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Help, I need somebody: an examination of the role of model minority myth and goal orientations in Asian American college students' academic help-seeking practices
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Help, I need somebody: an examination of the role of model minority myth and goal orientations in Asian American college students' academic help-seeking practices
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HELP, I NEED SOMEBODY:
AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROLE OF MODEL MINORITY MYTH AND GOAL
ORIENTATIONS IN ASIAN AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENTS’ ACADEMIC HELP-
SEEKING PRACTICES
by
Alana A. U. Kennedy
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(URBAN EDUCATION POLICY)
August 2022
Copyright 2022 Alana A. U. Kennedy
ii
DEDICATION
To my courageous and thoughtful participants, particularly those of you who graciously
gave your time and energy to share your personal stories when anti-Asian hate and violence was
at an all-time high. For each and every one of you who felt unheard or unseen due to your Asian
identity – this one is for you.
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It is with great privilege, gratitude, and humility that I write this acknowledgment and
reflect on this five-year Ph.D. journey. I have been immensely fortunate to have been supported
by so many folks, near and far, in my time at USC as well as by many who unknowingly
impacted my personal and professional journey. I must first thank my wonderfully supportive
husband, Jason – without you I would never have considered this degree to be a possibility nor
stayed the course. Thank you for taking an interest in how I spent my energy and time, for
reminding me not to go to sleep too late, for planning fun adventures during our always too-brief
visits, and for the countless laughs and encouragement when I felt like I had plateaued. Thank
you for modeling what it looks like to pursue something you truly want, even when the work is
challenging, and the obstacles seem plentiful.
To my parents who constantly asked about the progress and challenges associated with
pursuing a Ph.D. and learned the academic jargon and process for moving through the program.
Thank you for never questioning my choice to return to school and for being such a strong
support system from an ocean way. To Mom, for being a rock through thick and thin, and
helping me develop new hobbies when I needed a break – borahae! To my brothers for keeping
things in perspective, sending random videos for laughs, and always keeping me honest. And
finally to Grandma and Papa who I know would be cheering me on!
To my dearest friends that I have made through the wonderful twists and turns of life –
Wendy, Anne, Carol, Cynthia, Monique, and Karisa – thank you is not enough for all the words
of encouragement, invitations to visit, and chats that continued long into the night until our
phones died. I will forever cherish the kind words, distractions, getaways, movie nights, Taco
Bell deliveries, and random adventures that have carried me through.
iv
To my brilliant cohort-mates, friends, and colleagues I have made along this Ph.D.
journey – it truly takes a village. To Mabel, Kate, Sy, Clare, Imogen, Laurel, Neil, Ian, Jess,
Vanessa, Jeanette, Diane, Milie, and the AAPI collective – I am grateful for the advice,
brainstorm sessions, practice-runs, paper exchanges, and feedback we have exchanged over the
years. I am even MORE grateful for the happy hours, French fry runs, memes and cat videos,
shopping trips, random drives around the block to catch up, cooking adventures and grocery
store trips, and everything in between. To Dr. Greg Chung and my CRESST crew for planting
the seed that a Ph.D. was possible – thank you for the advice, support, and laughs.
To my advisors and mentors – Drs. Gale Sinatra, Erika Patall, and Helena Seli, thank you
for being with me from day one. I will never forget the day that Gale and Erika called and
welcomed me into the program together and being jointly hooded was just as memorable. Thank
you to Gale for being a home-away-from-home – for teaching me not only how to be a
thoughtful researcher but also how to make bracelets, bake pies, and create holiday wreaths.
Truly a 360-mentor who will move the world to get you where you need to be and have your
back at any moment. To Erika for being whatever I needed during our meetings and for being a
constant presence over these past five years. I truly admire and appreciate how you navigate
academic spaces, whether through research, mentoring, or challenging conversations with grace
and care. You are truly a scholar extraordinaire and all-around amazing human. To Helena for
believing my next cap and gown would be red and for always having the highest confidence in
me, even when I did not. I feel so fortunate to have been taught, mentored, and now collaborate
with you – truly a bucket list item.
To my dissertation committee members, Drs. Gale Sinatra, Erika Patall, Stephen Aguilar,
and Daphna Oyserman, an amazing dream team who has challenged and advanced my work in
v
countless ways. Thank you for your support and enthusiasm for this project and for your
contributions to the field. To my undergraduate coders, Kelsey Cheng and Amelia Pham, for
your dozens of hours coding and engaging thoughtfully in conversations to develop this work. I
truly appreciate your perspectives to navigate the interview data that became an essential
component to this project. Finally, a heartfelt mahalo to my countless educators, life teachers,
and community members who helped me along this journey. Your presence and support are
appreciated and cherished.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ iii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ vii
List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. viii
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... ix
Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................................... 1
Chapter 2: Literature Review ........................................................................................................ 13
Chapter 3: Methods ....................................................................................................................... 32
Chapter 4: Results ......................................................................................................................... 57
Chapter 5: Discussion ................................................................................................................... 83
References ..................................................................................................................................... 97
Appendix A: Help-Seeking Orientation Scale ............................................................................ 111
Appendix B: Personal Goal Orientation Scale ............................................................................ 113
Appendix C: Internalization of the Model Minority Myth Measure .......................................... 114
Appendix D: T1 Demographics Survey ...................................................................................... 115
Appendix E: T2 Demographics Survey ...................................................................................... 120
Appendix F: Interview Protocol .................................................................................................. 122
vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Descriptive Statistics for Participant Characteristics ..................................................... 37
Table 2: Development of the Help-Seeking Orientation Scale ..................................................... 42
Table 3: Interviewed Participant Demographics ........................................................................... 50
Table 4: Measurement Models Goodness-of-Fit Indices .............................................................. 58
Table 5: Measurement Invariance Analysis of Configural, Metric, Scalar, and Strict Invariance
Across Two Time Points ............................................................................................................... 58
Table 6: Sample Items from the Help-Seeking Orientation Scale, Personal Goal Orientation
Scale, and Internalization of the Model Minority Myth – Achievement Measure ....................... 60
Table 7: Bivariate Correlations at T1 and T2 with Covariates ..................................................... 61
Table 8: Bivariate Correlations – Covariates ................................................................................ 62
Table 9: Goodness-of-Fit Indices for Path Analysis Models ........................................................ 62
Table 10: Path Analysis, Autonomous Help-Seeking Model ....................................................... 64
Table 11: Path Analysis, Expedient Help-Seeking Model ............................................................ 67
Table 12: Path Analysis, Avoidant Help-Seeking Model ............................................................. 70
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Key Steps in the Academic Help-Seeking Process ....................................................... 52
Figure 2: Autonomous Help-Seeking Path Model ........................................................................ 65
Figure 3: Expedient Help-Seeking Path Model ............................................................................ 68
Figure 4: Avoidant Help-Seeking Path Model .............................................................................. 71
ix
ABSTRACT
Prior work suggests that goal orientations are related to specific help-seeking orientations (i.e.,
autonomous, expedient, avoidant). However, aspects of student identity have not yet been
considered as factors that may influence help-seeking orientations. The purpose of this mixed
methods dissertation study is to explore help-seeking orientations among Asian American
college students using quantitative and qualitative methods. More specifically, this study
employs a cross-lagged panel design to investigate prior relationships between achievement goal
orientation and help-seeking orientation as well as the extent to which model minority myth
endorsement predicts and moderates these constructs. This study also includes interviews with
30 Asian American undergraduates to examine how they conceptualized academic achievement
and links made between achievement and help-seeking. Path analysis indicated that mastery-
approach orientation predicted an autonomous help-seeking orientation and performance-
approach orientation predicted an expedient help-seeking orientation. A performance-avoid
orientation did not predict an avoidant help-seeking orientation. Although model minority myth
endorsement predicted an expedient help-seeking orientation and performance-approach goal
orientation, it did not moderate any of the predicted relationships. Qualitative interviews suggest
that participants have broader definitions of achievement compared to the existing literature.
Participants also made qualitative connections between academic achievement and help-seeking
in positive and negative ways while simultaneously interrogating aspects of their Asian identity
and the influence of the messages conveyed through the model minority myth stereotype. These
findings provide emerging evidence about the role that sociocultural factors and identity can
have in influencing achievement goal orientations as well help-seeking attitudes and orientations
which has implications for engagement, learning, and other forms of success.
1
Chapter 1
Introduction
As the fastest growing racial group in the United States, Asian Americans have soared in
numbers from 11.9 million in 2000 to 20.4 million in 2015 (Lopez et al., 2017). Given their
growth trends within the U.S. populous and in higher education, it becomes even more pressing
to understand Asian Americans college students’ educational experiences and to identify ways
in which they can be supported to succeed (Owen, 2015). Yet in spite of their growing numbers,
Asian American undergraduates are largely invisible in academic research – a point made
evident by Museus and Kiang (2009) who reported that over the past decade, just one percent of
articles published in top peer-reviewed higher education journals focused on Asian American
students. Moreover, this dearth of literature within higher education, and education as a whole,
may also reflect the prevalence of the model minority myth – a commonplace narrative that
harms Asian American students and other students of color by simultaneously perpetuating an
idealized image of academic and societal excellence while overlooking Asian Americans due to
perceptions about their presumed achievement. As a result of this myth that emphasizes
expectations of their academic excellence with ease and without assistance, and among many
possible consequences, Asian American college students may be less inclined than their peers to
seek help when experiencing academic difficulties or setbacks. Unfortunately, failing to seek
help can have detrimental effects on self-perceptions and personal motivation, in addition to
meaningful learning and academic performance.
Given their connection to the model minority myth, Asian American undergraduates who
associate achievement as a strong component of their personal identity may hold particularly
strong goals orientations, which emphasize the reasons why an individual chooses to engage in
2
academic tasks (Ames, 1992). While relationships between goal orientations and academic help-
seeking have been previously found in the literature, the strength and direction of these
relationships once aspects of racial and ethnic identity are considered has not yet been explored.
Moreover, for Asian American college students, the relationship between their internalization of
the messages put forth by the model minority myth and proclivity to solve academic problems
through the pursuit of social support (i.e., help-seeking orientation), remain unexamined.
The approach for this study was two-fold. First, I investigated the relationships among
endorsement of the model minority myth, goal orientations, and help-seeking orientations within
an Asian American college student sample. More specifically, I explored whether previously
established relationships between goal orientations and help-seeking orientations varied
depending on model minority endorsement among Asian American college students. Second, I
more broadly examined how Asian American college students conceptualized academic
achievement and what connections they saw between academic achievement and help-seeking.
Since no body of research has yet examined the connections between these constructs,
this study will contribute to the literature by exploring how racial identity might be related to
various help-seeking orientations. In this introductory chapter, I summarize my theoretical
framework which draws from research on academic help-seeking, achievement goal theory, and
model minority myth. I follow with an overview of the methods and present key findings that
pertain to the research questions that guide this investigation.
Summary of Theoretical Framework
Academic Help-Seeking
Help-seeking, defined as an achievement behavior that entails the identification and
application of strategies to assist learners in improving their understanding of complex concepts
3
(Kitsantas & Chow, 2007), has been linked to learning and academic achievement for decades
(Ames & Lau, 1982; Karabenick, 2003; Karabenick & Knapp, 1991; Volet & Karabenick, 2006;
Zimmerman & Martinez-Pons, 1988). General consensus within the academic help-seeking
literature indicates the prevalence of three specific orientations: a) autonomous – which is
characterized by learners who seek out hints or support once effortful attempts have been made
to accomplish a task independently (Karabenick, 2003); b) expedient – which involves a focus
on locating the correct answer and minimizing the amount of time spent on a task (Karabenick &
Gonida, 2018; Sigmund, 2006); and c) avoidant – which is depicted by a learner who refrains
from pursuing assistance due to a perceived threat in their competence (Butler, 1998). Prior
research suggests that an autonomous help-seeking orientation can be particularly beneficial for
learning such that learners are driven by a personal desire for improvement and understanding
(Karabenick & Knapp, 1991). In contrast, learners with an expedient orientation may have
tenuous skill or content mastery due to their focus on quick task completion. This can potentially
have long-term consequences for learning and mastery. Finally, learners with an avoidant
orientation may underperform or silently struggle due to concerns that seeking help indicates
incompetence (Butler, 1998; Ryan et al., 2001). While one might argue that avoidant help-
seeking could lead students to develop and then rely on other strategies to support their learning,
prior work indicates that learners with an autonomous orientation are most likely to be highly
self-regulated due to their metacognitive awareness (Karabenick, 2004; Sigmund, 2006).
Within an academic context, help-seeking requires learners to develop an awareness of
their need for assistance, monitor their progress toward goals once help is attained, and evaluate
the effectiveness of the help received (Aleven et al., 2003). A great deal of prior research on
academic help-seeking has focused on K-12 students and their development of help-seeking
4
behaviors (see Butler, 1998; Newman, 2000; Newman & Goldin, 1990; Ryan, et al., 1998; Ryan
& Pintrich, 1997; Ryan, et al., 2005). Far fewer studies have examined college students’ help-
seeking despite the high likelihood that postsecondary students need greater assistance as they
enroll in more academically rigorous courses that are larger in size (Karabenick, 2003). Asian
American college students, in particular, are non-existent in the academic help-seeking literature
despite their increasing representation in postsecondary institutions. Researchers who do include
Asian American undergraduates are often unintentional in their recruitment efforts; thus, these
students were usually not a primary focus of study.
Achievement Goal Theory
Once conceptualized as two dichotomous goal orientations (i.e., mastery orientation,
performance orientation) (Maehr & Midgley, 1991; Pintrich & Schunk, 2002), goal orientations
are currently depicted in four forms – mastery-approach, mastery-avoid, performance-approach,
and performance-avoid. Learners with a mastery-approach orientation are firmly committed to
learning as much as possible, deepening their understanding and competency, and embracing
challenges related to the learning process (Pintrich, 2000a, 2000c). In contrast, learners with a
mastery-avoid orientation are inclined to work hard to prevent a lack of mastery (Pintrich,
2000a, 2000c). Learners who hold a performance-approach goal orientation are not focused on
learning for the purposes of self-development – rather, they are driven by a desire to
demonstrate their abilities in comparison to others (Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996). Finally,
learners with a performance-avoid orientation strive to avoid public displays of incompetency,
inferiority, or lack of ability (Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996).
Although research on goal orientations has been linked to positive academic outcomes
and achievement (Harackiewicz et al., 2002; Pintrich, 2000a), literature has also indicated that
5
specific relationships exist between various goal orientations and help-seeking orientations. For
example, scholars have noted that mastery goals were positively related to autonomous help-
seeking (Karabenick 1998; Karabenick, 2003; Karabenick, 2004; Linnenbrink, 2005; Newman,
1994, 1998a, 1998b; Ryan & Pintrich, 1997, 1998; Ryan et al., 2001), whereas students who
adopted a performance goal orientation were more likely to solicit expedient or avoidant help
(Karabenick 1998; Karabenick, 2003; Karabenick, 2004). Taken together, goal orientations
provide additional insights into the ways that help-seeking orientations have been understood
within an academic context.
Model Minority Myth
Introduced in 1966, the “model minority” label carries a two-fold message that Asian
Americans are more successful than other racial groups and that this success is due to their work
ethic, polite and respectful demeanor, and respect for authority (Sue & Sue, 2012; Suzuki,
2002). Originally used to refer to Japanese Americans, Chinese Americans, and Korean
Americans, the model minority label has expanded to encompass Asian Americans as a
collective group (Lee et al., 2017). Asian Americans have been coined a “model” minority for
decades, which simultaneously touts the presumed accomplishments of Asian Americans and
shames other racially minoritized groups (Sue et al., 2021). This has created false narratives
about the Asian American experience which have harmed Asian American students and other
students of color. For Asian American college students, in particular, the prevalence of the
model minority myth has created a lingering presumption that Asian Americans are “culturally
predisposed to socioeconomic achievements” (Kibria, 1999, p. 31). Thus, internalizations of the
model minority stereotype may lead Asian American college students to hold themselves to
unrealistic academic standards and self-impose pressure for high performance. Presumptions
6
that are upheld by the model minority myth might additionally be related to perceptions about
help-seeking held by both Asian American college students as well as instructors and others
within the learning environment. Given that prior work has not yet explored how the
internalization of the model minority myth might be associated with academic help-seeking
orientations for Asian American college students, this study will begin to address that gap in the
research.
Purpose and Overview of the Study
In this investigation, I examine academic help-seeking using a quantitative and
qualitative approach to achieve two aims. First, I explore the extent to which the endorsement of
the model minority myth moderates the relationship between goals orientations and help-seeking
orientations. That is, Asian American college students’ endorsement and internalization of the
model minority myth can bolster or reduce the strength of previously observed relationships
between goal orientations and help-seeking orientations. Second, given the barrage of language
related to academic performance and achievement integrated into the model minority narrative, I
seek to understand how Asian American undergraduates conceptualize academic achievement
and what connections, if any, they see between academic achievement and the ways they seek
help. In using a qualitative approach, I aimed to understand what academic achievement meant to
this specific population in their own words and to identify salient connections they identified as
it related to their academic help-seeking behaviors or declination. Given that no prior work has
yet considered the interplay between model minority myth endorsement and academic help-
seeking, this study aims to explore these relationships and yield findings that can lead to
increased support and understanding of Asian American college students’ academic experiences.
7
Research Questions and Hypotheses
The purpose of this study is to explore help-seeking orientations among Asian American
college students using both quantitative and qualitative methods. More specifically, this study
investigates whether relationships between goal orientations and help-seeking orientations, as
established in the literature using majority White college student samples, differed depending on
model minority endorsement among Asian American undergraduates. In addition, this study
examines how Asian American college students conceptualized academic achievement and how
it related to academic help-seeking. Specifically, this study is guided by the following research
questions:
1. Does endorsement of the model minority myth moderate the extent to which time 1 (T1)
goal orientation predicts changes in time 2 (T2) help-seeking orientation (controlling for
T1 help-seeking and demographic covariates)?
a. To what extent does endorsement of the model minority myth diminish the
positive relationship between a mastery-approach orientation and autonomous
help-seeking?
b. To what extent does endorsement of the model minority myth enhance the
positive relationship between a performance-approach orientation and expedient
help-seeking?
c. To what extent does endorsement of the model minority myth enhance the
positive relationship between a performance-avoid orientation and avoidant help-
seeking?
2. In what ways does Asian American college students’ conceptualization and valuation of
academic achievement relate to academic help-seeking?
8
Hypotheses
In response to the first research question, I predicted that the endorsement of the model
minority myth would moderate the relationship between goal orientations and help-seeking
orientations among Asian American college students. Specifically, because endorsement of the
model minority myth should predispose Asian American students to suppress or conceal
struggle, I hypothesized that the positive (adaptive) relationship between a mastery-approach
goal orientation and autonomous help-seeking behaviors would be diminished for Asian
American students who more strongly endorsed the model minority myth. I also hypothesized
that the positive (suboptimal) relationships between a) a performance-approach goal orientation
and expedient help-seeking behaviors and b) a performance-avoid goal orientation and avoidant
help-seeking behaviors would be enhanced for Asian American students who more strongly
endorsed the model minority myth.
In response to the second research question, I explore how Asian American college
students conceptualize their understanding of academic achievement given that the messages
presented in the model minority myth could shape academic expectations that are either self-
imposed or communicated by others. Given that this is an underdeveloped area of research, the
inclusion of a qualitative component provides insights into the ways in which Asian American
college students describe academic achievement and how it may relate to academic help-seeking.
I will next describe my positionality to provide greater context into the ways that my identity and
experiences informed my approach to this investigation.
Positionality Statement
My interest in this work originates from my educational experiences and exposure to
messages related to being a model minority. Despite growing up in Hawaii and in a geographic
9
region with a significantly high percentage of Asian Americans, I was often labeled as a smart,
straight-A student who took rigorous courses with “all the other Asian students.” In third grade, I
tested into the Gifted and Talented program and remained there until graduating from high
school, being consciously aware of not only the expectations associated with being in the
program, but also noticing what identities were and were not present in the space.
In conducting this investigation, I recognized that my identities and the perception of
those identities might have impacted the types of interactions I had with participants and
potentially influenced the quality and type of data I collected. As a Japanese/Okinawan-
American female with a White-associated last name, I was concerned that students who might
have initially been interested in participating in an interview would be deterred or feel suspicious
about my motives based on my name alone. In anticipation of this hesitancy, I disclosed my
racial, ethnic, and cultural background as well as my personal interest in this topic in outreach
emails to student groups as well as in my first email exchange with potential participants to
increase transparency. I believed that if participants perceived my motivations and intentions for
studying this topic to be genuine, they, in turn, would be more likely to provide honest and
candid responses. I also stressed the importance of trying to collect a range of experiences and
thus emphasized at the start of each interview that each participant was simply sharing their own
perspective rather than representing an identity group to which they belong. In the next section, I
briefly summarize the methodology I employed for this study.
Methods
To answer the quantitative research questions, I used a panel design and collected
questionnaire data from participants at the start and middle of the spring 2021 semester. 354
undergraduate students who self-identified as Asian American were recruited through both
10
subject pool and snowball sampling. Participants completed an online questionnaire that
measured their endorsement of ideas related to the model minority myth, goal orientations, and
help-seeking orientations. To address research question one, I used a two-wave cross-lagged
panel design with path analysis. Interaction effects were tested to assess if model minority myth
endorsement moderated the relationships between specific goal orientations and help-seeking
orientations. To address research question two, I used a systematic coding process to identify
salient themes that emerged from 30 online interviews conducted with participants who
completed both early and mid-semester questionnaires.
Results
As predicted based on prior studies, the results from the path analysis showed that a
mastery-approach goal orientation predicted an autonomous help-seeking orientation, and a
performance-approach goal orientation predicted an expedient help-seeking orientation.
However, a performance-avoid goal orientation did not predict an avoidant help-seeking
orientation as anticipated. Moreover, model minority myth endorsement (also referred to
throughout as myth endorsement) did not moderate any of the predicted relationships between
the specific goal orientation and help-seeking orientation pairings. When used as predictor, myth
endorsement predicted an expedient help-seeking orientation as well as a performance-approach
goal orientation.
Findings from the interviews suggested that participants conceived of academic
achievement more broadly than traditional definitions in the literature. For example, rather than
limiting achievement to performance outcomes (e.g., GPA, grades, test scores), participants
highlighted the importance of deep and meaningful learning, networking, and career
opportunities as part of their definition. Some students also referenced components of the model
11
minority myth as being related to how they thought about achievement given the commonplace
societal definitions of what it means to “be a good Asian.” In addition, participants made
qualitative connections between academic achievement and help-seeking in two opposing ways.
Some participants described help-seeking as a supportive behavior that could lead to positive
outcomes such as improved course performance, forging relationships with professors, teaching
assistants, or peers, and as a learning strategy to regroup and strategize what to try next upon
experiencing academic struggle. In contrast, other participants described the ways in which help-
seeking prompted unease, threat, and resistance due to students’ desires to work independently,
demonstrate their competency as being high-achieving without a reliance on others, or for
cultural reasons such as a lack of awareness or unspoken messages they received about
developing understanding and solving problems on one’s own.
Although four decades of literature about academic help-seeking present a well-
established a body of work with general agreement on discrete orientations and relationships to
other motivational constructs that support learning and engagement, more research is needed to
understand how help-seeking orientations and behaviors operate within diverse populations of
learners. Given that learning occurs within a sociocultural context, the overt and covert biases,
perceptions, and expectations of specific learners plays a role in how students engage or
disengage in academic environments. Findings from this study provide insights into how
relationships between specific goal orientations and help-seeking orientations differ for Asian
American students compared to their peers and notably, how model minority myth endorsement
might specifically impact Asian American students’ expedient help-seeking orientation and
performance-approach goal orientation over time. Furthermore, the perpetuated narratives
depicted through the model minority label have implications for how Asian American students
12
define, measure, and value academic achievement as well as potentially influence how and why
they seek academic help.
Organization
In this chapter (Chapter 1), I provided an overview of this dissertation study. In Chapter
2, I review the literature on general academic help-seeking practices, achievement goal theory,
and the model minority myth. Collectively, these bodies of literature serve as a foundation to
frame the necessity of research about Asian American undergraduates and their help-seeking as
it relates to academic contexts. In Chapter 3, I present the methodology for this dissertation
study which quantitatively explores the relationships between specific goal orientations and
help-seeking orientations as well as endorsement of the model minority myth. I also present the
qualitative methods used to understand how this population conceives of academic achievement
and its connections to the pursuit or avoidance of help-seeking. I present the results for both
research questions in Chapter 4. Finally, I discuss the findings, implications, limitations, and
future directions for research in Chapter 5.
13
Chapter 2
Literature Review
As the fastest growing racial group in the United States, Asian Americans, as defined by
the United States Census, have surged in numbers from 11.9 million to 20.4 million people from
2000 to 2015 (Lopez et al., 2017). By 2050, Asian Americans are projected to total 43.2 million,
or approximately ten percent of the U.S. population (U.S. Census, 2012). Asian Americans, a
broad umbrella term used to describe individuals with origins from the Far East, Southeast Asia,
and the Indian subcontinent, includes Cambodia, China, India, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan,
the Philippine Islands, Thailand, and Vietnam (U.S. Census, 2012) among others. Given the
broad inclusion of over twenty countries of origin and a rising populous across the nation, the
Asian American community has largely impacted higher education demographics and
composition (Museus & Vue, 2013). Yet in spite of this growing rise in numbers, few studies
have explicitly explored the experiences of Asian American postsecondary students (Gloria et
al., 2008).
Within higher education, the lack of academic support services for Asian Americans
stems, in part, from the false belief that these undergraduates have experienced minimal
difficulties in their continuing schooling (Suyemoto et al., 2009). Moreover, Asian American
college students may also experience the pressures of high expectations set forth by parents,
professors, and peers, which is amplified by the model minority myth – a false narrative that
touts the perceived academic, career, and economic success of Asian Americans in spite of
hardships and discrimination (Suzuki, 2002). Thus, Asian American undergraduates may not
only refrain from developing the communication skills needed to seek academic support, but
professors, teaching assistants, classmates, and friends may assume that assistance is
14
unnecessary based on perpetuated stereotypes of achievement and academic success. This may
result in Asian American college students being especially prone to struggle in isolation based
on internal and external expectations for success.
Given their association with the model minority myth, Asian American undergraduates
may also have unique experiences related to their goal orientation, which addresses why learners
pursue achievement tasks. That is, Asian American college students who internalize the
messages set forth by the model minority myth, particularly the expectation to work hard and
excel academically while remaining diligently humble and rule-abiding, may find their goal
orientations are motivated by factors that are distinctly different from their non-Asian peers.
Although prior studies have found associations between help-seeking and goal orientation in
majority White student samples, little to no research has investigated academic help-seeking
among Asian American college students. As a result, little is known about how those
relationships operate within an Asian American undergraduate sample.
Taken together, the relationship between the model minority myth and academic help-
seeking remains largely unexplored for Asian American college students. Based on the steady
influx and growing diversity of Asian Americans in higher education over the past decade, this
research is particularly compelling given the nonexistent body of literature and potential
implications for academic instruction and support offered to create equitable opportunities.
Given that much of the existing research on academic help-seeking is presumed to apply to
students of all backgrounds, I begin by presenting salient themes from this generalized body of
work. Next, I review research about goal orientations as an inroad to developing a deeper
understanding about academic help-seeking. Following that, I provide a deeper analysis on the
15
origins, prevalence, and lingering effects of the model minority myth on Asian American
students today. I conclude this chapter by addressing current gaps in the literature.
An Overview of Academic Help-Seeking
As a behavioral form of self-regulation, the “multi-component, iterative, self-steering
processes that target one’s own cognitions, feelings, and actions, as well as features of the
environment for modulation in the service of one’s own goals” (Boekaerts & Cascallar, 2006, p.
199), help-seeking has been associated with cognitive, metacognitive, and resource management
components that promote learning and achievement (Karabenick & Knapp, 1991). Help-seeking
is classified as a self-regulated learning (SRL) strategy in that it requires learners to engage in
behaviors that support skill development and ability (Nelson-LeGall, 1981; Newman, 1994) as
well as metacognitive processes. For help-seeking, metacognition occurs in the form of
evaluating the effectiveness of both the help-received and its application. Help-seeking is also
distinct from other SRL strategies in two respects. First, help-seeking typically involves some
degree of social interaction – that is, learners must engage with peers, teaching assistants, or
instructors to advance their understanding (Karabenick & Gonida, 2018; Newman, 1998).
Second, help-seeking may be perceived as risky or stigmatizing given that learners may fear
perceptions of incompetence (Nadler, 1998). Thus, help-seeking may be viewed as having
potentially harmful negative short and long-term effects.
The Help-Seeking Process
Although help-seeking may appear to be a single performative act, research suggests that
help-seeking occurs through a non-linear and iterative series of actions (Karabenick & Dembo,
2011; Nelson-Le Gall, 1981; Ryan et al., 2001). While several help-seeking process models are
present in the literature (Karabenick & Dembo, 2011; Nelson-Le Gall, 1981; Ryan et al., 2001),
16
all share a core set of stages. This requires the learner to a) identify the problem, b) assess
whether help is needed or desired, c) decide whether to seek help, d) determine what help is
needed, e) identify where to obtain help, f) engage in the help-seeking behaviors, and g) apply
and evaluate the help that was acquired. While each stage is important to the help-seeking
process, scholars contend that the act of pursuing help is most important given that this requires
learners to know what help is needed, who to approach for help, and how they will request that
support (Aleven et al., 2003; Ryan et al., 2001). Although generally considered to be an
appropriate learning strategy, help-seeking was initially characterized as an expression of learner
dependency (Aleven et al., 2003). While perceptions have since shifted upon recognizing that
help-seeking could serve as a tool to promote learning and understanding (Nelson-Le Gall
(1981), researchers posit that various help-seeking orientations exist. These forms of help-
seeking are presented in the section that follows.
Academic Help-Seeking Orientations
General consensus in the literature indicates that help-seeking operates on a continuum
that ranges from adaptive to non-adaptive behaviors and is manifested in three forms a)
autonomous, adaptive, or instrumental b) expedient or executive, and c) ability-focused or
avoidant (Alexitch, 2002; Karabenick & Knapp, 1991; Newman, 1994). Autonomous help-
seeking (also referred to as adaptive or instrumental) is characterized by learners who seek out
hints or support once effortful attempts have been made to accomplish the task or activity
independently (Cheong et al, 2004; Karabenick, 2003). In addition, learners direct their efforts
towards understanding the process involved in task completion rather than pure achievement of
the task itself (Karabenick & Knapp, 1991). Thus, learners who demonstrate autonomous help-
17
seeking may be depicted as highly self-regulated due to their metacognitive awareness
(Karabenick, 2004; Sigmund, 2006).
Expedient or executive help-seeking behaviors, in contrast, involve a focus on locating
the correct answer and minimizing the amount of time spent on the task (Karabenick & Gonida,
2018; Sigmund, 2006). Learners who engage in expedient help-seeking may solicit help shortly
after experiencing a challenge without allocating adequate time to consider other approaches or
to identify what specific assistance is needed. Learners may also seek assistance often, request
solutions explicitly, or defer to a knowledgeable other to complete the task instead of investing
their own effort (Butler, 1998). Finally, an ability-focused orientation is characterized by a
learner who refrains from pursuing assistance due to a perceived threat in their competence
(Butler, 1998; Ryan et al., 2001). In this case, learners may avoid help-seeking altogether.
Reasons for this avoidance are examined next.
Avoidance of Help-Seeking and Perceptions of Threat
Prior work on help-seeking in classroom contexts indicates that students may avoid
seeking help for several reasons. First, students may perceive help-seeking as being oppositional
to their need for autonomy (Deci & Ryan, 1987; Ryan et al., 2005). Either through social cues or
due to their own preferences to work and learn independently, students may view help-seeking as
being in direct conflict with their desire for self-sufficiency. Second, students may perceive help-
seeking as an indicator of failure or incompetence (Butler, 1998). Given that help-seeking puts
learners in the vulnerable position of admitting they need assistance, help-seeking has the
potential to influence self-perceptions or even impact feelings of self-worth (Karabenick, 2004;
Karabenick & Knapp, 1991). Thus, help-seeking may be classified as a risky behavior for
learners who fear being labeled as incompetent (Nadler, 1998). Third, students may not view
18
help-seeking as worthwhile of their time or effort (Ryan et al., 2005). Therefore, help-seeking
may not be seriously considered as a possible action to pursue. Finally, students may not seek
help simply because they are unaware that help is needed (Efklides, 2011; Greene & Azevedo,
2009). Although prior research suggests that help-seeking improves with age and increased
metacognition (Newman & Schwager, 1995), learners, even well into adulthood, may lack an
understanding of the task, may be unaware of what support is needed, or may not know how to
articulate their need for help. Thus, despite their age and formative experiences in primary and
secondary schooling, college students may engage in avoidant behaviors, even if help is desired
or needed. An avoidant help-seeking orientation may also be problematic given that this
orientation has been linked to lower academic achievement (Ryan et al., 2005). Prior work on
academic help-seeking and avoidance behaviors specific to college students are further explored
in the following section.
Help-Seeking in Higher Education
New learning challenges are often introduced during the transition from secondary to
postsecondary education (Martin, 2009). As such, research suggests that help-seeking within
college contexts becomes even more crucial due to heightened academic rigor and larger course
sizes which can often exceed several hundred students (Karabenick, 2003). The combination of
increased class sizes and decreased accessibility to the course instructor may reduce the
likelihood of students ever approaching the professor for help. Moreover, college students are
required to have greater cognitive skills and engage in higher levels of independent learning (;
Martin, 2009) while having less structure and institutional support compared to younger students
(Karabenick, 2003).
19
Several studies have examined the factors that drive academic help-seeking in college
students. In one of the earliest studies, Ames and Lau (1982) conducted a field study to explore
the role of prior achievement, attribution for prior performance, and learner expectations on
college students’ help-seeking attitudes and attendance at review sessions. Help-seeking was
operationalized as attending review sessions offered to undergraduate students several days
before the second course exam. After completing a self-report questionnaire about learners’ first
exam score and attributions for help-seeking, students were randomly assigned to a treatment
(i.e., reading about the usefulness of the review sessions from students who participated in the
semester prior) or control condition (i.e., being alerted to upcoming review sessions available to
them). Results indicated that students who were categorized as “low performers” based on their
first exam score were more likely to attend a help-session when they heard about the usefulness
of the help-sessions and attributed prior performance to lack of effort rather than ability.
In their seminal study, Karabenick and Knapp (1988) took an alternate approach by
examining college students’ self-reported need. Using a survey design, researchers asked 612
college students to self-report their perceived need for academic support, anticipated grades, and
help-seeking behaviors. Results showed a curvilinear relationship between need for assistance
and help-seeking – that is, help-seeking was highest for students who were mid-level performers
and lower for students who received higher (i.e., A’s and B’s) and lower grades (D’s and F’s).
They posited that high performers may be unlikely to seek assistance because they saw no
benefit to getting help given their already strong academic performance. In contrast, they
surmised that students who received lower grades may have needed assistance but may been
unaware of how to pursue help or felt unmotivated. Other scholars have since drawn similar
20
conclusions, finding that students who were most in need of help were the least likely to engage
in help-seeking (Alexitch, 2002; Ryan et al., 1998; Ryan, et al., 2001).
In another study, Karabenick (2003) used a cluster analysis to develop four learning
profiles based on college students’ self-reported ratings of help-seeking threat, intentions to seek
help, help-seeking goals, preferred sources of help, class-related motivation, and use of learning
strategies. The resulting profiles included: a) strategic/adaptive learners who preferred to seek
help from their professor, b) strategic/adaptive learners who preferred to seek help from peers, c)
non-strategic students who solicited little help, and d) expedient and avoidant help-seekers.
Strategic/adaptive learners who preferred to approach their instructor for help reported higher
levels of motivation, had a higher mastery-approach goal orientation, used cognitive strategies
that supported performance, and had higher performance levels. Students who were classified as
expedient or avoidant help-seekers reported higher levels of anxiety, had higher mastery avoid,
performance approach, and performance avoid goal orientations, and had lower exam scores at
the end of the term. If these students did pursue help-seeking, they tended to be executive in
nature to get help quickly and minimize the amount of time spent on task engagement.
Measurement and Operationalization of Help-Seeking
One of the most prevalent help-seeking measures comes from the help-seeking subscale
included in the Motivated Strategies for Learning Questionnaire (MSLQ) (Duncan &
McKeachie, 2005; Pintrich et al., 1993; Roth et al., 2016). As a resource management strategy,
the help-seeking subscale measures the extent to which students manage support from their
instructor and peers. While help-seeking tendencies are measured, one limitation of this subscale
is the focus on what students do when help is needed rather than measuring specific help-seeking
21
orientations. An additional limitation is its low internal consistency with a reported Cronbach’s
alpha of 0.52 (Pintrich et al., 1993).
Newer help-seeking measures have expanded to include both optimal (e.g., autonomous)
and suboptimal (e.g., expedient) forms (Zusho and Barnett, 2011). Operationally, help-seeking is
often assessed as either a behavioral intention or as the respondent’s self-reported likelihood of
pursuing help based on need (Zusho et al., 2007). Such need-contingent help-seeking measures
ask respondents to consider what they would do if help was needed – framing of items in this
way has been found to be superior to measures which asked students to retrospectively report
their help-seeking tendencies (Karabenick, 2003, 2006; Karabenick & Knapp, 1991).
In summary, prior research has provided insights into the ways in which motivational
processes and help-seeking orientations shape college students’ academic help-seeking
behaviors. However, studies have not deeply explored how factors like race or ethnicity may be
associated. For Asian American undergraduates, this is particularly important given that beliefs
about the model minority myth may dictate whether help-seeking is appropriate. Goal
orientations and its relation to academic help-seeking will be explored in the following section.
Goal Orientation
Achievement goal theory addresses two key components – why learners are motivated to
achieve a specific task and how they plan to approach and engage in that task (Ames, 1992).
Thus, emphasis is placed on why achievement tasks are of interest rather than simply the
outcome of the performance. Initially portrayed as two distinct orientations (i.e., mastery,
performance), goal orientations represent a standard by which learners evaluate their success and
failure with regard to attaining a specific goal (Elliot, 1997; Pintrich, 2000a, 2000b, 2000c).
More recent investigations into goal orientations have identified a second set of dimensions (i.e.,
22
approach, avoid) which add a further level of distinction. In the following section, these four goal
orientations will be differentiated and further explored.
The Evolution of Four Principal Goal Orientations
Initially framed as a dichotomy, mastery and performance goal orientations were once
positioned as being in stark opposition to one another (Pintrich, 2000c). Individuals with a
mastery goal orientation focus on skill-development, deepening their sense of understanding,
solidifying new skills, and successfully mastering a task based on self-imposed standards of
achievement (Ames, 1992; Dweck & Leggett, 1988: Maehr & Midgley, 1991; Midgley et al.,
1998; Nicholls, 1984; Pintrich, 2000c). To support their development, mastery-oriented learners
use a variety of strategies to advance their progress, increase understanding, and support their
learning. In addition, learners of this nature often use deeper processing strategies rather than
rote mechanisms to encode and organize information which further supports knowledge mastery
(Dweck & Elliot, 1988). Thus, mastery-oriented learners often apply a variety of self-regulatory
strategies to manage their actions and engage with their learning environment.
Individuals with a performance goal orientation, in contrast, seek to demonstrate their
competency and focus on how their abilities compare to others. For these learners, demonstrating
high performance in relation to others, being commended publicly for their performance, and
avoiding perceptions of incompetence are of crucial importance (Ames, 1992; Dweck & Leggett,
1988; Midgley et al., 1998; Pintrich, 2000c). Unlike mastery goals, which are supported by deep
processing strategies, performance goals may involve rote or superficial strategies (Ames, 1992;
Pintrich & Schunk, 2002). Moreover, research suggests that performance goals can lead
individuals to opt for easier tasks, withdraw effort when experiencing difficulty, and lower
23
personal interest due to their overarching desire to perform to high standards (Dweck & Elliot,
1988; Smith et al., 2002).
After much debate and conflicting findings which suggested that performance
orientations can lead to both adaptive outcomes, like achievement (Elliot, 1999; Harackiewicz et
al., 1998), as well as maladaptive outcomes (Elliot, 1997, 1999; Elliot & Church, 1997; Elliot &
Harackiewicz, 1996), scholars now contend that the incorporation of approach and avoidant
orientations provides for a richer understanding of motivation and achievement (Harackiewicz et
al., 2002). Thus, goal orientations are currently conceptualized in four distinct forms – mastery-
approach, mastery-avoid, performance-approach, and performance-avoid. Learners with a
mastery-approach orientation have a strong desire to learn as much as possible as it relates to
achieving their goals. Not only are these learners staunchly focused on overcoming gaps in their
understanding and deepening their level of competence, but they are also inclined to embrace
challenges and view them as opportunities to learn and grow (Pintrich, 2000a). In contrast,
learners with a mastery-avoid orientation seek to avoid misunderstanding and are concerned
about failing to master a task (Pintrich, 2000a, 2000c). Thus, while these types of learners are
still driven by self-improvement and learning, their effort is motivated by concerns of failing to
learn as much as possible (Wolters, 2004). Learners with a performance-approach orientation, in
comparison, are motivated to best others and to demonstrate their abilities (Elliot &
Harackiewicz, 1996). They strive to do well in an effort to both please and prove their self-worth
to others (Cheong et al., 2004) – thus, emphasis is placed on excelling publicly. Finally, learners
with a performance-avoid orientation seek to avoid failure and perceptions of incompetence or
inferiority (Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996). Their aim as it relates to achievement-related tasks is
24
to avoid feelings of embarrassment or inability (Cheong et al, 2004). Goal orientations and its
relation to academic help-seeking will be explored in the following section.
Goal Orientation and Help-Seeking
Research on goal orientations and academic help-seeking have each been independently
linked to positive academic outcomes and achievement. Goal orientations are particularly
important for behavioral outcomes given that an individual’s motivations and desires related to
achievement can lead to specific help-seeking behaviors. Mastery goals, for example, have been
found to be positively related to autonomous help-seeking (Fong et al., 2021; Karabenick 1998;
Karabenick, 2003; Karabenick, 2004; Linnenbrink, 2005; Newman, 1994, 1998a, 1998b; Ryan &
Pintrich, 1997, 1998; Ryan et al., 2001), and inversely related to expedient help-seeking and
help-seeking avoidance (Karabenick, 2004). As a result, students with a mastery orientation are
likely to view help-seeking as a useful strategy that supports learning (Newman, 1994, 1998a).
This perspective of help-seeking contrasts sharply with individuals who have a performance
orientation. For these learners, help-seeking is less likely to be pursued because of the perception
that they could be viewed as less able or competent. As a result, students with a performance
goal orientation were likely to engage in expedient or avoidant help (Karabenick 1998;
Karabenick, 2003; Karabenick, 2004).
In their 2004 study, Cheong and colleagues investigated whether academic motivation
predicted instrumental help-seeking, executive help-seeking, avoidant help-seeking, and
perceived benefits of help-seeking among high school students in a computer science class.
Using a survey design and hierarchical regression analyses, Cheong and colleagues found that a
task-goal orientation, which carries a similar definition to mastery orientation, was positively
associated with instrumental help-seeking and perceiving benefits of help-seeking, and
25
negatively associated with executive help-seeking. In contrast, performance-avoid goals were
negatively associated with instrumental help-seeking and positively associated with avoidance of
help-seeking (Cheong et al, 2004).
In a study conducted by Karabenick (2004), help-seeking approach and avoidance among
college students were examined in addition to the role of the classroom environment in
influencing specific goal orientations. Findings from Karabenick’s (2004) study revealed that
feelings of threat were positively related to expedient help-seeking and inversely related to
instrumental help-seeking. That is, the more threatened a learner felt, the less likely they were to
seek autonomous forms of help. Moreover, Karabenick (2004) also noted that who students
approached for help, whether this be an instructor or peer, made no difference to learners who
had an expedient or avoidant orientation. However, for college students who had an instrumental
help-seeking orientation, professors were preferred over peers. This was presumably because
instructors were expected to possess expert knowledge and could support learners in ways that
acknowledged their autonomy and development. Based on these findings, Karabenick (2004)
distilled help-seeking into two specific patterns – help-seeking approach and help-seeking
avoidance. He noted that college students with a higher help-seeking approach pattern were more
mastery goal oriented, more likely to seek instrumental help from instructors, and performed
higher in the course. A higher help-seeking avoidance pattern was positively related to mastery-
avoid, performance-approach, and performance-avoid goal orientations and unrelated to a
mastery-approach orientation among college students. Thus, these learners were not only more
threatened by help-seeking, but intentionally avoided help from both instructors and peers.
26
Goal Orientation Among Asian Americans
Differences in goal orientation have been evidenced in a handful of studies that explored
racial identity as an important variable for investigating achievement behavior. Using survey
instruments, Eaton and Dembo (1997) found that Asian American high school students
demonstrated higher levels of achievement compared to their non-Asian peers, were highly
likely to persist on achievement tasks, and were more likely to demonstrate a mastery
orientation. However, their achievement behaviors were strongly predicted by fear of academic
failure which was not the case for non-Asian students. Eaton and Dembo (1997) speculated that
Asian American students’ concerns about fear of failure could be attributed to parental
expectations to perform well academically and the subsequent feelings of guilt, shame, or
embarrassment that might be associated with poor performance. Consequently, even though the
Asian American high school students outperformed their peers and had set high goals and
standards for performance, they were also more prone to lower levels of self-efficacy and higher
levels of failure avoidance tendencies.
Cho’s (2011) study interrogated race more directly by examining the relationship
between the model minority stereotype, Asian cultural values, and acculturation to goal
orientation and academic achievement in Asian American college students. While belief in the
model minority stereotype was a significant predictor for mastery goal orientation, Cho found
that model minority myth endorsement was a stronger predictor for performance goal orientation
among Asian American college students. Moreover, Cho (2011) found that higher levels of
acculturation and enculturation were positively related to a mastery goal orientation. Based on
these findings, Cho (2011) argued that Asian American undergraduates often experienced
immense pressure to uphold the standards of excellence that are associated with the model
27
minority stereotype and relatedly, Asian American students who reported a higher endorsement
of the model minority myth stereotype were often inclined to set higher expectations and goals as
it pertained to academic achievement in comparison to other students.
Taken together, these findings suggest that racial identity and an awareness of the model
minority myth might relate to Asian American students’ goal orientations in ways that differ
from their non-Asian peers. Cho’s (2011) study, in particular, makes a compelling argument for
the ways in which racial stereotypes might be associated with specific achievement goals set by
Asian American college students. In the following section, I examine in greater detail the origins,
prevalence, and implications of the model minority myth on Asian American students and their
educational experiences.
Immigration and Acclimation for Asian Americans
Although Asian Americans have been in the United States since the mid-19
th
century, the
passing of The 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act removed some of the initial barriers that
prevented immigrants from moving to the United States (Budiman, 2020). In part due to the
passage of this historic legislation, the number of Asian Americans in the U.S. has steadily been
on the rise, totaling 19.4 million people in 2013 with an annual increase of nearly three percent
(Brown, 2014). In their process of assimilating to American culture, a common challenge that
has been experienced by members of the Asian American community has been the prevalence of
the model minority myth, a stigmatized label that has been thrust upon Asian Americans by
mainstream society. The origins of this myth are described in detail in the following section.
Model Minority Myth
Coined by William Peterson in 1966, the term, “model minority,” gained notoriety
through his widely publicized New York Times Magazine article in which he lauded Japanese
28
Americans’ successful assimilation into American society in the decades following World War II
and the trauma endured by life in the internment camps. Moreover, Peterson credited Japanese
Americans’ respect for authority, cultural traditions, and level of education as essential
components of their success while simultaneously downplaying their experiences with
oppression, marginalization, and racism (Peterson, 1966). Shortly after, U.S. News and World
Report praised Chinese Americans for their work ethic and values – characteristics that were
credited for the flourishing Chinatowns that emerged in spite of hardships and their own bouts
with racism. Thus, the foundations of the model minority myth were cast and have persistently
endured for the last fifty years.
Though originally used to refer to Japanese Americans, Chinese Americans, and Korean
Americans, the model minority label has now expanded to encompass Asian Americans as a
collective group (Lee et al., 2017; McGee et al., 2017). Comprised of two parts, the myth
conveys the idea that a) Asian Americas are more successful compared to other racial groups and
b) their successes can be attributed to their steadfast work ethic (Yoo et al, 2010) and cultural
values such as hard work, humility, respect for authority, and obedience (Suzuki, 2002). Within
an academic context, success has been evidenced through Asian Americans’ strong academic
achievement and high educational aspirations (Nakanishi & Nishida, 1995) in addition to high
rates of degree completion (Humes & McKinnon, 2000; Suyemoto et al., 2009). However, a
closer examination of the indicators used to characterize the Asian American success story yields
a more complex picture.
The Dangers of the Model Minority Myth on Asian American Students
At first glance, the model minority label may be viewed quite positively having conveyed
the perception that an entire racial group can achieve the illusive American Dream. Yet more
29
thoughtful reflection reveals that such a label can be detrimental not only to Asian Americans,
but also to individuals who belong to other racially minoritized groups (Sue et al., 2021).
According to scholars, the dangers of the perpetuation of the model minority myth are present in
the form of simplistically lumping Asian Americans into a single set of experiences and failing
to recognize the deep and varied experiences by which Asian Americans as a whole have
encountered (Kiang et al., 2016). Statistics about Asian Americans, for example, commonly
present a biased and misleading portrayal of all Asian Americans despite evidence that suggests
some Asian ethnic groups (e.g., Chinese Americans, Korean Americans) are outperforming
others (e.g., Vietnamese Americans) (Sperling et al., 2017). Taken together, the positive framing
of the Asian American success story has resulted in misrepresentations and overgeneralizations
of success in multiple arenas, simultaneously feeding the perpetuation of the model minority
myth and creating harm to students within the Asian American populous and beyond. As a result,
Asian American college students, may internalize expectations for unattainable standards of
success, whether self-imposed or through messages from others (ChenFeng et al., 2017; Kiang et
al., 2016).
General assumptions made about Asian American students may also pose challenges for
those learners who truly need support (Yip et al., 2021). Suzuki (2002) asserts that due to the
false depiction of Asian American students as being ambitious overachievers from prosperous
families, support services are often viewed as less essential, or perhaps even unnecessary.
Moreover, Asian Americans may be denied support due to beliefs about whether programming
and resources are needed (Sperling et al., 2017). Within an academic context, this can have long-
term effects at the institutional level with colleges and universities failing to provide adequate
services to support a population that is perceived as not needing assistance (Suyemoto et al.,
30
2009). At the individual level, professors, teaching assistants, and classmates may harbor internal
biases about Asian American college students as “problem-free” which can also lead to false
assumptions about support or assistance needed to promote learning and growth (Gin et al.,
2017). Thus, the biases and assumptions that are built into the model minority myth may lead
Asian American undergraduates who could benefit from support to fall through the cracks.
Limitations and Gaps in Research
Current research on academic help-seeking and help-seeking orientations, more
specifically, has been generalized to students of all backgrounds. Gaps in this body of research
include a lack of studies that measure help-seeking orientations, focusing instead on help-seeking
tendencies or help-seeking more generally. Research is also needed to understand how help-
seeking orientations might evolve over time given that most empirical studies on this topic are
cross-sectional. Existing research on college students has examined individual motivational
processes, attitudes, and behaviors about help-seeking as well as linked achievement goal
orientations to specific help-seeking orientations – however, with the exception of a small
handful of studies, additional research is needed to explore the ways in which racial and ethnic
identity may be related to help-seeking and its motivational correlates.
This study attempts to provide greater insights into help-seeking orientations and
perspectives about help-seeking among Asian American college students, an understudied and
underrepresented population in postsecondary research, by examining prior relationships
between achievement goal orientation and help-seeking orientations over time and assessing the
extent to which model minority myth endorsement predicts and moderates these constructs. In
addition, this study also examines academic achievement and help-seeking from a qualitative
lens to highlight how Asian American students define academic success and how help-seeking is
31
employed (or not) as part of the negotiation with their own Asian identity and being subjected to
the model minority stereotype.
32
Chapter 3
Methods
The purpose of this research study was to use quantitative and qualitative methods to
explore help-seeking orientations among Asian American college students. More specifically,
this study investigated whether relationships between specific goal orientations and help-seeking
orientations, as established in the literature using majority White college student samples,
differed depending on model minority endorsement among Asian American undergraduates. In
addition, this study examined how Asian American college students conceptualized academic
achievement and what connections, if any, they saw between academic achievement and help-
seeking. Given that research has neither examined the relationships between goal orientation,
academic help-seeking practices, and endorsement of the model minority myth nor explored the
ways in which Asian American students define and value academic achievement and how that
might impact their attitudes and behaviors related to help-seeking, this study will contribute to
the literature by providing a new means for understanding help-seeking orientations specifically
as they relate to Asian American undergraduates. To guide this investigation, I pose the
following research questions.
1. Does endorsement of the model minority myth moderate the extent to which time 1 (T1)
goal orientation predicts changes in time 2 (T2) help-seeking orientation (controlling for
T1 help-seeking and demographic covariates)?
a. To what extent does endorsement of the model minority myth diminish the
positive relationship between a mastery-approach orientation and autonomous
help-seeking?
33
b. To what extent does endorsement of the model minority myth enhance the
positive relationship between a performance-approach orientation and expedient
help-seeking?
c. To what extent does endorsement of the model minority myth enhance the
positive relationship between a performance-avoid orientation and avoidant help-
seeking?
2. In what ways does Asian American college students’ conceptualization and valuation of
academic achievement relate to academic help-seeking?
Hypotheses
For research question 1, I hypothesized that the endorsement of the model minority myth
would moderate the relationship between goal orientation and help-seeking orientation among
Asian American college students. Specifically, I hypothesized that the positive (adaptive)
relationship between a mastery-approach goal orientation and autonomous help-seeking
behaviors would be diminished for Asian American undergraduates who more strongly endorsed
the model minority myth. In addition, I hypothesized that the positive (suboptimal) relationships
between a) a performance-approach goal orientation and expedient help-seeking behaviors and
b) a performance-avoid goal orientation and avoidant help-seeking behaviors would be enhanced
for Asian American undergraduates who more strongly endorsed the model minority myth.
Given that a stronger endorsement of the myth could be indicative of students’ desire to present
themselves as naturally strong academic achievers who experienced few challenges or struggles,
any help that these students do pursue is likely to be brief and targeted to address their specific
need (i.e., expedient help-seeking), if help is sought at all.
34
For research question 2, I explored how Asian American college students conceptualized
their understanding of academic achievement given that messages conveyed by the model
minority myth may be connected to academic expectations that are self-imposed or
communicated by others. I also explored whether Asian American undergraduates drew
connections between academic achievement and help-seeking. Being that this research question
is qualitative and addresses an underdeveloped body of literature, no hypotheses can be
formalized. In the sections that follow, I describe the participant sample, measures, data
collection protocol, and data analysis plan.
The Present Investigation
To investigate these research questions, I used a panel design and collected questionnaire
data from 354 participants at two time points in the spring 2021 semester. More specifically, the
questionnaire included closed-response items about Asian American college students’
endorsement of the model minority myth, goal orientations, and help-seeking orientations. I then
identified 30 participants from the overall pool of students who completed the surveys at both
time points to participate in an individual 45-minute interview on Zoom. Interviews focused on
giving voice to Asian American undergraduates to understand how they described academic
achievement and its importance to them as well as examine how they perceived academic
achievement to be connected to help-seeking behaviors.
Rationale
Prior studies on help-seeking have primarily relied on cross-sectional data collected from
respondents at one time point. Thus, obtaining questionnaire data at two time points allowed me
to explore relationships between the key variables of interest as well as assess if the constructs
were stable over time. Second, using qualitative data from the student interviews was warranted
35
given the paucity of research about Asian American undergraduates’ conceptualization of
academic achievement and help-seeking orientations. Thus, having qualitative data may not only
yield insights related to academic achievement that may be difficult to capture quantitatively, but
may also highlight new directions for future research. By collecting both quantitative and
qualitative data and analyzing them through separate processes, I assessed the convergence,
divergence, or some combination of the two in the findings (Creswell, 2009). The incorporation
and analysis of both forms of data offers the additional benefit of offsetting the weaknesses that
are naturally embedded in each individual approach (Creswell, 2009).
Participants
354 undergraduate students who self-identified as Asian American participated in this
study. Participants were required to a) be at least 18 years of age, b) be a current undergraduate
attending a four-year institution, c) be a U.S. citizen, and d) identify as Asian American. Of the
354 participants, 45 were recruited through a subject pool and earned one credit for completing
the questionnaire at two time points (i.e., .5 credits per questionnaire). The subject pool consisted
of undergraduates who were currently enrolled in a psychology course during the spring 2021
semester but was not limited to psychology majors. Although the subject pool offered quick
access to participants and had no associated financial cost, recruitment through subject pool
alone did not yield a sufficient number of participants.
The remainder of participants (N = 309) were recruited though snowball sampling
(Johnson & Christensen, 2014) whereby I identified and contacted student organizations (e.g.,
student affinity groups, academic clubs, leadership clubs, religious clubs) from colleges and
universities across the United States. Having attended several private institutions in California
(e.g., Santa Clara University, University of Southern California) and given my personal contacts
36
at various California institutions (e.g., UCLA, Loyola Marymount University, Scripps College), I
made concerted efforts to reach out to both faculty and staff who taught or interfaced with
undergraduates as well as contacted student groups directly through their social media platforms
(e.g., Facebook, Instagram) to request that they distribute a flier to their members. I also posted
the flier on my own social media platforms for distribution and re-sharing through my personal
network. In total, 189 participants (53.4%) attended the University of Southern California, 70
participants (19.8%) attended another (non-USC) private postsecondary institution in California
(e.g., Chapman University, Pepperdine University, Santa Clara University, Stanford University),
77 participants (21.8%) attended a school that is part of the University of California (UC) system
(e.g., UC Berkeley, UC Davis, UC Irvine, UCLA), two participants (0.5%) attended a school that
is part of the California State University (CSU) system (e.g., San Diego State, San Jose State),
three participants (0.8%) attended a private postsecondary institution outside of California (e.g.,
Yale University, Endicott College, University of Dallas), and 13 participants (3.7%) attended a
public postsecondary institution outside of California (e.g., North Carolina State University,
Truman State University, University of Hawai'i at Mānoa, University of Massachusetts Boston).
All eligible participants who completed the T1 and T2 survey were compensated with a $10
Amazon gift card.
Participants had a mean age of 19.9 years (SD = 1.37) and a median age of 20 years. Of
the 354 participants, 257 (72.6%) identified as female. 90 (25.4%) were freshman, 85 (24.0%)
were sophomores, 94 (26.6%) were juniors, 84 (23.7%) were seniors, and 1 (0.3%) preferred to
self-describe. Participants had a mean grade point average (GPA) of 3.67 (SD = 0.31) and a
median GPA of 3.75. The lowest reported GPA was a 2.50 and the highest was a 4.00. Racially,
312 (88.1%) identified exclusively as Asian and 42 (11.9%) identified as multi-racial whereby
37
they characterized their racial identity as Asian and that of one or more racial groups (e.g.,
White, Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander). Ethnically, 119 (33.6%) identified as Chinese, 46
(13.0%) identified as Vietnamese, 42 (11.9%) identified as Korean, 26 (7.3%) identified as
Indian, 25 (7.1%) identified as Filipino, 16 (4.5%) identified as Japanese, 14 (4.0%) identified as
Taiwanese, 8 (2.2%) identified as belonging to another Asian ethnic group, and 58 (16.4%)
identified as multi-ethnic. 237 (67%) reported that they spoke a language other than English in
their home and 70 (19.8%) identified as English learners. Table 1 provides a breakdown of the
participant demographics.
One other notable characteristic is that students participated in this study during the
COVID-19 pandemic when the majority of courses were offered in an online or virtual format.
347 students (98%) reported taking online classes and therefore, may not have been living on or
near their respective college campuses at the time of data collection – this has implications for
how participants engaged with the material as well as with other individuals in their learning
environment. In addition, anti-Asian sentiments and violence was also rampant in the United
States during the data collection period. As a result, participants may have been experiencing
differing levels of stress, anxiety, interest, and engagement as well as demonstrating atypical
classroom behaviors compared to years prior when courses were offered in the form of face-to-
face instruction and anti-Asian sentiments were not as prevalent in daily social life.
Table 1
Descriptive Statistics for Participant Characteristics (N = 354)
Percentage
(%)
Mean SD Median Minimum Maximum
Age (in years) 19.9 1.37 20.0 18.0 28.0
Reported GPA 3.67 0.31 3.75 2.50 4.00
Gender
Male 24.0
Female 72.6
38
Non-binary 2.3
Prefer to self-
describe/not to say
1.1
Year in College
Freshman 25.4
Sophomore 24.0
Junior 26.6
Senior 23.7
Other 0.3
Postsecondary
Institution
Private College:
University of
Southern California
53.4
Private College:
Based in California
19.8
University of
California (UC)
21.8
California State
University (CSU)
0.5
Private College:
Non-California
0.8
Public College:
Non-California
3.7
Race
Asian only 88.1
Multi-racial (i.e.,
Asian and one or
more race)
11.9
Ethnicity
Chinese 33.6
Vietnamese 13.0
Korean 11.9
Indian 7.3
Filipino 7.1
Japanese 4.5
Taiwanese 4.0
Other ethnic group 2.2
Multi-ethnic 16.4
English spoken at home 67.0
English learner 19.8
Enrolled in 1+ online
classes
98.0
39
Interview Participants
A subset (n = 30) of the 354 participants who completed the measures at both time points
participated in interviews. Two participants were recruited through the subject pool and earned
one additional unit of course credit. Twenty-eight students, who were recruited through snowball
sampling, received a $20 Amazon gift card. Interview participants had a mean age of 20.3 years
(SD = 1.83) and a median age of 20 years. The youngest participant was 18 years old and the
oldest was 28 years old. 17 (56.7%) identified as female. 6 (20%) were freshman, 7 (23.3%)
were sophomores, 9 (30%) were juniors, 6 (20%) were seniors, and 2 (6.7%) preferred to self-
describe. Participants had a mean GPA of 3.62 (SD = 0.37) and a median GPA of 3.68. Racially,
30 (100%) identified exclusively as Asian. Ethnically, 5 (16.7%) identified as Chinese, 4
(13.3%) identified as Vietnamese, 3 (10%) identified as Korean, 3 (10%) identified as Filipino, 1
(3.3%) identified as Indian, 1 (3.3%) identified as Taiwanese, 5 (16.7%) identified as belonging
to another Asian ethnic group, and 8 (26.7%) identified as multi-ethnic.
Instruments
The online questionnaires consisted of measures about participants’ help-seeking
orientations, goal orientations, and endorsement of the model minority myth. The measures
described below were selected based on their prior use in empirical studies and relatively high
reliabilities. Given the panel design, participants completed the following measures at two time
points (i.e., T1, T2) during the spring 2021 semester.
Academic Help-Seeking
Help-seeking was operationalized using several adapted need-contingent autonomous,
expedient, and avoidant help-seeking self-report measures developed by Karabenick (2003,
2004) and Zusho and Barnett (2011). Select items from an unpublished measure by Karabenick
40
were included to provide additional items for the three help-seeking orientation scales that
pertained to this investigation. In the following section, I describe the integration process and
rationale for the inclusion of items from the three existing measures to construct the Help-
Seeking Orientation Scale I used in this study.
Prior Measures and the Construction of an Adapted Help-Seeking Orientation
Scale. In a 2003 study that examined the help-seeking goals of 833 college students, Karabenick
constructed a help-seeking measure that included subscales for instrumental (i.e., autonomous),
expedient (i.e., executive), and avoidant help-seeking. More specifically, the instrumental help-
seeking subscale consisted of two items (a = .62), the executive help-seeking subscale included
two items (a = .78), and the avoidant help-seeking subscale was comprised of three items (a =
.77). Given that some of Karabenick’s (2003) help-seeking subscales contained only two items, I
sought additional measures to pair with this instrument to increase the robustness of the help-
seeking orientation scales for this study.
Zusho and Barnett’s (2011) study, conducted with 293 high school students,
operationalized and measured help-seeking using two subscales – help-seeking approach and
help-seeking avoidance. The help-seeking approach subscale focused on seeking need-contingent
help and consisted of four items (a = .74). The help-seeking avoidance scale, in contrast,
addressed students’ need-contingent help avoidance and included five items (a = .79). Zusho and
Barnett (2011) reported they adapted previous help-seeking measures, including those of
Karabenick (2003), to construct their subscales. Indeed, a closer look at the items included in
Zusho and Barnett’s measure showed overlap with items in Karabenick’s (2003) and
Karabenick’s unpublished autonomous help-seeking subscale and avoidant help-seeking
subscale. In addition, one expedient help-seeking item was selected from Karabenick’s
41
unpublished expedient help-seeking subscale for inclusion in this study. A complete breakdown
of the origins for each of the help-seeking items included in this study is provided in Table 2. In
summary, all of the help-seeking items I used in this investigation originated from one or more
of these previous studies – hence, no new items were created exclusively for this study. An
overview of each help-seeking orientation subscale (i.e., autonomous, expedient, avoidant) is
described next.
42
43
Adapted Help-Seeking Orientation Scale. An adapted version of Karabenick’s (2003,
2004, unpublished) and Zusho and Barnett’s (2011) help-seeking scales measured autonomous
help-seeking, expedient help-seeking, and avoidant help-seeking as separate subscales in this
study. The Help-Seeking Orientation Scale consisted of 14 items which were presented in a
randomized order, in line with prior studies. Each item was structured as a one-sentence
statement and used a five-point Likert scale (1 = “Not at all true,” 3 = “Somewhat true,” and 5 =
“Completely true”). The autonomous help-seeking subscale consisted of five items and measured
participants’ tendencies to seek help that supported their understanding and overall knowledge
development. A sample item was “I would ask for help in this class to learn to solve problems
and find answers by myself.” The expedient help-seeking subscale consisted of three items and
measured students’ tendencies to seek help that yielded a quick answer while minimizing
invested effort on the part of the student. A sample item was “The purpose of asking somebody
for help in this class would be to succeed without having to work as hard.” The avoidant help-
seeking subscale consisted of six items and measured help-seeking avoidance. A sample item
was “If I didn’t understand something in this class, I would guess rather than ask someone for
assistance.” A complete list of items is included in Appendix A.
Although it would have been preferable to use a previously validated help-seeking
instrument, I opted for this adapted scale because the few measures that have been validated with
a college sample did not address specific help-seeking orientations and therefore, did not meet
the needs of this study. The Motivated Strategies for Learning (MSLQ) help-seeking subscale,
for example, measures how students manage the support of peers and their instructor rather than
assessing respondents’ help-seeking orientations. Moreover, the MSLQ help-seeking subscale
has a lower internal reliability (a = .52) and includes only four items (Pintrich et al., 1993).
44
Personal Goal Orientation
An adapted version of the Patterns of Adaptive Learning Survey (PALS) (Midgley et al.,
2000) was used to measure participants’ goal orientation (see Appendix B). The Personal Goal
Orientation Scale consisted of 18 items and measured students’ reasons for performing academic
behaviors. Four goal orientations (i.e., mastery-approach, mastery-avoid, performance-approach,
performance-avoid) were measured with separate subscales. Each item was presented as a one-
sentence statement and used a five-point Likert scale (1 = “Not at all true,” 3 = “Somewhat true,”
and 5 = “Completely true”). In line with prior studies that used PALS, all items within this scale
were presented in a randomized order.
The five-item mastery-approach goal orientation subscale measured the degree to which
participants aimed to develop their competence and deepen their level of mastery within an
achievement setting. A sample statement from this subscale was “One of my goals in class is to
learn as much as I can.” In past research, the internal reliability for this subscale was .85
(Midgley et al., 2000). In contrast, the five-item performance-approach goal orientation subscale
measured the degree to which participants aimed to demonstrate their competence within an
achievement setting. A sample statement from this subscale was “One of my goals is to look
smart in comparison to the other students in my class.” In past research, the internal reliability
for this subscale was .89 (Midgley et al., 2000). Finally, the four-item performance-avoid goal
orientation subscale measured the degree to which participants aimed to avoid demonstrations of
incompetence within an achievement setting. A sample statement from this subscale was “One of
my goals is to keep others from thinking I’m not smart in class.” In past research, the internal
reliability for this subscale was .74 (Midgley et al., 2000).
45
Given that PALS does not measure a mastery-avoid orientation, I adopted a scale
developed by Bonney (2006) to ensure that all four goal orientations were measured and
accounted for in the Personal Goal Orientation Scale. A sample statement from the mastery goal
orientation subscale was “My goal is to avoid falling short of my potential in my class.” In past
research, the internal reliability for this subscale ranged from .70-.75 (Bonney, 2006).
While several goal orientation measures exist, I selected PALS because performance goal
orientation was conceptualized in terms of performance-approach and performance-avoid
whereas others have not always made this distinction. Moreover, this scale has been widely used
with minority students with Midgley and colleagues (2000) reporting that their samples have
included over 50% minority participation. Prior studies have also used PALS with a college
student sample with alphas ranging from .75-.87 for the mastery-goal scale, .86-.93 for the
performance-approach scale, and .81-.85 for the performance-avoid scale (Ross et al., 2005).
Internalization of the Model Minority Myth Measure (IM-4)
The Internalization of the Model Minority Myth Measure (IM-4) (Yoo et al., 2010)
measured the extent to which participants endorsed the model minority stereotype. The complete
IM-4 consists of 15 items and measures the extent to which respondents endorse two distinct
aspects of the model minority myth – achievement orientation (M-Achievement) and unrestricted
mobility (M-Mobility). Given the nature of this study and emphasis on help-seeking in academic
contexts, only the achievement orientation subscale was examined. The 10-item M-Achievement
subscale measured the belief that Asian Americans experience greater levels of success
compared to other racially minoritized groups because of their stronger work ethic, perseverance,
and drive to succeed. Each item was presented as a one-sentence statement and used the same
item stem (i.e., In comparison to other racial minorities (e.g., African American, Hispanics,
46
Native Americans)). All items used a 7-point Likert scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 4 = Neither
agree nor disagree, 7 = Strongly agree). A sample item for the M-Achievement subscale was “In
comparison to other racial minorities (e.g., African American, Hispanics, Native Americans),
Asian Americans are more motivated to be successful.” In past research, the internal reliability
for the M-Achievement scale ranged from .91-.92 (Yoo et al., 2010). A complete list of items is
included in Appendix C.
Demographics
Demographic information such as participants’ age, gender, race, ethnicity, college or
university name, year in college, major, grade point average (GPA), place of birth,
parent/guardian’s race and ethnicity, generational status, and language(s) spoken at home were
collected at the end of the T1 questionnaire. Students were also surveyed about their use of
specific campus centers and services (e.g., writing center, tutoring, learning center, academic
support center) since attending the university. Finally, participants provided their university
email address to receive the subsequent T2 survey. A list of general demographic items included
in the T1 questionnaire are provided in Appendix D.
A select number of demographics items were also included at the conclusion of the T2
questionnaire (see Appendix E). Participants were asked to estimate the number of times they
used specific campus centers and services (e.g., writing center, tutoring, learning center,
academic support center) during the current term. In addition, participants reported the number
of times they sought academic help from their course instructor, a teaching assistant, friends or
classmates, and family members over the current term. The survey concluded by asking
participants to enter their university email address for matching purposes across the two time
points.
47
Procedures
Data collection for T1 commenced in February 2021 and lasted for three weeks (roughly
weeks 3-5 of the spring semester). Participants who participated in the study through subject
pool accessed a Qualtrics survey through an online university portal. Since subject pool collects
basic demographic data (e.g., race, ethnicity), I emailed all registered undergraduates who
identified as “Asian” and informed them about their potential eligibility for this study. Non-
subject pool participants accessed the study link directly through fliers, emails, or newsletters
distributed through their respective student organizations.
Once participants confirmed they met the eligibility criteria for the study and completed
an online consent form in Qualtrics, they were prompted to identify the first course they had each
week in the current term (either winter 2021 if their institution operated under a quarter system
or spring 2021 if their institution had a semester system). Participants indicated if the course was
related to their major and rated their level of competency for the course on a 7-point Likert scale
(1 = Extremely incompetent, 4 = Neither competent nor incompetent, 7 = Extremely competent).
Participants were then told to answer the subsequent survey items while keeping that one specific
course in mind.
The T1 questionnaire was structured such that participants answered the Help-Seeking
Orientation Scale items first, the Personal Goal Orientation Scale next, and the IM-4 items last.
Since help-seeking orientations were the main outcome of interest, these items were the first
ones that participants answered. The IM-4 items related to expectations and beliefs about Asian
Americans, and possibly mirrored views that participants had of themselves – these were
therefore placed near the end of the survey given their potentially sensitive nature. In addition,
three distractor items were included (one per scale) which served as attention checks. A sample
48
item read “If you are reading this, please select “Completely true” and asked students to select
the appropriate Likert-scale rating. Demographic information such as age, gender, race, ethnicity,
generational status, major, and GPA were collected at the end of the questionnaire. Students also
reported their use of specific help-seeking services offered on campus (e.g., writing center,
tutoring, learning center, academic support center) since they became a college student.
Participants had the option to enter their university address to ensure that the second survey
could be emailed to them in the following weeks. Students who participated through the subject
pool were also asked to enter their email address to ensure credit could be properly issued. In
total, the questionnaire took an average of 39 minutes to complete.
Data collection for T2 commenced in March 2021 and lasted for three weeks
(approximately weeks 7-9 of the semester). This marked the approximate mid-point of the
semester whereby participants were expected to have completed at least one major graded
assignment (e.g., project, written paper) or taken a midterm examination. For participants who
attended a college or university that operated under a quarter system, these dates targeted the
final weeks of the quarter preceding finals week. Participants who completed the study through
subject pool again accessed the Qualtrics survey through an online university portal. Only
students who completed the T1 survey were invited to complete the T2 survey.
Participants were reminded that their T1 responses pertained to the first course they had
each week during the current term, and to keep that course in mind as they addressed the
subsequent questionnaire items. Participants answered an identical set of closed-response
questionnaire items starting with the Help-Seeking Orientation Scale items first, the Personal
Goal Orientation Scale next, and the IM-4 items last. Next, participants reported the number of
times they sought help from their instructor, teaching assistant, peers, or family, as it related to
49
their identified course. Items about the use of specific help-seeking services offered on campus
(e.g., writing center, tutoring, learning center, academic support center) during the current term
and an abbreviated set of demographic questions were also posed. An open-ended comments box
was also provided so participants had the option to share any additional information. For
verification purposes, subject pool participants were asked to enter their school email address to
ensure credit could be properly issued. Non-subject pool participants were also asked to provide
their school email address to link their T1 and T2 questionnaires. In total, the questionnaire took
an average of 22.9 minutes to complete. Participants were thanked for their time and
appropriately compensated by the end March 2021.
Interview Selection and Protocol
At the conclusion of the T2 questionnaire, participants were asked if they wanted to take
part in a 45-minute online interview which focused on understanding how Asian American
college students conceptualized academic achievement and whether they saw any connections
between academic achievement and help-seeking. Participants were selected based on their
institution, major, GPA, and demographic data (e.g., gender, ethnicity, age) to ensure a varied
group of Asian American undergraduates were included. Table 3 provides a breakdown of
participant demographics.
50
51
52
I followed a semi-structured interview protocol to conduct each online interview (see
Appendix F). Using a semi-structured protocol allowed me to ensure the same core questions
were posed to each participant in a consistent way, but also offered flexibility so that I could
tailor subsequent prompts or additional questions based on how each participant responded
(Creswell, 2009). Since I wanted to understand how Asian American undergraduates defined
academic achievement, I first asked participants to describe what being Asian American meant to
them. Participants reflected on some of the direct and indirect messages they received about
Asian Americans as it related to academics, described how those messages shaped their
understanding of academic achievement, and defined academic achievement from their
perspective as a current college student. Participants were then presented with a diagram (see
Figure 1) which described the key steps in the academic help-seeking process as defined in the
literature.
Figure 1
Key Steps in the Academic Help-Seeking Process
Note. Adapted from Karabenick and Dembo, 2011. Diagram depicts the key steps involved in the
academic help-seeking process. Students who participated in the online interviews were shown
the diagram and asked to provide their immediate reaction and then reflect on how the diagram
aligned to their own help-seeking behaviors.
53
Participants were given a minute to review the diagram and then were prompted for their
immediate reaction. Participants identified key steps that resonated with them, described factors
that might influence whether they chose to get help based on their own academic experiences,
and considered ways in which the help-seeking process might look different for Asian American
students. If time permitted, participants engaged in a cognitive interview (Desimone & Le Floch,
2004) whereby they reflected on specific items from the help-seeking, goal orientation, and
model minority myth scales taken from the questionnaire. As part of this think-aloud process,
participants read aloud the item and then articulated how they interpreted the item and what they
thought about as they attempted to select the most appropriate Likert-scale rating. In the section
that follows, I describe the quantitative and qualitative data analysis plan used to address the
guiding research questions.
Quantitative Data Analysis Plan
RStudio was used to conduct the quantitative data analysis. To address the first set of
research questions which investigated the relationship between the specific goal orientations and
help-seeking orientations of interest (i.e., mastery-approach orientation and autonomous help-
seeking, performance-approach orientation and expedient help-seeking; performance-avoid
orientation and avoidant help-seeking), I first examined the measurement model and ran a
confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to test measurement invariance across the two time points.
Next, I computed the reliabilities for the Help-Seeking Orientation Scale subscales, Personal
Goal Orientation Scale subscales, and the IM-4 achievement subscale at T1 and T2. Following
that, I calculated scale scores for the subscales of each measure and examined the bivariate
correlations.
54
I then used path analysis to examine the key relationships of interest for each sub-
research question (i.e., RQ1a, 1b, 1c). Although structural equation modeling using latent
variables was attempted, model convergence was an issue. Therefore, I used path analysis
instead. To promote model convergence, I examined each outcome variable (autonomous,
expedient, and avoidant help-seeking orientations) with its respectively paired goal orientation
(i.e., mastery-approach, performance-approach, performance-avoid), model minority myth
endorsement (referred to as myth endorsement), and the interaction between the specific goal
orientation included and myth endorsement in a separate model. This resulted in three models,
with each model including the same set of covariates: a) gender (1 = female), b) ethnicity (1 =
East Asian, 0 = non-East Asian), and grade point average (GPA). Gender was selected for model
inclusion given its correlation with various help-seeking orientations, goal orientations, or myth
endorsement at T1 or T2. Ethnicity was defined as a dichotomous variable and included given
the origins of the model minority label and its specific designation for East Asian groups. GPA
was included because grades represent a standard approach for measuring academic achievement
and its possible association to both help-seeking practices and the model minority myth to the
extent of Asian Americans being perceived as academically strong and high-achieving. In the
following section, I describe my analysis plan for the interview data.
Qualitative Data Analysis Plan
To answer the second research question, I iteratively analyzed the data from 30 semi-
structured individual interviews starting with a series of analytic memos that were recorded
immediately following each interview (Saldaña, 2015). After the interviews were transcribed, I
used an inductive approach to code the interviews to allow for the coding process to be emergent
and data driven (Saldaña, 2015). An inductive approach was warranted given the nature of the
55
research question and aim to understand how Asian American college students were
conceptualizing the term “academic achievement.” Given the potentially novel ways that
students might define the term and its subsequent connection to help-seeking, I wanted to ensure
the voices of the participants were prioritized. Thus, by using this analytical approach, I aimed to
capture the meaning of students’ experiences with a focus on the terms and concepts used by
participants themselves (Saldaña, 2015).
Starting with precoding, I highlighted and annotated direct quotes in each transcript that
were particularly striking and significant (Layder, 1998; Saldaña, 2015). In parallel to this work,
I created an additional set of analytic memos which noted key ideas and sentiments that each
participant conveyed as well as a brief reflection about how I perceived each transcript to be
distinct from the ones I had read prior. I then completed a first round of coding (Saldaña, 2015)
whereby I constructed a set of loosely-defined codes based on a word or phrase used by
participants. As part of this process, I used the constant comparative method (Glaser & Strauss,
1967) to determine whether codes that emerged from participants’ responses differed from
existing codes.
Following this, I created a codebook which contained the name, description, and example
of each code (Saldaña, 2015). I then trained two undergraduate students to use the codebook and
we independently coded and then reconciled six of the 30 transcripts (20%) to ensure calibration.
Following training, I coded the remaining 24 transcripts and had each undergraduate coder
independently review 12 transcripts each. As part of the coding process, the undergraduate
coders reviewed the code(s) I selected and agreed or disagreed with its selection and use. They
also suggested alternative codes or missing codes if they believed that codes were misaligned or
overlooked. Any disagreements or new code suggestions were reviewed and resolved.
56
Next, I formally coded each interview in NVIVO 12 by creating nodes and assigned the
final codes that the undergraduate coders and I selected and agreed upon. Following this, I
completed axial coding (Saldaña, 2015) by mapping out relationships between codes and sub-
codes. I also identified codes that might be particularly relevant to this second research question.
The undergraduate coders and I also independently created an additional set of analytic memos
after coding each transcript in full to reflect on the major ideas presented in the interview,
identify unique features, and to reflect on the ways in which participants conceptualized
academic success and any connection it had to academic help-seeking. These quantitative and
qualitative findings are presented in the following chapter.
57
Chapter 4
Results
I will first present the results pertaining to the set of quantitative research questions
(RQ1a-1c) followed by the results for the qualitative research question (RQ2).
Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Measurement Invariance
Confirmatory factor analysis revealed the Help-Seeking Orientation Scale and Personal
Goal Orientation Scale had good model fit (see Table 4) as a three-factor model and four-factor
model, respectively, at T1 and T2 based on various fit indices (TLI = 0.981 to 0.996, CFI =
0.985 to 0.0.996, RMSEA = 0.023 to 0.043, SRMR = 0.053 to 0.063). The IM-4 had acceptable
model fit as a one-factor model at T1 and T2 (TLI = 0.957 to 0.960, CFI = 0.973 to 0.0.974,
RMSEA = 0.083 to 0.085, SRMR = 0.034). Good model fit was determined by examining the
root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA; .06 or less), the Tucker-Lewis index (TLI;
.95 or higher), the comparative fit index (CFI; .95 or higher), and the standardized root mean
square residual (SRMR; .05 or less) (Byrne, 2012). A model is considered to have acceptable fit
if the TLI and CFI values are 0.90 or higher and the RMSEA and SRMR values are values of
0.08 or lower (Byrne, 2012; Marsh et al., 2005).
Measurement invariance across time was established for each measure (Kline, 2006). All
measures met the assumption of invariance at the partial strict invariance level (see Table 5)
whereby factor loadings, item intercepts, and residual variances were constrained across the two
time points.
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Table 5
Measurement Invariance Analysis of Configural, Metric, Scalar, and Strict Invariance Across
Two Time Points
Measure Model χ
2
Δ χ
2
df Δ df p Δ p CFI ΔCFI
Help-Seeking
(13 items)
Configural 181.07 124 0.001 0.987
Metric 191.85 6.25 134 10 0.001 0.794 0.987 0.000
Partial
Scalar
197.80 11.05 142 8 0.001 0.199 0.987 0.000
Partial Strict 211.15 19.28 153 11 0.001 0.056 0.987 0.000
Goal
Orientation (18
items)
Configural 327.95 258 0.002 0.994
Metric 348.61 12.78 272 14 0.001 0.544 0.994 0.000
Partial
Scalar
356.97 19.56 285 13 0.002 0.107 0.994 0.000
Partial Strict 371.18 26.11 302 17 0.004 0.072 0.994 0.000
Model-
Minority Myth
– Achievement
(10 items)
Configural 203.93 58 0.000 0.974
Metric 209.35 5.41 67 9 0.000 0.797 0.974 0.000
Scalar 217.16 7.81 76 9 0.000 0.553 0.974 0.000
Partial Strict 228.64 11.48 85 9 0.000 0.244 0.974 0.000
Note. Gray fields indicate measurement invariance results at the level labeled.
*
p < .05.
**
p < .01.
***
p < .001.
Table 4
Measurement Models Goodness-of-Fit Indices
Models
# of
items
χ
2
df
χ
2
p-value
χ
2
/df CFI TLI RMSEA
RMSEA
90%CI
SRMR
BHS: T1 Help-
Seeking, 3-
factor model
13 79.003 62 0.071 1.27 0.990 0.988 0.028 0.000-0.045 0.057
EHS: T2 Help-
Seeking, 3-
factor model
13 102.067 62 0.001 1.65 0.985 0.981 0.043 0.027-0.057 0.063
BGO: T1 Goal
Orientation, 4-
factor model
18 174.413 129 0.005 1.35 0.992 0.991 0.032 0.018-0.043 0.057
EGO: T2 Goal
Orientation, 4-
factor model
18 153.534 129 0.069 1.19 0.996 0.996 0.023 0.000-0.036 0.053
BMMM: T1
MMM, one-
factor
10 100.159 29 0.000 3.45 0.973 0.957 0.083 0.066-0.101 0.034
EMMM: T2
MMM, one-
factor
10 103.774 29 0.000 3.58 0.974 0.960 0.085 0.068-0.103 0.034
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Internal Reliability and Bivariate Correlations
The internal reliabilities for the subscales of each measure were relatively comparable to
prior work. Cronbach’s alphas for the Help-Seeking Orientation subscales ranged from 0.53 to
0.86 at T1 and T2 (see Table 6 below for more specifics). Of note, the Expedient Help-Seeking
subscale had an internal reliability of 0.44 at T1 and 0.64 at T2 when all three items of the
original subscale were retained. Given the low alpha value at T1, I removed one item to raise the
internal reliability to 0.53 at T1 and 0.73 at T2. Cronbach’s alphas for the Personal Goal
Orientation subscales and the Achievement subscale of the IM-4 were also acceptable and
ranged from 0.71 to 0.94 at T1 and T2.
Bivariate correlations between the various help-seeking orientations, goal orientations,
and myth endorsement at T1 and T2 are included in Table 7. The correlations between T1 and T2
subscales and gender, ethnicity, and GPA are also included. Correlations between covariates are
included in Table 8. Statistically significantly positive correlations between a) autonomous help-
seeking at T2 and mastery-approach at T1, b) expedient help-seeking at T2 and performance-
approach, myth endorsement, and gender at T1, and c) avoidant help-seeking and performance-
avoid at T1 were found. I also found a statistically significant negative correlation between
avoidant help-seeking at T2 and GPA.
60
Table 6
Sample Items from the Help-Seeking Orientation Scale, Personal Goal Orientation Scale, and
Internalization of the Model Minority Myth – Achievement Measure
Name of
Measure
Scale Rating Subscale Internal
Reliability
Sample Item
Help-Seeking
Orientation
Scale
5-point Likert scale
• 1 = "Not at all
true”
• 3 = "Somewhat
true”
• 5 =
"Completely
true"
Autonomous
Help-Seeking
(5 items)
0.76, 0.79 I would ask for help in this
class to learn to solve
problems and find answers by
myself.
Expedient
Help-Seeking
(2 items)
0.53, 0.73 The purpose of asking
somebody for help in this
class would be to succeed
without having to work as
hard.
Avoidant
Help-Seeking
(6 items)
0.83, 0.86 If I didn’t understand
something in this class, I
would guess rather than ask
someone for assistance.
Personal Goal
Orientation
Scale
5-point Likert scale
• 1 = "Not at all
true”
• 3 = "Somewhat
true”
• 5 =
"Completely
true"
Mastery-
Approach
(5 items)
0.91, 0.92 One of my goals in class is to
learn as much as I can.
Mastery-
Avoid
(4 items)
0.71, 0.75 My goal is to avoid falling
short of my potential in my
class.
Performance-
Approach
(5 items)
0.91 One of my goals is to look
smart in comparison to the
other students in my class.
Performance-
Avoid
(4 items)
0.81, 0.86 One of my goals is to keep
others from thinking I’m not
smart in class.
Internalization
of the Model
Minority
Myth
Measure
7-point Likert
scale:
• 1 = Strongly
disagree
• 4 = Neither
agree nor
disagree
• 7 = Strongly
agree
Achievement
subscale
(10 items)
0.94 In comparison to other racial
minorities (e.g., African
American, Hispanics, Native
Americans), Asian Americans
are more motivated to be
successful.
Note. The first value reported for the internal reliability is for T1 and the second value is for T2.
The alpha was identical at T1 and T2 when only one alpha is reported.
61
62
Table 8
Bivariate Correlations – Covariates
Variable 1 2 3
1. Gender 1.00
2. Ethnicity 0.06 1.00
3. GPA 0.05 0.12** 1.00
Note. Gender (female = 1). Ethnicity (East Asian =1). GPA = grade point average.
* p < 0.1., ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01
Relationships between Help-Seeking Orientations, Goal Orientations, and Myth
Endorsement
Each of the three models had good fit based on the fit indices (TLI = 0.935 to 0.986, CFI
= 0.975 to 0.995, RMSEA = 0.027 to 0.059, SRMR = 0.037 to 0.056) – see Table 9. The results
for each research question will be described in further detail below.
Table 9
Goodness-of-Fit Indices for Path Analysis Models
Models χ
2
df
χ
2
p-value
CFI TLI RMSEA
RMSEA
90% CI
SRMR
AHS2 model:
Autonomous Help-
Seeking model
21.120 15 0.133 0.994 0.982 0.035 0.000-0.066 0.044
EXHS2 model:
Expedient
Help-Seeking
model
37.365 17 0.003 0.975 0.935 0.059 0.033-0.085 0.056
AVHS2 model:
Avoidant
Help-Seeking
model
21.330 17 0.212 0.995 0.986 0.027 0.000-0.059 0.037
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Autonomous Help-Seeking, Mastery-Approach Goal Orientation, and Myth Endorsement
To answer research question 1a – To what extent does endorsement of the model
minority myth diminish the positive relationship between a mastery-approach orientation and
autonomous help-seeking? – I found that autonomous help-seeking orientation at T1 (AHS1) (ß
= 0.56, p < 0.001) and mastery-approach goal orientation at T1 (MAP1) (ß = 0.15, p < 0.01)
predicted a statistically significant increase in autonomous help-seeking orientation at T2
(AHS2) (see Table 10). Model minority myth endorsement at T1 (MMM1) was not a significant
predictor (ß = -0.02, p = 0.67) and the interaction between mastery-approach and myth
endorsement at T1 was also not significant (ß = -0.03, p = 0.47).
64
65
Using a panel design also allowed me to also examine reciprocal relationships between
key variables in the model. Results from the path analysis indicated that autonomous help-
seeking orientation at T1 (AHS1) (ß = 0.09, p < 0.05) and mastery-approach goal orientation at
T1 (MAP1) (ß = 0.71, p < 0.01) predicted a statistically significant increase in mastery-approach
goal orientation at T2 (MAP2). When myth endorsement at T2 was used as the outcome variable,
only myth endorsement at T1 (MMM1) (ß = 0.78, p < 0.01) and gender (ß = 0.07, p < 0.05) were
identified as significant predictors. This held true for the remaining two models. Figure 2
displays the significant paths between each of the predictors and outcomes included in the
Autonomous Help-Seeking model.
Figure 2
Autonomous Help-Seeking Path Model
Note. Figure shows statistically significant paths and significant covariances. Covariates (i.e.,
gender, ethnicity, GPA) are omitted for brevity.
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Expedient Help-Seeking, Performance-Approach Goal Orientation, and Myth Endorsement
To answer research question 1b – To what extent does endorsement of the model
minority myth enhance the positive relationship between a performance-approach orientation and
expedient help-seeking? – I found that expedient help-seeking orientation at T1 (EXHS1) (ß =
0.49, p < 0.001), performance-approach goal orientation at T1 (PAP1) (ß = 0.18, p < 0.001), and
myth endorsement at T1 (MMM1) (ß = 0.12, p < 0.01) predicted a statistically significant
increase in expedient help-seeking orientation at T2 (EXHS2) (see Table 11). However, the
interaction between performance-approach and myth endorsement at T1 was not significant (ß =
0.02, p = 0.63).
67
68
Results from the path analysis also indicated that performance-approach goal orientation
at T1 (PAP1) (ß = 0.76, p < 0.001) and myth endorsement at T1 (MMM1) (ß = 0.09, p < 0.05)
predicted a statistically significant increase in performance-approach goal orientation at T2
(PAP2). Figure 3 displays the significant paths between each of the predictors and outcomes
included in the Expedient Help-Seeking model.
Figure 3
Expedient Help-Seeking Path Model
Note. Figure shows statistically significant paths and significant covariances. Covariates (i.e.,
gender, ethnicity, GPA) are omitted for brevity.
Avoidant Help-Seeking, Performance-Avoid Goal Orientation, and Myth Endorsement
To answer research question 1c – To what extent does endorsement of the model
minority myth enhance the positive relationship between a performance-avoid orientation and
avoidant help-seeking? – I found that avoidant help-seeking orientation (AVHS) at T1 (ß = 0.72,
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p < 0.001) predicted a statistically significant increase in avoidant help-seeking orientation at T2
(AVHS2) (see Table 12). In contrast, GPA (ß = -0.11, p < 0.01) predicted a statistically
significant decrease in avoidant help-seeking orientation at T2 (AVHS2). Neither performance-
avoid goal orientation (PAV1) at T1 (ß = 0.06, p = 0.09) nor myth endorsement (MMM1) at T1
(ß = 0.00, p = 0.99) were significant predictors of avoidant help-seeking orientation at T2
(AVHS2). The interaction between performance-avoid goal orientation and myth endorsement at
T1 was also not significant (ß = 0.00, p = 0.93).
70
71
Results from the path analysis also indicated that avoidant help-seeking orientation at T1
(AVHS1) (ß = 0.48, p < 0.001) and performance-avoid goal orientation at T1 (PAV1) (ß = 0.18,
p < 0.001) predicted a statistically significant increase in performance-avoid goal orientation at
T2 (PAV2). Figure 4 displays the significant paths between each of the predictors and outcomes
included in the Avoidant Help-Seeking model.
Figure 4
Avoidant Help-Seeking Path Model
Note. Statistically significant paths are depicted as well as significant covariances. Covariates
(i.e., gender, ethnicity, GPA) have been omitted for brevity.
Qualitative Findings
In the following section, findings related to RQ2 – In what ways does Asian American
college students’ conceptualization and valuation of academic achievement relate to academic
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help-seeking? – will be presented. First, I highlight key components of participants’ definitions
of academic achievement. Next, I present the ways in which participants noticed a positive
relationship between academic achievement and help-seeking such that help-seeking was
believed to support greater academic achievement. Finally, I explore the connections participants
made between help-seeking avoidance and their Asian identity.
Defining and Re-Defining Academic Success: “I had a really narrow definition of what
learning is, and what achievement is.”
Participants conceptualized academic achievement in a variety of ways which ranged
from traditional performance-based measures (e.g., course grades, test scores, grade point
average) to a shifting mindset that emphasized learning and personal development, networking,
and pursuing professional opportunities (e.g., internships, jobs). As the most common response,
28 of the 30 participants (93%) mentioned traditional indicators of academic performance, such
as grades and test scores, with some highlighting the additional pressures they experienced given
their Asian identity and expectations to be high achieving. As one participant describes, “It kinda
just hurts because you're expected to do well. And it's like, ‘Oh, you're not a good Asian.’ And
then, you tie too much of your self-esteem to academic success when it really shouldn't be that
way” [Shelley, age 20, Chinese, female].
Although academic achievement was commonly described in performative ways, eight
participants (26.7%) expressed their desire to pursue a graduate degree and consequently noted
that grades, transcripts, test scores, and other traditional measures of achievement bore greater
weight for them. As one participant commented, “My major is different, because I have to apply
to grad school to get the job that I want. So I can't just sort of pass my classes – I have to think
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about my GPA, which is annoying” [Priya, age 20, Indian, female]. As a result, they expressed a
sentiment that grades mattered and could impact their future career options and opportunities.
Another prevalent view mentioned by 21 of the participants (70%) was a shift in the ways
they thought about achievement from being strictly about grades and performance-based
indicators to considering the ways in which they might apply the information being taught in
their classes to real-world situations, finding value in the content being covered in their courses,
and making attempts to make their educational experiences more meaningful. As part of the
reflections, students evaluated the purpose of education and questioned the quality of their
learning experiences when the emphasis on performance was so high. As Christina shared:
In terms of how I view myself [as] a student, I [used to] have a really narrow definition of
what learning is, and what achievement is. I think that's partially [due to] the system as a
whole. Like, getting an A means you did a good job, and that means you learned what
we're told. And then the added layer for Asian Americans is, like, "You must get all A's."
Like, you can academically achieve well and get A's and not learn. When I approach
schoolwork, the goal we've been given is to get the grade, and it's not even to do the
learning, I guess. I feel like that's how a lot of classes operate. And so I think in terms of
academic achievement, I'm not gonna act like I don't still care about my grades and my
GPA. I feel like that's all you're told, right. Like, get good grades, have a 4.0, all of that.
But I've been trying to challenge myself more recently to be like, "What are you actually
learning?" [Christina, age 19, Chinese, female]
As part of this reflection, Christina interrogates messages that have informed her views towards
achievement and names the ways in which she is challenging herself to question the value of her
educational experiences. She also echoes sentiments related to expectations projected on to
Asian students about being high performing and subsequently, pushing against those messages to
question what learning has occurred, acknowledging that grades may not be indicative of what
students know.
Students also noted that academic achievement extended beyond academic performance
and their coursework. Nine students (30%) mentioned the value of networking and cultivating
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relationships with faculty, staff, and other students beyond regular classroom interactions.
Twelve students (40%) additionally highlighted that academic achievement included
professional opportunities such as internships, fellowships, and jobs. When asked about what
academic achievement looks like, Ryan describes:
Definitely things like GPAs, grades. And in my personal experience, other things such as
being able to talk to professors, being able to talk to grad students, being able to network.
Networking. I wanna highlight that word. Because a lot of people are […] trying to
expand beyond the GPA. And so coming here-- it's been a struggle to fight against
internalizing the need to achieve highly. So to get straight A's, to get that 4.0 GPA, that
kind of thing. And obviously I think that my perception is constantly changing. I'm
wrapping up my third year, and I have an internship and a job lined up for my summer.
So networking is just the first step to any of these things. Because grades will get you so
far. They'll get you a nice GPA to put on a resume. But will you have that personal,
interpersonal connection with whoever your future employer might be? [Ryan, age 20,
Chinese/Taiwanese, male]
This perception of higher education acting as a vehicle to propel students into their careers is
described by one participant who notes that: “Academic achievement to me in college is-- what
can I do in school to help propel me for my future? If I get a full-time job and someone [with] a
better GPA than me doesn't, I feel that I've succeeded” [Jin, age 20, Korean, male]. Thus,
participants are reflectively thinking beyond their course grades and performance to include
networking and future career opportunities as part of their definitions of academic achievement.
As part of the interview, participants were also asked if they saw any connection between how
they thought about academic achievement and the ways in which they pursued help, which will
be explored in the subsequent section.
Positive Connections Between Academic Achievement and Help-Seeking: “High academic
achievement cannot be brought upon by yourself.”
Although not all participants explicitly commented on connections between academic
achievement and help-seeking, eight students (26.7%) mentioned a positive relationship (i.e.,
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help-seeking supported greater academic achievement) and highlighted a variety of ways in
which help could support learning and engagement. First, participants noted that by just
approaching an instructor, they could “clarify the instructor’s expectations” as it related to a
course or assignment or talk to the professor about how they were doing in the class. Participants
believed these interactions with the professor could positively impact their academic
achievement because the student would develop a clearer understanding of what the instructor
desired, knew specific actions they could take to improve course performance, and as a
byproduct, fostered a rapport with the professor.
Participants also noted that getting help could enhance learning by thinking of help-
seeking as a process and way to build understanding. One participant noted that rather than
perceiving help-seeking as “I can't do this question 'cause I'm dumb so I need to get help” – he
re-framed his view to focus on increasing his understanding which sounded like, “Lemme get
help to see if there's a different way to do this problem, an easier way, or for me to be more
comfortable with my professors and peers. It's not just about getting help to get an A” [Jin, age
20, Korean, male]. As Jin notes, the purpose of getting help was not grade-focused. Rather, he
was motivated to better understand the problem he was solving and in the process, established
connections with his instructor and peers.
Similarly, Rose emphasized the broader importance of building relationships, and how
this was a salient component of her student experience. By forming these connections, any help
Rose later pursued felt more natural because lines of communication had already been
established. She said, “But networking […] with your professors, your TAs, [and] people
working in the department and at the school, I think really opens up the process of help-seeking.
Where it doesn't even feel like help-seeking. You kind of just reach out to the people that you
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know to improve your experience as a student, and in the course or in your major” [Rose, age 20,
Thai, female]. As a result, Rose notes that developing such relationships can prove beneficial
when students need support in specific courses, as they progress through their area of study, and
as a college student in that the conversations can feel more organic.
Other participants expressed the belief that “high academic achievement cannot be
brought upon by yourself.” As part of this sentiment, participants acknowledge that part of the
college experience involves noting when academic struggles or challenges arise and being
proactive about getting support to resolve those challenges. As one student noted:
I think people that seek help are more likely to achieve. So-- if you ask more questions, if
you participate and you don't know things and you're willing to seek out answers from, I
don't know, a TA, a professor—maybe other academic services, then I think you're
directly more likely to achieve. So I would actually say that's part of being intelligent. It's
being self-aware of when you're not knowledgeable and seeking out that knowledge.
[Randy, age 19, Vietnamese, male]
In addition to being attuned to areas where learners needed additional support or clarity,
participants also noted that academic achievement was the product of a community and
collection of individuals who are available to support their learning and development. One
participant explicitly noted that academic achievement was not a solo venture saying, “Like, it
has to be supported through friends, through colleagues, like, professors, teachers, parents, even.
And so I see a high correlation between success and the willingness to ask for help” [Trevor, age
19, Chinese/Korean/Laotian, male]. Thus, even though students might invest a great deal of
individual effort to do well academically, they acknowledge that supportive people present
within their personal and academic community are essential for academic success. Connections
between students’ racial identity and help-seeking was also described with students expressing
an inclination to avoid help-seeking when aspects of their Asian identity were salient. I present
these findings in the following section.
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Asian Identity and Help-Seeking Avoidance: “I don't need help because my entire life I've
never needed it. Everyone has told me that I never needed it.”
Findings from the interviews revealed a variety of ways in which participants’ Asian
identity, culture, and values shaped their thinking related to achievement and subsequently,
help-seeking. In general, when participants mentioned aspects of their Asian identity or cultural
values and connected it to help-seeking behaviors, they tended to be disinclined to seek out help.
In other words, reflecting on their Asian identity generally led participants to express a) reasons
why they did want help from others, b) concerns related to help-seeking process, or c)
preferences for working on their own. Before highlighting the most salient themes related to
help-seeking aversion, I first note key findings related to messages that participants conveyed
about the model minority myth to provide a foundation for the academic context in which Asian
students frequently experience.
What do messages that convey the model minority myth sound like? When
discussing assumptions commonly made about Asian people, all participants described some
aspect of the model minority myth with 29 of the 30 participants (97%) specifically referring to
messages they received about being labeled as “smart,” being “good at math or STEM,” or
“getting straight A’s.” One participant described how she internalized these messages noting,
“'Cause, a lotta these ideas I literally never questioned, and I also felt a sense of pride in the idea
of model minority. So, it made me tie everything about my identity, like, a lot of it was academic
success” [Shelley, age 20, Chinese, female]. Similarly, other participants noted that many of the
academic expectations and assumptions cast upon them tended to “perpetuate these kinds of
stereotypes,” particularly when the messages were conveyed directly by their families and
surrounding community. Given these prevailing messages from family members, school
78
contexts, and the general media, the varying level of endorsement and internalization of
messages conveyed by the model minority stereotype could indeed shape Asian American
students’ own self-perceptions and expectations for success.
What factors contribute to help-seeking avoidance? When students were prompted to
reflect on connections they saw between academic achievement and help-seeking, three
participants (10%) specifically highlighted a negative relationship, whereby they observed that
strong academic achievement was associated with less help-seeking. Two main reasons – 1)
concerns about perceptions others would hold of them, particularly due to the influence of the
model minority myth and 2) the increased value of the achievement when it was accomplished
individually rather than through the support of others – were mentioned as drivers of help-
seeking avoidance.
Given their awareness of and sensitivity to the model minority myth, participants noted
their hesitancy to seek out help due to concerns about perceptions others may hold. One
participant noted:
Expectations [that] you are supposed to do well makes it harder to ask for help because
it's like, I should be able to do this because I'm being told that I'm smart, even if it's a
totally brand-new concept that it would make sense to ask questions about. There's still
that perception that I somehow magically know this because I am a single-story
stereotype type of thing. [Christina, age 19, Chinese, female]
Similarly, Annie shared a hypothetical situation of the thought process Asian American
students might experience once they recognize that help is needed. She says,
A consequence of the model minority label is that when you're built up and kind of
conditioned to think that you're inherently good at school, and then you suddenly need
help, you're like, ‘Oh, I don't need it because my entire life I've never needed it. Like,
everyone has told me that I never needed it.’ Like, this [help-seeking] is definitely not
universal at all. And I think that for Asian American students in particular-- our identity
intersects with a lot of these processes [in ways] that I don't think others would. And I
mean that in, like, a harmful way. [Annie, age 21, Vietnamese, female]
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As both participants conveyed, Asian American students who endorse the model minority
narrative may be especially resistant to get help, even in need-contingent situations. Thus, help-
seeking might be viewed as an indicator of incompetence and result in an unwillingness to seek
help, which could be potentially harmful in the long-term.
In addition to the general model minority messages and the resulting pressures that
participants described, two students mentioned the implicit biases K-12 teachers and professors
might hold about Asian students. One student reflected on her experience saying:
I was thinking […] maybe I don't ask for help a lot because I'm scared anyone's gonna
think I'm dumb. And then they see the color of my skin, they can see the color of my hair.
My eyes, maybe, even, you know. And I'm very proud of being Filipino, but then it's like,
I don't-- ugh. This has negative connotations which is, like, it's gonna put a label on
myself. But essentially I don't want there to be some implicit bias of, “Oh, you didn't
meet my expectations because I expected so much more from you.” [Kiana, age 20,
Filipino, female]
Thus, students were attuned to the perceptions that instructors and other help-seeking sources
might hold of them, and their resulting feelings of discomfort, unease, and frustration could
potentially make it more difficult for Asian American students to ask for help.
Another potential driver for help-seeking avoidance was due to the participants’ desire to
work independently and problem-solve on their own as a way to avoid shame, embarrassment, or
inferiority. As one student conveyed, “Asian culture [is] very community-based, but it's also
extremely independent. I may want help, but I don't often take action upon it because I don't
want to be seen as inferior or don't want to mark my family as inferior” [Carol, age 20,
Vietnamese, female]. For Asian students, messages related to the model minority myth may be
paired with concerns about how their families might be perceived given the collectivistic nature
and close family bonds that are often present in Asian cultures. This means students may refrain
from seeking help due to their desires for independence coupled with concerns about the
80
perceptions others may hold about them or their families. Participants also noted that
independence is valued within American culture and that traits such as self-sufficiency or being a
self-starter are often valued and praised. One participant commented, “[We] have to be self-
learners and troubleshooters, right. Asking for help is almost seen as an impediment. Even if you
have this rhetoric of, "Oh, seek help," that's not enough because you still have a culture that
steeply penalizes any deviance from perfection” [Jeffrey, age 21, Korean, male]. Thus, in an
attempt to negotiate the American aspect of their Asian American identities, students might
sacrifice pursuing help in favor of being positively perceived as someone who is independent and
self-sufficient.
In addition to cultural values of collectivism and concerns about the reputation of their
family, participants referenced aspects of their Asian identity that related to their views about
help-seeking – namely a preference for privacy and not calling attention to oneself. Although
these comments were not discussed by a majority of participants, these select examples highlight
how help-seeking might be viewed in ways that are distinctive to Asian American students. A
comment from Carol stressed the importance of keeping to herself and not sharing her
“problems.” She noted, “I don't know if it's Asian culture or me as an individual, but I tend to
keep to myself, especially with my personal problems. I'm a private person so it could be slight
influence from the Asian culture, but that's just my style” [Carol, age 20, Vietnamese, female].
By categorizing her desire for academic support as a personal problem, she notes her inclination
to conceal her struggle, coupled with her discomfort of “bothering” professors on the occasions
when she does seek help. Relatedly, another participant notes that Asian American students may
struggle with “calling attention to yourself.” He reflects, “Typically people don't want to cause
problems, like, Asian-identifying people. And that's especially with me. I'm like, ‘Oh, there's not
81
a problem. I can deal with it. It's fine.’ There's that mentality of, ‘Don't cause disturbances and
stay quiet’" [Eric, age 21, Lu Mien, male]. By not alerting anyone to support their need, Asian
American students avoid attracting attention to themselves and their families, and consequently,
evade being viewed as burdensome or an inconvenience to others.
Being Unaware of Help-Seeking: “We’re not taught how to ask for help ever.”
Although all participants reflected on their help-seeking experiences, seven students
(23%) stated that help-seeking is not discussed within their communities. Moreover, participants
noted that help-seeking has not been well described and thus, was not normalized as an expected
or acceptable behavior in all their formal years of schooling leading up to their postsecondary
education. As one participant commented, “Acknowledging that you need help is very important.
And it's also not discussed” [Carol, age 20, Vietnamese, female]. Another noted, “I feel like
we're not taught how to ask for help ever” [Christina, age 19, Chinese, female]. Other students
made more explicit connections to their Asian identity with one participant reflecting,
I kind of thought about how in different Asian cultures, asking for help is not a thing. Or
if it is, it's in a very indirect way. I feel like asking for help isn't so straightforward in
Asian communities sometimes. But at the same time, if you are second generation or
grow up here, then that's kind of what you also learn to do. [Jamie, age 21,
Chinese/Vietnamese, female]
Although help may not be discussed openly or transparently within some Asian cultures, this
participant indicates that help-seeking might be more acceptable or even expected within
mainstream American culture. Through the process of developing cultural capital, Asian
American students might perceive of help-seeking as a behavior that they can become
comfortable enacting themselves.
As this qualitative data conveys, the ways in which Asian American college students
conceive of and value academic achievement and its connection to academic help-seeking is
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varied and complex. In the following chapter, these findings are further explored within the
context of existing literature and implications for research and practice are addressed.
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Chapter 5
Discussion
Overall, the results from the quantitative analysis indicate additive rather than interactive
relationships among goal orientation, myth endorsement, and help-seeking orientations. In
agreement with prior studies, direct effects were found between established goal orientations and
help-seeking orientations. In addition, myth endorsement was also found to be predictive of one
goal orientation and help-seeking orientation. These relationships, described below, will be
followed by a discussion of pertinent themes that emerged from the interview data to provide a
richer understanding of Asian American undergraduates’ attitudes towards help-seeking and
utilization of help when available. I conclude the chapter by highlighting implications,
limitations, and directions for future research.
Goal Orientation Predicts Specific Help-Seeking Orientations
Consistent with prior work which examined the relationship between mastery goals or a
mastery goal orientation, more broadly, to autonomous help-seeking (Karabenick 1998;
Karabenick, 2003; Karabenick, 2004; Linnenbrink, 2005; Newman, 1994, 1998a, 1998b; Ryan &
Pintrich, 1997, 1998; Ryan et al., 2001), I found that mastery-approach goal orientation predicted
an increase in autonomous help-seeking orientation. Moreover, given the implementation of a
panel design, participants’ mastery-approach goal orientation, measured in the early weeks of the
semester, predicted a proclivity for autonomous help-seeking midway through the semester once
a need for help may have arisen. These results suggest that Asian American students, similar to
their non-Asian peers, may be more likely to engage in autonomous help-seeking behaviors, or at
least view them favorably, when they adopt a mastery-approach goal orientation and view
academics and learning as opportunities to enhance their understanding and cultivate new skills
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with the aim of achieving self-determined goals (Cheong et al., 2004; Karabenick 1998;
Karabenick, 2003; Karabenick, 2004; Linnenbrink, 2005; Newman, 1994, 1998a, 1998b; Ryan &
Pintrich, 1997, 1998; Ryan et al., 2001). Results also suggest that this relationship is reciprocal in
nature given that an autonomous help-seeking orientation predicted a mastery-approach goal
orientation later in the semester. Thus, by having professors, teaching assistant, peers, tutors, and
other help sources encourage students to engage in more autonomous forms of help-seeking,
learners could potentially adopt a stronger mastery-approach goal orientation whereby they focus
less on how they are perceived and outperforming others, and instead shift their attention to
learning and development in areas that are of personal interest and satisfaction.
Performance goal orientation, which had previously been linked in empirical studies to
expedient or avoidant help (Karabenick 1998; Karabenick, 2003; Karabenick, 2004), was only
associated with an expedient help-seeking orientation. More specifically, an expedient help-
seeking orientation, characterized by learners who seek out help without investing much time to
mitigate the challenge on their own or assess what support is needed (Butler, 1998) and
measured in the middle of the semester, was predicted by performance-approach goal orientation
measured at the start of the term. Unlike the reciprocal relationship previously observed in the
Autonomous Help-Seeking model, performance-approach goal orientation only predicted an
expedient help-seeking orientation and not vice versa. One possible interpretation of these results
is that students who value demonstrating their abilities and competence to others, whether to
peers or professors, may harbor concerns or anxiety about negative perceptions others hold of
them. This has potential implications for the type of academic help they pursue, if any. For Asian
American students who endorse this specific goal orientation, for example, the amount of time
spent interacting with a knowledgeable source of help might be reduced in comparison to
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students who engage in autonomous help-seeking given a more targeted line of questioning.
Moreover, the quality of questions posed may be perceived as being more surface level due to
the student’s goal of expeditiously locating the correct answer.
Inconsistent with prior research (Chen et al., 2018; Cheong et al., 2004; Karabenick,
2004), performance-avoid goal orientation did not predict an increase in an avoidant help-
seeking orientation later in the semester. However, an avoidant help-seeking orientation did
predict an increase in performance-avoid goal orientation midway through the semester. This
suggests that students who avoid seeking support might become more likely to struggle with
feelings of incompetence or make concerted efforts to avoid failure over time. Thus, an aversion
to help-seeking might catalyze negative feelings related to self-worth or self-perception and
perhaps even drive students to be more resistant to experiences of failure given their lack of
intent to pursue help, regardless of the circumstance. Next, I’ll briefly discuss the quantitative
results that pertain specifically to relationships involving myth endorsement to provide greater
context to the educational experiences of Asian American students.
Myth Endorsement Predicts Expedient Help-Seeking Orientation and Performance-
Approach Goal Orientation
Model minority myth endorsement was a significant predictor of both an expedient help-
seeking orientation and performance-approach goal orientation. No prior work has linked myth
endorsement to any specific help-seeking orientation – therefore, this finding provides insights
into the possible cascading effects of myth endorsement and its implications for academic-related
behaviors. While Cho (2011) reported that belief in the model minority myth was a significant
predictor of a mastery goal orientation and an even stronger predictor of performance goal
orientation using an Asian American undergraduate sample, she did not further distinguish
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between approach and avoid goal orientations. Therefore, these findings provide initial insights
into the ways that myth endorsement might operate for students who adopt a performance-
approach orientation to the extent that their belief in Asian Americans as being naturally high
academic performers could lead to a greater desire to showcase that ability and demonstrate
competence, particularly if it comes at the expense of others.
Across all three models, no evidence was found to suggest that myth endorsement
moderated the relationship between the respective goal orientations and help-seeking orientations
as predicted. Even in the Expedient Help-Seeking model where expedient help-seeking
orientation, performance-approach goal orientation, and myth endorsement each predicted
increases in expedient help-seeking orientation measured later in the semester, no evidence of
moderation was detected.
Taken together, while some findings are consistent with prior work, others were
unexpected. As anticipated, a mastery-approach goal orientation predicted an autonomous help-
seeking orientation, and a performance-approach goal orientation predicted an expedient help-
seeking orientation. However, a performance-avoid goal orientation did not predict an avoidant
help-seeking orientation as expected. Myth endorsement predicted an expedient help-seeking
orientation as well as performance-approach goal orientation, but did not moderate any of the
predicted relationships.
In an effort to unpack the meaning students assigned to academic achievement, help-
seeking, and the messages that underlie the model minority stereotype, I’ll next discuss key
themes that emerged from the student interviews. My aim is to provide greater perspective into
how Asian American undergraduates conceptualized academic achievement and to make
connections between sociocultural factors that participants named and its implications for
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academic help-seeking. My intent in using this approach is not to qualitatively attempt to answer
the quantitative research questions posed – rather, I examine how Asian American college
students conceptualized of these constructs through their diverse perspectives and present ways
that aspects of participants’ culture and background could influence their help-seeking. In the
sections below, I discuss how participants broadened the traditional definition of academic
achievement and sociocultural factors that might shape help-seeking attitudes and behaviors.
Broader Definitions of Academic Achievement
Although academic achievement has been primarily characterized and measured by GPA,
course grades, or test scores (Steinmayr et al., 2014), the Asian American college students I
interviewed described academic achievement in broader terms compared to more traditional
definitions used in the literature. While nearly all participants identified the performance
outcomes listed above as important components of academic achievement – and often named
these first when providing specific examples – participants also included instances of deep and
meaningful learning. A subset of participants also included skills like networking and securing
employment or other opportunities related to their future professions as part of their definition.
For these students, earning high marks alone neither guaranteed future opportunities nor
financial stability.
These findings mark important contributions to the literature on academic achievement
given the current convention of measuring achievement through strictly performative standards.
As evidenced in the interviews, student definitions of achievement both reflected and challenged
the messages and assumptions built into the model minority narrative. While students
acknowledged that being a “good Asian” meant being an exceptional student who met the
expectations that are reinforced in the model minority label (ChenFeng et al., 2017; Kiang et al.,
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2016), students also challenged these conventional definitions by pointing out that grades may be
an inaccurate indicator how much they learned or retained. In doing so, participants may be
challenging some of the messages perpetuated by the myth, either externally to others or for
themselves, as a way to resist internalizing the emphasis placed on grades and other
performance-based measures. Also noteworthy are students’ conceptualizations of achievement
to include ideas related to job security or other professional opportunities – this may be due to
messages portrayed about Asian Americans as being financially secure and obtaining good jobs,
especially in comparison to other racially minoritized groups (Suzuki, 2002; Yoo et al., 2010).
The inclusion of networking and professional opportunities as part of their definition for
achievement suggests that student measures of success may be markedly different from the
existing body of literature on this topic. This has implications for how students might engage
based on how interesting, valuable, and relevant they deem their coursework and other
academic-related tasks to be if job placement and career development are the indicators by which
they deem themselves academically successful.
Sociocultural Differences Might Impact Help-Seeking
As interview participants reflected on their attitudes and behaviors related to academic
help-seeking, several described how help-seeking in any form conflicted with their desire for
self-sufficiency. Furthermore, they associated help-seeking with negative emotions such as
shame and embarrassment. While these reasons for avoidance are consistent with prior literature
(Butler, 1998; Deci & Ryan, 1987; Efklides, 2011; Greene & Azevedo, 2009; Nadler, 1998;
Ryan et al., 2005), students also described the concerns they harbored about their family being
cast in a negative light given the communal and collectivistic nature of some Asian cultures.
Relatedly, other participants highlighted their preference for not drawing attention to themselves,
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keeping problems private, and generally maintaining a quiet disposition – facets which track with
aspects of the model minority portrayal of Asian Americans as being unobtrusive, avoiding
trouble, and blending in so as not to be viewed as problematic or burdensome (Suzuki, 2002).
Another important consideration is that Asian American students might not actively be
avoiding help-seeking, but rather disregard it as a viable option. This might stem from aspects of
Asian culture whereby help-seeking is not acknowledged or talked about, but stigmatized (Yip et
al., 2021). By acknowledging that help-seeking is “not a thing” that is discussed, accepted, or
normalized, Asian American students may endorse and further perpetuate this perspective. Yet
again, undercurrents of the model minority stereotype coupled with Asian or familial values
might influence Asian American students’ attitudes and behaviors towards help-seeking.
Taken together, these findings point to specific ways that sociocultural factors might
influence student attitudes and behaviors related to help-seeking. One novel contribution of this
work is that it raises the tension involved in help-seeking behaviors as it relates to the trickle-
down repercussions from the student to their family. That is, Asian American students’
discomfort in seeking help might stem, in part, from concerns about negatively representing their
family. Moreover, participant comments emphasize the inner conflict some Asian American
students might experience in approaching a help source when problems are highly internalized or
when seeking out help feels like an inconvenience to others. Thus, for some Asian Americans,
help-seeking might be perceived of as a tradeoff whereby asking questions and getting support
comes at the expense of violating personal or cultural values. In addition, this study raises
important considerations for students who seemingly refrain from getting help, which might be
attributed to a lack of awareness about help-seeking being an expected and appropriate behavior
in a learning context.
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Implications for Research and Practice
The implications for research and practice are numerous and complex given the intricate
ways that identity and culture shape thoughts, attitudes, and behaviors related to help-seeking.
First – consistent with prior literature (Fong, 2021; Karabenick, 2004), encouraging students to
adopt a mastery-approach goal orientation has the potential to lead to autonomous help-seeking.
As a result, professors and other help sources should focus on cultivating a mastery-oriented
environment that encourages learning and effortful attempts rather than avoiding mistakes. To
encourage engagement, practices that reflect a mastery goal structure should be emphasized such
as making tangible connections between course content and students’ interest areas, future career
paths, or community. Relatedly, practitioners can mitigate expedient and avoidant help-seeking
by establishing class norms and fostering students’ curiosity and critical thinking to encourage
autonomous help-seeking behaviors (Schworm & Gruber, 2012). This can be incorporated not
only into synchronous class interactions but also in assignments (e.g., papers, projects,
presentations) that emphasize analytical thinking rather than assessments that focus on one
correct answer.
Second, the finding that myth endorsement predicted expedient help-seeking and
performance-approach goal orientation suggests a possible connection between how Asian
American students internalize messages and expectations that are perpetuated by the model
minority stereotype. By noting the pressure and negative emotions that Asian American students
might experience during their educational journey, practitioners can be attuned to help-seeking
efforts made by Asian students, in particular, which might be more nuanced in comparison to
their non-Asian peers. Practitioners could be available to students immediately before or after
class to engage in conversation, mandate brief, individual office hour appointments with students
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early in the semester to establish rapport and reduce the anxiety or the social stigma associated
with asking questions in the presence of other students, or encourage students to use online class
forums or email as a way to ask questions anonymously or privately.
Third, the recognition that academic achievement definitions extend beyond traditional
performance indicators bears consideration given that under this broader definition, many aspects
of college student life, in general, fall under the umbrella of academic achievement. Thus,
practitioners should be sensitive to how students define and measure their own success given that
these may be varied, diverge from dominant culture, and extend beyond interactions within the
classroom context. Taken together, these implications can shift the ways in which students
engage in help-seeking for the duration of their postsecondary journey and potentially as young
professionals once they enter into the workforce upon graduation.
A final consideration I want to highlight is the context in which this study took place.
Data collection occurred in spring 2021, nearly one year into the global COVID-19 pandemic. At
this time, online course enrollment via Zoom and other video conferencing platforms had
become the new norm. As a result, students needed to adapt their help-seeking to align to these
virtual platforms and web tools which may have deviated from the routine practices they
implemented pre-COVID 19. In addition, anti-Asian sentiments and violence was at an all-time
high in the United States (Cheng et al., 2021; Sue et al., 2021; Yip et al., 2021) making the
participants included in this study an even more vulnerable population due to the increased
stress, anxiety, and fear they experienced. As a result, student recounts and reporting need to be
considered in light of these social, political, and global events which were particularly traumatic
for Asian American individuals.
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Limitations
As with all studies, this study poses specific limitations. First, selection bias is present
due to the sampling procedures and recruitment strategy. Although efforts were made to recruit
Asian American undergraduates from a multitude of postsecondary institutions across the
country, a more representative sample in terms of participant ethnicity, geography, and academic
institution could be included. The sample, for example, was predominantly West coast-based,
where larger pockets of specific Asian ethnic groups compared to other areas of the United
States reside. In addition, many of participants would be considered “high performers” as
evidenced by the mean GPA (i.e., 3.67) coupled with the academically competitive institutions
that participants attended. Therefore, these findings should be interpreted with caution and while
bearing in mind that the survey and interview responses were provided by students who were, in
general, academically strong and attending institutions which may provide differing quantities
and types of resources available given the characteristics of students admitted. Institutions who
serve students with lower average GPAs, for example, may offer different types of support and
services. Another element of selection bias to consider is the complex definition of who “counts”
as Asian American might have led some eligible students to self-select out of the study. In light
of these challenges, findings should be interpreted with caution and thoughtful consideration.
Second, issues with self-reporting arise when participants fail to report their responses
with accuracy due to either a lack of awareness or because they want to report in ways that are
socially desirable (Pintrich, 2004). Although care was taken to select measures with relatively
sound psychometric properties that have been used in prior studies, the importance of honest
responses was emphasized in both survey directions and in the interview protocol, and interviews
were used instead of focus groups to discuss these sensitive topics, participants may still have
93
been inclined to respond in ways that made them appear more favorably. In relation to the
survey, students may have felt more inclined to report they engage in autonomous help-seeking,
for example, given the phrasing of the items and the associated positive perception (e.g., seeking
help to better understand ideas) compared to avoidant help-seeking (e.g., feeling like a failure if
help was needed). Relatedly, participants may have also felt inclined to overestimate their own
help-seeking tendencies or dispel the model minority myth, for instance, when describing their
own academic experiences consciously, or even unconsciously, during the interview process.
Third, a panel design allowed me to examine the direction of the associations between the
key variables while controlling for baseline values and covariates. Although this analytic
technique allowed me to examine the strength of the relationship between variables measured at
two different times, the quantitative results were not causal in nature. Future work should not
only include interventions that foster adaptive goal orientations and help-seeking orientations,
but also dispel model minority narratives to examine how myth endorsement pre and post
intervention impacts various goal and help-seeking orientations. Additional future directions for
research are described in the following section.
Future Directions
Taken together, the key findings from this study have implications for future research.
First, future research should explore how the phrasing and interpretation of the help-seeking
process as well as the term, “help,” might deter students, particularly those from
underrepresented and diverse populations, from taking action. For example, some participants
expressed that as Asian Americans, they did not want to be perceived as either having problems
or being burden to the person they approach for assistance. For some students, the phrasing and
subsequent actions they take to get the help they require felt like a barrier because it conflicted
94
with aspects of their racial identity. Thus, future studies should evaluate how students interpret
these key steps as well as the language used to describe the help-seeking process and consider
how they could be reframed with greater cultural sensitivity in mind.
Relatedly, future research should also consider how help-seeking can be framed such that
learners view help as a form of support rather than a behavior enacted by students who are
struggling or deficient. Future work should include interventions that aim to shift student
perceptions to view help as an avenue to get additional support, boost engagement in the
classroom, and as a vehicle to build deeper connections to the course material as well as to other
individuals in the learning environment. When help is framed this way, students might
experience less hesitancy or reticence about seeking help as well as fewer negative emotions
such as embarrassment, anxiety, or discomfort. Thus, students could benefit from
reconceptualizing help-seeking as a way to pursue and maximize opportunities for learning and
engagement, particularly if autonomous help-seeking is enacted.
Second, future studies should closely examine and refine existing instrume nts used to
measure help-seeking orientation. Although the confirmatory factor analysis had good fit, the
expedient help-seeking orientation subscale, for example, only contained two items. Although
the measures in this study focus on the approach students use in need-contingent situations, they
have not previously been used as one cohesive measure. While other help-seeking measures
exist, they lack specificity for the goal and purpose of seeking help and do not examine help-
seeking orientation specifically (Fong et al., 2021). Future work on help-seeking approaches
should also include think-alouds for the items used given that some were established decades ago
and do not include tools and technologies students use today. From the interviews, participants
mentioned using the Internet as well as texting, web-based forums, and other forms of
95
technology as part of their communication and help-seeking process which are not currently
reflected in help-seeking measures. Moreover, some of the items included were double-barreled
(e.g., I would ask for help in this class to learn to solve problems and find answers by myself).
Therefore, it would be important to understand what aspect of the items students focus on and
how they interpret the item.
Third, examining who Asian American students approach for help and their motivations
for doing so could be useful in better understanding how aspects of race, ethnicity, culture, and
values impact the help-seeking process. Although not deeply explored in this study, a couple of
students did mention their increased level of comfort when engaging with someone who had a
similar upbringing and racial background as well as noting how having someone they could
racially and culturally identify with buffered some of the potentially negative feelings students
experience with asking for help. One student also highlighted the physical and psychological
safety she felt compared to White instructors who communicated implicit biases and
discriminatory views.
Fourth, students mentioned aspects of independence and interdependence as important
aspects of their Asian identity. This would be important for future work to explore since students
from other racial and ethnic groups also value collectivism and these values might influence the
help-seeking process. For example, students from collectivistic and interdependent cultures
might be more help-avoidant out of concerns of bringing shame or embarrassment to their
family. However, if the person providing the help is part of that same community, perhaps
students would be less resistant. Similarly, students who view friends or classmates as having a
shared identity might be more prone to seeking helping from peers given the proximal
relationship.
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Conclusion
To date, findings related to academic help-seeking has been generalized to students of all
backgrounds without any consideration for the role of race, ethnicity, and cultural background.
For Asian American students who contend with ever-present stereotypes like the model minority
label, help-seeking as a process and product is complexified given external expectancies and
pressure to thrive academically and socioeconomically. Given the rising number of Asian
Americans in the United States and subsequently, its educational system, this study makes an
effortful first attempt to assess how prevailing narratives about Asian Americans can impact
these undergraduates’ personal definitions and expectations towards academic achievement in
addition to their help-seeking behaviors. Taken together, this study provides initial insights into
the complex dynamics that may be associated with academic help-seeking orientations and
provides a body of work upon which future research that centralizes the identities and
experiences of Asian American students can be built.
97
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Appendix A
Help-Seeking Orientation Scale
Directions: The following set of questions all refer to your thoughts and feelings about the first
course that you have each week. Using Monday morning to designate the start of the week,
please identify this course in your current schedule and record the course name here:
_______________________________________________
Is this course related to your major? [select from dropdown]
a) Yes
b) No
c) Unsure
Please rate how competent you feel about this class overall taking into considering the course
material, assignments, and nature of the class.
1 2 3 4 5
Not at all competent Moderately competent Very competent
Please keep this one specific course in mind as you answer the questions below. Please note that
this is not a test. There are no right or wrong answers to this questionnaire. We only ask that you
answer each question as honestly and accurately as possible about your experiences with regard
to this specific course by selecting the number that best describes you (1 = Not at all true, 3 =
Somewhat true, and 5 = Very true).
Sample Question: Saturday is my favorite day of the week.
1 2 3 4 5
Not at all true Somewhat true Completely true
Autonomous (Instrumental) Help-Seeking:
1. If I were having trouble understanding the material in this class, I would ask someone
who could help me understand the general ideas.
2. Getting help would be one of the first things I would do if I were having trouble in this
class.
3. I would ask for help in this class to learn to solve problems and find answers by myself.
4. Getting help in this class would be a way for me to learn more about basic principles that
I could use to solve problems or understand the material.
5. If I were to get help in this class it would be to better understand the general ideas or
principles.
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Expedient (Executive) Help-Seeking
1. The purpose of asking somebody for help in this class would be to succeed without
having to work as hard.
2. Getting help in this class would be a way of avoiding doing some of the work.
3. If I were to ask for help in this class, it would be to quickly get the answers I needed.
Avoidant Help-Seeking
1. If I didn’t understand something in this class, I would guess rather than ask someone for
assistance.
2. I would rather do worse on an assignment I couldn’t finish than ask for help.
3. Even if the work was too hard to do on my own, I wouldn’t ask for help with this class.
4. Getting help in this class would be an admission that I am just not smart enough to do the
work on my own.
5. I would feel like a failure if I needed help in this class.
6. I would not want anyone to find out that I needed help in this class
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Appendix B
Personal Goal Orientation Scale (adapted from PALS, 2000 and Bonney, 2006)
Directions: Please think back to the specific course that you had previously identified (i.e., your
first course of the week). Please read each of the following statements below and think about
how they relate to you as a current college student taking that specific course. Whenever “class”
is stated in each of the sentences below, we are referring to that one specific course. After
reading each statement, please select the number that best describes you where 1 = Not at all
true, 3 = Somewhat true, and 5 = Very true.
Again, these questions are not a test. Please answer each question honestly and with care. We are
simply interested in learning about your personal experiences as a college student.
Sample Question: I like strawberry ice cream.
1 2 3 4 5
Not at all true Somewhat true Very true
Mastery-Approach:
1. It’s important to me that I learn a lot of new concepts this semester.
2. One of my goals in this class is to learn as much as I can.
3. One of my goals is to master a lot of new skills this semester.
4. It’s important to me that I thoroughly understand my class work.
5. It’s important to me that I improve my skills this semester.
Mastery-Avoid:
1. I don’t want to let myself down by not fully understanding the course material.
2. My goal is to avoid falling short of my potential in my class.
3. It’s important to me that I don’t do worse than I know I’m capable of doing in my class.
4. My goal in this class is to avoid doing worse than I have in the past.
Performance-Approach:
1. It’s important to me that other students in my class think I am good at my class work.
2. One of my goals is to show others that I’m good at my class work.
3. One of my goals is to show others that class work is easy for me.
4. One of my goals is to look smart in comparison to the other students in my class.
5. It’s important to me that I look smart compared to others in my class.
Performance-Avoid:
1. It is important to me that I don’t look stupid in class.
2. One of my goals is to keep others from thinking I’m not smart in class.
3. It’s important to me that my instructor doesn’t think I know less than others in class.
4. One of my goals in class is to avoid looking like I have trouble doing the work.
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Appendix C
Internalization of the Model Minority Myth Measure (IM-4) (Yoo et al., 2010)
Directions: Please take a moment to read each of the statements below. There are no right or
wrong answers to this questionnaire. We only ask that you answer each question as honestly and
accurately as possible. For each statement, please select the number that best reflects your belief
(1 = Strongly disagree, 7 = Strongly agree).
Sample Question: I enjoy reading in my free time.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Strongly disagree Strongly Agree
Achievement Orientation
In comparison to other racial minorities (e.g., African American, Hispanics, Native Americans),
1. Asian Americans have stronger work ethics.
2. Asian Americans are harder workers.
3. Despite experiences with racism, Asian Americans are more likely to achieve academic
and economic success.
4. Asian Americans are more motivated to be successful.
5. Asian Americans generally have higher grade point averages in school because academic
success if more important.
6. Asian Americans get better grades in school because they study harder.
7. Asian Americans generally perform better on standardized exams (i.e., SAT) because of
their values in academic achievement.
8. Asian American make more money because they work harder.
9. Asian Americans are more likely to be good at math and science.
10. Asian Americans are more likely to persist through tough situations.
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Appendix D
T1 Demographics Survey
Directions: Please review the items below and complete the survey as honestly as possible. All
information will be kept strictly confidential.
1. Please enter your age (in years).
2. What best describes your gender?
a. Male
b. Female
c. Non-binary
d. Prefer to self-describe: ___________
e. Prefer not to say
3. Please select your year in college.
a. College freshman
b. College sophomore
c. College junior
d. College senior
e. Prefer to self-describe: ________
4. What is the name of the university you are currently enrolled in?
5. Are help-seeking services (e.g., writing center, tutoring center, learning center, academic
support center) offered at your university? Note: Help-seeking services are defined as
campus resources that provide academic support and/or coaching to enrolled students.
a. Yes
b. No
c. Unsure
6. Have you used these centers (e.g., writing center, tutoring center, learning center,
academic support center) for academic help since you began attending your university?
a. Yes
b. No
7. Please select any centers you have used since becoming a student at your university. You
may select more than one option.
a. Writing center
b. Tutoring center
c. Learning center (teaches learning strategies and/or study skills)
d. Academic support center
e. Other (please specify): __________
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8. Approximately how many times have you used the writing center since becoming a
university student?
9. Approximately how many times have you used the tutoring center since becoming a
university student?
10. Approximately how many times have you used the learning center since becoming a
university student?
11. Approximately how many times have you used the academic support center since
becoming a university student?
12. What is your major? If you have not decided on your major, write “undeclared.”
13. Please enter your cumulative GPA rounded to two decimal places. (For example, 2.75)
14. Are you currently living in the USA?
a. Yes – please specify the city and state you are currently living in: __________
b. No – please specify the city and country you are currently living in: _________
15. Are you an international student?
a. Yes
b. No
16. How would you classify your race/ethnicity? [select all that apply]
a. Asian-American
b. Black or African American
c. Hispanic American, Latino, or Chicano
d. American Indian or Alaska Native
e. Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander
f. Caucasian or European-American
g. Middle Eastern/Arab American
h. Other (please specify): __________
17. Please select your Asian ethnic group – choose all that apply.
a. Chinese
b. Filipino
c. Indian
d. Japanese
e. Korean
f. Vietnamese
g. Other (please specify) - Examples include Bangladeshi, Bhutanese, Burmese,
Cambodian, Hmong, Indonesian, Laotian, Malaysian, Mongolian, Nepalese,
Pakistani, Sri Lankan, and Thai, among others.
117
18. Are you a U.S. citizen?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Prefer not to say
19. Where is your place of birth? Please specify city and state if born in the USA OR city and
country if born outside of the USA.
20. How many years have you lived in the United States? Please round your answer to the
nearest years (Example: For 1.5 years, round up to 2 years)
21. What is your mother/guardian one’s race/ethnicity? Please select all that apply.
Note: Please complete this information based on the person who was the most involved in
parenting you as a mother whether it be your biological mother, stepmother,
grandmother, or some other significant mother figure.
a. Asian-American
b. Black or African American
c. Hispanic American, Latino, or Chicano
d. American Indian or Alaska Native
e. Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander
f. Caucasian or European-American
g. Middle Eastern/Arab American
h. Other (please specify): __________
22. Please select your mother/guardian one’s Asian ethnic group – choose all that apply.
a. Chinese
b. Filipino
c. Indian
d. Japanese
e. Korean
f. Vietnamese
g. Other (please specify) - Examples include Bangladeshi, Bhutanese, Burmese,
Cambodian, Hmong, Indonesian, Laotian, Malaysian, Mongolian, Nepalese,
Pakistani, Sri Lankan, and Thai, among others.
23. Where was your mother/guardian one born? Please specify the city and state if born in
the USA OR city and country if born outside of the USA.
24. To the best of your knowledge, what is the highest education level completed by your
mother?
a. Did not finish high school
b. Finished high school, no college degree
c. Took some college courses, no college degree
d. AA or AS: Associate’s degree (community college, junior college)
e. BA or BS: Bachelor’s degree (four-year college or university)
f. MA, MS, MBA: Master’s degree
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g. Doctorate: Lawyer, Doctor, or PhD
h. I don’t know
25. What is your father/guardian two’s race/ethnicity? Please select all that apply.
Note: Please complete this information based on the person who was the most involved in
parenting you as a father whether it be your biological father, stepfather, grandfather, or
some other significant father figure.
a. Asian-American
b. Black or African American
c. Hispanic American, Latino, or Chicano
d. American Indian or Alaska Native
e. Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander
f. Caucasian or European-American
g. Middle Eastern/Arab American
h. Other (please specify): __________
26. Please select your father/guardian two’s Asian ethnic group – choose all that apply.
a. Chinese
b. Filipino
c. Indian
d. Japanese
e. Korean
f. Vietnamese
g. Other (please specify) - Examples include Bangladeshi, Bhutanese, Burmese,
Cambodian, Hmong, Indonesian, Laotian, Malaysian, Mongolian, Nepalese,
Pakistani, Sri Lankan, and Thai, among others.
27. Where was your father/guardian two born? Please specify the city and state if born in the
USA OR city and country if born outside of the USA.
28. To the best of your knowledge, what is the highest education level completed by your
father?
a. Did not finish high school
b. Finished high school, no college degree
c. Took some college courses, no college degree
d. AA or AS: Associate’s degree (community college, junior college)
e. BA or BS: Bachelor’s degree (four-year college or university)
f. MA, MS, MBA: Master’s degree
g. Doctorate: Lawyer, Doctor, or PhD
h. I don’t know
29. Please select your generation status.
a. 1
st
generation (I was not born in the USA)
b. 1.5 generation (I was not born in the USA, but arrived when I was a child or
adolescent)
c. 2
nd
generation (I was born in the USA, but one (or both) of my parents were not)
119
d. 3
rd
generation (One or more of my grandparents was born in the USA)
e. 4
th
generation (One or more of my great-grandparents was born in the USA)
f. 5
th
generation (One or more of my great-great grandparents was born in the USA)
30. What is your annual family income?
a. Less than $25,000
b. $25,001-$50,000
c. $50,001-$75,000
d. $75,001-$100,000
e. $100,001-$200,000
f. $200,001-$300,000
g. $300,001-$400,000
h. Over $400,001
31. Is English your first (native) language?
a. Yes
b. No
32. Do you speak another language other than English at home? Please specify.
33. Please enter your university email address.
120
Appendix E
T2 Demographics Survey
Directions: Please review the items below and complete the survey as honestly as possible. All
information will be kept strictly confidential.
1. Please enter your age (in years).
2. What is the name of the university you are currently enrolled in?
3. Are help-seeking services (e.g., writing center, tutoring center, learning center, academic
support center) offered at your university? Note: Help-seeking services are defined as
campus resources that provide academic support and/or coaching to enrolled students.
a. Yes
b. No
c. Unsure
4. Have you used these centers (e.g., writing center, tutoring center, learning center,
academic support center) for academic help this semester/quarter?
a. Yes
b. No
5. Please select any centers you have used this semester/quarter. You may select more than
one option.
a. Writing center
b. Tutoring center
c. Learning center (teaches learning strategies and/or study skills)
d. Academic support center
e. Other (please specify): __________
6. Approximately how many times have you used the writing center this semester/quarter?
7. Approximately how many times have you used the tutoring center this semester/quarter?
8. Approximately how many times have you used the learning center this semester/quarter?
9. Approximately how many times have you used the academic support center this
semester/quarter?
10. How would you classify your race/ethnicity? [select all that apply]
a. Asian-American
b. Black or African American
c. Hispanic American, Latino, or Chicano
d. American Indian or Alaska Native
e. Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander
121
f. Caucasian or European-American
g. Middle Eastern/Arab American
h. Other (please specify): __________
11. Are you a U.S. citizen?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Prefer not to say
12. Please enter your university email address.
13. Would you be interested in completing a 45-minute online interview to speak more about
your experiences related to academic achievement and learning? Interviews will be
conducted individually, and participants will receive a $20 Amazon gift card within one
week of interview completion. Please note that while we would like to accommodate
everyone, not all interested participants may be asked to interview depending on
scheduling and time availability.
a. Yes, I am interested in participating.
b. No, I am not interested in participating.
122
Appendix F
Interview Protocol
Interviewer: Hi, thanks so much for agreeing to participate in an interview. My name is Alana
Kennedy – I’m a fourth-generation Asian American. I identify as Japanese and Okinawan, and I
grew in Hawaii and moved to CA for college. I’m currently doing my dissertation work – which
is this project. I am doing this project because we, students of Asian heritage, are often ignored
in research and I want to give voice and shine light on these experiences, particularly the Asian
experience in college.
Specifically, I’m wanting to 1) understand how Asian American college students describe, think
about, and talk about academic achievement and what that means to you and 2) think about how
that definition of academic achievement relates to help-seeking. Specifically, I’m looking at
these questions from an Asian lens because I think we have distinct experiences, and we may
hear/receive messages from our families, friends, and society about what it means to be Asian.
My goal for today to talk about these things and learn from your experiences, knowing you are
one voice of many Asian voices. And really there’s no right or wrong answer here.
Please feel free to share to whatever extent you feel comfortable. If you would like to skip over
any question, just let me know. Logistically, the interview will take no longer than 45 minutes.
No names or identifying information will be included – no one will know you participated. I also
want to make sure I have your permission to record? Any questions before we get started?
Please share your name, university, year in college, and major.
Guiding Question 1: What does being Asian American mean to you?
• What idea, values, assumptions, expectations, or stereotypes do you think non-Asian
people have about people of Asian heritage? Asians for Asians?
• Have you ever experienced these?
• Where have you heard these?
• Can you provide an example?
• How does that make you feel?
Guiding Question 2: Can you tell me about some of the messages you receive (directly or
indirectly) about Asian Americans’ work ethic and academic achievement?
• If you think back in your memory, when did you first become aware of these messages?
• How do you think this message has impacted you? Are these idea(s) something that you
believe?
• Do you think that others (family, friends, instructors, peers, society) believe this idea is
accurate? What gives you that impression? – Elaborate.
• As someone of Asian heritage, do you ever feel the need (or pressure) to fulfill these
expectations? How does this manifest?
• Do you hear elements of this belief as a college student? What does this sound like? Who
or where do you hear this from?
123
Guiding Question 3: One of the survey questions asked about academic achievement and what it
means to you. In light of what you have just shared, how do you think these messages or
perceptions (expectations, pressures, stereotypes) shaped your own understanding of academic
achievement (or expectations of academic excellence) and how you view yourself as a student?
• Would you describe academic achievement as being important/related to how you view
yourself? In what ways?
• As a current college student, have you received any direct or indirect messages from
others (parents, friends, instructors, classmates) about the need to excel academically?
Have these messages changed in any way since becoming a college student?
Guiding Question 4: In light of our discussion about academic achievement, I want to now talk
about help-seeking behaviors – choice to approach someone else for assistance (vs. not). Broadly
speaking, do you see any connections between how you think about academic achievement and
the ways you seek help?
[SHOW FIGURE]
• Reactions?
• What stands out to you about this process as it relates to your own help-seeking?
• STEP 3: What factors might influence whether or not you seek help?
• STEP 5: Does that source matter?
• STEP 6: What does HS look like for you?
• Anything missing?
• Is the help-seeking process complicated by stereotypes of AA?
• For your specifically, what motivates you to seek help?
Closing:
• Anything else you’d like to share that we didn’t cover?
• What is one takeaway or something that stood out to you from our interview?
Next Steps:
• Confirm best email to use
• Will send gift card today/tomorrow
• You have my email if you need to reach me
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
Prior work suggests that goal orientations are related to specific help-seeking orientations (i.e., autonomous, expedient, avoidant). However, aspects of student identity have not yet been considered as factors that may influence help-seeking orientations. The purpose of this mixed methods dissertation study is to explore help-seeking orientations among Asian American college students using quantitative and qualitative methods. More specifically, this study employs a cross-lagged panel design to investigate prior relationships between achievement goal orientation and help-seeking orientation as well as the extent to which model minority myth endorsement predicts and moderates these constructs. This study also includes interviews with 30 Asian American undergraduates to examine how they conceptualized academic achievement and links made between achievement and help-seeking. Path analysis indicated that mastery-approach orientation predicted an autonomous help-seeking orientation and performance-approach orientation predicted an expedient help-seeking orientation. A performance-avoid orientation did not predict an avoidant help-seeking orientation. Although model minority myth endorsement predicted an expedient help-seeking orientation and performance-approach goal orientation, it did not moderate any of the predicted relationships. Qualitative interviews suggest that participants have broader definitions of achievement compared to the existing literature. Participants also made qualitative connections between academic achievement and help-seeking in positive and negative ways while simultaneously interrogating aspects of their Asian identity and the influence of the messages conveyed through the model minority myth stereotype. These findings provide emerging evidence about the role that sociocultural factors and identity can have in influencing achievement goal orientations as well help-seeking attitudes and orientations which has implications for engagement, learning, and other forms of success.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Kennedy, Alana Aiko Uilani
(author)
Core Title
Help, I need somebody: an examination of the role of model minority myth and goal orientations in Asian American college students' academic help-seeking practices
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Degree Program
Urban Education Policy
Degree Conferral Date
2022-08
Publication Date
07/14/2022
Defense Date
05/23/2022
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
academic help-seeking,Asian American college students,goal orientation,model minority,OAI-PMH Harvest
Format
application/pdf
(imt)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Patall, Erika (
committee chair
), Sinatra, Gale (
committee chair
), Aguilar, Stephen (
committee member
), Oyserman, Daphna (
committee member
)
Creator Email
aaokamot@usc.edu,alanakennedy01@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111371447
Unique identifier
UC111371447
Legacy Identifier
etd-KennedyAla-10831
Document Type
Dissertation
Format
application/pdf (imt)
Rights
Kennedy, Alana Aiko Uilani
Type
texts
Source
20220715-usctheses-batch-953
(batch),
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.
Repository Name
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Repository Location
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Repository Email
cisadmin@lib.usc.edu
Tags
academic help-seeking
Asian American college students
goal orientation
model minority