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Other duties as assigned: Black student affairs professionals navigating and learning to heal from racial battle fatigue at predominantly white institutions
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Content
Other Duties As Assigned: Black Student Affairs Professionals Navigating and Learning to
Heal From Racial Battle Fatigue at Predominantly White Institutions
by
D’Andre Jovon Coats
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
August 2022
© Copyright by D’Andre Jovon Coats 2022
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for D’Andre Jovon Coats certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Cynthia Olivo
Alan Green
Patricia Tobey, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022
iv
Abstract
Racial battle fatigue (RBF) is the prolonged, overarching impact of racism that impacts the
mental, physical, emotional, and environmental health of Black folks and other folks of color
(Smith, 2008). There is a great deal of research on the racialized experiences of Black faculty
and Black students within predominantly White institutions (PWIs). However, for Black student
affairs professionals, particularly those in higher education, there is much more that needed to be
explored about their racialized experiences. This qualitative research study aimed to delve into
the unique lived experiences of Black student affairs professionals as they make meaning of their
experiences with RBF at PWIs and what tools they used to navigate and heal from these
phenomena. This study explored these components using the racial battle fatigue framework
(Smith, 2008), radical healing frameworks (French et al., 2020) and critical race theory in
education (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 2016). 10 Black-identifying professionals in student affairs
departments served as participants. All 10 participants were from California-based institutions of
higher education. The themes identified were that event of entering into student affairs; being
able to impact students; being forced to be hyperaware of racial identity; and navigating racism
and discrimination in the workplace. These all spoke to the lived experiences of professionals at
PWIs navigating RBF. Critical consciousness, collectivism, and external resources represented
themes connected to strategies participants used to heal from RBF. Implications for higher
education practice, as well as recommendations for further study were also discussed.
Keywords: racial battle fatigue, predominantly White institutions, radical healing, anti-
Blackness, student affairs
v
Dedication
To my “Grannyboo”—I dedicate this work to you. In so many ways, you are the reason I began
my doctoral journey. You have been one of the strongest forms of encouragement I have ever
known. I honestly did not think I had what it took to go back to school and accomplish this task,
but you always believed in me. I thought about you often as I was writing these words and I
often found myself thinking about how you instilled a passion for learning, a drive to be curious,
and steadfast perseverance in me. I am so thankful for your love and support, and I wish you
could be here to celebrate with me. Love you forever.
vi
Acknowledgements
Writing this dissertation has been a journey. A journey that I could not have done without
the support of family, friends, and colleagues. To “Melanin Poppin’, I am so thankful that I had
y’all as my friends, confidants, and support while doing this program. In all of history there will
be people who navigated a global pandemic, racial reckonings, while getting a doctorate. We all
did that together. I was a better student, friend, and colleague because of all of you and your
impact. I will be forever grateful to know you all and to have learned so much from you all.
To my siblings, D’Ericka, D’Angela and D’Marcus, I love y’all with my whole heart.
The four of us have navigated the toughest of circumstances and have made it through to the
other side together. I could not ask for better siblings, friends, and inspirations. I am eternally
grateful to be your brother and I owe a lot of my success and accomplishments to your support
and love. What I have, we have, together.
To all of my students. I am thankful to have walked alongside you and learned with you
for almost a decade. In many ways, this work could not have been done without the love and
grace you afforded me. I learned how to be a better professional, practitioner, and person due to
the impact you all had on me during my time in student affairs. Thank you.
Haley, Jordan, Joe, and Katie, I owe much of my success in this program and with this
dissertation to you all. You have been my biggest supporters for almost a decade. You have
provided me with friendship, a place to cry, and a model of what found family truly looks like. I
am forever indebted to you all and could not have accomplished this milestone without you.
A special thank you to my committee. Dr. Patricia Tobey, thank you for giving it to us
straight and making it plain. Much of my continued progress is due to you. Dr. Alan Green,
vii
thank you for your questions and pushing me to think more critically. Dr. Cynthia Olivo, thank
you for modeling what a competent, caring, and effective practitioner-scholar looks like.
And last, but certainly not least, to the love of my life, Tori. I met you towards the
beginning of my doctoral journey and we have been through so much since then. I am so
thankful for all of the calls, brainstorming, proofreading, and more that you did over the course
of these last three years. You were a picture of support and grace and I was able to succeed as a
partner, student, and professional in large part because of you. You model what it means to be
curious, dedicated, and what being committed to doing good work looks like. I am forever
grateful for your partnership, and this work being completed is an accomplishment I am thrilled
to be able to share with you.
viii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 2
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 4
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 5
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 5
Assumptions ........................................................................................................................ 7
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 7
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 10
Racial Battle Fatigue and Its Impact on Health ................................................................ 10
Racial Microaggressions ................................................................................................... 14
Coping Mechanisms.......................................................................................................... 19
Healing .............................................................................................................................. 21
Black Student Affairs Professionals Racialized Experiences ........................................... 23
Black Student Affairs Professionals and Racial Battle Fatigue ........................................ 28
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 34
Connections....................................................................................................................... 37
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 41
Qualitative Approach ........................................................................................................ 42
Sample............................................................................................................................... 42
ix
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 45
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 45
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 47
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 48
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 48
Role of the Researcher ...................................................................................................... 49
Limitations and Delimitations ........................................................................................... 50
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 52
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 53
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 54
Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question 1 ..................................................... 55
Summary of Research Question 1..................................................................................... 67
Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question 2 ..................................................... 68
Summary of Research Question 2..................................................................................... 72
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 73
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 75
Discussion of Findings ...................................................................................................... 76
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 82
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 87
Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 88
References ..................................................................................................................................... 89
Appendix A: Screening Survey Protocol .................................................................................... 107
Appendix B: Interview Invitation Email ..................................................................................... 108
Appendix C: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 109
Appendix D: Conceptual Framework Alignment Matrix ........................................................... 113
x
Appendix E: Coding Sheet With Themes ................................................................................... 114
xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Self-Identified Pseudonym, Gender, and Experience Level of Interview Participants 55
Appendix D: Conceptual Framework Alignment Matrix 113
Appendix E: Coding Sheet With Themes 114
xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 39
Figure 2: Participant Demographics 56
Figure 3: Coding Sheet with Themes 120
1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Race and racism are staples in America; in fact, some say that “racism is as American as
apple pie” (Hill & Lee, 2015, p. 11). Race and the impacts of racism are present with many
things in western society. In 2020, a year plagued by a global pandemic that disproportionately
impacted Black and Brown folks (Centers for Disease Control [CDC], 2020), there was also a
year of racial reckoning. The murders of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and George Floyd
sparked calls for racial justice, defunding and reforming policing, and whole scale
transformations of systems of systemic oppression (Chang et al., 2020; PBS, 2021; Ross, 2021).
As conversations about systemic oppression become more mainstream, there were corporate
commitments, legislative change proposals and whole-scale community conversations aimed at
addressing these societal ills. Many people did work to try to address a problem that has long-
standing roots in the country’s founding. The names of countless Black folks being turned into
Twitter hashtags and what feels like never-ending news stories is taxing. To see continuous
coverage of Black suffering and pain is a lot to bear; thus, the need for this study.
Race and the implications of racism are endemic to American society; there is seemingly
no place where it does not show its ugly head. This includes institutions of higher education. As
conversations for reform and change heated up in the midst and aftermath of the COVID-19
pandemic, and the year of racial reckoning, there was no surprise that these conversations were
being had within university settings as well. The impact of racism, and the legacy of enslavement
and anti-Blackness have wide-reaching implications for society at large and therefore show up
within the bounds of educational institutions as well. This study aimed to look at the lived
experiences of Black student affairs professionals in predominantly White institutions (PWIs) in
higher education as they navigate racialized experiences, the realities of microaggressions,
2
racism and oppression that ultimately leads to racial battle fatigue (RBF) and the strategies they
use to heal from these phenomena.
Background of the Problem
Jim Wallis (2016) highlighted racism as America’s original sin, one that has historically
disenfranchised people of color in explicit ways since the country began. Although racism is
most notably recognized as occurring in overt ways, these days, racism can be more insidious
and can be found, as Wallis noted, baked into the very structures of American society. Higher
education, one of the earliest markers of American culture, has not been spared from upholding
racist structures. Racism is well documented as one of the staples in American higher education
(Ballard, 2004; Feagin, 1992; Law, 2017). Higher education as an institution was not created
with people of color in mind (Allen, 1992; Lucas, 2016; Moses,1999), this has led to people of
color in higher education continuing to be maligned and discounted (Allen,1992). This can be
even more true at PWIs, which is a term used to describe institutions that have White students
that fill at least half of the student population and enrollment (Lomotey, 2010).
PWIs are environments that have historically been a welcoming, warm space for White
people and less so for people of color. This is mostly due to the structures of Whiteness that have
gone unchecked for years. Whiteness does not have a stable, definitive meaning, but it can be
understood as a state of being, a historical relationship to power that organizes White identity as
superior to other racial identities (Garner, 2007). Because of this, White ways of being and
existence are often valued over the perspectives, contributions, and even humanity of people of
color. If people of color are to feel a sense of value in the academy, it is mostly due their labor,
athletic prowess, or as a way of upholding an appearance that the institution is progressive and
diverse (Dancy et al., 2018). Being a Black professional in higher education is often difficult
3
because there are many invisible injuries and slights Black folks face, and because their voices
are, at times, silenced and disregarded.
Student affairs professionals are often responsible for the development of students and
also the everyday implementation of policies and practice that leads to overall success of diverse
members of the student body (Howard-Hamilton et al., 1998). This work includes, but is not
limited to, being the main source of support and mentorship for students, being experts on all
student issues, and even assisting faculty members in supporting student learning (Smith, 2009).
Many students see various departments within student affairs as safe havens and places where
they can find belonging and care. For professionals of color, particularly Black professionals,
students finding them as trustworthy makes their work very rewarding. However, being in a
perpetual space of work and always having to be “on” can be incredibly taxing for folks in these
roles, especially when they are often navigating the same sources of strain and stress as their
students. Having to fulfill these roles, while often not being rewarded or acknowledged for doing
so, brings about a sense of cultural taxation (Padilla, 1994) and exhaustion for Black folks that is
ultimately hard to overcome. In a PWI setting, these feelings, when accompanied by a culture of
Whiteness as superior, can force Black folks to put their heads down and feel like they need to
work twice as hard to show that they are as competent and hard working as their White
colleagues (Smith et al., 2020). Black people have a long history of dealing with racism in this
country; the nagging effects of systemic oppression have existed for a long time and is literally
tiring for Black folks. The everyday lived experience of Black folks navigating racism, coupled
with their work in PWIs and in student affairs is something that causes physical, mental, and
emotional complications and can exacerbate experiences of RBF. This suffering and pain is a lot
to bear; thus, the need for this study.
4
Statement of the Problem
Within higher education spaces, RBF “results from constant physiological, cultural, and
emotional coping with racial microaggressions in less-than-ideal and racially hostile or
unsupportive environments” (Husband, 2016, p. 95). RBF occurs over time and is a response to
daily racism, discrimination, and racial microaggressions directed towards people of color
(Smith, 2009). Microaggressions are one of the central components in perpetuating ongoing RBF
for people of color in higher education. Microaggressions are defined as “brief and commonplace
daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that
communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color”
(Sue et al., 2007, p. 271). Prolonged exposure to this type of environment can pose challenges to
people of color that are wide-reaching. A great deal of RBF research focuses on how racial
trauma, racial incidents and microaggressions operate within PWIs and within higher education
(Quaye et al., 2020). There is also a lot that has been written about how folks might cope with
and heal from racialized experiences and feelings of RBF (Acuff, 2018; Okello et al., 2020;
Quaye et al., 2019). Smith and colleagues (2016) coined the term as a “theoretical framework for
examining the psychosocial stress responses (e.g., frustration, sadness, shock, anger,
defensiveness, apathy, academic disidentification, hypersensitivity, hypervigilance, anxiety,
irritability, depression, and feelings of helplessness or hopelessness) associated with
encountering Black racial misandrist ideologies on historically White campuses” (p. 1190).
While some studies focus specifically on Black men and the struggles they have to endure as it
pertains to RBF, the phenomenon certainly affects non-male Black folks and other folks of color
as well. There is a dearth of research on this topic regarding how Black students experience RBF
and about their overall racialized experiences (Franklin, 2019; Harris & Linder, 2018; Smith et
5
al., 2007) and how RBF impacts various aspects of Black faculty life on campus, from tenure to
attrition (Arnold et al., 2016; Gorski, 2019; Hartlep & Ball, 2019). There is little research that
focuses on the racialized experiences of Black student affairs professionals specifically, nor is
there much research about how they specifically experience and heal from RBF at PWIs.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to delve into the unique lived experiences of Black student
affairs professionals as they make meaning of their experiences with RBF, racism and White
supremacy that exists within PWIs and how they work to find healing. The questions that guided
this study were as follows:
1. What are the unique experiences of Black student affairs professionals as they
navigate racial battle fatigue at predominantly White institutions?
2. What specific strategies do Black student affairs professionals use to heal from racial
battle fatigue?
The study analyzed literature focused on campus racial climate and PWIs. Additionally,
the study reviewed the racial battle fatigue framework to understand how it impacts the overall
wellbeing of Black folks. Additionally, the psychological framework of radical healing was used
to show how holistic wellbeing and healing from RBF can be achieved. Finally, the study used
three tenets of critical race theory (CRT) in education to highlight the lived reality of Black folks
in the academy. A qualitative semi-structured interview process was used to explore all of these
elements and answer the research questions.
Significance of the Study
For Black Americans specifically in this regard, the more exposed they are to racist
events and oppressive situations, the more likely they are to have feelings of disenfranchisement
6
and mental distress (Pieterse et al., 2012). This disenfranchisement impacts Black, Indigenous,
people of color mentally and physically in various ways; one of the specific, long-lasting impacts
seen in faculty, staff, and even students in higher education spaces is the phenomenon of RBF.
With the realities of racism and racial reckonings, and the continued phenomenon of anti-
Blackness in and outside of the academy, this topic feels timely as ever.
RBF is the result of racism. The negative impact of racism, on mental health specifically,
has been widely documented (Jones, 2002; Paradies et al., 2015; Paradies, 2016; Thompson &
Neville, 1999). Strained race relations and hostile racial climates impact a person of color’s
ability to cope and manage stress, which can lead to long term depressive attitudes and isolation
(Thompson & Neville, 1999). Higher education has traditionally been a space that props up
Whiteness, much to the detriment of Black folks in the academy. The constant barrage of
microaggressions and being subject to inequity in these spaces often leads to major consequences
for Black employees. These consequences include feelings of extreme burnout and fatigue. For
people of color in higher education, severe cases of burnout can ultimately lead to anxiety,
depression and more severe physical impairments (Gorski, 2019; Jaremka et al., 2020; Wells,
2009). The exhaustion of burnout for people of color is especially prevalent when they have to
police their anger and emotions as a means of avoiding hurting White people’s feelings,
something that is very common in predominantly White workplaces (DiAngelo, 2018).
Racism is business as usual in higher education because the space was not originally
made with people of color in mind (Bhopal, 2018; Lucas, 2017). Institutions that are serious
about addressing RBF should start by working to account for the racist history of higher
education and their specific institutions. And institutions should work hard to make addressing
these realities a priority. One that is proactive, rather than reactive or just word service when
7
racial incidents occur on campus (Harper & Hurtado, 2007). This might look like PWIs taking a
look at their policies and practice and considering how they prop up Whiteness (Feagin, 2013).
Additionally, White folks at PWIs and/or historically White institutions should, early and often,
work to interrogate how their White privilege has allowed them to racially insulate and uphold
oppressive power structures to the detriment of people of color (Cabrera, 2014).
This study delves into lived experiences of Black student affairs professionals in a
responsible way to understand their lived experiences. Although the aim is not for this research
to be generalizable, the study helped gain insights geared towards helping improve the
environment of student affairs for Black folks and other folks of color. Improved in such a way
that Black student affairs professionals who experience RBF have the ability to find true healing.
Improved in such a way that they can work to thrive and not just survive in majority White
spaces of student affairs and higher education.
Assumptions
For this study, there were four assumptions. First, the participants all have experienced
forms of racism, microaggressions and have had to navigate RBF. The second assumption was
that a qualitative method was the best choice for this study. Third, the qualitative method that
would best fit this study would be the use of interviews and surveys to effectively gather data
from participants. The final assumption is that participants answered interview questions
honestly, to the best of their ability.
Definition of Terms
• Anti-Blackness refers to the denial of the humanity of Black folks. Systemic policies
and practices that regulate Black folks as less valuable than symbols, ideas, and
8
standards of Whiteness. Typically observed through systemic structures that realize
Blackness as property to be controlled (Dancy et al., 2018; Dumas, 2016).
• Black people are people of African descent who are born in the United States or one
of its territories (Jackson, 2001). Black is used instead of African American because
not all Black folks in student affairs are native to America.
• Coping refers to “things people do to avoid being harmed by life’s strains” (Perlin &
Schooler, 1978).
• Healing refers to the restoration of health and/or the process of working towards
wholeness after pain or stress (Merriam Webster, 2020)
• People of color refers to a term used to describe any person that is not White.
• Predominantly White institution refers to a “term used to describe institutions of
higher learning in which Whites account for 50% or greater of the student enrollment.
However, the majority of these institutions may also be understood as historically
White institutions in recognition of the binarism and exclusion supported by the
United States prior to 1964.” (Brown II & Dancy, 2010, p. 524).
• Racial battle fatigue refers to the psychological, emotional, physiological, energy, and
time-related cost of fighting against racism (Smith, 2009).
• Racial microaggressions refer to “brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or
environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate
hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color” (Sue
et al., 2007, p. 271).
• Racism refers to the power of one racial group to exclude individuals or racial groups
from societal rights (Jackson, 2001).
9
• Student affairs refers to a field of professionals within higher education that are
dedicated to student support, education, development and wellbeing inside and
outside of the classroom setting (NASPA, 2020).
• Whiteness refers to a state of being, a historical relationship to power that organizes
White identity as superior to other identities (Garner, 2007).
10
Chapter Two: Literature Review
This chapter provides a review of the literature relevant to the topics at hand, racial battle
fatigue and healing. The two research questions that guided this study ask about the lived
experiences of Black student affairs professionals at predominantly White institutions (PWIs) as
they navigate racial battle fatigue (RBF) and how they heal from this phenomenon.
This chapter is broken into several sections. First, a review of the literature highlighting
how RBF impacts overall health and wellbeing for Black folks. Then, there is discussion about
the lingering effects racial and gendered microaggressions and how they lead to experiences of
RBF. The next sections delve into coping and healing experiences of Black folks as they try to
navigate racism. Then, there is a review of literature around the racialized experiences of Black
student affairs professionals, what the literature says about Black folks in student affairs
navigating RBF and what true healing looks like. The last section provides the conceptual
framework for the study highlighting the framework of RBF, the experiences of Black student
affairs professionals, campus racial climate, PWIs, components of CRT and the coping and
healing process.
Racial Battle Fatigue and Its Impact on Health
This section will describe the impact of racism and RBF on overall health and wellbeing
for Black folks. This is important to highlight because it reveals the scope and gravity of Black
people experiencing racism and systemic oppression. It also points out a need for whole scale
healing practices that accurately address the issue and identifies health gaps that exist for Black
and White communities.
As already defined, RBF is the prolonged, overarching impact of racism that impacts the
mental, physical, emotional, and environmental health of Black folks and other folks of color
11
(Smith, 2008). RBF’s impact on overall health and well-being of Black folks has wide reaching
implications. Physically, racial events, trauma and experiences can lead to bodily changes, folks
feeling more physically tired and in pain and extreme cases of bodily wear and tear (Geronimus,
1992). Experiences of racism are often so intense and significant that the impact to the body can
often show up in the form of physical pain (Paradies et al., 2015). The result of ongoing threats
of discrimination can severely impact a person of color’s flight or fight response and can warp
their reality (Mcgee & Stovall, 2015). Ultimately, the taxation and deterioration of physical
health for Black people occurs because society is set up in a way in which racism and
discrimination are constant and impact everything from cardiovascular health (Churchwell et al.,
2020; Lewis et al., 2014), to the increased likelihood of stroke (Williams & Ovbiagele, 2020).
Health for Black folks, as compared to other racial groups, particularly White folks, has been
found to be worse from infancy through adulthood - some scholars describe this as the racial
health gap (Assari, 2018). Assari (2018) argued that there are two related and yet distinct
processes that cause a health gap between White folks and Black folks:
The first is ‘differential exposure,’ in which Blacks are less likely to have access to
certain resources (e.g., quality education, well-paying employment, etc.) and more likely
to be exposed to certain risk factors (e.g., discrimination). The second process is
‘diminished gain’ or ‘differential effects,’ in which Blacks are less likely to experience
benefits, or positive consequences, from resources in their environment they do receive
and assets they do possess. Both ‘differential exposure’ and ‘differential effects’
contribute to the development of racial health disparities across the life course. (p.114)
Because society is set up in a way where Black folks often experience more discrimination and
racism than White folks, the racial health gap continues to have major implications and greatly
12
impacts the physical wellbeing of Black folks. This makes it more difficult for Black people and
their experiences with RBF and ultimately being able to heal from it.
In addition to the physiological effects of RBF, there are also emotional and mental
considerations as well. Racism and its implications for the mental health of Black folks is well
documented (Brown, 2008; McGee & Stovall, 2016; Pieterse et al., 2012; Williams, 2018;
Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000). Pieterse et al. (2012) articulated, “findings suggest that the
mental health of Black Americans is negatively impacted by exposure to racism. More
specifically, the greater the exposure to and appraised stressfulness of racist events, the greater
the likelihood of reporting mental distress” (p. 6). As a result of experiencing racial battle
fatigue, it is not uncommon for Black folks to feel a sense of isolation, feelings of defensiveness,
and overall feelings of anger that lead to more stress and less trust in their environment (Smith et
al., 2007). Constant racial interactions and situations that bring about feelings of discrimination
and racial animus can be extremely harmful to the mental health and well-being of Black folks in
everyday life (Berger & Sarnyai, 2015). Constant exposure to negative stereotypes about
Blackness, cultural messages of White supremacy, and systemic injustices have historically and
continuously been unbearable to the Black psyche and ways of being. Williams and Williams-
Morris (2000) found, “for some African Americans, the normative cultural characterization of the
superiority of Whiteness and the devaluing of Blackness, combined with the economic
marginality of Blacks, can lead to the perception of self as worthless and powerless” (p. 255).
The consistent nature of living in a society with these realities have major consequences, for
instance, even the possibility of facing discrimination is something that Black folks brace for in
various situations, which leads to hypervigilance, mistrust and more stress (Williams, 2018). The
health implications of RBF are interconnected and complex, which in turn have major
13
consequences for the ways in which Black folks are able to live in this society and be healthy and
thriving.
RBF often forces Black folks to succumb to a continued need to cope with the effects of
racism and/or racially traumatic events that often take physiological, emotional, mental and
cultural toll. Racially traumatic events or racial trauma in general is often life-altering and can
result in a distorted sense of self long after the event has occurred. Smith et al. (2007) found:
In the aftermath of a racially traumatic event, it is normal to have feelings of detachment
or emotional numbness or a feeling of distorted or altered reality (e.g., wondering, “Did I
hear what I thought I just heard?”). Surprise, shock, and frustration are oftentimes
followed by the attempt to force the event from memory, denying that it occurred, or
reliving the event in dreams or in conversations with others. Unfortunately, for most
people of color, these negative feelings or the associated collective memories seldom
fade; instead, they become a part of a person’s life history. For African Americans and
other people of color, the mental, emotional, and physiological symptoms of racial battle
fatigue can develop from exposure to chronically stressful race-related conditions.
(p.555)
As previously highlighted, navigating racism and discrimination is often taxing for people of
color. Not being able to articulate those feelings of marginalization in ways that feel validated
and understood and, as a result, having to internalize those experiences, can cause serious
damage that becomes a part of that person’s life history (Smith et al, 2007).
RBF typically occurs over time in response to racially traumatic events and daily racial
microaggressions directed towards people of color (Smith, 2009). In order to get a full picture of
the elements that lead to RBF, one must understand the complex nature of microaggressions.
14
More specifically, it is important to understand how microaggressions typically impact folks with
historically marginalized identities and often perpetuate experiences of RBF for people of color.
Racial Microaggressions
This section will define microaggressions and underscore the various types Black folks
specifically might face and what that means for their overall quality of life. Microaggressions are
“brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether
intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and
insults toward people of color” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 271). Chester Pierce et al. (1977) describes
microaggressions as “subtle, stunning, often automatic, and non-verbal exchanges which are ‘put
downs’ of Blacks by offenders” (p. 65). Microaggressions can be difficult to understand and
often cause confusion for the folks that they are levied against due to the need to process through
the negative emotions and stereotypes associated with the comment or action. The aftermath of
the microaggression is often more stressful than the action itself (De Coster & Thompson, 2017).
Microaggressions are an attack on the humanity, dignity and worth of people of color. Prolonged
exposure to this type of environment poses challenges to Black folks and other people of color
that are wide-reaching and long lasting. These attacks can be verbal or non-verbal and often
target social identities and result in the defensiveness and hyper-vigilance of people of color as
they try to cope with these situations (Smith et al., 2020). Corbin et al. (2018) described
microaggressions, in their totality, as “inescapable and cumulative expressions of racist views,
dysconscious ideologies, and institutionalized practices toward people of color” (p. 5). As
Spencer (2017) articulated, “while blatant forms of racism and discrimination have largely been
‘condemned’ in our society, systematic oppression and racism can be manifested in less obvious
forms as microaggressions.” Gross and obvious forms of oppression and discrimination
15
absolutely still exist within society today and in fact, microaggressions can be seen as “the chief
vehicle for proracist behaviors” (Pierce, 1977, p. 65). In society today, more subtle acts of
oppression, in the form of microaggressions are somewhat more acceptable and harder to
identify (Pierce, 1974). As Smith and his colleagues (2016) found, “whether racial attacks are at
the micro or macro-level, racism has a powerful and far-reaching effect on its targets” (p. 1192).
Overall, it is helpful to view microaggressions as part of a racialized system. Smith et al., (2020)
asserted, “Racial microaggressions are all a part of the offensive racist mechanisms. Offensive
racist mechanisms ensure African Americans are consistently kept in unbalanced positions,
responding to micro- and macro level attacks” (p. 87).
Microaggressions often require people of color to justify their identity and defend why
they belong in the spaces in which they exist. Microaggressions are insidious and complicated
and have several iterations (Franklin, 2016). They might show up as microassaults, microinsults,
microinvalidations or environmental (Smith et al., 2020). Microassaults can best be described as
explicit, conscious, and deliberate racial occurrences that are verbal or non-verbal, Microinsults
often convey hidden messages that are more subtle that can convey lack of importance to people
of color, and microinvalidations often discount or discredit the thoughts, feelings and realities of
people of color (Sue et al., 2007). Situations where microaggressions occur in these various
forms have major implications for Black folks physically and emotionally and can often leave
them feeling exhausted, questioning themselves and impacting their overall performance in the
classroom, the workplace, and society in general (Sue et al., 2008). Environmental
microaggressions are often invalidations or slights that play out on a systemic level that remind
people of color that they do not belong and cannot achieve on the same level as White people
(Sue et al., 2007). Microaggressions are most known as implicit, subtle, racial attacks on
16
someone; however, microaggressions can also have implications for other identities, such as
gender as well.
Gendered Racial Microaggressions
The implications of RBF and microaggressions may vary when taking gender into
account. RBF and the effect of microaggressions often impact women and men in different ways.
Gendered racial microaggressions are sometimes subtle instances of discrimination and sleights
folks encounter based on their race and gender that occur simultaneously (Lewis et al., 2013).
Black women, for example, can experience racism due to them being Black, and sexism directed
at them for being women. These ideas of gendered racism and gendered microaggressions that
show up in this way “attempt to capture the complexity of oppression experienced by Black
women based on racist perceptions of gender roles” (Lewis et al., 2013, p. 53). Crenshaw (1990)
highlighted intersectionality as a way to understand how it is not solely racial discrimination or
gender discrimination of Black women, for instance, that ails them in society, but the intersection
of both forms of oppression that makes understanding and navigating that oppression more
difficult.
Microaggressions Against Women
Black women are often stereotyped in various ways, including being seen as strong,
angry, domineering, and hypersexual, all of which point back to the extensive history of Black
women being subjugated to enslavement, exploitation, and sexual violence (Lewis et al., 2013;
Patton & Njoku, 2019). The strong Black woman trope is one form of microaggression that is
commonly seen in pop culture and one that has also played out in society writ large. On its face
this notion seems like an empowering descriptor that highlights the grit and resolve of Black
women. Looking further into this trope, though, might reveal a more harmful idea that Black
17
women can withstand any and all discrimination and disrespect thrown their way. Therefore, it is
okay to emotionally overtax, generally disregard and holistically dehumanize Black women
because they are strong enough to withstand (Lewis et al., 2013). Similarly, to the strong Black
women trope that is prevalent in society, there is also a notion of an angry Black woman, which
highlights Black women as aggressive, overly emotional, and loud (Corbin et al., 2018). Both
stereotypical views of Black women are harmful, offensive, and sexist representations that often
limit Black women to caricatures that are unfair and may cause them to censor themselves and be
overly vigilant of their surroundings and the folks with which they interact (Corbin et al., 2018).
Microaggressions Against Men
Black men are also often stereotyped and suffer from the effects of RBF and racial
microaggressions. Black men are often viewed by society as threatening, someone to be
monitored, feared, and criminalized. Black men are often surveilled in the various locations in
which they find themselves, whether that be stores, in educational institutions or neighborhoods
in which they do not “belong” (Brooms & Clark, 2020). Due to unfair societal narratives, media
portrayals and implicit bias, Black men are subjected to inaccurate stereotypes and frequently
have their humanity delegitimized and the value of their lives questioned (Brooms & Clark,
2020). The constant barrage of racial stereotypes and practiced aversion towards Black men
within society is referred to as Black misandry (Smith et al., 2007). Smith and his colleagues
(2007) described Black misandry as a structure that works to “justify and reproduce the
subordination and oppression of Black men” (p. 563). Like the conversation on microaggressions
that target Black women, the layers of oppression are made even more complex when
considering how Black men often have to live with both anti-Black racism and anti-Black male
attitudes and discrimination (Smith et al., 2007). Perhaps the greatest indicator of the prevalence
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of anti-Black sentiment and Black men being seen as dangerous is the pervasiveness of police
shootings and police brutality. According to a report conducted through Propublica, young Black
men are 21 times more likely to be killed by police than White young males (Gabrielson et al.,
2014). The health implications for Black folks being killed, and perhaps even the threat of being
killed by police adds to feelings of stress (Johnson Jr et al., 2019; Obasogie & Newman, 2017;
Ross et al., 2018). Major news stories and the far too frequent cycle of hashtags commemorating
the lost lives of Black men, and Black people in general, certainly highlight a phenomenon that
has and will continue to subject Black folks to systemic injustice. Gilbert and Ray (2016) found,
“over-policing in the twenty-first century is simply a continuation of sociohistorical, legalized,
and structured ways that Black males are criminalized” (p. S123). Black men and women who
face stereotypes and an onslaught of gendered racial microaggressions are not a new reality.
Black folks are being dehumanized and taught that their value is a lot less than that of their
White counterparts. Continued exposure to these elements can most definitely lead to RBF,
physical exhaustion, and increased feelings of stress.
Lingering Effects of Microaggressions
The stress of experiencing racial microaggressions and subsequently RBF cannot be
understated. One study found that while general stress and microaggressions can be taxing
independently, it is the presence of racial microaggressions that magnify the impact of stress for
Black folks (De Coster & Thompson, 2017). Ultimately, Black folks have had to learn how to
live with habitual, pervasive and extreme forms of covert racism in the form of
microaggressions. Black folks constantly navigating the stress of racism are subjected to bleak
outcomes and little hope for change. Systemic racism and oppression can be so stressful and
endemic to everyday life that it can seem as if there is not any other way to live other than
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perpetual coping with oppression - this is known as Mundane Extreme Environmental Stress
(MEES) (Peters & Massey, 1983; Pierce, 1970; Pizzaro & Kohli, 2020). Carroll (1998), building
upon this idea, highlights:
We label the stress of living in such an environment as mundane extreme environmental
stress (M.E.E.S): mundane because this stress is so common, a part of the day-to-day
experience of all Blacks that it is almost taken for granted; extreme, because it has a
harsh impact on the psyche and worldview of Blacks (e.g., self-perception, behavior,
interactions); environmental, because it is environmentally induced and fostered; stress,
because the ultimate impact on African Americans and their families is indeed stressful,
detracting and energy-consuming. (p. 271)
The constant threat of racism that Black people are subjected to does a number on their psyche
over the course of their life. Being vulnerable to these forms of oppression often brings about
psychological, emotional, physiological, and time-related costs. This reality can be so
overwhelming and even more so if the conclusion for many Black folks in America is that there
is seemingly no reprieve or healing except you have to just learn how to cope as best as possible.
Coping Mechanisms
This next section delves into more common understandings of the coping process and
various forms of coping that have been historically used by Black folks experiencing stress;
racial or otherwise. The pervasiveness of discrimination, oppression and systemic racism that
Black folks encounter and have to navigate is significant. More studies are looking at how Black
people experiencing these difficult realities are attempting to cope, which ultimately means
finding a buffer against the impact of stress (Utsey et al., 2000). Stress can cause distractions at
work, school, and virtually any other environment and be a hindrance on overall functioning. A
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person coping is someone who is attempting to adapt their behavior and thinking in order to
manage that stress (Hibbler, 2020). Although the mental strains from stress are certainly notable,
stress impacts physical wellbeing as well. Stress can impede eyesight, alter breathing and impact
the natural blood flow in the body (McCarthy et al., 2000). Lazarus and Folkman (1984)
highlight two ways of coping: problem-focused and emotion focused - both can be effective
strategies for addressing difficult, stressful situations. Problem-focused coping is often used to
address the root cause of stress and emotion-focused coping highlights efforts taken to manage
stress and/or avoid confronting the stressful situations itself (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004;
Hibbler, 2020).
While some research is taking strides to address and explore racism-related stress and
coping strategies, many of these models highlight more Western and Eurocentric traditions,
which focus on individual strategies rather than collective ones (Lewis et al., 2013). One of the
more common elements of individualistic coping is the culture of self-care. Self-care is often
used as a tactic to manage stress, pain, trauma, and even sometimes, violence (Quaye et al.,
2019). Self-care, however, often disregards the reality that recovering from the impacts of racism
requires consideration of the roles of oppression and power (Squire & Nicolazzo, 2019). Radical
self-care attempts to acknowledge the reality of disordered power while promoting self-care as a
practice of self-love within community - a concept not always normal within Western,
Eurocentric ways of knowing and being (Nicol & Yee, 2017).
For Black folks historically, connection to family, both blood and fictive kin (Godmother,
play cousins, etc.), provides a strong sense of group identity and sense of self, highlighting
feelings of responsibility for one another (Daly et al., 1995). In addition to familial connections,
spirituality and spiritual practices such as prayer and meditation have been significant coping
21
strategies utilized by Black folks to deal with general stresses and racism related stress as well
(Bacchus & Holley, 2005; Daly et al., 1995) The Black church, in the American context, has
served as a place where the importance of shared group identity and the value of showing
reverence for spirituality and religious practices exist concurrently (Hibbler, 2020). Viewing
spirituality and connection to group identity as a method of coping is ultimately a way to achieve
and maintain harmony with the world and stave off feelings of stress (Utsey et al., 2000). Some
scholars believe that these methods of coping have existed for a long time and their importance
have been passed down through generations, preserved even through chattel slavery and time
(Asante, 1991; Shockley, 2007). Others hold that racial trauma and stress can be passed down
genetically and therefore so can the capacity for resilience and coping (French et al., 2020;
Kirmayer et al., 2014). Ultimately, any analysis that hopes to offer prescriptive methods for
coping for Black people should recognize the culturally specific background with which Black
folks have come. Relying on the Black community, Black spirituality and religion are just two of
the unique ways of coping for Black folks. The more mainstream, ethnocentric views of stress
and using problem and emotion focused coping methods may not capture the realities of
systemic racism, the history of the oppression of Black folks and therefore may not be entirely
helpful, and therefore need to take a more nuanced approach (Utsey et al., 2000).
Healing
As already mentioned, coping is a process of an attempt to adapt behavior and thinking
for a, often temporary relief from stress. This section delves into the idea that healing should be
prioritized over coping. Watts (2004) highlights the idea that coping is a more passive practice
that often leaves folks, particularly folks of color, who are most likely to experience and suffer
from racism, in a position of surviving rather than thriving. Healing, which is a more active
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reaction to racialized stress than coping, should be the ideal for folks experiencing racial stress
within an oppressive society (Watts, 2004). French et al. (2020) argued, “Healing occurs when
POCI [People of Color and Indigenous individuals] gain critical consciousness about their
oppression and seek to resist the associated racial trauma” (p. 19). Healing is an embodied
process (French et al., 2020). Racial trauma often causes a person to devalue themselves and
makes it difficult to foster self-compassion and find their definition of peace (Hardy, 2013).
Coping processes usually force folks to mentally endure and medicate in any way possible.
Coping in this way is often sought out as a viable solution first because coping takes less of a toll
on the individual and the people they rely on and requires less time and effort as well (Stanica,
2020). The process of healing, on the other hand, is more long term and would ideally look at the
root of the stress (Stanica, 2020). Healing from the wounds of racial trauma invites folks to an
extensive process of learning how to acknowledge their humanity, validate their identities and
reframing the narratives of oppression in order to, if possible, lessen the effects (Hardy, 2013).
For Black folks, racism is a serious impediment to living a full, stress-free life.
Oppression, microaggressions and overt racism take an incredible toll on the well-being of Black
folks and ultimately lead to feelings of RBF. Learning to cope with the stress of racism is usually
a temporary solution, whereas true healing requires resources, connection to community and
time. Through all of this, the difficult part of any conversation of healing from racism is that
Black people are not responsible for fixing the racism they are both experiencing and
subsequently trying to heal from (Senecal, 2017). However, navigating racism and working to
heal from racial trauma works to free Black folks from some of those burdens and hopefully
helps them experience sustainable health and well-being (Ponds, 2013).
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Black folks everywhere in America often have to navigate these conversations. For the
purposes of this study, it is vital to understand how racism and RBF impacts the lives of Black
folks within higher education and how they might work to heal from those phenomena.
Black Student Affairs Professionals Racialized Experiences
Student affairs is a space where trained professionals work to provide for the whole-
person needs of students and help spur on development of students using developmental theories
(NASPA, 2021). Student affairs professionals are often responsible for co-curricular learning
experiences, which is learning that occurs inside and outside of the classroom within higher
education institutions (Howard-Hamilton et al., 1998). Robust data aimed at highlighting the
demographics of student affairs professionals, particularly Black professionals is hard to come
by. Student affairs professional associations such as NASPA and ACPA typically highlight
membership data, which is not a true representation of demographics. According to data
collected in 2018-2019, in America Black people make up about 13.1% of student affairs
professionals in institutions of higher education (Taylor et al., 2020). Overall, faculty, staff, and
administrators remain less diverse than the growing student population. In fact, students are more
likely to see the most diversity in a university’s service staff population (Taylor et al., 2020).
Anti-Blackness
The number of Black student affairs professionals within an institution has major
implications for how Black folks in general exist within a college setting. For Black folks within
student affairs, being underrepresented can mean that non-Black folks will be over-reliant on
stereotypes and have a single story about their Black colleagues. It also leads to experiences of
hyper invisibility and being less recognized than White peers (Phelps-Ward & Kenney, 2018).
Underrepresentation can also lead to more scrutiny on campus, which can ultimately be
24
debilitating to future opportunities for professional development within the field (Phelps-Ward &
Kenney, 2018). The idea of representation of Black folks within higher education and student
affairs is important to consider because of the history of Anti-Black racism in America.
The history of higher education points to a systemic commitment to anti-Blackness and
maintaining historic oppression and White supremacy (Dancy et al., 2018; Dumas, 2016). Jalil
Mustaffa (2017) constructed the framework of education violence as a way to highlight how
physical force, the denying of resources, and the use of social stratification have worked as a way
to limit and end the lives of marginalized people both inside and outside of formal systems of
schooling. Policies and practices geared towards rendering higher education spaces more
equitable for folks of color, particularly Black folks, have oftentimes been lackluster and have
not always led to sustainable change (Harper et al., 2009). Perhaps more troubling is the notion
of inaction when it comes to the possibility of making real change. Patton and colleagues (2014)
argue that folks in power, both inside and outside of educational spaces often tiptoe around race
and racism rather than dealing with White supremacy and therefore resort to inaction that
upholds the status quo. This leads to the assertion by Mustaffa (2017), that White supremacy, as
manifested in higher education spaces, works to convince Black folks that racism is not real,
their culture is not something to hold onto, and that they are not capable of an elevated intellect.
Anti-Black racism, or anti-Blackness is the very idea of Black suffering, the idea that
Black people need to always be surveilled, are less human and that their very existence is a
problem for White people, greater society, and ultimately a problem for celebrating the unique
differences in race and culture (Dumas, 2016). Anti-Black ideologies, rhetoric and policies are
endemic to the American experience; so much so that even new immigrants learn to reinforce the
system of degradation towards Black folks as they come to the country (Phelps-Ward & Kenney,
25
2018). Dumas (2016) asserts that there is a long, extensive history of Black subjugation through
slavery and violence in America directed towards Black folks when they choose to participate in
education.
Education and education policy has always existed as a vessel of anti-Blackness (Dumas,
2016). Dumas’s assertions conflict with the idea that America, and American higher education
have transformed into post-racial spaces just because of the election of the first Black president
or because of a more diverse population overall (Bonilla-Silva, 2015). According to Phelps-Ward
and Kenney (2018), “Anti-Blackness hides within the rhetoric of inclusion, unexamined and
unchecked, excluding and targeting Black people through ideologies of absence” (p 18). For
student affairs and higher education in general, this means that anti-Blackness is more than just
prejudice or bias, and therefore it can exist through even the most earnest diversity, equity and
inclusion policies (Dancy et al., 2018). Anti-Blackness relies on White supremacist ideas when it
comes to acknowledging the humanity of Black folks.
Black Folks at PWIs
Black professionals in the academy have done a lot to advance the cause of more
liberation, understanding and equality. Even still, the reality of race and racism have been baked
into society for a long time. Mills (1997) conceptualized the idea of the racial contract to mean
that race is the foundation for how Western society is organized. Mills (1997) argued that the
racial contract gives an account for the way things are and how they got that way, and the normal
order in which they should be as it pertains to anti-Blackness and systemic structures like the
ones seen in educational spaces. Dancy and colleagues (2018) expanded on this idea of the racial
contract and highlighted it alongside the social contract, which are the moral agreements and
expectations for how to exist in civil society. The social contract “is predicated on an
26
understanding that White is human, and conversely all non-Whites are equivalent to nonhumans,
and are therefore should be excluded from participation in civil society” (Dancy et al., 2018,
p.177). These ideas articulated by Dancy have been perpetuated through historical events and
systemic policies and practices that have exploited non-White bodies and dehumanize them to be
seen only as property (Dancy et al., 2018; Mills, 1997).
The lived reality of the social and racial contracts is alive and working in higher
education spaces. The notion of Black folks existing as property is a national, historical reality
that exists even in so-called progressive institutions. Some studies have found that racial
incidents that occur on-campus, as well as those occurring off-campus lead to race being a more
salient identity for Black folks in higher education - particularly on predominantly and
historically White institutions (Campbell et al., 2019).
The racial contract within higher education is made plainer when in conjunction with
Feagin’s (2013) framework of the White racial frame. The White racial frame (WRF) can be
defined as “an overarching White worldview that encompasses a broad and persisting set of
racial stereotypes, prejudices, ideologies, images, interpretations and narratives, emotions, and
reactions to language accents, as well as racialized inclinations to discriminate” (Feagin, 2013, p.
3). The WRF challenges the idea that individuals are the sole instigators of oppression and draws
attention to racism and segregation as a systemic societal ill (Alexander, 2012; Grier-Reed et al.,
2019). Diane Gusa (2010) delved more into this idea and highlighted the WRF in the context of
predominantly White institutions (PWIs). Gusa (2010) coined the framework White Institutional
Presence as a way to understand how White ways of being show up in PWIs and also how the
WRF is manifested in White ascendency, White blindness, White estrangement, and ideas of
monoculturalism. These ideas are important to considering the overall campus climate for Black
27
student affairs professionals. WRF and White Institutional Presence impact the lived experiences
of Black students, staff, and faculty on campus; there is a great deal of research on the hostile
environments for these groups on PWIs (Ancis, et al., 2000; Briscoe, 2021; Gusa, 2010; Hurtado,
1992; Solorzano et al., 2000). Student affairs, like many other professions in America, has had to
learn to create space for Black folks and other folks of color. And the reality is that there is a long
way to go to achieve that goal. However, many of the spaces that exist for Black students, staff
and faculty to manage and cope with these difficult experiences are often found in student affairs
with Black student affairs professionals who offer care and their time in order to help manage the
suffocating realities of racism and RBF.
Role Strain and Cultural Taxation
Creating space often comes with its own sets of challenges for Black folks. Within
student affairs specifically, the culture often operates with a “yes I can, yes I will” (Howard-
Hamilton et al., 1998) mindset. Student affairs professionals often face uncertainty in the roles
they are asked to fill and are often exhausted by the unpredictability (Howard-Hamilton et al.,
1998). If these types of environments persist, stress, illness, and questions about the irrelevance
of the work being performed can occur for professionals in these roles (Blix & Lee, 1991). Black
professionals in student affairs are often asked to persist in these less-than-ideal situations while
maintaining a “professional” demeanor, which ultimately leads to a strain in fulfilling their role
obligations (Goode, 1960; Hibbler, 2020). Black professionals are also often asked to maintain
their productivity while being culturally taxed, or being forced to be the experts on all things
diversity and attending to students who experience racially traumatic events (Padilla, 1994). This
can lead to Black folks being expected to educate their peers and be the spokespeople for their
entire culture, rather than their White peers leaning into their own resources to learn about how
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forms of oppression and Whiteness impact Black ways of being (Fries-Britt & Turner, 2001).
Cultural appropriation, or “when people within a dominant culture use objects from another
culture without thorough research, and remain ignorant of the cultural context, cultural
appropriation takes place” (Han, 2019), also taxes Black people. Specifically, it reduces Black
identity and cultural markers to tropes and fads for the enjoyment of White people. Black folks
are often working to manage their own mental health and deal with the aforementioned forms of
discrimination, as well as microaggressions, which are an assault on their social identities (Sue,
2010).
Unsurprisingly, these realities can prove to be challenging for Black student affairs
professionals and can lead to elevated levels of stress and burnout. Schaufeli and colleagues
(2009) defined burnout in a work context as a process where “employees lose the capacity to
provide the intense contributions that make an impact. If they continue working, the result is
more like smoldering—uneventful and inconsequential—than burning” (p. 205). For Black folks
in student affairs, role strain can lead to burnout, and those elements coupled with the cumulative
effects of racism, can lead to several unfortunate outcomes, such as feelings of isolation,
wondering whether you belong, and even experiences of racial battle fatigue (Hawkins, 2021).
Black Student Affairs Professionals and Racial Battle Fatigue
Higher education was not created with Black folks in mind, but rather for the
advancement of Whiteness and White supremacy (Dancy et al., 2018). In higher education and
student affairs today, we still see environments and institutional practices that promote unfair
circumstances, exclusion and enhanced feelings of stress for Black folks that lead to RBF
(Husband, 2016). While serving the institution in the roles they were hired for, they also have to,
as already mentioned, educate their White peers and learn how to navigate environments that are
29
geared towards White, monocultural standards and superiority. Black student affairs
professionals frequently receive messages that communicate that Blackness is the antithesis to
Whiteness and the only recourse is to assimilate and adjust to White ways of being in order to be
accepted (Grier-Reed et al., 2018). If they do not adjust and assimilate, the White racial frame
(WRF) can lead to more experiences of racial conflict, discrimination and outright exhaustion
(Feagin, 2013; Grier-Reed et al., 2018).
For Black folks in student affairs, to assimilate, in part, is to be forced to acknowledge
the (White) reality that racism is done. To acknowledge that America truly is a post-racial society
is to concede that everyone is equal and can survive if they just learn how to “fit”, have the right
qualifications, and play the game the right way. This overemphasis on individualism places
blame on student affairs professionals for their lack of achievements, while also absolving the
institution for not acknowledging its complicity in upholding White supremacy (Smith et al.,
2011). Universities often promote statements that highlight a commitment to diversity and
inclusion, but at the same time have a hard time acknowledging racism and the chilly climates
that exist for Black student affairs professionals and other professionals of color (Smith, 2014).
In fact, institutions typically acknowledge everything but their institutional participation in
racism (Harper, 2012). This is most likely due to the fact that institutions, and individuals, for
that matter, will do anything within their power to not be called racist or to be associated with
racism in general (Bonilla-Silva, 2009).
Given the reality of underrepresentation, the WRF, seemingly never-ending experiences
of discrimination in environments that were not created for Black folks, it is unsurprising that
there is are physical, emotional and mental tolls from existing as a Black student affairs
professional (Smith, 2014). Black folks within higher education have a lot to do in order to
30
manage all of this. Black staff and faculty often work to help care for Black students and other
Black employees as a means of navigating and surviving hostile racial environments (Givens,
2016). Even more challenging is that often stepping away from environments such as these,
while helpful and therapeutic, does not solve all of the issues as Black student affairs
professionals feel a sense of responsibility to their Black students and colleagues (Walehwa,
2020). For Black student affairs professionals, navigating RBF is a big task. At times, the only
recourse is to learn various coping strategies and work towards true healing.
Black Coping in Student Affairs
There is often a spotlight on professionals of color in student affairs due to them being
seen as the experts on diversity, while also being rendered as relatively invisible when it comes
to other important topics within the field (Thomas & Hollenshead, 2001). There are also often
slights and microaggressions from other staff, faculty and students that challenge credentials and
status within the institution (Constantine et al., 2008). Overall, managing the effects of racism at
work is very difficult. Coping strategies such as manufactured optimism and the
acknowledgement of discrimination and microaggressions as a way to guard against the stress
that comes with those experiences have been a mainstay for Black survival within student affairs
(Houshmand et al., 2019). Black folks in student affairs should not just have to cope or just
survive while experiencing racism or RBF. They should be able to thrive as well; however,
access to resources that help them survive or thrive are sometimes limited depending on the
environment. Some folks in racially hostile situations choose to cope by either calling out the
perpetrators of racism, seeking help from trusted confidants, practicing self-empowerment, resist
true engagement through use of sarcasm, and even taking part in self-care practices (Houshmand
et al., 2019). The problem with self-care, and many of the other coping strategies listed, is that it
31
often requires folks to take on more tasks in order to help themselves, which, in turn, can create
more feelings of stress (Squire & Nicolazzo, 2019). The notion of self-care, as often asserted
within student affairs practice, highlights White normativity and ways of being while remaining
an incomplete tool of healing for Black folks (Okello et al., 2020). Okello and colleagues (2020)
also assert “self-care rhetoric often feels empty, because the larger structures that do not prompt
educators to center their health and well-being remain unchanged” (p. 424). This is not to say
that the practice of self-care generally is not worthy of being used as a method of coping, rather
if it does not take into account the reality of the WRF (Feagin, 2013), and connections to
capitalistic consumer qualities, it within itself can only get Black student affairs so far in their
journey towards healing from RBF (Okello et al., 2020). Ultimately, the hope of using different
strategies to cope with racism is to develop resilience against its effects (Quay et al., 2019).
However, while resilience is a way to manage the impacts of RBF and racism, “resilience is no
substitute for optimal mental, physical and emotional wellness” (Arnold et al., 2016, p. 911).
Finding the best, lasting tools for true healing is vital.
Black Healing in Student Affairs
It is important to distinguish healing from self-care and coping. The latter requires Black
folks to wear masks and hide their trauma and also use Whiteness as the standard of comparison.
The former, however, brings about true recovery, affirmation of Black identity and worth
(Okello, et al, 2020). Some notable forms of active healing that bring about recovery, wellness
and affirmation for Black folks are the ideas of self-love, self-definition, institutions
acknowledging harm in order to create meaningful policy change, and Black folks developing
critical consciousness in order to move towards freedom.
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One active form of healing exists in the process of self-love. Self-love, unlike fleeting,
mainstream tropes of love, is one that is focused on advocating for one's Black uniqueness and
rejecting notions of self-hatred (Okello et al., 2020). Collins (2004) agreed with this idea and
feels that Black self-love, in a society that is built on Black hatred and disenfranchisement, is the
ultimate act of rebellion. The act of rebellion and healing in the form of Black self-love for
student affairs professionals can lead to Black folks creating counter-spaces and affinity spaces
in their workplace where they can dream of new futures that center Black wellness, highlight
Black empowerment, and new possibilities (Husband, 2016).
Self-definition is another tool that can be used for Black folks in student affairs to engage
in healing from RBF. Self-definition, a theory that was first popularized by Black Feminist
scholars, highlights and centers the agency of Black folks as they work to heal their physical,
mental and emotional wellbeing from the realities of White supremacy (Okello, 2018; Okello et
al, 2020). Racism often forces Black folks to adopt White, Eurocentric, ways of being and
knowing, the process of self-definition is a process of deconstruction and reconstruction towards
recovery and holistic renewal (Okello et al., 2020). Okello (2018) has highlighted self-definition
as an alternative to self-authorship theory (Baxter Magolda, 2014) which is, for college students
and young adults, the “internal capacity to determine their beliefs, identities, and social relations”
(p. 26). Self-definition in and of itself, like other methods of healing will not alleviate the pain of
Black people as they navigate systems, rather it is a curative process that helps Black folks
reframe their experiences towards a positive Black way of being (Okello et al., 2020; Sharpe,
2016).
Another form of healing for Black folks in higher education institutions and institutions
in general comes in the form of meaningful policy change and acknowledgement of harm. As
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already discussed, institutions of higher education stake their reputations of being progressive
institutions that are accessible to all. However, many institutions need to focus on and openly
acknowledge the harmful practices and policies that occur in their communities that impact their
constituents and that make the experience more difficult to find true healing. Institutions can do
this by committing to engaging in social justice research, make bold statements of change with
action items, and work to implement research-based practices that inform whole-scale change
(French et al., 2020). While these actions are often outside of the control of Black folks, and
there is no guarantee that it would occur or be successful, it is still an important aspect of the
healing process.
Lastly, a tool Black student affairs professionals can use to heal is the practice of
developing more critical consciousness in order to move towards freedom. Critical consciousness
requires a challenge of the status quo and understanding the overlapping systems of oppression
that exist in order for those who are oppressed can find true liberation from that oppression
(Freire, 1996; French et al., 2020). The history of Whiteness and systemic oppression will not be
dismantled unless there is a holistic strategy to upend that is both internal and external for Black
folks in society and in higher education.
Healing practices are complex and contextual to each person and each experience within
communities of color. They also are difficult. Black people and their communities are tired and
just trying to make it through the tough realities of life, and substantial healing practices often
take time to develop and are not always going to be successful. There is a strong need for
meaningful healing to be implemented so that overall wellbeing and quality of life for Black
folks inside and outside of higher education spaces can be attained and preserved.
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Conceptual Framework
Conceptual frameworks are meant to provide a structure for the study (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). The conceptual framework typically works as a guide to show how the
phenomena of interest, or research questions, work and what the relationships are between
theories, ideas and concepts (Maxwell, 2013). The research questions in this study are asking
about the unique lived experiences of Black student affairs professionals as they navigate RBF
and about the specific strategies, they may use to heal from it as well. This study draws upon the
racial battle fatigue framework and how Black student affairs professionals navigate and cope
with systemic racism, anti-Blackness, structural oppression and microaggressions at PWIs, and
also examines the lingering mental, emotional, physical, environmental effects and aftermath.
The framework also draws upon the radical healing theory, as well as a few of the tenets of
critical race theory (CRT).
Racial Battle Fatigue
RBF is the psychological, emotional, physiological, energy, and time-related cost of
fighting against and coping with racism (Smith, 2009). RBF highlights physiological,
psychological, and behavioral demands that impact racially marginalized and stigmatized groups,
which ultimately leads to those same people having to focus all of their energy fighting against
racism (Smith, 2008). RBF often brings about feelings of anger, worry and disappointment,
while also causing headaches, chest pains and difficulty sleeping (Okello, et al., 2020). RBF is
often the outcome of extended exposure to racism related stressors, racial trauma and coping
with a constant barrage of microaggressions (Franklin, 2016). Coping is a major aspect of the
RBF framework as Black folks are consistently forced to be on high alert and maintain vigilance
as a way to maintain safety (Giles, 2015). Understanding this framework in relation to how
35
Black student affairs professionals operate and navigate racialized experiences and overall
campus racial climate of PWIs is crucial to answering the research questions of the study.
This study is specifically examining the experiences of Black student affairs professionals
who work within PWIs; therefore, the conceptual framework situates the PWI and campus racial
climate elements as important to understand because of how power structures play out in these
settings (Patton, 2016; Sefa Dei, 1999; Wilder, 2013). For Black folks at PWIs, hypervigilance is
a common experience because of the WRF (Feagin, 2013), structural and systemic racism
(Patton, 2016), and the emotional labor that comes from protecting the feelings of their White
colleagues (DiAngelo, 2018). The research on campus racial climate, or the overall environment
of the higher education institution that impacts attrition and performance for people of color,
highlights the barriers folks of color face on campus (Yosso et al., 2009). Negative racial
climates significantly impact engagement on campus for folks of color and there is often a
discrepancy of what the campus climate is for Black folks as compared to their White
counterparts, which in turn, incites more feelings of RBF (Ancis et al., 2000; Harper, 2009;
Hurtado et al., 1999). The RBF framework is useful for examining the real and visceral impacts
of racism over time both on and off campus, which can be useful for Black folks having context
for their lived experiences and stress (Smith, 2004).
Radical Healing
This study utilizes the radical healing framework to highlight how individual-level
approaches to coping with racial trauma are incomplete, rather a framework of true healing is
necessary (French et al., 2020). The framework delves deeper into the idea that healing is an
active, progressive process rather than a stagnant one. According to French and colleagues
(2020), “healing from racial trauma is a radical act that requires [people of color and indigenous
36
individuals] communities to actively resist the insidious confines of racism and colonization that
have been systematized within the United States” (p. 20). The conceptual framework of this
study utilizes the concept of radical healing to highlight how individual-level approaches to
coping with racial trauma are incomplete, rather, a framework of true healing, one that
recognizes that racial and social justice are necessary for racial healing in a society that sees
racial oppression as one of its historical tenants (French et al., 2020). The framework of radical
healing specifically centers people of color, it encourages them to be agents of change and sparks
a movement away from deficit-based perspectives and dependence on oppressive systems
(French, et al., 2020). The framework also “centers critical-consciousness, strength and
resistance, emotional and social support, radical hope, and cultural authenticity and self-
knowledge” (Okello et al., 2020, p. 425). This shift from passive coping to active healing, while
also taking into account historical, oppressive realities for people of color is vital for radical
healing. In fact, Black folks trying to heal from the effects of systemic oppression and societal
racism without the systems and structures that they are a part of working to acknowledge the
source of those wounds will not be able to effectively recover and manage these effects in the
future (Bryant-Davis, 2007). Understanding the process of healing in this way is vital for
answering the second research question of this study.
Critical Race Theory
To recognize the reality of RBF is to understand that the crux of the theory highlights the
reality that racism and the stressful aftermath of dealing with racism are inextricably linked for
Black folks (Smith, 2009). For this study, CRT through an educational lens is a helpful
framework because it provides an avenue that challenges and uncovers more nuanced forms of
racism that are more systemic and anti-Black (Giles, 2015). Overall, CRT is rooted in activism
37
and scholarship that seeks to understand the relationship between race, racism and power
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). CRT dates back to the works of W. E. B. Dubois (1903) and was
developed from critical legal studies in the 1980s as a means of accounting for the pervasiveness
of racism in American society (Delgado, 1995; Yosso et al., 2009). This conceptual framework
will utilize three elements of CRT in education. Specifically, that racism is an ordinary,
permanent, part of everyday business and activity in American society (Bell, 2008), that Black
folks and other folks of color’s experiential knowledge is equally valid in understanding racism
and racialized experiences (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). The other tenet that will be used will be
the idea that counter stories are vital because they center Black folks’ experience and cut against
the narrative of Whiteness as normal in higher education (Giles, 2015).
The inclusion of CRT in this conceptual framework and overall study is important
because it highlights how the academy of higher education functions as a buttress for White
supremacy and racism (Patton, 2016). CRT challenges traditional claims in education that there
is a dominant ideology that makes way for an acceptance of color-blindness, meritocracy and
objectivity in educational contexts (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). The tenets of CRT that are
included in this framework help provide helpful context towards the overall problem of practice,
RBF for Black student affairs professionals and will help answer the research questions.
Connections
Overall, the conceptual framework used in this study highlights the overall problem of
practice, Black student affairs professionals and their racialized experiences within PWIs and
navigating campus racial climate and ultimately the healing process. In the conceptual
framework depicted in figure 1, the RBF framework is positioned in the center as it is one of the
main elements of this study and research questions. Connected to the framework of RBF are the
38
stakeholders of the study, Black student affairs professionals and their experiences being ones
where they have to navigate and cope with racism, anti-Blackness, oppression and
microaggressions. All of which leads to RBF and the need to heal from this phenomenon.
Because racism is ordinary and part of society, it is a given that Black folks will
experience it both inside and outside of higher education institutions. The radical healing
concept, as well as CRT, included in this conceptual framework recognize that reality and
promote an active process towards true healing. Because of this, radical healing is vital. Radical
healing, similarly to CRT, recognizes the permanence and normalcy of racism in the United
States and its detrimental effects on people of color (French et al., 2020; Yosso et al., 2009). Its
five anchors of collectivism, critical consciousness, radical hope, strength and resistance, and
cultural authenticity and self-knowledge also coincide well with tenets of CRT (French et al.,
2020). Radical healing is situated in this framework with RBF because it supports self-
knowledge, meaningful policy change, critical consciousness, radical hope, strength and
resistance and collectivism. The conceptual framework highlights that radically healing from
RBF leads towards self-love and self-definition, meaningful policy change and an
acknowledgement of harm at the institutional level, and enhanced ability to resist oppression and
move towards freedom.
Figure 1
Conceptual Framework
Note. Created by D. Coats (2021).
39
40
Conclusion
This review of the literature provided the basis for understanding racial battle fatigue and
the healing process overall for Black student affairs professionals. The review included an
examination of how racialized experiences and racism impact overall health and well-being,
coping strategies, and how all of these impact Black folks specifically. The conceptual
framework provided structure for how the concepts are interrelated and how they connect to the
research questions for the study. The next chapter will discuss the methodology for this study
41
Chapter Three: Methodology
As stated in Chapter One, the purpose of this study was to explore how Black student
affairs professionals navigate and heal from RBF at PWIs. The study analyzed literature that is
focused on campus racial climate and PWIs. Additionally, the study reviewed the racial battle
fatigue framework to understand how it impacts the overall wellbeing of Black folks. Also, the
psychological framework of radical healing was used to show how holistic wellbeing and healing
from RBF can be achieved. Finally, the study used three tenets of CRT in education to highlight
the lived reality of Black folks in the academy. Qualitative semi-structured interview questions
were used to explore the lived experiences of Black student affairs professionals at a PWI.
This stakeholder group was chosen as the focal point of this study because they are often
the first line of contact for students within institutions of higher education. Student affairs
professionals, seemingly by design, hold space for students as they navigate their lives in college
settings. This definitely holds true for Black student affairs professionals as they are often the
ones bearing the weight of the stresses of students of color within PWIs. This study sought to
understand the lived experiences of some Black professionals in the field and ultimately be
beneficial to the group when they are both inside and outside of the academy. Especially if and
when they experience hostile campus racial climates and RBF. Additionally, the study served as a
testament to the stories of Black folks who rehash their experiences in predominantly White
spaces only to be disbelieved or discounted after doing so. To reiterate, the questions that guide
this study are as follows:
1. What are the unique experiences of Black student affairs professionals as they
navigate racial battle fatigue at predominantly White institutions?
42
2. What specific strategies do Black student affairs professionals use to heal from racial
battle fatigue?
Overall, this chapter highlighted the purpose of the study, the research methodology, the
population and overall sample that was studied. Next, the chapter highlighted the instrumentation
used in the study, the method of data collection, data analysis, and the credibility and
trustworthiness. Then, ethical considerations and the role of the researcher were discussed, and
finally, the conclusion summarized the chapter.
Qualitative Approach
For this study, a qualitative method was utilized because qualitative research attempts to
understand how people make meaning of their lived experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
Qualitative research methodology creates more space for exploration of human and social issues
and is key to answering the research questions of this study (Creswell, 2009). When focusing on
the lived experiences of Black student affairs professionals who are navigating and healing from
RBF, a qualitative method served as the best tool for collecting highly descriptive data that is
representative of the participant experience (Merriam, 2009). The study’s approach allowed the
researcher to hear the stories and experiences of Black student affairs professionals and, in turn,
gain perspective about the lived realities of racism and see these stories as forms of strength,
resistance, and survival in the midst of the White racial frame within PWIs (Solorzano et al.,
2002). Ultimately, the stories being shared, and the method used to capture them helped create
more understanding and empathy for participants of the study.
Sample
The population for this study were Black student affairs professionals employed at
predominantly White post-secondary institutions in California. For this study, two sampling
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methods were utilized to gather participants. First, non-probabilistic purposeful sampling as it
allowed for the most possible discovery, insight, and learning to be done (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015). I contacted student affairs professionals found on institution website in the regions in
hopes that they could disseminate the initial screening and interest survey to Black staff members
on my behalf. Additionally, I sent out information about the study on personal and professional
networks to seek out participants, with the caveat that there was no pressure to sign up for the
study and that there is no guarantee that they would be selected for the study. This allowed me to
focus on participants with direct knowledge and experience with the phenomenon being studied
(Creswell, 2009). More specifically, snowball sampling was utilized in the recruitment of Black
student affairs professionals. Snowball sampling occurs when initial participants refer the
researcher to other potential participants for the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). I asked
participants to identify other Black folks who fit the criteria of the study. For this particular
study, snowball sampling existed as a viable recruitment tool due to the nature of the study topic
and the sensitivity of the topics covered. Participants were more likely to participate after hearing
from peers who had already participated.
Another tool to assist in gathering a purposeful sample for this study is a criterion-based
sample. Criterion-based samples are where the researcher, based on the purpose of the study and
in order to gather the most information-rich data, determines criteria for participants (LeCompte
& Schensul, 2010; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). The following inclusion criteria guided the
purposeful selection process: The folks that are identified as qualified for this study needed to
work in a California-based student affairs department and/or are full-time staff members at post-
secondary institutions. The title of their roles and even the name of the department varied as long
as they fit within the NASPA definition of student affairs professionals, employees with
44
primarily non-faculty roles that cultivate whole-person, co-curricular learning experiences. At
some institutions, this was called student services, student programs, and there are even
institutions that melded student and academic affairs. For this study, participants were full-time,
non-faculty, staff members.
Other criteria for qualified participants are that they identified as Black. The study did
not limit or specify the definition of Black identity because society renders anyone with even a
“drop” of Black heritage as Black-identifying (Hickman, 1997; Roth, 2005). Therefore, folks
who self-identified or recognized themselves with Black identity were eligible for the study.
The next criteria for participation in this study was that the participants had to work at a
PWI. This is important because of the realities of Black student affairs working in spaces where
they are underrepresented and how much of a toll this took on their overall wellbeing. This also
led into the last criteria that the participants were willing to share about their racialized
experiences and how they have worked to heal from the effects of RBF. These individuals were
sent an initial screening survey that asked them if they are willing to talk about their racialized
experiences. The semi-structured interview questions delved into any and all experiences they
had with RBF and which healing practices they identified.
This study looked at the gap in the literature specifically around how Black staff
members in student affairs experience and heal from RBF; therefore, it was appropriate to look at
all staff from all levels of student affairs practice, whether entry level or administrator. These
criteria were selected for this study as they were deemed best to help answer the study’s research
questions and connect with the lived experience of the intended population.
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Instrumentation
Prior to participant recruitment, approval from the institutional review board (IRB) of the
institution the researcher is completing this study for was sought. As previously mentioned, an
initial Qualtrics survey link that included a short description of the study; questions that asked
participants a series of demographic questions about their racial identity, about their roles within
their department, and years of experience, were sent to participants on the networks. It was also
sent to administrators in the division of student affairs at a large, research one institution in
southern California to be disseminated to staff members in the division, with the hope that staff
members who identify as Black elected to participate. The eight-question screening survey was a
demographic and background survey and was designed to find individuals who fit the criteria of
the study and who would be willing to share about their racialized experiences at a PWI. See
Appendix A for the initial screening survey. The participants shared their experiences in a 60-
minute interview where they were asked semi-structured protocol questions that align with the
theoretical framework and overall research questions of the study. See Appendix C for the
interview protocol.
Data Collection
I reached out to folks who completed the survey and who met the criteria to extend an
invitation to participate in the study. The Qualtrics survey included a “best way to reach me”
section and that was used to follow up with participants. After collecting responses from the
initial survey, a follow-up scheduling email was sent from my email that allowed participants to
indicate their availability and provide more information about the study. Participants were
reassured that they are not obligated to participate in this study and could withdraw at any time. I
46
let the participants know that there were no consequences for participating in this study and their
identity will remain anonymous.
Interviews as the qualitative instrument utilized in this study were crucial to
understanding how Black student affairs professionals navigate and heal from experiences of
RBF. A semi-structured interview technique was used as the primary form of data collections as
it allowed for both structure and flexibility (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). The semi-structured
interview approach, where the same topics were covered with all participants in the study,
resulted in helpful rewording and rephrasing to gain more information-rich data (Johnson &
Christensen, 2014). This study included 10 Black student affairs professionals who work at PWIs
in California and who were willing to share about their racialized experiences and RBF and how
they have worked to heal. The goal with 10 participants was to reach saturation, or the process
during data collection and analysis where no new information and understanding is generated
(Fusch & Ness, 2015; Lochmiller & Lester, 2017).
Due to the nature of a global pandemic occurring at the time this study was completed;
all interviews were conducted in a Zoom video conference format. This approach allowed for
participants to choose a private location that they felt most comfortable discussing their
experiences. At the beginning of the interview, participants received an overview of the study
that reintroduced the purpose, a confidentiality statement, a request to record the interview, and
an assurance that they can skip any questions or ask for further clarifications at any time.
Participants were informed that the recordings of their interview will be transcribed by the Zoom
software, will be saved and stored in a secure location with limited outside access. I informed the
participants that once transcription is complete, copies of the transcripts will be sent to them for
confirmation. Additionally, participants were able to choose a pseudonym that would serve as a
47
way to keep their responses confidential. Beginning with these steps allowed participants to feel
a sense of confidentiality and informed consent (Maxwell, 2013). Participants were also
informed that they will receive a $10 Amazon gift card as incentive for participating in the
study.
The interview protocol consisted of 25 questions that aligned with key areas of the
study’s conceptual framework and: RBF, campus racial climate, coping strategies, radical healing
and CRT. The protocol questions were designed to connect to the literature review and
conceptual framework because they ultimately helped answer the research questions posed by
the study. See Appendix D for conceptual framework alignment matrix. Each interview was
scheduled for 45-60 minutes. During the interview, I reminded participants that they could skip
questions at any time and withdraw from the study at any time. I took notes during the interview
to make sure key points were recorded; follow up questions could be noted; and so, researcher
emotions, biases, reactions, and thoughts would be kept in check (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
Data Analysis
Data analysis was the process of attempting to make sense of the information collected
and involves interpreting, summarizing, and paraphrasing what you heard in the interview in
order to make meaning (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In the data analysis process, Merriam and
Tisdell (2016) recommend reviewing all of the transcripts to allow for the researcher to become
familiar with the data. Prior to coding the data, I reviewed the interviews by listening to the
audio recordings, reviewing any hand-written notes taken during the interview.
After reviewing the transcripts, reviewing notes, and replaying audio recordings, initial
codes were created through the open coding process (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The open coding
process was used to segment data into concepts and categories. The codes were created through a
48
priori process, which is based on the study’s conceptual framework and empirical codes that
emerged from the data (Lin, 2013; Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Examples of a priori codes were
CRT in education (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 2016) and radical healing framework (French et al.,
2016). The codes were then applied to the transcripts and were then utilized to generate overall
themes from the study and answer the research questions. Notes and transcripts from interviews
were used to support the findings.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
As the researcher, I took careful steps to ensure credibility and trustworthiness in this
study. Utilizing participant verbatim transcripts and detailed hand-written notes helped maximize
the credibility and trustworthiness of the study (Maxwell, 2013). In addition to hand-written
notes taken during the interviews, reflective notes written after interviews captured thoughts,
feelings, emotions and insights shared by participants and ultimately how it connected to the
research questions (Finlay & Gough, 2008). This process was vital to limiting bias and ensuring
credibility in the study. The next step in maintaining credibility and trustworthiness within the
study was analyzing the data and cross-checking to make sure participant themes were
consistent, this process is referred to as triangulation (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). All of these
methods helped increase the credibility and trustworthiness of this study.
Ethics
Conducting research in an ethical manner is vital to ensuring its credibility and
trustworthiness (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Part of the process of conducting research is
submitting the study to the institutional review board (IRB) and working to abide by the set
protocols and guidelines that are in place to protect the privacy of the participants. This process
49
entailed informing participants of their rights and expectations regarding confidentiality to
ensure that they feel comfortable taking part in the study (Glesne, 2011).
For this study, I tried to ensure the participants felt protected and that their consent is
gained and maintained throughout the process. Given the sensitive nature of the study and topic,
the purpose of the study was reiterated before the beginning of the interviews. I also worked to
address any conflicts of interest that arose for participants who felt uncomfortable sharing
personal details about themselves, their employers, or colleagues. The consent form was explicit
in addressing situations like that, should they arise.
Role of the Researcher
In qualitative research, the researcher is the primary instrument (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Therefore, understanding how bias and the values of the researcher play a part in the
study was vital to ensuring the trustworthiness of the project. As the researcher I recognized that
I chose this research problem and its corresponding research questions for a reason. I am
responsible for critically reflecting on my own lived experiences and using them as a vital piece,
and yet, not the sole piece of understanding this phenomenon of Black student affairs
professionals and their experiences navigating and healing from RBF.
As a Black person in student affairs, I believe in the potential of co-curricular
environments to transform and develop practitioners, and yet, I also recognize that higher
education was not conceived with Black folks in mind. Therefore, I as the researcher want to
take great care as I situate my personal experiences with the experiences of my participants and
ultimately uncover rich, meaningful data that can be helpful, therapeutic, and valuable to the
academy.
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The year 2020 was a year of a lot of reflection for me. As I was navigating the COVID-
19 pandemic, while also thinking about the Black and Brown bodies that were being disregarded
and disrespected, I was also in the process of brainstorming and drafting this dissertation study. I
thought a lot about what I would write, which problem of practice would spark interest in a way
that resonated with the moment. To me, this topic, looking at the phenomenon of RBF and the
incredible toll it takes on people that look like me, is one that feels as timely as ever. One that
resonates not only with me and my experience, but those who also share my same identities, who
share my same hope for rest and respite from the strongholds of racism. In this process, I must
keep that at the forefront of my mind.
Limitations and Delimitations
For this study, three limitations and three delimitations were considered. The first
limitation was the truthfulness and accuracy of the information that will be shared by the
participants during the interviews. The study asked participants about their experiences
navigating RBF and steps they take to heal from those experiences. The responses were based on
the participants willingness to be truthful and openly share their lived experience, however there
is no way to determine whether or not that was the case. Participants' truthfulness mostly hinged
upon their trust that they were not be risking their jobs by saying something that could be
interpreted as uninformed or offensive.
The second limitation of the study was that while snowball sampling is a viable sampling
option for qualitative research, given the topic of this study, participants might have been
reluctant to reach out to colleagues and/or respond to the initial correspondence from
departmental administrators. This led to specific roles within the department of student affairs
being overrepresented in interviews as opposed to different voices and experiences being heard.
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The last limitation of the study existed as a result of the lingering effects of the global
COVID-19 pandemic. Covid safety protocols and convenience and time of participants made it
so virtual interviews were the best choice for interviews. The reality of that option was that
completing virtual interviews might have impacted rapport and comfort participants felt in
answering questions. It also impacted my ability to engage in reflectivity and observe body
language during the interview.
The first delimitation of this study is that it focused on student affairs staff as opposed to
Black staff members in general. Student affairs within higher education is a developed and
organized aspect of the higher education landscape and therefore has more attention attributed to
its contributions to the institution. Other Black staff members who work in facilities or
maintenance management, those in non-faculty academic affairs positions also experience RBF.
However, because the study was interested in understanding the lived experience of student
affairs professionals and how they are defined by professional organizations, inviting other
departments or staff members outside of that demographic was not appropriate for this particular
study.
The second delimitation of the study was that it focused solely on Black student affairs
professionals rather than expanding the scope to other professionals of color in the field.
Research indicates that other, non-Black professionals of color in higher education also
experience RBF and have experiences working to heal from the phenomenon. However, the aim
of this study was geared specifically towards understanding the lived experiences of Black
student affairs professionals and was not intended to generalize to all people of color in the
department in the study.
52
The final delimitation of the study was focusing on Black professionals at all levels
instead of specifying entry, mid-level or administrative level professionals. There is limited RBF
research regarding Black folks in higher education that do not identify primarily as faculty or
staff, and therefore highlighting entry and mid-level professionals, or folks with at least a
master’s degree and 1 to at least 5 years of professional experience would not provide a full
picture of the lived experiences of this group (Huelskamp, 2018).
Conclusion
In conclusion, Chapter Three sought to provide an overview of the methods for this study.
This chapter highlighted the purpose of the study, research questions, as well as went over the
research methodology; sample and population; method of collecting and analyzing the data;
credibility and trustworthiness; ethical considerations; the role of the researcher; and limitations
and delimitations. The next chapter presented the findings of the study as a result of the data
analysis.
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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to delve into the unique lived experiences of Black student
affairs professionals at predominantly White institutions (PWIs) as they make meaning of their
experiences with racial battle fatigue (RBF). The study is also examining how these Black
professionals work to find healing from these phenomena. Chapter Four presents the findings
from 10 interviews with Black student affairs professionals at PWIs in California. The chapter
also discusses how the findings connect overall back to the literature review. Because this study
is examining lived experiences of Black student affairs professionals, long quotations from
participants are used to highlight and expand on the findings.
The conceptual framework of the study helps frame some of the findings of the study.
The conceptual framework identified the factors that lead to RBF, as they are highlighted in the
experiences of Black student affairs professionals at PWIs. The conceptual framework also
identified a few tenets of critical race theory (CRT) in education that are crucial to understanding
the phenomenon of RBF. And lastly, the framework highlighted outcomes of radical healing
practice. The study was interested in understanding what Black student affairs professionals
experience in PWI spaces and what is done about those experiences. The conceptual framework
helped shape the following research questions:
1. What are the unique experiences of Black student affairs professionals as they
navigate racial battle fatigue at predominantly White institutions?
2. What specific strategies do Black student affairs professionals use to heal from racial
battle fatigue?
Appendix D shows the theoretical framework alignment matrix.
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Participants
10 Black, full-time student affairs professionals from predominantly White institutions in
California were interviewed for this study during fall 2020. The participants were either entry (1–
3 years), mid- (3–5), or advanced (7+ years) experience level professionals, and in student affairs
specifically. The experience of participants highlighted in this study is not interchangeable with
title or position, rather the number of years the participant has been employed in student
affairs. Pseudonyms were selected by the participants at the beginning of the interviews in order
to protect their privacy. Using the conceptual framework and the research questions guiding this
study, the interview questions prompted participants to share about Black identity, working at
PWIs, experiences with navigating racism, and tools they have found helpful for their healing
processes. Table two highlights a breakdown of each participant using their chosen pseudonym
and their self-identified gender and whether they are an entry, mid-, or advanced level
professional. See Table 1.
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Table 1
Self-Identified Pseudonym, Gender, and Experience Level of Interview Participants
Participant Gender pronouns Experience
Alisha She/her Entry level
Ashley She/her Advanced level
Becky She/her Entry level
Carmen She/her Advanced level
Cleo She/her Mid-level
Dante He/him Mid-level
Mariah She/her Mid-level
Michele She/her Mid-level
Rumi She/her Mid-level
Wakanda He/him Advanced level
Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question 1
The purpose of the first research question in this study was to understand overall
experiences of Black student affairs professionals at PWIs navigating racial battle fatigue. Four
themes emerged to address research question one: student affairs influence, impact on students,
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awareness of racial identity at work, and navigating racism and discrimination in the workplace.
The section below will highlight themes related to research question one and will highlight long
quotations from interview questions and the section will end with a discussion on the theme’s
overall connection to the literature.
Student Affairs Influence
All the participants in the study highlighted their entry into student affairs and also how it
has changed since they entered the field as major factors for how they view their current lived
experiences. All the participants in the study came to student affairs in unique ways. None of the
participants thought they were going to be student affairs professionals, rather they had other
career goals. But they all were impacted by student affairs professionals who supported,
mentored and guided them. Nine of the 10 participants articulated that they felt like during their
time as students in student affairs spaces, they were part of a family. Dante found this
environment to be meaningful and something he wanted to cultivate himself:
One thing that I liked initially [about student affairs] was there is this family mentality of
like, we're a family, we are here to support one another, advocate for one another and
we're here to prioritize the well-being of others and I loved that initially, which is really
something that led me into like pursuing a career to create this family environment for
individuals who want to work in spaces like these.
The communal feel of student affairs was key to leading many of the participants to feel like they
wanted to invest in the lives of students. This was further solidified for seven participants when
they were able to see other Black professionals doing this important work as well. Seeing other
Black folks doing this work validated many participants’ callings into the field and helped them
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feel solidarity as they navigated the difficulties of the work. Michele recalled the excitement of
going to conferences and seeing and connecting other Black folks:
There is like a humble spirit in student affairs like when I go to conferences and I am able
to sit with the Black Caucuses of NASPA or ACPA it definitely adds an element of like
okay, I’m not just going through this alone, like we do have some solidarity with each
other, regardless of where we are [geographically] so I appreciate that I can always click
on a [Black student affairs] Facebook page and read some comments and I’m like okay,
we are all supposed to be here and we are all doing great work for our students.
All 10 of the participants mentioned that going into student affairs work, for them, meant that
they were committing to helping college students, often students of color, succeed and thrive.
The roles that they found themselves in allowed them to pay the impact forward and, at times,
see tangible results. Mariah said:
Sometimes we don't actually get to see the fruits of our labor [in our work], but I feel like
a lot of times in student affairs you can see, pretty quickly, just how much of an impact
you can make. And that very constant cycle of gratification, like, hooked me and then I
found out I can get a free master's degree, and I was like yeah, I want to make this a
career.
All of the participants were aware of the ways being a part of student affairs changed them, and
this awareness led them to want to be the same type of change agents for students. They all
wanted to be a part of a found family environment that was built on camaraderie and solidarity,
and they also wanted to be doing meaningful work, which is something this field provides for
them.
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Impact on Students
All the participants mentioned being able to positively impact students as the primary
reason for committing to student affairs as a career. All participants found their place in the field
by following passions for learning and personal and professional development. Rumi attributes
her interest in student affairs to her “drive for learning and people being able to learn about
themselves and about things that they are interested in. It caused me to be interested in the
student affairs world.” Becky also highlighted her excitement and joy of impacting students
when she said:
I think one of the main things that I liked about working here in a college environment
are the students that we get to impact. I think, for me, I personally find joy in the
connection that I made with my, you know RAs, students, whoever it may be.
All of the participants saw this desire to impact students as a way to make meaning of their own
experiences in higher education. The participants had great mentors and guides in their lives
while they were students, so it made sense for them to feel compelled to do the same thing for
their students. Ashley, who has had a bevy of support throughout her educational journey said:
I’m making an impact on a student's life, like I remember key people that were impactful
and my educational experiences, both at the undergraduate graduate and now doctoral
level, um, and I want to do this thing for someone else for a young person.
Impacting students is a major priority for the participants. All the participants also specifically
mentioned that it is the ability to support and impact students of color that helps them feel
committed to higher education and student affairs work. Seeing students of color have the ability
to navigate the difficult terrain of PWIs has been inspiring to many of the participants. To this
point, Ashley also said:
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I've worked with a variety of colleges, within the Los Angeles area, the one thing that
I’ve always liked is just connecting with the students and students of color... um my most
recent organization that I was with I loved connecting with Black students because it was
just beautiful to see them in this PWI environment. It's something about this current
generation that they have this resilience and strength that they don't even realize they're
displaying this confidence of who we [as Black people] are and so to connect with them
and see them at a PWI it was always beautiful [to see them thriving].
Being able to positively impact students has kept many participants in the field of student affairs.
Student support and advocacy often is the reason many Black professionals still listen to the call
to be in the field, despite countless experiences of racism and RBF at work.
Awareness of Racial Identity at Work
All 10 of the participants found that their racial identity is a major factor in their work life
and how they view their work in general. All of the participants mentioned that they have
frequently been the only Black person in their department, which has led to them feeling like
they have had to represent all Black people. Mariah, recounting some of that frustration, said:
In most of my offices I’m the only person that looks like me. And even across my peers
and colleagues, there's very few people that look like me as well, and then, when I break
that down into the age group that I’m in, it's even fewer people. I feel like I’m
representing everyone. I have to make sure that I am at my best, because no one's going
to be like oh that was just [Mariah]; people tend to generalize things and generalize
people.
All 10 participants related to the idea of being underrepresented in their workplace often means
being hyper aware of how they are being perceived and can result in the existence of a harmful
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narrative being created about other Black folks. These stereotypes and navigating the reality of
them can, at times, feel like a full-time job in and of itself for Black student affairs professionals.
Ashley resonates with this reality deeply and has had to try to shift that narrative:
Being Black [at PWIs] means that you could be alienated in some spaces, that you are
constantly reminded of these negative stereotypes that are associated with being Black,
especially as a Black woman [at PWIs] um and now, at 36, I realize that being Black is a
beautiful thing, but it is a constant struggle to um understand self-identity, but then also
deal with the weight of White supremacy [in PWIs] and how they have created this this
narrative of what Black means, and so I feel like we're constantly fighting against that.
All 10 of the participants spoke to the challenging nature of working at a PWI as a Black
professional. Being Black at a PWI often forces them to think about their Blackness and serve as
spokesperson.
There were, however, six participants who mentioned that they did not want to be forced
to think about being Black in PWI spaces because it often elicits a trauma response. Dante delves
a bit deeper into this experience:
I would say I don't often think about [my Blackness], and the reason being is because I
think I've tried to not think about it until something that impacts my identity happens. I've
tried to establish like a racial numbness, for lack of better words, because there is so
much exhaustion when it comes to thinking about being Black that you just become
hypersensitive to all the things that are happening around you.
Many other participants spoke about the reality of having to detach from being Black at times
because of the unfair, unrealistic expectations that often accompany simply being themselves at
work.
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Seven participants noted that because they, at times, feel like they have to abandon some
of their Black identity when they come to work, it is difficult to feel like they can be fully
themselves at work as Black employees. Yes, these participants feel validation when they get to
do work supporting students of color, but the work environment may not do the best job of
supporting them as Black employees. Becky elaborated on this idea a bit more:
I think being Black in predominantly White spaces, the hardest part about it is you can't
be authentically you. um, I think. you know, yes, you try to be you as much as you want,
but I think when you're in a space that is not like you, or [a] space that does not have the
room for you or the resources for you, it's hard to be yourself. um, so I think for me that's
always one thing that I've known that, you know, I might not be able to get the resources
or the things that I may need out of the institution that I work for because they might not
be able to provide me those resources or they may not be able to understand what it
means to be a person of color, Black person working in this type of community.
Eight of the 10 participants recognized the importance of resources and support as they do their
work with students and highlighted this being something that helped them feel more seen and at
home in their departments. Eight participants articulated that finding Black spaces and Black
employees in leadership has done great things to help them feel more at home and overall
supported at work. Carmen found that she felt more comfortable when this was the case:
It's important for me to find Black spaces, I feel really comfortable in Black spaces. I will
say where I am now, I feel so comfortable here, and I think it's because I see a lot of
leadership who is Black and I think that that's very different from the experiences I've had
at other schools. at this particular institution it's really been nice to feel very embraced for
who I am as an individual, but I can't say that's always been the case, right, and I think
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that, often, I felt like I’ve had to show muted versions of myself because of that lack of
representation.
Being hyper aware of their identity as a Black professional has come with some challenges for
these participants. Having to represent all Black folks because they do not have many Black
colleagues or representation in leadership is often challenging. This, coupled with feeling
obligated to make sure there is a positive image of all Black employees, is often really
overwhelming for Black student affairs professionals. The realities these professionals have to
endure in the workplace are difficult too because often times higher education spaces can have
the appearance of being progressive and anti-racist. The participants of this study shared
experiences that were contrary to the assumption that these spaces are devoid of racism and
discrimination in the workplace.
Navigating Racism and Discrimination in the Workplace
Six participants articulated feelings of disappointment during interviews, citing the fact
that they feel as if they give a lot of their time, talent, and energy to their institutions and they
often do not feel a sense of reciprocal investment in return. Instead, all of the participants
highlighted several instances of racism and overt forms of discrimination they experience in the
workplace. Feeling pressure to code switch, feeling stuck in place, recognizing that they are
treated differently than their White counterparts, and navigating the politics in the field were all
common sentiments shared by participants. Cleo made their feelings in this regard plain when
she articulated the unfair politics of the student affairs field:
I feel like many places [in student affairs], especially if you're a Black person, do not
reward you for speaking your mind and speaking up. If anything, I feel like we're almost
punished for [speaking up] if you're not extremely palatable in the way that you share
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your ideas or give criticism in a way that other non-Black coworkers are for doing the
same things … that's probably in every field, but I noticed how with higher education,
specifically it's extremely political.
Cleo and other participants also acknowledged a harsh double standard in this regard because
while Black folks are often not rewarded with promotion or compensation for speaking up at
work, non-Black folks in positions of leadership will certainly give Black professionals more
work to do if they see that they are capable. But eight participants felt as if even showing that
they are capable oftentimes is not enough. Participants felt as if they also had to speak the
language and placate in order to be heard and rewarded. Dante connected to this idea when
mentioning that he feels like Black student affairs professionals often have to do a dance:
I kind of feel like in order to move up departments are looking for a certain sort of Black
person or person of color to represent the department right. I feel like you have to be able
to do a certain dance in order to fit in with the good old boy’s club of the department and
you have to be likable and sometimes, oftentimes, your Blackness is not what is liked
about you unless it fits the profile of a token Black person.
Eight participants noted that that dance can turn into a way of survival in the workplace for
Black employees. In order to do more than just survive, you have to code-switch. Alisha
recognizes the double standard of Black folks specifically having to code switch when their
White peers do not have to in order to find success:
Being honest, I feel like I do a lot of code switching a lot of just like you know, the usual
like where it's like you're just thinking of like, okay, what is going on, what can I say, like
I feel like I’m always on alert in a way that I don't often feel like my peers are especially
like my White women peers.
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Unfair treatment in comparison to White coworkers was palpable with the participants. Six
participants highlighted things they had to do for their appearance, mannerisms, and overall
working style that, from their perspective, none of their non-Black coworkers had to do. Mariah
notices that she has to pay more attention to physical appearances in ways her White colleagues
do not have to:
I don't look like my co-workers, I am not built like my coworkers and so even things like
thinking about what I choose to wear to work, it might not be inappropriate but someone
might have something to say about it, how I wear my hair [as well]. so, in order for me as
a Black woman to live my true identity, you have to kind of take on an additional burden
of not caring what other people think, which is difficult when you work in a
predominantly White area because someone always has something to say.
Participants articulated a loss for words and response to some of these instances. There are
countless more instances of microaggressions that were shared.
Another difficulty shared by participants is that even when they do feel like their
departments and divisions of student affairs have the capacity to try to address injustice, they
struggle to make healthy inroads to adequately address the matter at hand. Alisha highlighted that
the efforts to address racism often leave something to be desired:
The institution is not good at dealing with racialized events, I think we have a tendency...
to do a lot of performative events or a lot of you know, "we're going to bring in a speaker
to talk about this” [type of responses].
All of the participants concurred with Alisha’s assertion and Michele took it a step further:
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yeah, how I perceive it is that we slap a band aid on it, so we start a committee. They, you
know, give a little money when the committee is fighting back, they give a little more
money and then they're done [and move on].
Eight of the 10 participants spoke specifically about this happening during the racial reckoning
that took place during the summer of 2020 as a result of the murders of Breonna Taylor, George
Floyd, and Ahmaud Arbery. Carmen and other participants were less than satisfied with the
responses of their departments:
I also think they [department supervisors] didn't do enough, you know, like it took them a
really long time to put out a message [a response about George Floyd's murder] to
students and it was because I was like pushing it. The fact that it went out at all, I think it
was because I kept pushing like hey, we have to send something out it's not okay that we
haven't sent anything out, yet, we need our Black students to know that housing has a
place for them and that Black lives matter to us.
All 10 participants talked about how these types of responses and overall situations lead to
increased experiences of trauma for them as Black employees. Having to come to work when
external factors are causing pain and then not have adequate space to process is challenging.
Wakanda talked about the challenge of having to manage not only his own emotions, but also
those of Black students:
I think, depending on how [the trauma] hits I have to show up the next day for students
who look like me to give them support and put myself to the side, but what I also know is
you can't pour from an empty cup, and so you might have to wait a day because I gotta
get myself right and take care of me before I can take care of you … it's the airplane
theory, right, you put your mask on first and then someone else's.
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Managing themselves and the emotions of others was a common theme for participants and
something they all mentioned was something they experience almost daily. Rumi found that the
trauma of racism she experiences at work leads to feelings of self-criticism and unfair
expectations placed on herself:
the racial trauma, pain that I experience on an almost daily basis, like, one, it makes me
overly critical of myself, which is unhealthy[and] I think it's created an unhealthy
obsession for me to be great and to … make sure that they are all wrong or to look
professional when I’m talking to people who you know need to respect me or like to
conceal my emotions about a really ignorant comment being made in a space by
somebody we're supposed to be respecting.
All of the participants, in some way or form, talked about the difficulties of navigating trauma
and talked about the lack of knowledge when it comes to how to deal with racialized trauma.
They also mentioned that there is often not a choice to not deal with it other than avoiding, which
many felt was an unhealthy way to address this painful reality. Dante gave a deeper insight as it
pertains the lack of resources available to Black folks when it comes to figuring this out:
There's no class in graduate school or undergrad or in life in general that teaches you how
to be Black [in predominantly White workplaces]. Either you learn the dance, and you
stay in it for a good amount of time or racial battle fatigue or other things overcome you
and you leave very defeated and exhausted.
Nine participants concurred with this sentiment and reiterated feelings of disappointment as it
pertains to how much of an investment Black folks make to institutions only to feel shortchanged
by those same institutions in return. Wakanda and other participants highlighted the reality that
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oftentimes Black professionals will be disappointed and will often have to do things themselves
if they want to reach desired outcomes:
I think, as Black folks we’re so giving that you expect people to do right by you, right,
because you're doing right by them … and it took me years to finally [realize] like [it’s]
not ain't gonna happen so I’m going to take charge myself and tell you what [I’m] gonna
do.
All participants, in exasperation, felt as if they needed to take their care and desire to feel
supported and included in their own hands. Eight participants communicated not having
expectations for departments of student affairs to help them navigate racism because they know
that they will be disappointed.
Summary of Research Question 1
All 10 participants shared impassioned stories about their lived experiences as Black
student affairs professionals and highlighted sentiments consistent with ideas discussed in the
literature review of this study. As discussed in Chapter Two, student affairs professionals spur on
the whole-person needs of students and are often asked to go above and beyond within higher
education spaces often in spite of a lack of representation and rampant anti-Blackness they may
be experiencing. All participants communicated a commitment to their work and to their ability
to impact students, while also recognizing that they themselves most likely would not be
supported in the fullness of their Black identities.
While some professionals never mention RBF directly during interviews, they certainly
described mental, emotional, and physical impacts of racism in their workplaces, which is
consistent with definitions established earlier in this study. The participants echoed sentiments
from the literature review as it pertains to being Black in student affairs, including having to cope
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with the effects of racism, the experience of being Black at PWIs and cultural taxation. The
section below details the findings from interviews that highlight strategies Black student affairs
professionals employ in order to heal from RBF.
Research Findings Pertaining to Research Question 2
The purpose of the second research question in this study was to understand specific
strategies Black student affairs professionals use in their attempt to heal from racial battle
fatigue. Drawing from the radical healing framework (French et al., 2020) and participant
interviews, three major themes emerged to address research question two: critical consciousness,
collectivism, and external resources. This section will highlight these themes by sharing long
quotations of participant responses to interview questions and end with a discussion on the
theme’s overall connection.
Critical Consciousness
Critical consciousness entails examining power structures and thinking about how things
are ordered in order to work through them to reach radical healing (French et al., 2020). Eight of
the 10 participants mentioned healing for them entailed thinking critically about how racism
impacts them in their work and what viable solutions to this problem could be. Half of the
participants articulated a reality that racism is not on Black people to solve since they are often
the victims of racism and anti-Blackness. Mariah found that in order for change to come,
majority or White folks need to work to address the ills of racism:
[Racism] is not a Black people's problem, [it] is a community problem with all of the
other people, you know, like racism is not a Black people's problem, it is people
[historically in power’s] problem and the onus is on my [White] colleagues and their
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counterparts to do their own personal work to help make our work environment more
holistic for everyone.
Six of the participants were adamant that shifting the responsibility from Black folks in the
workplace to White folks or others with power would allow for true radical healing outcomes.
Half of the participants communicated the importance of acquiring knowledge and being
intentional about learning Black history and about the insidious nature of systemic racism in
order to adequately dismantle those systems. Ashley reflected upon her change in attitude and
wanting to study and empower herself more:
Lately I've been doing more reading; when I was younger, I was not really aware of my
ethnic identity, so [I have discovered] some of the great [Black] books and novelists. I
think I was [originally] scared to understand it, so it wasn't until I got to my doctoral
program where I realized that it's more empowering, so when there are racial issues going
on, I actually do read and I try to figure out what's happening and what the root of it is
and I’m able to use [those resources] as a tool to empower myself, and [also to] combat
ignorant ideas.
Seven of the 10 participants highlighted a desire to take more control of how they heal from the
effects of racism in the workplace as Black student affairs professionals. Carmen and many other
participants felt compelled to be more honest with their feelings and allow themselves to be
emotional, if necessary, without feeling like they have to hide their feelings:
Allowing myself to cry; I’m a big crier, I cry all the time. And then being honest, right, I
think it's important for me to share that I’m not doing okay, I think for the sake of my
staff, right, like, I think there's this trope of like being like a strong Black woman or you
know strong Black man and things like that and I’m just, like, I don't want my staff to
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feel like they have to do that, so I have to be honest with them about how I’m feeling
because I don't want them to be like, oh, I need to be ok and not show any pain because
Carmen isn’t showing any [pain] either.
Being brave enough to model their healing processes to their students and their communities was
a major goal for participants in their healing journeys. Many of them felt as if this was the
definitive way to find true healing, or at least it served as a good coping method.
Collectivism
The idea of collectivism means being connected to others who identify in similar or
identical ways to you and that connection is the tool that brings about radical healing (French et
al., 2020). All 10 participants talked a lot about family, friends, and other Black colleagues being
major components of their healing process. Wakanda said having a Black support system is
invaluable:
I have a great support system around me, number one. And those are people who look
like me and understand me [so] that I don't have to explain certain things [over and over]
again. It’s like the collective consciousness of Blackness where we just have an
understanding, right. They don't question or gaslight me when I tell them what I’ m
experiencing but also [they are] the ones who will challenge me and be like, is that what
you're really experiencing at the same time, right.
The importance of being a part of a community experiencing the same things was a common
thread among participants. Half of the participants were also students in addition to being full
time staff members. All of the students mentioned finding other Black students as a crucial step
to feeling like they could have ample space to process the challenges of working at PWIs. Rumi
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realized that being intentional with Black colleagues and going into Black spaces is a way to feel
connected on campus:
I recognize that I need people, you know, like more and more I've learned [how] to
protect my Black spaces [and] my Black professional networks. Like I’ve made it a point
to go visit our Black [campus resource] center more often and just talk to [Black
employees] like, what's up, how y'all doing like, [I] look at the students and like make
eye contact with them, like hey I see you, you see me, like okay great it was [just] me
stopping in.
Taking stock of other important Black folks and students of color was key for many of the
participants and their healing process. It helped them feel feelings of gratitude for the people on
the same path as them.
External Resources
External forces and factors were a major source of healing for all 10 participants in this
study. Whether family, friends, spirituality or therapy, all of the participants highlighted external
factors as helpful. For half of the participants, faith and spirituality was a major element. Ashley
talked about a spiritual discipline that helps her cope and heal effectively:
I’m a believer and Christianity and faith, and so I turned to [Christian] music to kind of
just allow myself to release the emotions and allow myself to release the stress and it's
not necessarily praying, it's just more giving myself the opportunity to pause because you
never know how much you're [bottling] up inside until you actually stop you know to
think about it.
Other participants like Michele communicated similar ideas when she said, “I am a huge
mindfulness person so meditation, prayer, and I also journal a lot when there's huge issues going
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on, [and] also venting to friends”. Overwhelmingly, though, all 10 participants highlighted
therapy and speaking with a counselor as the external resource that they prioritized the most in
their healing process. Becky and five others found having a therapist of color to be especially
valuable in being able to process what they were going through:
I think therapy has played a big factor in that I think I’m an advocate of therapists, so I
think, like, throughout my life, having therapists and now, especially with me having a
therapist of color, I think it truly helps me, I think, also just like advocating for yourself, I
think, for me, that's a big thing like, ‘Okay, I think I need a mental health day or I feel
like I might just need a day away from my friends or social media’ just taking those two
days and speaking with my therapist because it's important.
All 10 participants mentioned something bigger and outside of themselves serving as a
catalyst of working towards navigating and healing from experiences of RBF.
Summary of Research Question 2
Research question one was interested in understanding the lived experiences of Black
student affairs professionals navigating RBF at PWIs. The second research question aimed to
delve into the strategies Black student affairs professionals used to heal from the realities of
RBF. The conceptual framework of this study included the radial healing framework. Critical
consciousness and collectivism are both anchors in the radical healing framework and are
connected to how all of the participants communicated they tried to work towards healing.
The conceptual framework highlights critical consciousness as a process of examining
and dismantling power structures, and is in line with the idea found in the literature review that
healing is an active, rather than passive, process. In the participants’ healing, at least eight of
them directly referenced processes of doing work to dismantle systems of oppression they
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encounter at work. The conceptual framework also identified collectivism as an important
component of healing and all 10 participants indicated being connected to others while
experiencing the effects of racism as very important to their well-being.
Only two participants mentioned the tools of self-love and self-definition as important
factors in helping them heal from experiences of RBF, but all participants did talk about external
resources like spirituality and therapy being critical in their process towards healing.
Summary
This chapter was focused on highlighting the findings from interviews with 10 Black
student affairs professionals. The interview data revealed seven significant themes pertaining to
navigating RBF and overall healing strategies. This chapter utilized the participants’ words and
experiences to delve into those experiences in more detail. The first research question collected
data on the lived experiences of Black student affairs professionals making meaning of their
experiences with racism and RBF at PWIs. The purpose of the second research question was to
discover which healing processes did the participants find the most helpful for overcoming the
effects of racism.
The participants highlighted student affairs as a major influence on their lives, as well as
the ability to impact students being important factors of their experiences in higher education.
Participants also noted that being Black employees at PWIs caused them to be hyper aware of
their racial identity and standing at the institutions. There were also many responses from
participants highlighting the experiences of racism faced at PWIs. In response to the experiences
of racism, there were also several responses revealing that critical consciousness, collectivism,
and external resources like therapy have served as effective tools in trying to help participants
heal from RBF.
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Chapter Five further discusses the findings in this chapter and draws connections back to
the literature review, research questions, and conceptual framework in Chapter Two. The chapter
concludes with limitations, recommendations for practice, and recommendations for future
research.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
Student affairs exists as a profession within higher education geared towards attending to
the whole-person needs of students (NASPA, 2021). Black folks account for approximately
13.1% of the student affairs profession in American higher education (Taylor et al., 2020). These
numbers are often even less in predominantly White institutions (PWIs) (Lomotey, 2010). In
addition to being underrepresented, Black professionals in student affairs often receive unfair
treatment, cultural taxation and are forced to assimilate to better fit into White cultural norms,
which leads to experiences of racial battle fatigue (RBF) (Feagin, 2013; Grier-Reed et al., 2018;
Husband, 2016; Smith, 2009). While there is a great deal of data regarding Black students and
faculty navigating RBF in higher education, there is little research that specifically focuses on
the experiences of folks working in student affairs or student support service roles. The lack of
research has led to a lack of resources and support (Phelps-Ward & Kenney, 2018). This study
sought to highlight practical resources that will be used to support Black professionals in the
field of student affairs.
The purpose of this study was to examine the experience of Black student affairs
professionals at PWIs as they navigate and heal from RBF. Two research questions guided this
study:
1. What are the unique experiences of Black student affairs professionals as they
navigate racial battle fatigue at predominantly White institutions?
2. What specific strategies do Black student affairs professionals use to heal from racial
battle fatigue?
76
This study utilized the RBF, CRT in education, and radical healing frameworks to examine these
experiences. The study utilized qualitative, phenomenological interviews of Black student affairs
professionals in California-based institutions of higher education.
This chapter will examine the findings through multiple means. First, the chapter will
highlight a summary of the findings and an examination of them in relation to research questions,
prior research, and the study’s overall conceptual framework. The chapter continues with
recommendations for practice and future research opportunities and ends with a conclusion to
synthesize and summarize final thoughts.
Discussion of Findings
Ten semi-structured interviews with Black student affairs professionals at PWIs yielded
seven relevant themes. Four of the themes are connected to the first research question, which
highlights the study's interest in examining the lived experiences of Black student affairs staff.
The first four themes reveal a strong connection to student affairs practice among the
participants. Many of them were mentored by leaders who inspired them to do the same for
students. The impact on students was a driving factor for all participants, oftentimes being the
sole factor keeping them in the field. Even with the value of being able to impact students, there
was a common understanding among participants that being in these predominantly White spaces
often meant being acutely aware of their racial identities, often in negative ways. Being in the
field also meant that these professionals were navigating racism and discrimination at work on a
regular basis.
Entry Into Student Affairs
The first theme focused on how the field of student affairs, and student affairs
professionals that introduced participants to the field specifically, helped them make meaning of
77
their college experience. The first finding had participants sharing the reason they went into the
field was because student affairs professionals modeled what a job in the field might look like.
Ultimately, participants highlighted that their experiences showed them how much of a family
the field of student affairs can feel like, which was important to understanding their overall
experiences. The experiences of the participants reiterate the value of student affairs and learning
opportunities that occur both inside and outside of the classroom (Howard-Hamilton et al.,
1998). All participants marked their entry into student affairs as being significant to how they
perceived their overall experience in higher education and noted an element of gratitude to those
who guided them while they were students. This was a very significant experience for four
participants who had Black mentors and guides during their time as students. While the literature
review did highlight the significance of Black student affairs professionals in the lives of
students of color on campus (Smith, 2009), the literature did not capture how significant the role
of Black mentorship, and camaraderie specifically, can be for sustaining the well-being of Black
professionals at PWIs.
Positive Impact on Students
The second theme is connected to the first in that it focused on impact. The second
finding, however, spoke specifically about the professionals themselves and revealed that being
able to positively impact students is vital to their personal experience of being Black student
affairs professionals. All 10 participants highlighted their impact on students as the most
significant catalyst of their satisfaction in their work. Some of the participants even stated that
their impact can be seen on a daily basis in the lives of their students. In discussing this impact,
each of the participants highlighted the conundrum of recognizing how important their roles are
while also speaking to the toll being Black at a PWI often takes. Six participants spoke to
78
specific feelings of cultural taxation they feel on a regular basis due to spoken or unspoken
expectations placed on them and their desire and ability to impact students of color on their
campuses. This is consistent with the ideas of role strain and cultural taxation literature
highlighted in Chapter Two (Cleveland et al., 2018; Hibbler, 2020; Padilla, 1994). Professionals
who participated in this study value student learning and development highly and would love to
focus on student support, but often have to navigate cultural landmines present in their own
experiences.
Awareness of Racial Identity
The third theme connected to research question one was focused on how participants
often had to have an awareness of their racial identity within their workplace in difficult ways.
Each participant had a unique story of what it meant to be Black at a PWI. Eight participants
spoke specifically about their institutions, in their view, being focused on appearing to be
committed to equity and yet, they experience slights, silencing, and having their unique
experiences being disregarded due to their Black identity on a regular basis. Those same eight
participants confirmed Dancy’s (2018) assertion that Black acknowledgement in higher
education often only comes when it benefits the university more than the Black member of the
community and very rarely at any other time. For each of the participants, being Black at their
PWI comes with the reality that they will be constantly confronted with the reminder of their
Blackness as ‘other’ (Dumas, 2016). Chapter Two highlighted that not having to be hyper aware
of their Blackness in White spaces would significantly improve the well-being of Black folks
(Ponds, 2013). However, participants leaned into this idea even more when six of them
articulated that they like to not think about their Blackness at all at work because having to do so
often brings up a trauma response for them. For these participants, topics that are specifically
79
about issues that pertain to Black folks and Blackness in general often give them pause due to
past experiences in White spaces.
Navigating Racism and Discrimination at Work
The fourth theme connected to research question one is the reality of having to navigate
racism and discrimination in the workplace as a Black professional. Each of the participants
could readily share a story about a form of discrimination or experience with racism while at
work. Eight participants highlighted a form of microaggression that they have experienced,
whether that be a microassault, microinsult, or microinvalidation (Smith et al., 2020). Four
participants, all of whom identified as female, spoke about harrowing experiences with
microaggressions that impacted both their gender and racial identities concurrently. Eight
participants confirmed what Houshman et al. (2019) found: that Black folks in student affairs
spend a lot of time focusing on surviving and coping with the realities of microaggressions.
Seven participants talked specifically about being treated unfairly in comparison to White
colleagues and identified these double standards as a source of stress at work. This was
specifically attributed to opportunities White colleagues get that are not then also afforded to
Black professionals, as well as standards of professionalism that Black folks are exclusively held
to. All 10 participants highlighted experiences, whether current or in the past, of having to make
space for White colleagues to feel more comfortable or changing their tones to adhere to
unspoken norms. All of these experiences highlight a chilly reality for Black professionals and,
according to participants, confirm that there is often an imbalance of power for Black folks in the
academy (Dancy et al., 2018).
Research question two was focused on understanding the tools and/or specific strategies
Black student affairs professionals engage in as part of their healing practice. Critical
80
consciousness, collectivism, and external resources emerged as the three relevant themes for this
research question. All of the participants connected the process of true healing to these three
things. In describing their healing journeys, some of the participants described detailed
experiences of trying to cope with the effects of racism while at work in PWIs. In connection
with Chapter Two, seven participants discussed a distinction between coping versus healing from
these experiences. They recognized self-care as a tool, but a tool that you have to use over and
over again and something that is less satisfying or deep than true healing practices (Okello et al.,
2020).
All of the participants noted that healing for them was a part of a journey. They
mentioned that they were in a state of learning how to effectively heal and part of that entailed
learning effective tools. They, like Squire and Nicolazzo (2019), found that coping strategies like
self-care, while important, often left them feeling stressed all over again. That is not to say that
none of the participants thought that self-care or other coping strategies were helpful; they did,
however, recognize that these strategies were a bit incomplete.
Critical Consciousness
The radical healing framework (French et al., 2020) in the study’s conceptual framework
recognizes critical consciousness as one of the main components of true healing from systems of
oppression. Six participants mentioned the process of learning the tools of healing meant
examining ways in which systems of oppression impacted them in the workplace. These
participants recognized that navigating these systems meant that they would need to reframe
their ideas of what it meant to be Black even if their workplaces did not show them that it valued
their authentic image of what it meant to be Black (Okello et al., 2020; Sharpe, 2016).
81
Collectivism
The second theme attached to research question two was the idea of collectivism. Each of
the participants talked about being able to effectively heal because they were connected to
communities of Black folks and other folks of color who could relate to their lived experience.
The participants highlighted the joy of being able to share both hardships and triumphs as Black
folks working at PWIs. As mentioned in Chapter Two, counter spaces and affinity spaces in the
workplace were valuable spaces of rest and rejuvenation for many of the participants (Husband,
2016). Being in spaces where they did not have to explain tenets of their Black identity was
something that at least five participants mentioned specifically as a tool of healing and survival
in PWIs.
External Resources
The last theme was external resources. Nine participants highlighted a tendency to look
outside of themselves for their healing from RBF and experiences of discrimination at PWIs.
External resources like therapy, reflection, and the idea that they are connected to greater
humanity were crucial to their healing. Unlike in the literature review, only one participant
highlighted membership within a Black church specifically as a strong tool for working towards
healing (Hibbler, 2020). That said, six participants did note spirituality, mindfulness, and prayer
as crucial to their well-being. About half of those participants mentioned that spirituality and
mindfulness helped them feel connected to something bigger than themselves, which allowed
them to feel as if healing from the impacts of RBF and discrimination in the workplace were
possible.
Only a couple of participants mentioned self-love and self-definition as part of their
healing strategy (Okello et al., 2020). Additionally, half of the participants were not convinced
82
that there were any tools that could completely heal them from the effects of racism and this was
due to their thoughts that racism would never be over. All of the participants noted that although
their healing journeys would be long-lasting and, perhaps, never ending, the process of healing is
important and necessary for their well-being. They also reflected upon the importance of
recognizing that racism was not their issue to solve, but rather something that they have to
navigate, but not something that should define their ways of life.
Implications for Practice
Critical race theory (CRT) in education was a valuable element of this study’s conceptual
framework as it highlights the reality of RBF spoken and recalled by the participants in this
study. One of the tenets of this study’s conceptual framework that was drawn specifically from
CRT in education is the idea that the experiential knowledge of people of color is legitimate,
valuable, and a credible source of understanding their experience with racism and RBF
(Solorzano & Yosso, 2002). Utilizing the conceptual framework, lived experiences, and stories
from participants will help shape the implications for practice for this study. One of the protocol
questions during the interviews asked participants, “What specific things do you think leaders in
student affairs can do to better support Black employees as they cope with and heal from racism
and feelings of racial battle fatigue?” This question, concocted from the literature and conceptual
framework, asked professionals to consider their lived experience and to decide what healing
from RBF looks like for them. The answers to this question, as well as supplemental stories from
participants informed the implications for practice. This section addresses how the study informs
the practice of professionals in student affairs. Four implications for practice were identified:
Using Black pain is not your teacher; effectively addressing racialized events; resistance, calling
in Black, and radical healing; and the last implication is intentional and sustainable spaces.
83
Black Pain Is Not Your Teacher
The first implication for practice relies on the idea that Black pain is not something to be
spectated or exploited for the education of non-Black folks. All of the Black professionals in this
study shared stories of having to navigate the harsh realities of racism and discrimination in their
workplace and having to educate their non-Black peers. Wakanda, in speaking about how they
learn to heal from RBF, mentioned that it is hard to make PWI spaces better without being
exploited and having your story be the catalyst for change displayed for all White folks. They
said,
How do you teach the lesson without showing the laceration, how do you teach the lesson
without allowing your scars to be shown all the time? We often pass along the lesson of
how to not be racist with the scar from our experience of racism that comes with it and
that is often really triggering.
This study has highlighted how PWIs are often a buttress for White supremacy and racism
(Patton, 2016). Black folks in this study called attention to how they often bear the brunt of PWI
specific racism and over time this manifest into RBF. This study should serve as a tool for non-
Black staff, faculty, and administrators to recognize that racism is not the responsibility of Black
people to solve. This can be accomplished by White staff, leaders, and administrators in student
affairs working to recognize that experiential knowledge or counter stories should not be the
primary way to learn about the racialized experiences of Black folks at PWIs, but treated as
valuable nonetheless. More plainly, the participants in this study mentioned that they, at times,
feel exploited for their lived experiences of racial trauma and pain in order to help non-Black
folks learn how to not be racist or worse, show pity. Opportunities to reflect, when offered
unprompted by Black student affairs professionals, should not be the sole method of learning for
84
non-Black folks. Rather these reflections should be opportunities for non-Black folks to be
empathetic and to listen. These experiences shared by participants in this study can be used as a
cautionary tale for how to respond to Black employees and their stories and as a point of
reflection on what taxing these same folks might look like. This study could also be used to
highlight the realities of racism and serve as an inflection point for folks in power to try to
change the overall racial climate of student affairs departments.
Effectively Addressing Racialized Events
The second implication for practice is connected to the first, and it is that White
stakeholders who supervise and work with Black student affairs professionals should use this
study’s findings to learn how to properly and effectively address racialized events. The
university is often a reflection of larger society, meaning that the realities of Black individuals
outside of the institution are often the realities of those inside (Struppa, 2021). Participants in this
study expressed disappointment at the lack of empathy, ability, and knowledge their White
colleagues and supervisors were able to provide in helping Black folks navigate global racial
catastrophes. Several participants highlighted feeling singled out or having to do the work to
speak about national or global situations regarding race. This was especially true, according to
six participants, when the topic was around traumatic, anti-Black events. The stories laid out in
this study should, at the very least, give White colleagues, staff, and administrators cause to
pause and think about what messages are communicated after these events occur. The literature
review and conceptual framework of radical healing can work to provide practical language for
intervention and care strategies.
Resistance, Calling In Black, and Radical Healing
85
The radical healing framework draws upon several critical theories and is geared to move
beyond individual-level approaches to coping with and healing from racial trauma (French et al.,
2020). The third overall implication is from the radical healing framework component of strength
and resistance. Strength and resistance within the radical healing framework often resemble
Black and other folks of color using critical consciousness in order to foster a sense of radical
hope and strength to overcome adversity caused by racial trauma (French et al., 2020). As a way
of manifesting this strength and resistance, several participants noted needing to “call in Black”
or taking mental health space and resisting participating in the status quo when racial trauma was
occurring for Black folks collectively (McCluney et al., 2020).
Black practitioners reading this study should feel compelled to participate in this radical
strength and resistance practice and take space for their well-being. As several participants in this
study noted, taking part in resistance efforts is an active process that requires critical
consciousness, reflection and self-knowledge. Black practitioners should use this study as a road
map to understanding what true healing entails and use the stories from participants in order to
find models for this practice. Additionally, White colleagues, staff, and administrators should
grapple with the reality that negative racial work climates have a distinct impact on Black
professionals (Thompson & Neville, 1999). This is particularly true when anti-Black racialized
events occur in the higher education landscape (Dancy et al., 2018). In solidarity with and
awareness of Black colleagues, White practitioners should work to take practical action to
provide pathways for Black professionals to call in Black.
Intentional and Sustainable Spaces
The fourth implication is for White and other non-Black leaders and administrators to use
this research to create intentional, consistent physical and mental space for Black professionals in
86
their institutions. Working with this data to create affinity groups, Black mentorship groups, and
a professional learning culture for Black professionals would be a value added to the
communities of practice of Black professionals in student affairs at PWIs. Leaders in student
affairs using this study’s literature, especially literature about the Black experience in student
affairs as well as stories highlighted in Chapter Four, need to first understand the unique needs
for their staff. Understanding unique needs will serve as a way to begin to create more
sustainable spaces for Black student affairs professionals at PWIs.
To this same end, for the sake of their overall wellbeing, Black folks may not be able to
wait for their White leaders and administrators to be able to create this intentional space for
them. This study revealed that for participants, collectivism is an important tool used to heal
from RBF, so having spaces that are safe and that allow them to be themselves with people who
speak the same language is key if there is no space that is created by non-Black leaders. The
radical healing framework finds that collectivist mindsets bring about more authenticity and
flourishing (French et al., 2020). This study should encourage Black professionals to recognize
the need for creating or finding empowering spaces that resist oppressive structures and allow
them to reflect and affirm their identities. These spaces are often the most supportive spaces that
can provide true healing from RBF at PWIs (Husband, 2016).
This study yielded a great deal of rich data and experiential knowledge from participants,
which will be very valuable as tools to help practice. There are certainly many more implications
for practice that could have been named, however, this study found that the four implications
identified in this section were connected to the findings, conceptual framework, and literature
review. These implications, if thoughtfully considered and implemented, have the potential to
bring about positive outcomes for change and possibly true healing for Black student affairs
87
professionals navigating RBF at PWIs. The next section will discuss possibilities for future
research.
Future Research
There are several timely topics and data this study could be used as a framework or
foundation for. Additional research could examine:
1. This study was focused specifically on the lived experiences of Black student affairs
professionals, future students should focus on the experiences of professionals of
color as a whole in PWIs (Briscoe, 2021; Burke & Robinson, 2019; Linder et al.,
2015) as well as Queer and Transgender professionals of color in PWIs (Byers et al.,
2020; Fernando et al., 2021; Kanagala & Oliver, 2019; Rutledge, 2021). A study that
focuses on the intersectionality of identity in PWI spaces would yield valuable
implications for practice in the field of student affairs.
2. This study focuses heavily on the impacts of racism at work. A future beneficial study
might entail looking into western standards for work and how racism is infused into
work standards and ideals of professionalism (Jones & Robinson, 2021). Such a study
might also draw connections between anti-Blackness and capitalism (Bledsoe &
Wright, 2019).
3. A future study might also look into making these findings more generalizable and
creating a quantitative study on the impact of RBF on the retention of professionals of
color at PWIs. Going even further into that idea, the study could highlight the
experiences for professionals outside of California.
88
Conclusions
Racism is endemic to American society and ways of life (Hill & Lee, 2015). There are
virtually no places in this country where racism does not exist in some form; whether overt,
systemic, and implicit or otherwise, the impacts of racism are often wide-reaching. The point of
this qualitative study was to understand how Black professionals who work in student affairs
navigate racism that is so impactful it takes a mental, physical, and emotional toll on their lives.
The study utilized CRT and the radical healing framework to connect all of the data and to
situate the problem within the literature. Impactful stories shared by participants in this study
highlighted the need for predominantly White institutions to grapple with the realities as they
exist for Black professionals.
In order for professionals at predominantly White institutions to heal and thrive, there
needs to be real energy and commitment to addressing racism, providing support, and giving real
space for wellbeing and processing. Creating communities of care and not forcing Black folks to
manage pain by coping will allow for true, radical healing to occur. This study serves as a
rallying cry for institutions to be intentional about their work in eliminating anti-Black structures
and sentiment. Hopefully institutions feel compelled to answer that call.
89
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Appendix A: Screening Survey Protocol
Thank you for your interest in this research study and for taking the time to fill out this
survey. This study is interested in understanding how Black student affairs professionals
navigate and heal from racial battle fatigue. If you meet the study criteria, you may be contacted
to participate in a confidential Zoom or in-person interview.
1. Full Name
2. Pronouns
3. Do you identify as Black?
a. Yes
i. Do you identify with any other ethnicity?
b. No
i. Thank you for your participation in this study!
4. Is your current role in a department of student affairs?
a. Yes
i. What is the title of your current work role?
b. No
i. Thank you for your participation in this study!
5. Are you full-time?
a. Yes
b. No
6. This study is interested in speaking with folks about racial battle fatigue and overall
racialized experiences at PWIs. Would you be willing to discuss your racialized
experience at your current or former institutions?
a. No
i. Thank you for participating in this survey! Your time and insights are
greatly appreciated.
b. Yes
7. Further participation in this study consists of a 45–60-minute interview either via
Zoom or in person. Are you interested in participating in the interview?
a. No
i. Thank you for participating in this survey! Your time and insights are
greatly appreciated.
b. Yes
i. Thank you for your interest! The next steps will include setting up a date
and time for the 45–60-minute interview. Interviews are expected to take
place between September and November 2021, per your availability. If
you are interviewed for this study, a $10 Amazon gift card will be given to
you for your time.
108
Appendix B: Interview Invitation Email
To: {Participants Email Address}
Sender Email: dandreco@usc.edu
Sender Name: D’Andre Coats
Subject: Interview Request: Black Student Belonging on Campus
Hello {Participants First Name}
Thank you for participating in the survey and for your overall interest in my study that is
looking at experiences of Black student affairs professionals as they navigate and heal from
racial battle fatigue.
For your information, the research questions of this study are as follows: What are the unique
experiences of Black Student Affairs professionals as they navigate racial battle fatigue at
predominantly White institutions? And, What specific strategies do Black Student Affairs
Professionals use to heal from racial battle fatigue?
Based on your survey responses, I would like to invite you to participate in my study - I believe
your contributions will be helpful for me in answering my research questions. The study will be
conducted in the form of a one-on-one interview that will be either in person or via Zoom,
depending on your preferences. The interview will last approximately 45-60 minutes. Please note
that the interview will be recorded so that I can ensure that I fully and accurately capture your
responses.
Please let me know if you are still interested in participating in this study by responding directly
to this email. I will then send you a link to identify your availability for the interview.
Additionally, for participating in this study, you will receive a $10 Amazon gift card for your
time.
Please do not hesitate to let me know if you have any questions or concerns.
Thank you,
109
Appendix C: Interview Protocol
Participant Pseudonym:
Date:
Introduction:
Hello, thank you for being willing to give your time and experiences to help me complete this
study. Your participation is vital, and I will try my best to honor your time.
Before we get started, I wanted to do a quick overview of the study just to remind you about the
scope as well as answer any lingering questions you might have as a participant. I am a USC
employee in the Office for Residential Education. Additionally, I am a student at USC – for the
purposes of this study, I am fulfilling my role as a student. I am conducting a study focused on
the lived experiences of Black student affairs staff at predominantly White institutions as they
navigate racial battle fatigue and how they heal from this phenomenon as well.
My hope today is to understand your perspective, so I will take strides to listen and fully capture
your experience, and I might, periodically, ask follow-up questions to make sure I am
understanding the fullness of your responses. I would hope that you feel comfortable in
providing your thoughts and experiences in a way that is unimpeded. This interview is
confidential, which means that your name or any identifiable information will not be shared with
anyone else. What you share with me will be compiled into a report and direct quotes will be
used; however, none of the data will be directly attributed to you. I will use the pseudonym you
selected above to protect your confidentiality and will try my best to de-identify any of the data I
gather from you. In addition to these measures, I also am able to provide you with a copy of my
final product.
As a reminder, I hope to record this interview as a way to accurately and effectively capture what
you share with me. Again, the recording is solely for my purposes and will not be shared outside
of you and me. May I have your permission to record our conversation?
Do you have any questions before we begin?
Interview Questions:
I would like to start by asking you some background questions about you and your experience
thus far.
1. Can you tell me about yourself as early as you can remember?
2. What would you say is interesting about where you are from or where you grew up?
3. Who are people in your life who have influenced you the most?
110
Next, I would like to ask about your career in student affairs.
4. What led you to pursue a career in student affairs?
a. Probe: What about your current role attracted you?
5. Who are the people in your job who influence you the most?
a. Probe: what about them influences you?
6. What is a typical day at work like for you?
7. What are 1-2 things you have liked and 1-2 things you have disliked in colleges
where you worked?
8. Can you describe a time where you have felt supported in your work?
a. Probe: Can you describe a time you have not felt supported?
I’d like to ask you some questions about your identities and working at a predominantly White
institution.
9. How often do you think about your racial identity at work?
a. Probe: Can you describe times you have noticed your race?
10. How does your racial identity influence the work you do?
11. Tell me about how you feel about being Black in predominantly white spaces?
a. Probe: What is hard about it and what do you find not as difficult?
12. What types of racial problems do you notice on your campus?
a. Probe: Have you ever experienced any of those problems personally?
13. Can you tell me about how you perceive your campus or overall department and how
they deal with racial problems?
14. What is the hardest thing about being a Black employee in your department?
15. Describe your interactions with non-Black peers, subordinates, supervisors,
colleagues or other employees on your campus.
16. Do you perceive that your white and other non-Black colleagues are treated better
than you?
a. Probe: What might give you that impression?
111
Next, I’d like to ask you more about your racialized experiences and talk about racial battle
fatigue, which is the psychological, emotional, physiological, energy, and time-related cost of
fighting against and coping with racism.
17. Within the last five to ten years, have you ever experienced either racial
discrimination, microaggressions, race-based harm, or racism in your workplace?
a. Probe: Can you tell me about that experience or experience?
b. Probe: If and when any of these things happened, who, if anyone, did you tell?
18. Describe what comes to mind when you hear “microaggressions”?
19. How has navigating racism, microaggressions and other forms of race-based harm
impacted you mentally, physically and emotionally?
a. Probe: Can you provide examples of what this looks like?
Finally, I would like to ask you a few questions about how you have learned to cope with and
heal from feelings of racial battle fatigue and race-based harm
20. What tools and strategies do you use to cope with difficult racialized situations that
occur in your workplace?
a. Probe: How did you learn these strategies?
21. Do you think there is a difference between coping with racism and healing from
racism?
a. Probe: If so, how would you describe the difference?
22. Do you think it is possible to fully cope or heal from the effects of Racism?
a. Probe: If so, what might that look like?
b. Probe: If not, what advice do you have for your fellow colleagues, students and
peers about how to manage?
23. If you asked other Black colleagues and peers what they do to manage the stress of
Racism at work, what do you think they would say?
24. What do you think is important for your White and other non-Black peers and
colleagues to know about your racialized experiences that they may not already
know?
25. What do you think the field of student affairs can do to better support Black
employees as they cope with and heal from racism and feelings of racial battle
fatigue?
112
Thank you for participating in my dissertation. My next steps are to continue collecting data in
order to find themes for my study. I might have additional questions for you after reviewing our
conversation, would it be okay if I contact you for follow up, if needed? Do you have any last
questions for me? Thank you again for allowing me to interview you, I truly appreciate it.
113
Appendix D: Conceptual Framework Alignment Matrix
Research questions/tenets Theoretical framework Instrument questions
What are the unique experiences of
Black student affairs professionals
as they navigate racial battle fatigue
at predominantly White institutions?
Racial battle fatigue (Smith,
2008)
Predominantly White
institutions (Feagin, 2013)
Campus racial climate
(Hurtado, 1992; Yosso et
al., 2009)
Interview questions:
9—19
What specific strategies do Black
student affairs professionals use to
heal from racial battle fatigue?
Racial battle fatigue (Smith,
2008)
Radical healing (French et al.,
2020)
Interview questions:
20—25
Critical race theory CRT (Delgado
& Stefancic, 2017)
CRT in education (Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 2016;
Patton, 2016; Solozano &
Yosso, 2001)
Interview questions:
20—24
Demographic questions
Survey questions:
1—8
114
Appendix E: Coding Sheet With Themes
Initial Codes Themes Description
Meaning making
Education
student affairs as a
profession
Entering student affairs The process of becoming student
affairs professionals was
something significant in the
lives of the participants
Paying it forward
protecting students of
color lifelong learning
Impact on students Being able to positively impact
students is the greatest reward
and reason why they entered
and have stayed even in the
midst of facing racism
Representing all Black
people feeling surveilled
double standards
Awareness of
racial identity
Participants have very few Black
colleagues, which, given the
PWI environment, caused them
to have been hyperaware of
their racial identity
Anti-Blackness
microaggressions
unfair treatment
Navigating racism and
discrimination in the
workplace
Unequal treatment, slights,
microaggressions in the
workplace are commonplace for
participants and lead to feelings
of RBF
Reflection
intentional learning
Critical consciousness Active processes of trying to be
aware of how to heal and what
overcoming racial stress looks
like
Unity with other Black
folks shared humanity
Collectivism Unity among Black professionals
serves as a tool to help reframe
the impact of racism and lead to
some healing
Faith practices
therapy
External resources Spirituality, wellness, mental
health practices, and learning
tools are valuable healing
strategies
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
Racial battle fatigue (RBF) is the prolonged, overarching impact of racism that impacts the mental, physical, emotional, and environmental health of Black folks and other folks of color (Smith, 2008). There is a great deal of research on the racialized experiences of Black faculty and Black students within predominantly White institutions (PWIs). However, for Black student affairs professionals, particularly those in higher education, there is much more that needed to be explored about their racialized experiences. This qualitative research study aimed to delve into the unique lived experiences of Black student affairs professionals as they make meaning of their experiences with RBF at PWIs and what tools they used to navigate and heal from these phenomena. This study explored these components using the racial battle fatigue framework (Smith, 2008), radical healing frameworks (French et al., 2020) and critical race theory in education (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 2016). 10 Black-identifying professionals in student affairs departments served as participants. All 10 participants were from California-based institutions of higher education. The themes identified were that event of entering into student affairs; being able to impact students; being forced to be hyperaware of racial identity; and navigating racism and discrimination in the workplace. These all spoke to the lived experiences of professionals at PWIs navigating RBF. Critical consciousness, collectivism, and external resources represented themes connected to strategies participants used to heal from RBF. Implications for higher education practice, as well as recommendations for further study were also discussed.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Coats, D'Andre
(author)
Core Title
Other duties as assigned: Black student affairs professionals navigating and learning to heal from racial battle fatigue at predominantly white institutions
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education (Leadership)
Degree Conferral Date
2022-08
Publication Date
06/16/2022
Defense Date
04/13/2022
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
anti-Blackness,OAI-PMH Harvest,predominantly White institutions,racial battle fatigue,radical healing,student affairs
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Tobey, Patricia (
committee chair
), Green, Alan (
committee member
), Olivo, Cynthia (
committee member
)
Creator Email
dandre.coats@gmail.com,dandrec@usc.edu
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Tags
anti-Blackness
predominantly White institutions
racial battle fatigue
radical healing
student affairs