question guided this study: Understanding
how the lived experiences of African American community college students impact their
academic major choices? In addition, the following sub-questions were addressed:
• What role does K–12 academic identity and preparation play in this process?
• What roles do family influences play in this process?
• What role does the collegiate experience play in this process?
Qualitative Approach
Unlike quantitative research, qualitative research acknowledges the researcher's role as
the primary instrument for data collection and analysis (Maxwell, 2013). According to Merriam
and Tisdell (2016), using a qualitative research design allows the researcher to understand the
context, the process, and the meaning-making behind certain experiences and the people
connected to those encounters. Maxwell (2013) asserted that a qualitative approach allows for
the deeper exploration of a phenomenon. Qualitative methodology recognizes that the depth of
the understanding is an end in itself. With such openness and adaptability, this approach gives
the researcher room to adjust the study’s focus and explore ideas that may develop from
43

engaging with the participants. This inductive approach helps gather data and generate theory, as
opposed to quantitative research that tests theory. A qualitative phenomenological methodology
is the base of this study as it allows for the best understanding of the participants' lived
experiences, voices, and stories (Creswell, 2014). Facilitating open-ended, semi-structured
interviews will lend itself to richly descriptive data that is nascent and flexible in this design
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Population and Sample
The target population for this study included California community college students who
self-identified as Black or African American. According to the CCCCO (2020), African
American students comprise 5.59% of the total population of California community college
students (CCCCO, 2020). Specifically, student members of the statewide Umoja Community, a
preeminent educational organization, were invited through their local campus coordinators to
participate in the study, as this organization is grounded in building African American student
success. Being a member of the Umoja Community was not a requirement for participation in the
study. Maxwell (2013) acknowledged that purposeful selection allows for “selecting those times,
settings, and individuals that can provide you with the information that you need to answer your
research question” (p. 97) and the importance of that consideration. All participants for this study
were chosen using purposive sampling and met the inclusive criteria outlined for the study.
The aim of the study was to interview 10 to 15 participants. A sample of 14 students who
represented four different community colleges in Southern California participated in the study.
Creswell (2014) highlighted how the data collection process comes to a halt when new data does
not showcase new findings. After 14 interviews, the research reached saturation. In addition to
self-identifying as Black or African American and being enrolled in a California community
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college, students also needed to be 18 years of age or older and have completed 15 units at their
institutions. Having 15 completed units usually indicates that the student has been at the campus
for more than a semester. No gender, age, grade-point average, or academic major requirements
were included in the criteria. Their participation in the study was voluntary. Students who
transitioned out of the California community college system and were no longer taking courses
were not included in this study.
A pseudonym was provided for the participants to protect their identities. A pseudonym
was also used to protect the name of the student’s college. The participants were all invited to
answer five demographic questions before the interview to gain additional insight into their
similarities and variance. Table 2 presents the interviewees’ preferred pronouns, years at their
colleges, status as first-generation or not, and their academic majors at the time of the interviews.

45

Table 1
Study Participants
Pseudonym Pronouns Community
college
Years
attended
thus far
First-
generation
Current major choice
Brandon He/him 1 1 No Music
Carter He/him 2 3 No Nursing
Diane She/her 2 5 No Psychology
Jackson He/him 3 2 Yes Psychology
Jai She/her 1 10 Yes Biology
Jimmy He/him 3 2 No Film
John He/him 4 3 Yes Economics
Max He/him 2 3 No Biology
Monica She/her 2 1 No Psychology
Natalie She/her 3 4 No Psychology
Queen She/her 1 7 Yes Psychology
Sarah She/her 1 7 Yes Deaf studies/biology
Susanne She/her 2 2 Yes Sociology
Tracy She/her 3 2 No Business
administration

To obtain a clearer understanding of the findings and the impact of the study, familiarity
with the student group is important. Even though all participants were currently attending a
California community college, their journeys to college and staying enrolled in college are vastly
different. All participants were over age 18 and had completed at least 15 community college
units. In addition, all were active in the Umoja Community on their campuses. Eight participants
identified as she/her, and six identified as he/him. Six participants identified as first-generation
college students. Most participants had been at a California community college for two or more
46

years. Six participants were working full-time, six were working part-time, and two were not
working at all at the time of the interview but were searching for part-time work. All students
identified as Black or African American even if they also identified as bi-racial, multi-racial, or
from the African Diaspora.
Study Context
The California community college system provided the context for this study. While
there is an abundance of literature on the African American student experience, particularly at 4-
year universities, the research at 2-year institutions as it pertains to career and major exploration
is limited. With 116 community colleges serving more than 2.1 million students, the California
community college system is the largest in the country (CCCCO, 2021). Many African American
students begin their post-secondary journey at these institutions. Bates and Siqueiros (2019)
reported that 63% of African American community college students do not complete a
certificate, degree, or transfer. In addition, only 3% of African American students transfer within
2 years, and less than 35% do so within 6 years (CCCCO, 2021).
Demographically, the campuses are 46% Hispanic/Latino, 23% White, 11% Asian, 5.5%
African American and less than 1% American Indian/Alaska Native (CCCCO, 2020). The
campuses are roughly 53% female and 47% male. Most students are either traditional-aged
students or adult learners (CCCCO, 2020). Thirty percent are between the ages of 20 to 24, with
over 40% between the ages of 25 to 39 (CCCCO, 2020).
Many of the students are first-generation college students and speak multiple languages
fluently. Many of the students attend college part-time, given other family and financial
responsibilities, and are taking less than 12 academic units. Fifty percent of California
community college students transfer to the California State University system and roughly 29%
47

to the University of California system. African American students across the system have seen a
decrease in enrollment over the last few years. This study sought to understand the impact and
role of academic major selection on African American community college students’ degree
completion.
Instrumentation
Bogdan and Biklen (2007) stated that interviews in qualitative research build and
connect, enhancing the data collected. This process allows participants to share their experiences
and be the experts. It also allows the researcher to discuss the value of their in-depth expertise.
Interviews allow the researcher to explore the participants' thoughts, emotions, feelings, and
perspectives (Patton, 2002). Semi-structured interviews were conducted as the primary form of
data collection for this study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). These interviews took place virtually
via the Zoom platform.
Creswell (2014) discussed the importance of using open-ended interview questions to
yield responses that reflect the participants’ views, opinions, and perspectives. Merriam &
Tisdell (2016) emphasized that trust and rapport building between the researcher and the
participants are important, and establishing that connection should not be overlooked.
Based on the conceptual framework, questions were developed to guide the discussion.
The interview questions were grounded in the participants’ experiences around selecting an
academic major and the role of their academic identity, family influences, and collegiate
experience in that selection. Follow-up and probing questions were used to clarify any of the
individual responses. Patton (2002) noted that using a standardized format in combination with
an interview guide, as an example, offers flexibility and gives the researcher options during the
interview.
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The interview protocol established used questions to address the research question
through the lens of social cognitive career theory and critical race. From the position of social
cognitive career theory, questions surrounding the participants' goal setting, outcome
expectations, and self-efficacy were explored. In addition, from the stance of critical race, the
role of race and racism guided the discussion regarding the selection of an academic major.
Opinions, values, feelings, background, demographics, and knowledge questions were used for
this study (Patton, 2015). Maxwell (2013) denoted that the interview questions should frame the
phenomenon of interest to provide information-rich data. The data sources for this study were
semi-structured interviews.
Data Collection Strategy
Upon approval from the University of Southern California Institutional Review Board, an
email invitation, inclusive of a Qualtrics link (see Appendix A) and recruitment flyer (see
Appendix B), was sent to the Los Angeles County regional coordinators of the statewide Umoja
Community. The coordinators forwarded the information to the student members and other
Black or African American programs, clubs, or student organizations on their campuses.
The email invitation and recruitment flyer included a welcome, a statement highlighting
the purpose of the study, a timeline, a contact information sheet (see Appendix C), and a
Qualtrics link explaining how they may sign up to participate. The contact information sheet
allowed participants to express their interest in the study, provided my contact information, and
confirmed if they met the selection criteria. The Qualtrics link contact information sheet recorded
32 responses. Twenty-six of those were unduplicated entries. Twenty-five of the students met the
designated criteria. Based on the completion of the contact information sheet, students were sent
an email to schedule the virtual one-on-one interview. Fifteen students responded to the
49

scheduling email. One participant canceled and never rescheduled. The final communication
would include a confirmation of the date and time of the interview, a Zoom link, and details
regarding confidentiality, anonymity, and selecting a pseudonym. The institutional review board
consent form and information sheet were also attached to the confirmation email for review
before the interview.
I recorded the approximately 60-minute interviews and took detailed notes for each
session. Zoom transcription was also available. Verbal consent from the participants to audio
record the interview helped preserve the experiences for the analysis (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
During the interview, all participants were asked a combination of demographic and open-ended
questions as outlined in the interview protocol (see Appendix D). Additional probing questions
were included in the protocol as well. At any time during the interview, the participant could
have decided to skip a question, decline a question, or choose to stop participating in the entire
interview process. At the end of each interview, the researcher summarized the main topics and
ideas discussed by each participant in each section of questions. Participation in this study was
completely voluntary. All data were stored on a password-protected laptop in the official
university cloud account, also secured with a passcode.
All participants received a $25.00 Amazon gift card. All gift cards were sent within 24
hours of the interview. Each interview was transcribed, and all participants were able to add
additional information to the transcription that may continue to highlight their experiences,
voices, and stories.
Data Analysis
In qualitative research, data collection and analysis often happen simultaneously
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The data analysis process for a qualitative study includes six steps
50

(Creswell, 2014). The researcher should organize and prepare data, read through the narrative
data, begin the initial coding, identify themes or categories, inter-relate the themes/descriptors,
and interpret the meaning and interconnectedness of those themes in relation to the initial
research questions (Creswell, 2014). I followed these steps in this phenomenological study,
which provided information-rich data for the analysis to be understood and arrive at how the
experience of the phenomenon came to be (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The conceptual
framework encompassing social cognitive career theory and critical race theory guided the
analysis. The components of each theory consider broad aspects of self-efficacy, race, racism,
and the environment as it relates to academic major choices.
The inductive approach used in this study allowed for fluid movement between the
narrative and the emerging areas until a complete set of themes was determined and defined
(Creswell, 2014). At the close of each interview, I pulled the transcription record from the Zoom
platform, reviewed it, and completed the first cycle of structural coding as the interview was still
clear in my mind (Saldaña, 2009). I also reviewed and coded observational notes from each
session. Exploring the transcripts using the initial coding provided a grand overview of the data
as themes and categories emerged. The final level of pattern coding clarified relationships among
the categories and classification saturation (Saldaña, 2009). Data review for a qualitative study
required multi-layered coding for a comprehensive analysis and the development of the thematic
coding and theoretical concepts (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Trustworthiness Measures
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) outlined several tactics for qualitative researchers to use to
enhance the rigor and trustworthiness of a study. The authors noted that the overarching goal of
qualitative research is to determine if the results are in line with the data collected by the
51

researcher. The strategies are designed to increase the study's reliability, validity, and
generalizability.
To ensure this study’s credibility, I used both respondent validation and adequate
engagement in data collection. To not misinterpret the meaning behind the findings, I asked each
participant to offer feedback on the main ideas and topics summarized at the end of each
interview (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Providing the participants an opportunity to member check
the initial analysis allowed them to give input on whether the interpretation was accurate and
reflected their experience (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Merriam and Tisdell (2016) suggested that
facilitating a member check with several of the participants is optimal. Seeking this feedback
from the participants on the findings helped to eliminate any misinterpretations or bias on behalf
of the researcher.
In addition, I spent more time engaging in data collection to a point in which no new
themes or patterns emerged. Lastly, there was always an opportunity to seek out a colleague and
receive peer support and feedback from them on the raw data and findings (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Other suggestions to increase reliability also included a detailed account of decisions and
choices made within the study. Providing a detailed description of the study ensures the reader
has plenty of context regarding the situation. In addition, having maximum diversity in the
sample to encourage an array of responses so that the findings may be applied more broadly is
significant.
Ethical Considerations
To determine if a study was conducted ethically, it is important to ensure the credibility
and trustworthiness of everyone who participated in the data collection and analysis process
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). It was important to be transparent and make sure to keep within the
52

ethical bounds of the profession. At all times, the premise of doing no harm to participants was
the guiding standard. Each participant received an informed consent form, as participation in this
study was voluntary.
During the interviews, the participants were made to feel that they were in a safe and
welcoming environment. All the interviewees were well informed regarding the research and the
purpose, that they would be recorded, and that interview could stop at any time if they felt
uncomfortable. All participants used a pseudonym for their name and the name of their
institution to protect their privacy and confidentiality.
After the interview, recordings and transcriptions were kept on password-protected
software. A copy of the transcripts was made available to each participant for review and
validation. All recordings would be destroyed after the final defense of the research. In building
rapport and trust with the participants, I articulated how appreciative I was and how valuable
their experiences and knowledge were.
Role of the Researcher
The researcher is the primary data collection instrument in qualitative research (Creswell,
2014). They collect the data, provide a coding structure, and execute an analysis of the findings. I
had to be mindful of any personal biases, assumptions, or values that could question the validity
and reliability of the research. I had to consider the association I have with the participants as
well (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In helping to mitigate any of these biases, I considered my
racial and cultural background, multiple identities, status, and previous experiences that may
have affected data collection or analysis. I currently work in the community college system as a
career counselor working directly with a diverse range of students looking to make changes to
their academic majors. The value of my positionality is that I am a career counselor and self-
53

identify as Black, like many of the participants. Those two identities and lenses led me to this
dissertation topic as I recalled my journey in selecting a major and identifying multiple career
options. Acknowledging one’s positionality keeps one reflective throughout the writing process
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
This chapter has outlined the methodological framework for exploring the lived
experiences of African American community college students regarding their academic major
selections. Chapter Four will present and review the data findings and the results of this research
study.

54

Chapter Four: Findings
This chapter will present the findings of this qualitative phenomenological study. The
aim of this project was to understand how African American community college students’ lived
experiences impact their choice of academic major. Using the lens of social cognitive career
theory and critical race theory, the specific sub-questions focused on how participants’ major
decision-making processes were influenced by their K–12 academic identities and preparation,
family involvement, and the collegiate experience itself. The interviews with 14 participants
from California community colleges served as the data source.
The findings draw attention to major themes that emerged as the participants talked about
their educational journey and major selection. The findings are arranged according to the three
major areas of the participants’ experiences related to their K–12 educational preparation, family
influences, and college-going experience. Several findings under each of these areas are then
further presented.
K –12 Academic Preparation
In response to the first research sub-question, focusing specifically on the role of K–12
academic preparation and identity in the selection of a college major, the three emergent themes
were self-efficacy, belonging, and disparities in K–12 resources. Most participants identified
significant moments, interactions, environments, and K–12 experiences that were impactful
beyond their major choices and had a long-standing impact on their lives and educational
choices.
Self-Efficacy
Lent et al.’s (1994) social cognitive career theory emphasizes the role of socio-cognitive
factors in the career development journey. Grounded in social cognitive career theory is
55

Bandura’s (1977) self-efficacy framework, which speaks to a person’s belief in their ability to
succeed and execute a plan of action. Self-efficacy refers to how one feels about oneself and
abilities, and it also influences one’s behaviors, decision-making, performance, and motivation
(Bandura, 1977). Many participants articulated the positive and negative experiences that
impacted their sense of self and, in turn, their thoughts, behaviors, and feelings about their
academic major choices and overall educational journey. The participants were reflective and
spoke candidly about what affected their sense of self-efficacy during this K–12 period. The
participants spoke specifically about their interactions with teachers, their sense of belonging,
and the impact on their overall identity.
Supportive Teachers Increased Participants’ Self-Efficacy
Positive and negative interactions with K–12 teachers were significant for most
participants as they confirmed or hindered their beliefs about themselves relating to their choice
of academic major or their participation in higher education. As the students spoke fondly of
their positive interactions, they highlighted how meaningful and lasting those experiences were.
Jimmy, for example, recalled that positive and supportive interactions with two African
American male teachers throughout his elementary school years influenced his later academic
major choices. Having attended K–6 in another state, this first teacher was the only Black teacher
at his school at that time. Jimmy noted,
During our free write time, instead of writing traditional short stories, I would write short
rap lyrics. I was a weird little kid already, and instead of wanting to write plain short
stories, I would write these short funny or serious rap lyrics.
Jimmy continued,

56

It was this teacher’s encouragement that boosted my confidence and gave me the
opportunity to know that what and how I expressed myself was welcomed in such a
formal school environment. It felt like no one wanted to hear that type of thing. It was
a big moment for me and definitely encouraged my later interest, which is now music and
film.
Having moved states a few times, Jimmy also highlighted a moment when he started at another
new school in seventh grade. He “felt like a bit of an outcast and uncomfortable in this school
setting because of my high energy and being a little louder than most.” His drama teacher, a
Black male, “encouraged me to be myself, and he had a positive impact on me when all the other
teachers were asking me to be quiet, to be silent, and to somewhat shrink myself because that
energy made them more uncomfortable.” Jimmy spoke about the impact those Black male
teachers had on his identity and his belief in himself during that time. “When I look back, it was
extremely meaningful given all that was going on in my life at the time.”
Like Jimmy, Natalie spoke fondly of her K–8 experiences with teachers regarding majors
and careers she was considering at that age: “My ultimate dream career that I will always be
striving for is to become an actress, but during that time, I was also thinking about being a
computer scientist, a lawyer, a civil engineer and even at one point being an OBGYN.” She
stated all her ideas were met with “such encouragement and such possibilities.” Natalie attended
elementary school in the United States and completed her middle school years at a school in
another country. Regardless of school,
The teachers had total faith in whatever I decided. That made me feel so good, and it felt
like I could do anything with my life. Once I started high school, we were in a different
57

country, and that same support didn’t exist for us Black and African students, and it was
evident in how they treated us.
About her high school, Natalie discussed the harshness she experienced and the impact that
“those loss of possibilities can have on our dreams early on.”
Similar to Jimmy and Natalie, Brandon finally found “an ounce of teacher/student
connection” during his junior year in high school. He joined the choir in the 11th grade, but it
was the choir director’s advice and support that challenged him to engage differently:
My good friend knew I could sing, and one day, she said we need men and your voice in
the choir. She dragged me to the choir room to meet the teacher, and the teacher gave it to
me straight. She told me, “I see you have a talent. I see that you’re very smart, but your
attendance coordinates with your grades. I need you to show up to all your classes. I need
you to be here, be focused, and be willing to do this thing that I know you love.” Even
though I can play several instruments, voice has always been my primary instrument. I
was never really told that I could use my voice, my gift, in a practical lens until I joined
choir.
Brandon continued, “Music has always been omnipresent in my life.” He spoke about “always
getting recognized for my voice in church but not as a career.” He noted how special the choir
teacher was because “finally having someone invested in me in a way that made me want to
invest in my own future was the beginning of my music career path.”
These participants’ responses highlight the importance of positive engagement during the
K–12 years, as it leads to increased confidence and self-efficacy about their major, educational
goals, and overall belief in themselves. Additionally, participants saw themselves in the
individuals they put trust into and saw them as mentors.
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Negative K–12 School Environments Decreased Participants’ Self-Efficacy
In contrast to positive engagement, several participants spoke of the permanent
impression of significant negative encounters on their beliefs in themselves beyond the K–12
years. For a few participants specifically, these negative experiences affected their beliefs in
what career and educational heights they were capable of accomplishing.
For John, adverse interactions with teachers and counselors had a lasting impact during
K–12. Originally looking to pursue a major in engineering, he referenced multiple times that he
received feedback from middle and high school teachers that said he needed “realistic
expectations in terms of his major,” as if engineering were not obtainable for him. He said,
“coming from a lower socioeconomic neighborhood, I always had higher aspirations but that
there was a stigma of his community, and they thought I should consider construction instead of
engineering.” John spoke about the role of his racial identity during his K–12 experience. He
talked specifically about a math class where he experienced microaggressions from his teacher
regarding his classwork. For example,
Another kid might say the wrong answer to a math problem, and the teacher would run
with it as if it was correct. I would actually say the correct answer, and I would constantly
hear, “let me double-check that answer,” as if they never trusted my work compared to
others in the class.
When his peers or teachers doubted him, John understood what was happening. He said, “I was
keen as to why it was happening and how being an African American male excelling in math
impacted that.” He noted,
how unfair it all was as I thought back on those moments and being so young. It
happened so much. I even asked my parents about it. I should have just ignored it, but
59

being so young at that time, you start to believe what your teachers and counselors say as
they are the ones in charge, so they must know best. It was tough then.
Susanne also discussed the microaggressions she felt in her elementary school transition
from a school that was predominantly African American to one that was predominantly Asian
American:
I was made to feel like I wasn’t as smart as the other students. I felt that I didn’t learn
what I needed to from K–4, and every subject was challenging for me. The curriculum
was harder. I had a lot of Cs and lower grades, and my parents had to come in and talk
with my teachers and counselors a lot. That transition really affected me for years, and I
didn’t have any confidence in myself.
Susanne talked about the “cultural change and culture shock” and the impact on her belief in
herself at a young age:
I was challenged a lot at the new school. After switching schools, I could really see the
difference in the curriculum. I felt like I didn’t belong at that school, and I just wasn’t
smart enough. I had to really push myself a lot. There weren’t that many African
American students in my grade and my class, which made my transition challenging and
overwhelming.
Tracy spoke at length about wanting to be a doctor, “a pediatrician,” or going into
nursing all throughout her K–12 schooling. She noted that she “never imagined being in the field
of business during that time as I always imagined being a doctor.” She added, “but it doesn’t
matter. I’m probably not that good at science.” When asked more about those comments, Tracy
traced her feelings about science and her ability to be successful to her ninth-grade honors
biology course and the teacher for that course. She said, “I had trouble with the teacher. I was
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struggling in the beginning; every test was an F. It was awful.” Tracy “had to go to the counselor
multiple times. I had to bring my parents up there because this was the first time I was failing. I
had a really hard time that year. It was embarrassing.” That negative experience with the teacher
and the course challenged Tracy to consider other less science-focused majors and careers. She
stated, “That course was a struggle for me, a real struggle.” The mistreatment by the teacher and
the lack of encouragement “damaged any belief in myself as it pertained to the sciences.” Even
though she moved forward with a different major, she still reminisced about the doctor or
nursing opportunities by saying several times that she thought she “was always going to be in the
medical field, and I am just hoping this new major works out.”
Jai noted an experience in high school that made her feel sad and stands out in her mind
even now. She explained that at her school, there was one male teacher who “tried” to help
students with college:
However, he didn’t really help people of color and often brushed us off. I personally
approached him to see what his response would be, and he said something like, “Oh,
honey, I recommend community college for you. You know, to avoid all that trouble.”
Jai continued, “I know he was racist, and it doesn’t matter, but it still makes me feel a certain
way, you know.”
The participants’ responses highlight how impactful these interactions are for African
American students and can either empower or cause significant harm to a student’s belief in
themselves and their abilities. Social cognitive career theory focuses on the role of belief, but
these testimonials also speak to the impact on a student’s outcome expectations and personal
goals as defined by social cognitive career theory as well.

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Student Feelings of Not Belonging Made It Harder to Focus on Their Academic Futures
In addition to social cognitive career theory, CRT provides a lens and framework for this
study. The CRT tenet that acknowledges that racism is heavily engrained in the country, systems,
and everyday lives of people of color rang true for many participants as they reflected on their
K–12 experiences (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). For several of them, it was difficult to focus on
academics and ideas of major and career choices as their racial identity was constantly
challenged and they felt isolated from their environments early on.
Students’ Inability to Be Their Authentic Selves Negatively Influenced Their Educational
Preparation
Sarah spoke about growing up in a community with “mostly Black-identifying people.”
When she transitioned to high school, she went to a school with “predominantly Asian and White
people, and I think that really impacted my studies in high school.” She added that she was
“constantly in a state of proving myself. My teachers consistently tested my skills, my
knowledge, and my intelligence, which I had never experienced prior to high school.” She also
shared more about her inability to focus on her academics:
This constant pressure was not the usual high school is hard pressure, but that it felt
connected to my race and my identity. I felt like I did have to shift my identity when I
was at school. I was constantly going through an identity crisis during this time which
impacted how I did in school. I could not focus on my studies. I couldn’t be myself while
I was at school. That wasn’t allowed. That was something reserved for when I was home
and safe.
Like Sarah, Monica shared that she constantly felt that she needed to make who she was
smaller to accommodate the peers in her middle and high school environments: “Over time, I had
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to kind of turn myself down, turn my feelings down, turn my laugh down because people, you
know. I could see that it made people uncomfortable.” Being Black and Puerto Rican, Monica
shared the burden she felt was placed on her in not being able to be herself “most of the time.”
These students’ inability to be their true selves prevented them from fully engaging with the
academic experience of their school settings. Being one’s, true self is how one identifies and
presents oneself to the world. However, rejection of that identity hinders how one sees oneself
and one’s potential.
Feelings of Rejection from the K–12 Environment Negatively Influenced Participants’
Educational Decisions
Several participants reflected on how their K–12 environments were fraught with
rejection, hostility, and lack of resources, which impacted their educational decisions. Jimmy
disclosed that he was just one of the few African American students at his high school. Jimmy
explained there were multiple incidents of
Other students calling me the N-word. There were times when students would follow me
around school even, calling me the N-word. There were big points of alienation for me as
a Black student at that school. This is just one example.
Jimmy shared that “there was just a lack of understanding by the staff at that school when I
brought these concerns forward. My mom and aunt had to get involved all the way up to the
district level before it kind of got better. It was hard to focus.”
Diane spoke about being bullied during her K–12 experience as well. However, “it was
mainly the Black kids that were the biggest bullies. They would call me things like dark
chocolate, you know, monkey. I had no idea why they were hating on my skin tone.” She added
that it “does influence me even now because I still remember all of it so vividly. I still have a
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nervousness and anxiety about it.” Both Jimmy and Diane expressed how hard it was to thrive in
that environment. The hostility and alienation were reflected in multiple ways for these students,
both in and outside the classroom. According to Jimmy, the entire experience felt like “we have
our eyes on you, Black man, at all times.”
Similarly, Monica revealed that, during her K–12 experience, she went to both private
and public schools, but neither of them reflected a “place for me.” She felt alienated. Monica
spoke of her bi-racial background and the impact it had on her throughout K–12. Monica shared,
“For a while, I could only count how many Black people there were on my two hands in the
entire school.” She added, “Thinking back on the different schools I went to, it was a weird place
for someone who is Black to be in, and I didn’t know how mixed I was until I started middle
school.” Monica highlighted that her racial identification as “Black and Puerto Rican” made it
clear that “I’m not really the one that everyone wanted to be around, which was hard.” She said
that it was difficult developing friendships and relationships and was “extremely isolating during
that time.” Monica went on to say that it was a weird time for her as “I never fit into either
category of Black or Puerto Rican, and that was always an issue as well.”
Natalie echoed Monica’s sentiment, as she, too, is bi-racial. Having gone to school both
in the United States and out of the country, she explained she felt out of place racially mostly in
the United States because she was White and Black:
Living in the suburbs, I always had to fight to prove my Blackness was okay. I was one
of two or three Black students in my entire class. I tried to be a strong student during this
time and not let it affect me.
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She said her international high school was no better, even though it was in a different country.
Natalie discussed her strength and courage during her high school period and recognized the
flaws in the educational system:
Certain ethnic groups were favored by the administration over the African and African
American students. This was so obvious, and everyone noticed it. The administration was
so hard on us. I ended up getting into quite a bit of trouble with them because of super
small stuff that other students that were non-Black were able to do. Just awful.
Natalie remarked that “this constant battle definitely with the administration affected grades and
my education because it impacted my mental health more than I really understood.”
Queen remembers wanting to be someone different at a young age. She shared that
“initially she had dreams of being a writer like her dad.” However, by the time she was
beginning middle school, she was already an active gang member, and “I went to jail for the first
time when I was 12 years old. I was in and out of jail the entire time throughout junior high and
high school.” Reflecting on junior high, she spoke about being in the modern dance program and
how it made her feel like “I could do something different with my life.” Queen noted,
That was something that I did in school that was positive. I was doing modern dance, and
that was something that I really got interested in. It does make you have a different
outlook, like you can actually take a different route and, in fact, have a different identity
other than gang banging and not feel trapped by my circumstance.
Whether reflecting on their racial identity, their hope in transforming identity, or feeling
unable to be their true selves, identity was a prominent theme among the participants. The
students also discussed how in understanding their individual identity, their confidence or self-
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efficacy was lower during this time as their worthiness was tied to how they were perceived.
Those concerns followed many participants to college and directly impacted their studies.
Disparities in K–12 Resources Limited Students’ Academic Viewpoints
A few participants shared that their viewpoints on majors and careers were limited during
their K–12 experience as the disparities and inequities in their school systems consumed their
experiences.
Jackson spoke about disheartening experiences as a Black male in middle and high
school. He highlighted multiple negative interactions with teachers and counselors:
They didn’t have much time to care about the Black students. I felt like we were already
pretty much doomed to fail. I didn’t have the proper tools or guidance or the proper
counseling throughout that entire time. I felt like being Black played a huge part in our
education and the lack of resources. I didn’t really realize what was happening in that
moment, given the community and the neighborhood I lived in.
Jackson went on to say, “We were put on the back burner in a school system that wasn’t really
the best anyway, so I just kept my head down.”
Queen echoed Jackson’s sentiment when sharing her experiences. Queen revealed, “I
didn’t feel like it was a lot of support or encouragement for us. I think the teachers were there for
a paycheck. I don’t think they really had too much hope for us in that environment.” Queen felt
that neither the teachers nor the school system was supportive of them as students “because the
school was full of Black and Brown students.” She stated,
Where do you start with everything? If you go to a school with White kids, their stuff is
kind of already together. You don’t have to do too much to help them. I mean, you see all
these issues we have, and it’s kind of bigger than them, and they won’t even try to help.
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Queen felt her K–12 teachers felt that “my help is not going to do anything, so why help this
community because this community is already shot.”
In recounting their K–12 academic preparation, it was difficult for the participants to
focus on thoughts of college and major and career choices because of numerous instances of
feeling unwelcomed and unable to be their authentic selves as they experienced
microaggressions at school. While a few students felt uplifted and encouraged to work towards
their major or academic goal during this time, quite a few experienced negative encounters
caused by fellow peers, teachers, staff, and the overall environments in which they should have
been able to thrive. A cooperative learning environment that supports the African American
student experience helps bolster confidence and engagement and allows them to be equally
successful in their goals. These experiences are important to draw attention to, as many of the
students were still carrying or experiencing these traumas as college students.
Family Influences
This section addresses the second sub-question, which explored the role of family or
community influence in academic major selection. In response to this sub-question, three
significant themes emerged. The findings emphasized that family support and economic stability
shaped major choices, financial concerns limited familial support, and these Black families
continue to see education as the best way to advance their socioeconomic status.
Major Choices Were Shaped by Family Support for Their Education and Economic
Stability
Most of the participants’ families and communities supported them in going to college
and seeking a degree even if they disagreed with the major choice. For many of the participants,
their familial and communal support units expanded the definition of family to include fictitious
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kinships as well that are not related by blood. The participants consistently shared that securing a
major that would provide economic stability was a significant concern for their families. Most
students shared that their family and community provided meaningful emotional support in
regard to them going to college, the major, or both, even if they did not contribute financially or
participate physically in the steps to transition to college. The findings show that the emotional
support, or the lack thereof, was vital for many of the students. Equally important was the
familial and communal feedback regarding their academic major choice and the decision-making
process that brought them to that choice.
Tracy expressed how supportive her family was about her going to college. She shared,
Going to college was just something normal for me. It wasn’t something they pushed me
to do. My mother passed away when I was 11, and my grandmother passed away my first
semester of college. Both of them had their college degrees. It is just my grandfather and
dad left, but they are really proud of me for going to college and have supported me.
Tracy remarked that if she had not gone to college, she would not know what to do. When
talking extensively with her grandfather about her major and going to college,
He suggested that I still find a way to go into the sciences or even engineering if I can.
Given my negative high school experiences, I knew that I couldn’t do that, so I told him I
was going to possibly pick business as a major. He was somewhat fine with it because he
felt like there might be a lot of job opportunities afterwards for me to choose from.
Getting a job is important for me. It took me a long time to declare a major. It is such a
big decision, and I am hoping my business major works itself out.
Susanne expressed that she “always wanted to go to college, so my family and friends
were supportive of the fact that college was my end goal.” For Susanne, college was
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a very personal choice that I choose. My parents didn’t get to go to college because of
the situation they were dealing with at an early age. They started working right out of
high school. Me going straight to college was different from their pathway. They didn’t
force me to get a job or ever mention anything like that to me. That was so important to
me because I know a lot of students have to work. The support I needed was there.
Susanne commented, “My parents, mostly my mom, did not want me to major in anything like
psychology or sociology. She said I am not going to make any money with that major and that I
should go into nursing or medicine.” As she discussed her family’s feedback, Susanne
recognized that majoring in sociology would allow her to help people and to help in making a
difference, which was important for her.
On Monica’s mother’s side of the family, “education is huge, and if you don’t go to
college, then you’re like a weirdo. Education and degrees were really important for her family.”
Monica expressed she felt overwhelmed with the process of going to college because of these
familial expectations: “They wanted me to go straight to a 4-year and not go to a community
college,” which she did, but she “felt that was an unsuccessful journey.” She started at the
community college once she returned. Monica felt let down by her support system, sharing,
“You have all these people who say they’re going to help, and then when it came down to it, they
don’t help. It’s just so disappointing. They pushed me but didn’t help physically or financially.”
Additionally, regarding the academic major selection, Monica noted,
I had decided to be a psychology major back in senior year of high school, and all my
family knew why. I have been this major for a while now. With everything that has
happened, nothing was going to change my mind about that.
Carter recalled his parents support of him enrolling in college came with conditions,
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[My] parents were very supportive of me going to college, but they were clear that my
pathway had to be in engineering or the health professions. Those were the fields that
were being promoted by my parents. They felt that the artsy stuff was something that you
did in your free time.
Carter felt “I disappointed them by not going straight to a university and getting a scholarship. I
feel they did their best to not show me their disappointment by being supportive of me going to
community college. They were so helpful.” Carter added,
They just didn’t want any risks for me or my siblings. It was important that we picked a
major that had some stability. When quarantine started, I actually switched from
computer science to nursing. My mom and dad were concerned at first since I had just
spent 3 years as computer science, but my mom and eventually my dad were okay with it.
She was on me about getting started in nursing and if I needed anything to switch. She
just didn’t want me to take a break. She was worried I wouldn’t come back. I understand
the worry because my parents moved here from another country and their biggest focus
for us is to find a career with a stable job, so we don’t have to struggle in the same way
they did when they came to this country.
Carter expressed, “they were okay with the switch as long as it was something that can sustain
you. They always supported going to college and us not having to go to work during it. Complete
focus on school.”
Max elaborated that he, too, felt that his family was supportive of him going to college
but that the application and the steps to get there were “something I had to figure out on my own.
My high school really helped me through the process. It was a lot of independent work, but my
parents offered support.” He remarked that because “all my siblings went into medicine, I was
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expected to do the same, which is why I am a biology major. I had a direct path into the major.
There was no option for me not to go to college.” While the participants’ families and
communities demonstrated a broad range of support regarding their students going to college and
their major choices, the students expressed how instrumental that support was to their overall
success.
Financial Concerns Sometimes Led to a Lack of Family or Community Support
Several students offered a counter-perspective to the level of support they received from
their family or community regarding their major selection and college-going behavior. Students
expressed how the lack of support impacted not only their choices but also their mental and
emotional health.
For example, as Jackson prepared to answer this section of questions, he paused and
reflected on his familial and community involvement. He noted that his “family support and
influence surrounding college was low, like negative percent.” He said, “They basically wanted
me out of the house and to have a job asap.” It was clear to Jackson that “to provide for myself
was the priority and that getting an education was considered optional for them even though I
thought education was important.” He spoke about how difficult this situation was since he was
just 18 years old at the time: “I am a Black male and the oldest sibling, so this is what was
expected of me.” Jackson’s “father went into the armed forces after high school, so his position
was that I need to be working as soon as possible. Get a job and provide for myself was always
his focus.” Jackson noted that he has had to attempt community college multiple times because
of all his work commitments: “Not knowing about resources and not having support made things
so much harder the first few times I attempted to go to college. So many mistakes were made. It
was a tough time all around.” He also stated,
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A lot of personal experiences have brought me to my major in psychology. I have a
passion for it. My family didn’t ask much about my major but what I plan to do with it
was the major question from everyone.
Jackson closed by saying, “I understand how important my education is now. I don’t want to be
another statistic, and I want to break this community cycle of not having a degree.”
Brandon also shared similar sentiments about his familial response about college and his
major: “My dad would always tell us all the time that we kids were going to college.” He
remarked,
My dad would actually say that my kids are not going to be musicians. My kids are going
to go to college and increase the contents of the bag. They are going to study science and
be doctors, or they are going to study finance, economics, and be accountants, and I just
did not see that for myself. While they supported going to college, they didn’t necessarily
support non-traditional majors for us.
Brandon shared,
I became a rebel thinker, where it was like, nah, music is my thing. This is my passion.
This is my gift. This is my thing that no one can take from me. For some time, it pushed
me away from good grades in other subjects because I knew music was my gift. My dad
only finished a third-grade education in Mississippi, and he didn’t want us to go without
the physical resources that he went without growing up. My mom did what she could,
you know, silently behind closed doors, to help support what I wanted to do in college,
but it was tough because I was going down a non-traditional road for them.
Brandon closed by saying that finally, “there was a stance from my parents of okay, we are not
going to get in your way. We do not agree with this choice of major, and we are not going to go
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out of our way to support you.” Brandon shared how it was overwhelming for him to hear this,
but he is moving forward with music as his major and working towards his associate and transfer
degrees.
As expressed by Jackson and Brandon previously, Queen spoke explicitly about the lack
of support from her family and community when it came to her education and how it impacted
her journey. When discussing the role of familial support, Queen noted,
I actually got a negative response from my community. I didn’t get a lot of support from
my family regarding school and college once I got out of prison. I just did what I needed
to do for me, and if anything, I heard in the community that I think that I am better than
them for going to college.
Queen continued to say that she “had family members who said that being in college is really not
going to get me anywhere. I was really struggling at the time as I was homeless, sleeping in my
car with my son, who was just a baby.” While hearing these negative thoughts from her family,
Queen also noted that “I found out that one of my good friends told another friend that I think I
am too good because I’m in college. She said that college is not going to pay my rent, and I need
a real job.” When Queen spoke further, she remarked,
There was a lot of negativity around me. I didn’t really get a lot of support at all. Not
from my community. I lost everything and everybody almost at that point around going
to college, and I didn’t have support. My own dad was talking bad about me. I was
showing them something they could have done too but chose not to.
Queen mentioned people would tell her
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That you can’t make money going to college. When I actually survived because of
college and because of financial aid. I felt alone, but I knew we didn’t have to be gang
members in and out of prison and doing drugs all our lives.
These findings illustrated the emotional trauma students might experience from their families
and communities regarding the decision to go to college and the feedback they receive if they are
unhappy with their major choice. In identifying their major choices, the participants received
significant feedback surrounding their economic and financial stability in relation to their choice,
which they found difficult to navigate. These lived experiences are important to understand as
students carry these interactions to college.
Student Participants Still See Education As the Best Way to Advance
Many participants discussed the critical role that their racial and cultural identity played
in their decision to pursue a college degree and, for some students, impacted their academic
major selection as well. In addition, several participants agreed that their racial identity did
impact them and their family’s viewpoints on education and the long-term importance of
achieving a degree.
Jai truly summarized the same sentiments of other student participants when she noted
that she “always felt that the only way to move up the socioeconomic ladder for a Black person
was to get an education.” She continued to say, “I really want to become independent and have a
successful career and a job and knew that I needed a degree in order to do that.” Carter also
talked about his parents’ concerns with finances, stating,
[They] always shared that they didn’t want me to struggle like they had to struggle, and
so as a Black person, we need to get a degree so that we can be comfortable and not have
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to live paycheck to paycheck. They didn’t want to wish that struggle upon me and my
siblings.
Jimmy highlighted that his father helped him to understand the role that education plays in the
lives of African Americans:
Our racial make-up played a big role for us because my dad was one of the first people in
our family to graduate high school and college. He was a young Black kid from Harlem,
so going to college was a pretty big thing, and that was always talked about in our family.
Jimmy went on to say that his dad’s sister “always talked about how education is for you, for
your sake, and that she thought it would be good for me and my experience.” Max’s family
understood the cultural impact as well as he noted that his parents would emphasize the
importance of getting a degree to his siblings and him:
We are from Nigeria, so it’s more like we have this opportunity to make something better
of our lives. We have an opportunity that so many others don’t have. Try to be the best
that you can. Most people at home don’t have this, so it is important to make the best of
it.
As John reflected on the role of his racial identity, he remarked, “As a student, especially in
middle and high school, I noticed that often my hard work was questioned by various teachers.”
He went on to say,
I talked to my parents about how this was making me feel, and they shared with me that,
unfortunately, because of the way I looked that sometimes people will doubt me and
doubt my knowledge. Once I realized and understood what my parents were saying, it
really impacted the way I looked at education, and that is why I had to keep moving
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forward and continue with my education even if I wasn’t an engineering major because
no one could take that away.
Queen and Susanne echoed similar sentiments when looking at the role of their racial
identities. Susanne shared,
As African American people, a student’s education is very important. I feel like I am
doing my part not only just for myself but for my people. I take it very seriously, and I
think it’s important for all of us to get something out of it.
Queen noted, “how hard it was to get a degree or go to school when you come from my
neighborhood. Going to school reminded them that we all came from the same place and that
they don’t really have an excuse.” She continued to say, “They needed to prove to me why
college wasn’t important. What was important to my community was nothing but working. Most
of them were Black. They didn’t feel like education was important. They felt like it was a joke.”
She closed by saying,
I know now that it was a bunch of insecurity and low self-esteem. I understand that now
since I have been in that place. I know what it is like to feel insecure around someone that
has more education than you do, but I know as a Black person that I need it, and it has
really helped my life and my son’s life. The more you work on yourself, the more you
educate yourself, you will definitely put out a different energy and a new confidence.
Family and community support is pivotal for African American students as they make important
decisions about their academic majors and collegiate opportunities. As students navigate going to
college and making those major choices, those without that support face an added level of
discord, pressure, and isolation. In addition, the familial educational viewpoints that are passed
down and shared with the students impact their educational decisions and view of education.
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College Experiences
In response to the third research sub-question, the participants reflected on the role their
collegiate experience played in their selection of an academic major. While their K–12
experiences and family influence were significant and impactful, they have to finalize that major
decision in college and begin to complete the necessary requirements. At that time, many
participants began to take introductory courses or talk directly to faculty members or their
counselors to learn more about the requirements. The four themes that emerged from these
findings speak to the role of positive support from counselors and faculty members, feeling
unwelcomed given the lack of representation in major courses, what was exciting about their
major choice, and how being undecided caused increased distress and anxious.
Positive Support From Counselors and Faculty Helped With Navigating Daily College Life
Many participants spoke about the encouragement and guidance they received from
either counseling faculty or instructional faculty as they walked through the process of declaring
a major. Tracy highlighted,
My counselor was a great help to me in figuring out what classes I needed for my
business major. I was thinking about switching majors for a while. It was such a huge
decision. It leads you to whatever career you end up having, and it took me a long time to
finally decide, so I appreciated her support
Monica spoke fondly of “how helpful my Umoja counselor was for me, especially when I
first started at the college. She was really dope and has been the biggest support for sure with
everything else.” She said that the “counseling center was the only one responsive to me, which
is why I made the decision to come to this college in the first place.” The statewide Umoja
Community is grounded in enhancing educational and cultural experiences for Black and African
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American students. Natalie echoed Monica’s sentiment and spoke specifically about “how
wonderful my Umoja Program counselor was as I transitioned into different majors. He gave me
excellent feedback, which was helpful because I had been previously warned not to trust
counselors and that they gave bad advice.”
Susanne shared, “As far as professors for my major in sociology and counselors and
everyone involved with my journey have all really motivated me and gave me positive
feedback.” Max revealed that the positive feedback from faculty members affirmed that he had
made a good choice: “Some teachers would tell me you’re really smart in my biology and
chemistry courses or you’re really good at this. That gave me confidence in that I was doing
what I should be doing.” Diane also spoke about faculty:
I ran into one of my psychology professors when I wasn’t doing my best, and she told me
to come into her office hours because she was worried about me and my grade. The
professor was genuinely concerned for me and my progress, and I had not experienced
that before, and I have been in college for a while now.
Carter spoke about the impact that a program like Umoja has on a student. He noted the
importance of “helping Black students get into a program where they are able to gain hope and
get help and support.” Carter started as a computer science major and switched to nursing. About
both majors, he recalled “being the only African American male in either set of classes. I have
gotten used to being the only Black person in the classes.” He shared that being a member of
Umoja “made me feel a part.” Queen discussed similar sentiments about on-campus support:
The college offered so much support to me. That is really how I survived. Oh my God,
Just some of the directors, so helpful. I had a director pay for my books. I was in the
EOPS program. I was homeless and starving, and they gave me food vouchers. They
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would give me food while I was in school, and I would save it and take it home for me
and my son to eat for dinner.
Queen went on to say, “They gave away free school supplies. EOPS had a boutique where they
had free clothes and shoes. I remember I even had to take my son to class one time with me, and
my teacher let me.” Queen revealed struggling with her basic needs sharing that she “didn’t have
money. The free food from school was literally how I ate some days. I just met so many good
people. I would have never gotten this far without the EOPS and the Umoja Program. I promise
you.”
The students’ positive experiences allowed many of them to move forward and work
towards their degrees and certifications. The counseling faculty, instructional faculty, and special
programs, like Umoja Community played a significant role in their interactions with students and
their success. A few of the participants remarked that the Umoja Program reconnected them to
the Black community and aided in strengthening their racial identity. The Umoja Community
should be available on every campus given its impact, but only 59 California community
Colleges host a program. As illustrated by Natalie and Diane, those moments can show students
that their institutions support them and that someone cares that they are there.
Students Feel Unwelcomed Given the Lack of Representation in Their Major Courses
While some students spoke fondly of the support and encouragement they received while
exploring majors and navigating their college experience, some students faced significant
challenges at their institutions regarding their major discovery and navigating the collegiate
experience.
John spoke about how his identity was impacted by stating a “loss of identity is a
significant challenge for Black students.” John spoke first about the “stigma of going to
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community college and especially being a person of color. People look at you and say, of course,
you are going to a community college. Where else? That is what happened to me, and it was
challenging.” John went on to say, “I eventually did switch majors from engineering to
economics because of my struggles with math and the teachers, so those comments were just like
microaggressions. Like, see, I told you.”
Jimmy, who is majoring in music and film, highlighted that he “feels disconnected from a
lot of my teachers and peers in this educational journey and feels alienated. I don’t feel like I
belong. I feel like my teachers are annoyed by me.” In continued discussion, Jimmy shared, “I
have a lot of Black friends that have had that experience. Getting looked at crazy. Having to
shrink ourselves. A Black kid, a Black male, says they want to go to a prestigious transfer
school, and it is scoffed at.”
Max is a biology major, and he shared the challenges he faced in his higher-level science
and math courses: “I haven’t seen any other African Americans in these classes. Mostly Asians
and Hispanics. I am typically the only African American, especially now.” Max added, “We
want to see more African Americans in STEM overall. It can impact your confidence when you
don’t see anyone that looks like you. We should be encouraging one another to focus on our
education and to continue striving.” When speaking about challenges within his major, Brandon
reflected on
the lack of social sensitivity to prejudices. There’s a lot of things that Black people are
known to be that are just ingrained into our society. People have not done the conscious
work to unlearn those things and plays against Black students in the classroom. Not
having enough Black faces or pro Black faces and spaces in the music department has
been tough on me as a Black male at my school.
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Many of the participants shared similar stories and sentiments regarding their experiences in
their major courses or in navigating the college. These challenges are important to recognize as
colleges craft spaces that welcome Black students and help to decrease inequities.
Students Excited About Major Choice Are Encouraged to Finish Program
Selecting an academic major for many students is not easy. Deciding and feeling
comfortable with that decision pushes students to reflect on what aligns with their personality,
what reflects their interests, and what they could learn about and possibly do as a career. Most
participants shared about their journey to their major and their thoughts and feelings about being
undecided or torn about their decision. These students all shared about their choices and how
overwhelming making such an important decision could be.
Monica shared that she came to the major decision of psychology while she was in high
school: “I love psychology. It is so fascinating. The human condition is so interesting, and the
way that the mind works is fascinating.” For her, psychology was a personal choice:
I’ve struggled with mental health. There are also members of my family that have a
pattern of mental health disorders. When I got into therapy myself, I was like, “This is
something I could see myself doing, but on the other side of the room.” This major just
made sense for me.
Diane spoke about her double major in psychology and communications. She shared,
“Now I want to be a reporter and work for the Peace Corp. I want to report on what is really
happening in these third-world countries and what happens when the Peace Corp is there
volunteering.” She shared that she switched majors alone and that it was a tough decision to
finally make: “I spent too many semesters knowing good and well that I shouldn’t be doing
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nursing, but I kept doing it anyway because I thought that is what I needed to do. I thought I
needed to stick with it.”
Jackson talked about his return to college: “I thought I wanted to be an accountant since I
had a job in accounting.” Jackson discovered his goal and major in college did not align with the
professional work he was doing: “I still had the passion for helping others, so I knew accounting
wasn’t going to work out. I wanted to know more about the human condition and human
behavior, which ultimately led me to a major in psychology.” Carter also changed majors. He
noted that “imposter syndrome brought on the change from computer science to nursing.” He
“felt like I need to graduate with a job. I didn’t want to graduate with a computer science degree
and not have a job. I felt stuck, like I wasted my time. I went with something more stable.”
Jai expressed that her love for the sciences and biology came from attending her own
doctor’s appointments: “I liked how doctors worked together just to help people live better lives,
and that was appealing to me. I always got As in biology even if I missed a lot of school.” She
shared, “I love to read science, and I would even read it on my own free time. I am really bad at
math, but I am still considering trying to be a doctor and sticking with this science major.” Max
echoed Jai’s sentiment as he shared, “It is easy to crack in this field, in this major. I don’t know
exactly how I will get through it all. It is a mental game.”
This passion for a subject and concern about the future was a common theme with several
participants as they were hesitant about their major choice. These various illustrations of students
exploring their majors showcase the complexity of this decision, as students explore many
factors in this process.

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Being Undecided on a Major Caused Increased Feelings of Anxiousness and Distress
Ten participants spoke about the role of being undecided in their journey to discover an
academic major. Many shared a common feeling associated with being undecided and how that
made them feel during the process. Students shared that the overarching fear and pressure that
comes with being undecided was just as significant of a moment as when they decided on a
major, which is important as institutions continue to support students through the major decision-
making process. Natalie shared,
Every time I switched majors, there was always that hesitation and indecision. It was
stressful, and it felt terrible. I always felt terrible just saying “I’m undecided” because so
many people around me already knew. It was just a really crappy feeling.
Carter agreed with Natalie as he shared a similar sentiment regarding his undecided phase of the
journey. He admitted, “I didn’t manage my indecision well at all. I now feel like I had an
opportunity to find some support and to think more about my decision before I actually changed
the major. I didn’t seek it out.” According to him, “I just remember having a panic attack
thinking, “My gosh, what am I going to do?” I really did feel defeated in that moment. I had a
plan. It got disrupted, and I didn’t know what to do.”
These participants’ feelings reflect stigma from institutions about being undecided on a
major. Monica disclosed that at her institution, “It was just kind of obvious that it was looked at
as bad.” She said that there were “things that indirectly said you need to figure it out. We had
flyers that showed that you were kind of like a question mark floating in the air if you were
undecided.” Both John and Jimmy shared that their fear was not only associated with identifying
a major but also wasting time. John revealed he was “kind of scared” when he was undecided:
“I’m set back 3 years while everyone is already graduated from college. Then, the people I went
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to high school with, their point of, see, look at him at the community college is kind of being
proven correct.” Jimmy has a similar sentiment; he “felt anxious and fearful and that I am
wasting my time with all of this. I felt I had to pick a major, and that was really difficult because,
for a while, I just didn’t even know.”
Jai and Tracy both talked about the pressure they experienced while undecided. Jai talked
about “being very nervous that entire time about what major I should choose.” Tracy equally felt
that nervousness and anxiety that Jai mentioned. Tracy conveyed that she “put more pressure on
myself because, in my mind, everybody already knows what they’re doing. Everybody had
already chosen their major. I didn’t meet anybody who was questioning everything like I was. I
felt like I needed to hurry.”
Being undecided on your academic major has a negative connotation for students. As the
participants shared, the pressure placed on them or that they place on themselves can lead to
anxiety, isolation, and fear. Diane noted, “I needed the time, to figure myself out.” Being
undecided can be an opportunity to explore academic major choices instead of a stigma that
could provide more challenges and roadblocks.
Chapter Summary
This chapter explored the findings from the analysis of 14 interviews. The three sub-
questions provided a roadmap to the emergent themes regarding how participants’ experiences
informed their academic major selection. While all the participants had distinctive lived
experiences, they also shared similarities as they reflected on their K–12 experiences, family
involvement, and collegiate experiences. Analysis showed that while students did share
significant factors regarding their process of choosing an academic major, many of their
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experiences were not about major choice directly but more about the Black student experience
and the impact on their choices and decisions.
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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand how African American
community college students’ lived experiences impacted their academic major choices.
Finalizing an academic major is a significant factor in degree completion. This
phenomenological research focused specifically on the influence of participants’ K–12 academic
preparation and identity, familial influences, and collegiate experiences on their academic major
decisions. As the conceptual framework, social cognitive career theory and critical race theory
grounded this study. This concluding chapter includes a discussion of the findings,
recommendations for practice, opportunities for future research, and final reflections.
Discussion
In this section, I present central insights that emerged from the study’s findings. I will
begin by discussing a critical aspect of the participants’ experience using the lens of critical race
theory, which is the racism experienced in their educational journeys. Next, using the lens of
social cognitive career theory, I discuss the influence the racism they experienced had on their
self-efficacy, which affected their choices about majors and careers. A third key insight was that
many participants appeared to select their major as a form of healing from previous trauma.
Lastly, the findings revealed that many participants experienced unwarranted negative stigma for
being undecided on a major, obstructing their ability to fully engage in exploring the world of
work and reflecting on who they are to yield a confident result.
Critical Race Theory
Born from a framework of legal analysis, critical race theory acknowledges the
oppressive systems that support the dominant class and discriminate against communities of
color (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Ladson-Billings, 1998; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; West,
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1995). McGee & Stovall’s (2015) continued research builds on the application of critical race
theory in the field of education. The authors note that critical race theory provides a race-
conscious lens to frame the traumas often experienced by communities of color (McGee &
Stovall, 2015). The African American community college participants in this study share their
experiences and the role of their racial identity in their academic major decisions.
While sharing their narratives, participants spoke in detail about their racialized trauma
and not feeling welcomed in their K–12 settings (McGee & Stovall, 2015). The African
American participants remarked that they were unable to be their authentic selves and felt they
constantly had to shift their identities to make others feel comfortable when, in fact, they often
did not feel safe. These participants felt a lack of belonging and, at various times, felt isolated
from their teachers, peers, and the K–12 institution because of their racial identities. These
settings introduced them to bias, prejudice, and microaggressions at an early age as they sought
to be academically successful and their genuine selves. Bush (1997), in opposition to Ogbu
(1991), noted that schooling continues to perpetuate unbalanced power dynamics for
communities of color.
While they articulated reflective ideas regarding what they were interested in and
possible major and career options, for many of them, major and career exploration was not a high
priority in a space that did not allow them to be themselves. Given individual patterns of
discrimination, hostile environments, and inequitable policies, many students did not feel safe in
their educational settings, so their thoughts of the future were suspended as they processed and
survived the interactions of the present. These spaces of academia and learning formalized
racism and a need to survive when they transition to another institutionalized setting such as
higher education.
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Delgado (1989) noted that the long tradition of storytelling was to challenge the stories of
the dominant group and to allow communities of color to share their own stories. Critical race
theory as a framework gave voice to these students’ experiences as they shared their stories and
triumphs over those impactful encounters. Recounting their K–12 experiences, many participants
shared the emotional toll they experienced then and the role some of those experiences continue
to have in their educational choices. A close examination of these insights shows that more work
is needed to make African American students feel physically and emotionally safe in their K–12
environments by eliminating racial inequities. Students spoke about the difficulty in preparing
for the future when they constantly felt in crisis. Reflecting on their K–12 experience, a
participant closed by asking, “When greatness is only seen as something for others, as Black
students, how can we see it for ourselves in this environment?” The continued sharing of stories
leads to that liberation according to critical race theory (Delgado, 1989).
Social Cognitive Career Theory
Additionally, this study found that the participants’ K–12, familial, and collegiate
experiences significantly influenced their confidence and self-efficacy in terms of their academic
major choices. Social cognitive career theory and critical race theory created the conceptual
framework for this study. Academic major choice is foundational to this study, and these
students’ decisions influenced their educational journeys. Social cognitive career theory as a
framework helps understand how students develop academic and career interests, make choices,
and achieve success (Lent et al., 1994). Self-efficacy, personal goals, and outcome expectations
are the core variables of social cognitive career theory (Lent et al., 1994). As African American
students, navigating these career and academic choices while also navigating systemic and
institutional racism influences their self-efficacy and, ultimately, their academic major choices.
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Whether it was their K–12 setting or collegiate institution, the environment played an
important role in the lived experiences of these participants. As many participants shared, they
never saw themselves truly reflected in these educational spaces. They had a few impactful
interactions with Black teachers that formed a significant impression on their lives. The findings
illustrate the level of influence those moments can have on a student. However, it is also
important that the curriculum and pedagogy is inclusive of everyone’s history. That lack of
representation mattered for many of these participants. Research studies show that for social
cognitive career theory that cognitive factors are influenced by the behavioral and environmental
factors (Cadenas et al., 2020; Liu et al., 2020). Cadenas et al. (2020) elaborates by suggesting
that such environmental factors as marginalization or social oppression can have a significant
impact on one’s major or career decision making.
The belief in oneself fuels personal goals and outcome expectations, as outlined by social
cognitive career theory (Lent et al., 1994). As participants navigated the decision of selecting an
academic major, most chose a major based on their exposure to the field and belief in their
ability to yield a positive outcome. A student participant asked, “What type of impact do these
experiences have on your self-efficacy if you are always feeling attacked in the classroom?” The
impact on the students’ beliefs in themselves compounds over time, and long-term feelings of
being unseen can cause mental anguish. The findings illustrated that early K–12 negative
experiences can be so damaging that the pain, hurt, and lack of confidence persist during the
college years.
Many participants sought refuge in their home life, families, and communities when it
came to positive affirmation and consistent encouragement and support. Several participants
admitted that their families did not agree with their academic major choices or educational
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decisions, but for many, they did provide support that helped the student move forward with their
goals. The familial units and fictive kinships proved essential to helping students achieve their
educational goals. Blackwell and Pinder (2014) noted that “the pathway to college is not equal
for all students” (para. 1). Students from minoritized backgrounds, lower socioeconomic status
communities, or who are the first in their families to attend college have unique experiences as
they navigate college. A degree often leads to economic stability, upward mobility, and a
window of opportunity for the individual, their family, and their community (Carey, 2004).
While participants leaned on their families and communities to affirm who they are and
encourage who they want to be, community colleges must also intentionally increase self-
efficacy to increase degree completion rates and provide a more nurturing environment. In her
reflection, a student remarked, “Life out of college is extremely tough for Black people. College
was supposed to be my escape from that.”
Conceptual Framework
The lenses of critical race and social cognitive career theory allowed for an inclusive
framework that analyzed the intersection of race and racism on a student’s self-efficacy and its
impact on major and career choices. Critical race theory confronts the institutional racism that
African Americans feel in Eurocentric educational settings and how the racialized trauma they
experienced impacts their overall identity and confidence. The findings revealed a constant shift
by the participants in their identity as a means to navigate their educational environment. With
such dualistic roles, the participants articulated that their confidence was lowered by this
constant shift away from their African American or Black identity as a means of persistence.
Hackett and Byars (1996) noted that an African American student might have a low academic
self-efficacy because of bias or prejudice they receive inside the classroom. Per Bounds (2017)
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the racialized trauma these students experienced wears down their self-esteem and confidence
and forces them to develop coping mechanisms related to their major and educational choices.
Contextual and environmental factors have a significant influence on outcome expectations,
goals, and overall efficacy beliefs (Hackett & Byars, 1996). Critical race theory informing social
cognitive career theory provides an important link between the racial inequities that African
American students experienced in the educational setting and the influence on the personal goals,
outcome expectations and self-efficacy.
Academic Majors as a Road to Healing
The simplicity that comes with the “what do you want to be when you grow up” question
comes full circle as that child grows and begins to seek and secure a major and career. The
participants recalled answering the question with fun and idealistic responses when they were
children. Several participants even recounted that they did not even remember any mention of
majors or careers other than a few isolated events. However, as they grew, the participants said
that the weight and expected response to that question shifted. Now, the participants recalled,
they were expected to have a definite and more mature response even if their exposure to various
fields and career opportunities were still limited or if they had not engaged in any major or career
exploration.
Carnevale et al.’s (2016) research highlighted that African American college students are
concentrated in lower-earning majors that are often associated with giving back and helping their
communities. These are often social sciences, humanities, and artistic majors that minimally
require a bachelor’s degree and possibly need a master’s, doctorate, or significant work
experience to yield a livable and sustainable income. Of the 14 participants, nine had a major
categorized as arts, humanities, or social sciences. While there is a continued underrepresentation
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of African American students in business, health occupations, and STEM majors, five
participants chose nursing, biology, or business as a major. Even though the breakdown of
majors may align with past research, what is significant about this finding is that for many of the
participants, the choice of major provided them an avenue to heal from past trauma and to move
forward with excitement for their new journey.
A significant number of participants stated that their choice of major allowed them to
learn more about themselves and their interactions with others, such as their family and
community members. Students remarked that they loved their major choice and that it gave them
a better understanding of how they, as African American persons, interact with the world and
vice versa. Students shared specific instances in which their learning in their major courses
provided them clarity regarding previous negative interactions they experienced and allowed
them to let go of hurt feelings, anguish, and anger. In addition, a student shared that the journey
to her major was not smooth, but what she is learning allows her to know that the trauma of her
past was not her fault. Several participants felt an urge to help. Indeed, many participants
remarked on how important helping and giving back was for them to do as they completed their
degrees and formed careers.
As these students continue to heal and feel relief from trauma, they also provide a
counternarrative to their individual stories or experiences. Whether their specific community or
the greater landscape of the world, these students sought to give back and be agents of change for
themselves and others. As these participants heal through their majors, there is an elevated belief
in personal self-efficacy, leading to increased positive outcomes (Lent et al., 1994). According to
the authors, someone is more likely to engage in an activity when they see involvement leading
to a valued positive outcome (Lent et al., 1994). Social cognitive career theory as a framework
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helps understand these experiences of African American students, as this theory relies on the
person’s individual narrative in relation to their major and career decisions (Cochran, 1997; Lent
et al., 1996). There is power in selecting an academic major that you feel excited about and
connected to as well. A participant noted, “that what they were majoring in was connected to
how they see the world.”
The Stigma of Being Undecided
The final discussion point touches on the role of indecision regarding an academic major.
Workman (2015) acknowledged that selecting an academic major is a critical decision for a
college student. With such a weighted decision, students may have some hesitancy and
indecision prior to making that final choice. Selecting a major should be intentional and allow
space for students to gain knowledge about themselves and research information about the world
of work (Freedman, 2013). There is a mistaken belief that being undecided on a major, signals a
lack of commitment to one’s goal (Cuseo, 2005).
Most of the students in this study shared their feelings of anxiety and angst about being
undecided on their major. The students spoke specifically about the pressure placed on them by
the institution, their families, or themselves to make a rushed decision and not waste time or
money in the process. For these students, the stigma of being undecided on their major was
embarrassing and isolating. Several participants also highlighted how they felt as if every other
student knew their major choice and that being undecided caused them to feel a lack of
confidence in themselves and their goals. Some participants shared that images around campus
or the way their counselors spoke about being undecided made them feel worse about their
indecision. The miscommunication about being undecided on a major also led students to leave
one particular college and start at a new institution. Research shows that the fear, exasperation,
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and uneasiness of being undecided often compound students’ indecisiveness (Starling & Miller,
2011). Making an informed decision about one’s major and career requires intention and time.
Only one participant spoke positively about being undecided during their educational
journey. The student shared, “I enjoyed every bit of it. I loved going and finding all the possible
resources to help me with my decision. It felt freeing.”
Conclusion
The four insights uncovered from the findings provide a roadmap of the students’
experiences that impacted their academic major choices. The conceptual framework of social
cognitive career theory and critical race theory provided a lens through which these students’
narratives have a voice. The role of racial identity, their belief and confidence in themselves, the
choice of major as an act of healing, and the stigma of being undecided were paramount in all
their experiences and reflections. Given these findings, the following sections discuss the
recommendations for policy, practice, and research.
Implications for Policy, Practice, and Research
This qualitative study shed light on the impact of African American community college
students’ experiences on their academic major choices. These personal narratives are important
to recognize as they create a deeper understanding of how the K–12 experience, familial
influences, and the collegiate setting play a significant role in that decision-making. In addition,
their racial identity as African American or Black had a significant impact on their major
exploration journey. I provide implications for policy, practice, and research in the following
paragraphs.

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Implications for Policy
In 1969, Senate Bill 164 became law and established the Extended Opportunity Programs
and Services (EOPS) program in the California community college system (CCCCO, 2020).
Over 50 years later, 112 of the 116 California community colleges have an established EOPS
program to support students impacted by economic, social, and language disadvantages. Many
EOPS programs across the state now include Cooperative Agencies Resources for Education
Program for single parents and Guardian Scholars Program for current or former foster youth.
The program is a model for what a nurturing and supportive environment can do to a student’s
success (CCCCO, 2020).
A policy recommendation is to establish the statewide Umoja Community at every
community college in the state. Increasing African American students’ low completion rates at
community colleges require a more permanent solution. As the participants shared, Umoja and
EOPS worked collaboratively to support several of them. The Umoja Community can provide
student support services and a window into the African American student experience to
encourage awareness and allyship. This study’s results highlight the importance of having a
Umoja Community on every campus, given the trauma with which African Americans enter
these institutions.
Implications for Practice
Several implications for practice emerged from this study’s findings. If not provided with
a Umoja Community village space, each campus should have a cultural space or equity center
where African American students can be their authentic and genuine selves. This space would
reflect their rich history and culture and make students feel welcomed. This space would help
increase African American students’ sense of belonging and self-efficacy. It would also create a
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community of care for Black students on campus and could develop programming that includes
the students’ family units. Increased familial or parental involvement proved beneficial in these
research findings. In addition, outreach from the center to local community partners such as
African American church organizations, Greek-lettered organizations and local Black businesses
would encourage communal and career support for the students as well.
Second, all first-time community college students will need to take a mandatory major
and career exploration course. Research shows that most students change their major more than
once during college. This course should be extended to all new students to normalize being
undecided and provide a space where they can learn more about themselves and various career
opportunities. This course will dispel the myth that everyone already knows their major and feels
confident in their choice. This course will be a space where students have their interests nurtured
instead of feeling unsupported or traumatized.
Third, all community college staff and faculty members will be required to participate in
trauma-informed training. Trauma results from an “event, series of events, or set of
circumstances that is experienced by an individual as physically or emotionally harmful or life-
threatening and that has lasting adverse effects on the individual’s functioning and mental,
physical, social, emotional, or spiritual well-being” (Substance Abuse and Mental Health
Services Administration, 2022, para. 1). Based on the findings and the narratives shared in this
research, everyone should be prepared to engage and support African American students who
may be processing their past trauma. The work of supporting African American students should
not be left for a few to manage.
Lastly, in their continued partnership with K–12, community colleges should develop
programming and workshops that begin the conversation in elementary school and carries it
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throughout middle and high school on selecting an academic major and looking at career
choices. This programming would be an opportunity to talk with them about what a major is and
why it is as important as general education. These discussions could also destigmatize attending
a community college. As interests mature and realization of identifying a major and career
choice becomes prevalent, it is important to have these continued discussions with middle school
and high school students to ensure they are more informed regarding their major and career
choices.
Implications for Future Research
Much of the current research on the African American community college experience and
major exploration focuses on women, athletes, and students who are STEM majors. This study
lays the foundation for continued research on how these students’ lived experiences affect their
academic major choices. There are a variety of potential research topics to expand the
understanding of this phenomenon. The following recommendations for research would expand
the literature on this topic. Further research should include a study on those who identify as
African American or Black along the various gender identities. The findings of this study shed
light on the role of gender in the major-related decision especially within the family units. In
addition, a mixed-methods study that adds the quantitative data regarding the number of major
changes and units completed would also be helpful in strategizing useful interventions. A study
that also included the role of Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth model as it relates to
major decisions for African American students would be impact as well. Lastly, a study that
includes focus groups might reveal additional findings regarding lived experiences in that the
focus group would create a communal and shared space for the students to voice their
experiences.
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Final Reflections
This study explored the role of African American community college students’ lived
experiences on their academic major choices. This study captured the personal narratives of 14
students regarding the impact of their K–12 experiences, familial influences, and collegiate
experiences on their major decisions. Students shared their stories to amplify African American
community college students’ voices. The journey to declare a major is not a straight and direct
pathway. Critical race theory and social cognitive career theory provided the conceptual
framework to examine these experiences. The study asked specific questions to understand how
selecting an academic major is an ongoing and evolving process that requires time and
information. The major themes highlighted the role of the students’ racial identities in selecting a
major, the impact on their self-efficacy, and misinformation about the major exploration process.
This chapter provided implications for policy, practice, and future research.

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Appendix A: Recruitment Letter
Subject: Participate in Doctoral Research Study about Academic Major Choices

My name is Clara Ross-Jones, and I am a doctoral student in the Educational Leadership
Doctoral program at the University of Southern California (USC). I am facilitating a research
study examining the lived experiences of African American community college students and the
impact on their academic major choices. You are eligible to participate in this study if you:
• 18 years of age or older
• Currently attending a California community college
• Have completed at least 15 units at a community college
• Identify as Black or African American
If you answer yes to each of these questions, I need your help. I am facilitating a research
study regarding the academic major decisions of African American community college students.
The purpose of this study is to gain a better understanding of the academic major choices of
African American community college students and how these decisions are impacted by their
lived experiences. The goal is to highlight the major decision-making process and to provide
additional support that takes into consideration those lived experiences. The research will be
used primarily in my dissertation but may also be used for conference presentations or future
journal articles. Your anonymity and confidentiality will be always ensured.
Each interview should take approximately one hour (60 minutes) and will be audio
recorded. The researcher will also take written notes. Your participation is voluntary.
At the conclusion of the interview, you will be given an opportunity to review the
primary discussion points for clarity. You will also receive a $25.00 Amazon gift card as a thank
you for your participation.
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If you are eligible and interested in participating, please complete this quick contact sheet
and I will reach out to you to schedule the interview. If you select not to participate, simply do
not respond to this email.
Enter Qualtrics Links
I look forward to connecting with you and hearing your stories. Thank you for your time
and consideration in participating in this crucial work. If you know others who may be eligible,
please feel free to share this announcement with them.

Thank you again,
Clara Ross-Jones

130

Appendix B: Recruitment Flyer

131

Appendix C: Contact Information Form (Qualtrics)
Thank you again for your interest in this study. I appreciate you taking the time to share
your stories and experiences.
All interactions will be confidential and at any point you can choose not to continue with
the interview process. There is no negative impact if you choose not to participate.
If you would like to continue to the next stage, please answer the brief questions below and I will
be in touch via phone or email to schedule the confidential Zoom interview.
Please enter your contact information below:
Would you be interested in participating in a 60-minute interview via Zoom?
o Yes
o No
If yes, please provide the following information:
Name: ________________________
Phone number: ________________________
Email address: ________________________
Other contact: ______________________

132

Appendix D: Interview Protocol
Interviewer: ________________________________
Date/Time: ________________________________
Place/Mode: ________________________________
Participant Pseudonym: ________________________________
Interview Script:
Welcome and thank you so much for your participation in this study. I appreciate you
taking the time to share with me. As a reminder, this study looks to explore the lived experiences
of African American community college students and the impact on their academic major
selections. What is or has impacted your major decision is the focus of this study. The hope is
that in knowing more about what has informed those decisions that colleges can craft programs
and support systems that meet that need.
My goal today is to listen and learn from your experiences. Your participation is
voluntary. If any time you do not want to answer a question, you want to skip a question, or go
back to one, you are free to do so at any time. This session will be audio recorded through Zoom
and again can be stopped at any point. The pseudonym will be used throughout the interview to
protect your privacy. The interview is approximately one hour (60 minutes) long.
There are four broad areas that we will walk through in our questions. If that is okay, then are
you ready to begin?
Interview Questions
Rapport Building/Background
• How many years have you been at the community college?
• Are you a first-generation college student?
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• Are you a full-time? Or part-time student?
• Are you in any support programs?
• What is your current major and educational goal?
K –12 Academic History and Experiences
1. What K–12 school experiences (positive or negative) impacted your major or career
choices?
a. For example, interactions with teachers, peers, staff, school activities?
2. What role did the school environment/campus climate/culture play in your
educational decisions?
a. How did you feel your racial identity factored into that environment?
3. What majors (if any) or careers were you considering during this time?
a. How did you decide on those? Why did they change?
Family/Social/Cultural/Community Experiences
4. Describe the level of support/involvement from your family/community when you
decided to go to college? Give examples?
5. What influence did your family have on your choice of major? Choice of career?
a. Was that influence positive or negative? Please explain?
6. How do you feel that your racial identity or cultural upbringing impacted your family’s
view of education?
College Experiences
7. How did college (for example professors/counselors/staff/programs) support or hinder
your major decision process?
i. What would have been an ideal point to get connected to resources?
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8. In what ways do you feel your racial identity has affected your educational goals or
aspirations while in college?
a. Tell me about positive moments or challenges/barriers that you have experienced?
9. How have your college experiences impacted your confidence in yourself?
a. In what ways do you feel your racial identity has impacted your interactions with
the college your peers/classmates? With faculty/your instructors? Staff?
10. What does educational success mean to you?
a. Share with me the educational vision for your life 5 years from now?
b. What do you consider to be the most significant challenge African American
students face in attaining a college degree?
Career Development
11. If decided on a major?
a. What experiences (positive or negative) influenced your decision to go with that
particular major?
i. If not, how do you plan on going about the process of selecting a major?
12. Were you undecided about your major at some point. At what point was that?
a. How did you overcome the indecision?
13. What would an ideal major decision-making process look like?
a. What would have been an ideal point to get connected to those services?
Following the Interview
• Thank you again for your time. The Amazon gift card will be emailed to you.
• I will briefly summarize the primary discussion points.
• Following the interviews, I will have the interviews transcribed and begin analysis

Abstract (if available)

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

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Asset Metadata

Creator Ross-Jones, Clara (author)

Core Title What will I be when I grow up? Understanding how the lived experiences of African American community college students impact their academic major choices

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2022-08

Publication Date 06/22/2024

Defense Date 06/02/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic major,African American,critical race theory,OAI-PMH Harvest,self-efficacy,social cognitive career theory

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Filback, Robert A. (committee chair), Fisher, Chelena L. (committee member), Hinga, Briana M. (committee member)

Creator Email jonesclara0803@gmail.com,rossjone@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111345524

Unique identifier UC111345524

Legacy Identifier etd-RossJonesC-10786

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Ross-Jones, Clara

Type texts

Source 20220623-usctheses-batch949 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu