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Listening to the bottom of the well: a counternarrative Exploring Black collegial success

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Listening to the bottom of the well: a counternarrative Exploring Black collegial success

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LISTENING TO THE BOTTOM OF THE WELL: A COUNTERNARRATIVE EXPLORING
BLACK COLLEGIAL SUCCESS

by

Ryan Elliott Mason

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2022

Copyright © 2022 Ryan Elliott Mason

ii
DEDICATION
I dedicate this dissertation to my loving wife and son. Without the patience, love, and
support you all provided me during this journey I would not have been able to accomplish this
feat. To my wife, you are something special! Thank you son, you now have your father back!

iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My journey is truly the product of my community of support. To my family, my village,
my supporter, and allies; thank you for all the encouragement you have provided during this
program.
God, thank you for providing me with my journey. A journey that was specifically
designed for me!
To my mother: thank you for being the strong Black women that you are. Your diligence
with providing positive male role models and educational enrichment inspired my dissertation.
Thank you and I love you!
To my dissertation committee: Dr. Briana Hinga, thank you for always finding the light
in by hectic journey. Your guidance, critique, and patience gave me the space to find my voice.
Dr. Alan Green and Dr. Frankie Augustin thank you for believing in my vision and providing
critical feedback to aid me in getting across the finish line.
Special thank you to Dr. Charles H.F. Davis III for providing key mentorship. In
addition, thank you Dr. Farrell Webb for all the encouragement, check-ins, and suggestions at
every step of the process.
Lastly to my wife- the “original” Dr. Mason, you saw something in me in college when
there was only a sparkle. You encouraged me to try and pushed me to succeed. I am grateful for
all you give to this family. Thank you for being the strong Black women that you are. I love you
dearly!

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowlegdements ........................................................................................................................ iii
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. vi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... vii
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ viii
Chapter One: Overview Of The Study ............................................................................................ 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................. 1
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 3
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 3
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 4
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................... 6
Chapter Two: Literature Review ..................................................................................................... 7
Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 7
Historical Context of Black Education ................................................................................ 7
Black Male Students ............................................................................................................ 9
Education and the Black Student ............................................................................ 9
The Educator and the Curriculum ......................................................................... 10
Racial Traumas and Belonging ............................................................................. 11
Psychological Wellbeing ................................................................................................... 14
Historical Trauma .................................................................................................. 14
Identity Development of Black Males .............................................................................. 16
Psychosocial Development ................................................................................... 16
Racial Identity Development ................................................................................. 18
Racial Identity and the American Education ......................................................... 20
Getting to Success for Black Male Students ..................................................................... 21
What is Academic Success? .................................................................................. 21
Surviving and Succeeding ..................................................................................... 22
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 23
Critical Race Theory in Education ........................................................................ 24
What Matters to Student Success .......................................................................... 26
Why These Frameworks? ...................................................................................... 28
Summary ............................................................................................................... 29
Chapter Three Methods ................................................................................................................. 30
Overview of Methods ........................................................................................................ 30
Research Design & Questions ........................................................................................... 31
Setting .................................................................................................................... 32
Participants ............................................................................................................ 33
Data Collection Procedures and Instruments/Protocols Approach ................................... 34
Instrumentation ...................................................................................................... 34
Pre-Survey ................................................................................................. 34
Interview Protocol ..................................................................................... 34

v
Procedure ............................................................................................................... 35
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 36
Limitations and Delimitations ............................................................................... 36
Positionality ....................................................................................................................... 37
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 37
Ethical Consideration ........................................................................................................ 38
Chapter Four: Data and Findings .................................................................................................. 39
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 39
Overview ............................................................................................................... 39
Background Information ....................................................................................... 40
Clarence ..................................................................................................... 41
Malcolm .................................................................................................... 42
Martin ........................................................................................................ 42
William ...................................................................................................... 43
Clayton ...................................................................................................... 44
Zo .............................................................................................................. 44
Findings ............................................................................................................................. 45
Research Question 1. What Factors Impact Black Male Success? ....................... 47
Introspection .............................................................................................. 47
Identity Development ................................................................................ 47
Mental Health ............................................................................................ 50
Personal Legacy ........................................................................................ 52
Opportunity. .......................................................................................... 53
Impact. ................................................................................................... 54
Research Question 2. How do Black Males Perceive Collegial Support Needed to
Meet Their Definition of Success? ........................................................................ 56
Social Alienation ....................................................................................... 57
Cultural Representation & University Stakeholder Understanding .......... 59
Experiencing Race ..................................................................................... 60
Communal Engagement ............................................................................ 63
Institutional Engagement ........................................................................... 65
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 67
Chapter Five: Discussions and Recommendations ....................................................................... 69
Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 69
Discussion of Findings ...................................................................................................... 71
What Factors Impact Black Male Success? .......................................................... 72
How do Black Males Perceive Collegial Support to Meet Their Definitions of
Success? ................................................................................................................ 72
Recommendations for Practice .......................................................................................... 73
Areas for Future Research ................................................................................................. 75
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 76
Bibliography .................................................................................................................................. 78

vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Erik Erikson’s Eight Stages of Psychosocial Development ............................................ 17
Table 2. Five Stages of Racial Identity Development ................................................................... 19

vii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Sotero’s Conceptual Model of Historical Trauma ......................................................... 15
Figure 2: Tenets of Critical Race Theory ...................................................................................... 25
Figure 3: What Matters to Student Success Framework ............................................................... 27
Figure 4: Study Site Enrollment by Ethnic Demographic ............................................................. 32

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ABSTRACT
This study aimed to understand the experiences and narratives of Black male students as they
seek to navigate the educational system. Further, it sought to illuminate their concepts of success
and how they experience their education holistically in a society often referred to as post-racial
and colorblind. This explorative study provided a platform for Black male university students to
share their counternarratives regarding matriculation through the university setting. Also, it
critically examined privilege and equity as they pertain to the development of aspiration for
Black male students who are 18-24. The findings specifically redefined success for this subgroup
as educational attainment creating the opportunity to unlock introspection and personal legacy
and encourages universities to examine how this community develops belonging and experiences
engagement.

1
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Background of the Problem
The U.S. education system is one in which all students should expect opportunity, access,
and support in their path toward betterment and upward mobility. Black students have been
allowed access to higher education since the 1954 Brown v. Topeka Board of Education case.
Sixty-seven years from that landmark case, however, the fight for a political overhaul that fosters
equity and inclusion in education continues.
During the 21st century, universities developed a trend of advertising their claimed
diversity and inclusivity to attract diverse students and funding streams. Researchers have
suggested that a college degree provides significantly more opportunity to reach occupational
prestige and economic return than a high school diploma (Cabrera et al., 1999. As more Black
students seek their piece of the “American Dream,” they also aspire to obtain a post-secondary
degree. For over 20 years, the college enrollment rate for Black male students between the ages
of 18 to 24 increased by 33.46%, starting at 25.1% enrolled in 2000 to 33.5% enrolled in 2019
(National Center of Educational Statistics, 2020). In contrast, the most recent data from 2020
shows that the 4-year degree conferred in 2018-2019 for Black male students was 8.8%
(National Center of Educational Statistics, 2020).
While there has been an increase in enrollment, the higher education system is riddled
with structural inequities that exacerbate the achievement gap between Black male students and
their White counterparts (Harper et al., 2009). Structural inequities are evident in the utilization
of curricula riddled with misrepresentations of descendants of African heritage inundated with
incomplete narratives of American history (Swartz., 2007). Furthermore, the inequities are
present in universities’ rudimentary standards of academic success that do not reflect equitable

2
levels of effort needed by the students to obtain completion. Additionally, educators, faculty, and
staff's unconscious and conscious bias and prejudice often negatively position Black male
students. Further, this bias stigmatizes them, creating concerns about adequate student services
that foster a positive campus climate, belonging, and potential for success.
These structural inequities as well as unconscious and conscious biases are rooted in a
dominant narrative. A dominant narrative is defined as a lens through which history is told
grounded in the dominant culture’s ideologies (Johnson et al., 2017). Operationalizing beliefs,
services, and structure from a dominant narrative leads to a severe contradiction between the
U.S. education system's theory of access and support for all and the inconsistent access and
support Black male students receive.
This contradiction poses unique difficulties hampering this population's social and
economic opportunity and ultimately affects Black male students’ trajectory towards academic
success. The effect on academic success is particularly evident in the low rates of post-secondary
education completion. Researchers have posited that interrupted trajectory is primarily due to the
education system's continued utilization of dominant narrative frameworks. When the dominant
narrative is used to identify what is needed, how to meet those needs, and is also used to measure
success, but privilege and equity are never fully unpacked, success can never be truly measured.
Thus, the education system fails to truly support those beyond the borders of the dominant
narrative framework. As campuses' student demographics evolve, campus stakeholders must also
adjust their practices to ensure equity and support their student completion and success
expectations.
For the purposes of this study, the term Black will be used to represent all people from
the Black diaspora. The researcher acknowledges the inconsistency in terms used by external

3
data and literature sources regarding the study's focus population. Through this study, the
researcher, recognizing the impact of the various terms used to represent the Black diaspora,
seeks to unify the community’s narratives towards success while highlighting internal diversity.
Statement of the Problem
Black male students’ navigation of the education system remains a consistent and
considerable concern for many social scientists and educational scholars. Due to historical
trauma, mass stereotyping, systematic oppression, and other restrictive “-isms” consciously and
unconsciously peppering the United States structure, Black and other racially minoritized groups
continue to face challenges in education attainment. The problem is that while previous
researchers have delved into the impact of the dominant narrative frameworks in education
regarding Black males, few researchers have sought to provide an opportunity to use the
counternarrative approach to reframe success, such as Harper (2010) and Howard et al. (2016).
While the U.S. Education System is one in which all students should expect opportunity,
access, and support in their path toward betterment and upward mobility, this is not the reality
for Black male students. As mentioned previously, this theory is at odds with Black male
students’ reality. These young male students continue to face extreme difficulties as they aspire
to higher education. While addressing this is not simple and there is no short-term solution, the
researcher proposes to use a counternarrative approach to reframe understanding of Black male
student academic success.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this investigation is to continue the asset-based exploration into the Black
male students’ journey through post-secondary academia to success. This approach is a
continuation of scholars such as Harper (2010) to positively redefine how Black males are

4
referenced within the educational context. Although many researchers have sought to explore
this population through a myriad of lenses, the researcher of the current study explicitly aims to
contribute by granting students the opportunity to develop their measures of academic success.
With this approach, this study employs a critical qualitative methodology to explore the
following research question:
1) What factors impact Black male success?
2) How do Black males perceive the collegial support needed to meet their definition of
success?
The researcher of the current study explicitly aims to further the discourse of how this
population cultivates its definition of collegial success. Specifically, the researcher intends to
redefine success and institutional support through the lens of the Black male student. Further, the
researcher aims to critically assess the political, systemic, and social experiences that facilitate or
impede Black male success in higher education.
Significance of the Study
The experiences of Black male students in university settings are often examined both
through asset- and deficit-based lenses when reviewing the topic of Black student success
factors. While scholars often examine Black student success factors through asset- and deficit-
based lenses, these lenses utilize the dominant narrative. Harper and Davis (2012) explored the
counternarrative as a viable method of offering different perspectives on deficit-informed
research results. In this context, counternarratives disrupt deficit perspectives by introducing the
students’ voice as successful accounts of academic excellence and how institutions can better
support student success. This study will utilize counternarratives to illuminate the voice of Black
male students who aspire for university success.

5
This study, utilizing critical inquiry, seeks to amplify narratives within this minoritized
group to elevate the understanding of success and encourage academic achievement. Through
this practice, the study can provide qualitative data supporting the students’ needs and provide a
perspective of this population’s concept of success. This information can help universities better
understand the students’ goals as well as what they need from the institution and how best to
support them.
Universities often set rudimentary standards of academic success for students that do not
equitably reflect the effort needed by the students to reach completion. Often, successes are
measured through uniform metrics such as GPA, completion rate, and time-to-degree. The
beforementioned markers that determine year-to-year retention and degree completion are
evaluated and linked to success indicators (Braxton et al., 2013). These standards set an
imbalance, misdirect student effort, and diffuse dedication by setting lofty goals with limited
support. These metrics result in inaccurate reflections of student accomplishments, frequently
representing academic triumph without expressions of the individual input required to meet the
goal. In addition, these benchmarks emphasize individualism and exceptionality only by
discussing the grade, not acknowledging the journey to the grade. These uniform metrics center
dominant narratives on individualism; thus, privilege and equity are never truly unpacked, and
true success is never measured.
Specifically, the researcher intends to redefine success through the lens of the student and
examine the university’s approaches to ensuring equity through this lens. Through this practice,
the study can provide qualitative data to support the students’ needs and provide a perspective of
this population’s concept of success. This information can help universities better understand the
students’ goals and what they should receive from the institution.

6
Organization of the Study
The researcher sought to examine the layered experiences of the students through this
study investigating the phenomena of Black male academic success culminating in university
status. Literature discussing Black men in the context of the following themes are summarized
below to provide a better foundation for understanding Black male students ’ academic
trajectory: cultural-historical events, wellbeing in education systems, psychosocial development,
and an overall understanding of success factors. In Chapter 2, the researcher will discuss the
literature on these scholarly themes as prominent factors engaging Black male students as they
journey through academics and will acquaint the reader with the theoretical frameworks utilized
and how they informed the study. In Chapter 3, the researcher will review the study's
methodological approach, including setting, participant selection, data collection, procedures,
tools, and the researcher’s positionality and approach to ensuring the credibility and
trustworthiness of the study. In Chapter 4, detailed descriptions of the participants’ accounts and
the data analysis will be provided. Lastly, in the final chapter of this study, the researcher
provides an overview of the findings and recommendations.

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
Black males have a unique experience of the world due to their historical legacy of
involuntary participation in the development of the United States of America, their ongoing
struggle for civil rights, and their fight for equity. The researcher begins the literature review by
developing a multigenerational understanding of how the battle for access, equality, and equity
in educational acquisition impacts Black male trajectory. Then, the researcher will review the
literature on historical trauma and educational experiences of Black students in the American
education system. This section of the literature review will focus on educational stakeholders’
perceived experiences, treatment from academic peers, and the representation of African
descendants in educational learning. Next, Black identity development is explored, followed by
an examination of resiliency theories in education. Lastly, this chapter provides a general review
of literature defining intersections of academic success and Black students, including literature
outlining their success journey.
Historical Context of Black Education
Since the original construction of the education system, academia has been an
exclusionary setting granting access and acquisition of knowledge to few. At its inception in the
17
th
century, the American education system was regulated to the “dominant” or “superior”
demographic (Smith et al., 2002). Due to America's desire to acquire new territories, there was a
continued need for the involuntary labor of enslaved persons. Cohen (1998) posited that enslaved
Africans had very little optimism regarding opportunities to engage in the education system (p.
52). The original university model during the Colonial Era focused the curriculum on notions of
acculturation both through religion and local societal norms and values (Cohen, 1998). Policies

8
such as the three-fifths clause, those prohibiting the education of African descendants, the poll
tax, and literacy testing continue to inhibit Blacks as they strive for full citizenship.
Although many policies have granted the Black community opportunities specifically to
acquire education and to develop over time as traditional slavery was disassembled, systemic
racism in the American system is still salient. In exploring the historical timeframe of Black
peoples' entry to higher education, Harper et al. (2009) found Black students’ access to education
was considered a “shift” in the American higher education system and deemed an attack on
White supremacy (p. 394). Academic attainment has been long held as an elite or superior
practice that regulated participation to groups considered “subordinate” and “inferior,” such as
Indigenous and African peoples (Smith et al., 2002; Yosso, 2005). In a review of the 1748
publication An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding, Smith et al. further discussed
“inferiority” as expanded to cognition by philosopher David Hume explaining the hierarchy of
race and intelligence. This publication was one of the first philosophical publications attempting
to explain a hierarchy of race. Intellectual inferiority continues to be consciously and
unconsciously perpetuated by education stakeholders and its structures within the education
system.
The education system’s historical betrayals of Black male students provide low
confidence and trust and are significant forces on identity formation and socialization. During
their enslavement, education was forbidden, but the Emancipation Proclamation of 1862 offered
unique educational opportunities. The Emancipation did not, however, ensure that all were
removed from enslavement, nor did it grant education opportunities to all (Ladson-Billings,
2006). For many, the concept of education accumulation providing upward mobility, civic
progress, and overall economic opportunity remains unattainable for those outside of the

9
dominant heteronormative population (Smith et al., 2002; Yosso, 2005; Harper et al., 2009). The
desire to achieve higher education continues to be a priority for many students of color.
Aspirations of Black and other People of Color remain high even when confronted with policies
and actions that disrupt access and equity and negatively impact their pursuit (Harper et al.,
2009). Black students, particularly males, are confronted with many barriers to achieving access,
such as their constant placement in special education and non-general education courses, receipt
of low expectations from educators, and disproportionately low access to resources and
materials.
Black Male Students
Education and the Black Student
Although the education system claims to provide opportunity and unlock the mind of
youth, the contrary often occurs for Black students due to the impact of race and racism in the
structures, practices, and discourses that occur in this setting (Yosso, 2005). This unique
contradiction opposes the notion that students can maintain their identity and garner the capital
necessary to be successful. Instead, these assaultive practices can create barriers and enact
trauma, contributing to negative perceptions of academic subjects and the necessity of education
in general. In the article, “They (Don’t) Care about Education,” Harper and Davis (2012) utilized
a counternarrative methodology to challenge dominant stereotypes of Black students' academic
aspirations in education as well as their reasoning for pursuing entrance into a Ph.D. program.
Participants in this study provided detailed accounts of their academic encounters, such as
negative/low expectations, limited resources, and the misplacement of Black students in special
education (p.111). These narratives countered popular beliefs regarding Black student

10
educational aspirations through stories that clarified the impact of historical traumas on
promoting racial stereotypes and racist practices.
As stated previously, Black students endure a “unique” placement in America's history
and present. Black male students battle lasting racial prejudices and perverted curriculums that
honor those who enslaved their ancestors while vilifying those enslaved. As this is the case, it is
necessary to transition to the educator and their pedagogical tools to continue exploring Black
male educational experiences.
The Educator and the Curriculum
“Culturally unresponsive curricula, the pervasiveness of deficit perspectives and low
teacher expectations, quantifiable disparities in school resources, the shortage in same-
race male teachers, racist postsecondary environments, and regressive education policies
are but a few explanations offered in literature” (Harper & Davis, 2012).
Monocultural misrepresentations of males of African descent in education perpetuate
inaccurate historical portrayals hampering students’ development. The subtle, sometimes
unconscious, misrepresentation occurs in history courses where people of African descent falsely
appear to have “start[ed] in America” and are stripped of any Indigenous accounts (Swartz,
2007). Within history courses, the frequent portrayals of the African as a slave or Africa’s
composition as uncivilized, underdeveloped tribal communities that benefited from colonization
are examples of dominant narratives used for exploitation. Further, detrimental “unsubstantiated,
unquestioned, and inaccurate thoughts and beliefs about Black male students” occur through
educators imprinting stereotypes that students internalize as fact (Harper & Davis, 2012).
Swartz’s article discusses this phenomenon as a concern rooted and perpetuated in teacher
education. His article further exposed the hegemonic practices within education as steering

11
Eurocentric socio-cultural historical norms and views of non-white participants as low achieving,
disadvantaged, and other deficit-based and discriminative generalizations (p. 174).
These views are a form of secondary victimization through victim-blaming which
promote beliefs that Black students are culturally deficient, lack abstract thinking abilities, and
embody deficits linked to their low socioeconomic experiences (Robinson & Biran, 2006).
Educators’ unconscious and conscious negative racially charged perceptions of Black males
reproduce negative or low concepts of identity within their students, which lead to adverse
education experiences. These experiences result in students being alienated from academic
settings and causing Black families to question the education structure (Irving & Hudley, 2008).
Regardless of race, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status, students who experience retention
in grade, suspension, and expulsion typically are identified as more likely to be at-risk of
dropping out of school (Musu-Gillette et al., 2016). These traumatic events occur at different
rates and for a variety of reasons. In 2012, the National Center of Educational Statistics found
that 48.3% of Black male students had ever been suspended, totaling more than the combined
percentage of Hispanic and White male students (22.6 and 21.4%, respectively).
Racial Traumas and Belonging
Although Black students have strived to persist in the higher education system, departure
often occurs due to their struggle in developing a true sense of belonging in the university. Black
males’ sense of belonging in the university setting can affect them in various ways. Harper et al.
(2009)noted the typical Black male students strive to succeed in education while generally being
“taught almost exclusively by White women with insufficient anticipations for his academic
achievement”. This same article reported that Black students felt that the campus did not
recognize them as smart and viewed them as Niggers. Black students’ experience of a sense of

12
belonging is reflective of their interpretation of treatment on campus (Strayhorn et al., 2015).
Hurtado and Carter (1997) aimed at better understanding how the perception of treatment related
to a sense of belonging and found that cognitive and affective schemas were utilized to gauge
whether a group was inclusive or exclusive. Through this study, the authors assessed how
restrictive institutional climates affect Black students. Wilcox et al. (2005) also found that it is
imperative for students to feel as though they belong to ensure that they do not acquire anxiety,
nervousness, and fear.
When considering the social space Black students occupy while navigating higher
education, it is crucial to consider the stressors experienced in predominantly White institutions.
Black male students experience behaviors, such as stigmatization as dumb jocks, criminals,
quota admits, and underprepared low-income students, which threaten their student status and
negatively impact their feelings of belonging at the university (Harper, 2009). These additional
stressors lead to academic and social complications that affect the welfare of the students and
contribute to a possible withdrawal point (Strayhorn et al., 2015). In order for Black students to
develop feelings of belonging and increase their chance of persistence, they need to understand
that they are valued at the institution. Thus, institutions must actively review how the racial
climate impacts students’ wellbeing.
As mentioned, Black male aspirations for academic and career success are high, but
assaults on their ability and character while pursuing education create fatigue. Smith et al. (2007)
specifically refer to this as racial battle fatigue. Racial battle fatigue refers to psychosociological
symptoms that can result from facing constant oppressive and discriminatory behaviors that
cause socio-psychological stress such as fatigue, anxiety, and withdrawal (Smith et al., 2016).
These behaviors create an adverse climate leading to student isolation and potential

13
disengagement. Stereotype threat is another form of oppression that involves negative
typecasting. This form of stereotyping creates negative or low expectations that limit a student’s
perception and, in some cases, ability to perform (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Racial battle fatigue
and stereotype threat cause “deleterious psychological effects” for Black students (Strayhorn et
al., 2015). Specifically, racial battle fatigue and stereotype threat negatively affect Black
students’ ability to perform, thrive academically, and socially integrate into the campus
environment.
Many scholars, including Steel (1997), Fries-Britt and Turner (2001), Smith et al. (2007),
and Smith et al. (2011), discuss these attacks as compounding social-psychological stressors
which have destructive powers that cause Black students to decrease their self-efficacy. Fries-
Britt and Turner noted the importance of students developing strong coping skills to combat
feelings of imposter syndrome. Bauer-Wolf (2017) conducted a study at the University of Texas,
Austin, which included an Imposter Syndrome Survey with minoritized students. In this study,
Black students who dealt with impostorism reported higher levels of anxiety and depression
related to perceived discrimination.
Although many students experience adverse environments and situations as they
matriculate through education that impact their sense of belonging, these experiences are more
consistently prevalent for Black students (Egan, 2019). Additionally, Black students’ perceptions
of conscious and unconscious racial microaggressions have more profound consequences
(Harper, 2015). To comprehensively understand the impact of the climate on Black male
students’ sense of belonging, it is necessary to examine how their identity is established during
this time.

14
Psychological Wellbeing
The educational experience may be lived and interpreted in many ways. As Black male
students navigate academic spaces and attempt to make sense of their interactions and
environments, they create values and establish their self-efficacy and desire to complete their
education. This section explores these experiences from a historical and wellbeing perspective
and examines the underpinnings associated with race and racism engaging their educational
experience as students attempting to enroll.
Historical Trauma
Historical trauma was first conceptualized in the 1960s concerning Holocaust survivors
and families from World War II (Sotero, 2006). This form of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder
(PTSD) is a relatively new public health phenomenon that impacts descendants of the subjected
to long-term historical mass trauma (p. 94). This trauma not only affects an individual’s
psychosocial development, but studies have shown its effects directly impinge on the biological
systems in the body (p. 94). As Black males continue their maturation in America, they are
impacted by these traumas at all levels of their psychosocial and biological development.
Additionally, Sotero investigated how deliberate assaults may cause individuals to acquire
feelings of dismay and alienation, resulting in “deep emotional scars affecting life-long patterns
of interpersonal relationships, the ability to master life-skills and role performance”. As a result
of America’s racialized assaults toward Black males, this intergenerational pathological
condition hinders this population’s successful development (see Figure 1).

15
Figure 1
Sotero’s Conceptual Model of Historical Trauma

Note: Describes transference of trauma and subsequent trauma responses across generations
Sotero (2006).

16
Figure 1 depicts the historical trauma continuum which begins with dominant groups
performing mass assaults on targeted groups resulting in various “trauma responses” in the “first
generation” respondent and subsequent generations (Sotero, 2006). As Black males continue to
be exposed to racialized assaults and subjugated by oppressive systematic structures, how the
Black male student exists within education systems and environments is explored as an area
leading to their conception of academic attainment.
Identity Development of Black Males
Black males in the United States often experience an ongoing battle to establish critical
components of self. America’s perpetuation of Black males as criminals, irresponsible fathers,
descendants of dysfunctional families, violent rapists, and other negative attributions provide a
consistent collective acknowledgment of society’s prescribed characterization of this group
(Fries-Britt & Turner, 2001; Harper et al., 2009). These views expand across all levels of
education, consciously and unconsciously influencing the expectations of those who spend the
most time with children: the educator. This section includes an exploration of some key areas of
literature that review the development of cultural identity and specifically notions of Black males
as they journey through the American education system.
Psychosocial Development
Erik Erikson, a foundational psychologist, was the first to explore the identity
development journey. Erikson specifically explored “social and historical context” as formulated
through the “external environments and internal dynamics” of individual development (Patton et
al., 2016). Erikson’s model explores eight stages of crisis and the subsequent virtue achieved if
allowed to develop (see Table 1). These serve as opportunities or a “set of experiences” that
determine how individuals respond to future stimuli (Patton et al., 2016).

17
Table 1
Erik Erikson’s Eight Stages of Psychosocial Development
Age Crisis Virtue Achieved
Infancy - 1 year Trust v. Mistrust Hope
1 - 2 years Autonomy v. Shame Will
3 - 5 years Initiative v. Guilt Purpose
6 - 12 years Industry v. Inferiority Competence
12 - 18 years Identity v. Role
Confusion
Fidelity
18 - 40 years Intimacy v. Isolation Love
40 - 65 years Generativity v.
Stagnation
Care
65 years + Integrity v. Despair Wisdom
Note: Eight stages of crisis and subsequent virtue achieved if allowed to develop as
developed by foundational ego psychologist Erik Erikson (1956).
Patton et al. (2016) explored this process as a constant battle of experiences that are not
necessarily negative interactions but instead are an ongoing exchange establishing salient
characteristics or values. Pope et al. (1998) explained that many psychosocial development
approaches related explicitly to student development do not consider the individual's racial or
cultural experiences. As explored in the previous section, Black student experiences with

18
traditional institutional structures can impact their identity. Very little research exists that
explicitly explores the psychosocial development of Black students; thus, approaches used to
examine People of Color may be insufficient for examining Black students (Pope et al., 1998).
Racial Identity Development
Identity is defined as an “individual's overall self-concept” composed of the “personal
attitudes, feelings, characteristics, and behaviors that are associated with a larger group of shared
characteristics” (Parham et al., 2016).Due to the varied ethnic historical reference, Black male
students’ cultural identity is discussed as a concept providing three primary functions: (a) social
anchor providing meaning for existence, (b) connection with a larger community of like African
descendants, and (c) safeguard for understanding and rationalizing cultural assumptions and
opposing systemic constructs (p. 85). A strong identity congruence combats systems of
oppressive claims, microaggressions, stereotype threats, and other conscious and unconscious
assaultive actions. This combatting occurs as strong identity congruence creates collective
identity, which moves individuals in the group from ideology to situated in the system.
Identity within the Black culture can manifest in different ways due to the individual's
experiences. Within Cross’s (1991) five-stage Black Identity Development model shown in
Table 2, these experiences promote the progression of the individual through various stages
referred to as Nigrescence (p. 96). Nigrescence, etymology French, means “the process of
becoming Black” and provides stages one goes through to develop self-identification of
Blackness through the exploration of cultural beliefs (p. 96).

19
Table 2
Five Stages of Racial Identity Development
Pre-encounter • absorbed many beliefs and values of the dominant
white culture, including notions that “white is right”
and Black is wrong
• de-emphasis of one’s racial group membership
• largely unaware of race or racial implications
Encounter • forced by event or series of events to acknowledge
the impact of racism in one’s life and the reality that
one cannot truly be white
• forced to focus on identity as a member of a group
targeted by racism
Immersion-Emersion • simultaneous desire to surround oneself with visible
symbols of one’s racial identity and active avoidance
of symbols of whiteness
• actively seeks out opportunities to explore aspects of
one’s history and culture with support of peers from
one’s racial background
Internalization • secure in one’s sense of racial identity
• pro-black attitudes become more expansive, open,
and less defensive

20
• willing to establish meaningful relationships with
whites who acknowledge and are respectful of one’s
self-definition
Internalization
Commitment
• find ways to translate one’s sense of blackness into a
plan of action or a general sense of commitment to
concerns of blacks as a group sustained over time
• comfort with one’s race and those around them
Note: Based on the Psychology of Nigrescence (the process of becoming Black) as
developed by Cross (1991).
Racial Identity and the American Education
Black students experience a culture shock as they progress to colleges or universities.
While transitioning into university life, students often face transitions and experiences that
challenge the positioning of their identity characteristics. Additionally, Black students attending
predominantly White institutions face perceived racial incidents. According to Parham, as cited
in Cross (1991), experiencing these challenges during a transition may lead a student to
experience a recycling effect. Parham stated that recycling may occur after the initial completion
of the Nigrescence cycle “as some people may find that the challenges unique to another life-
span may engender a recycling through some of the stages” (p. 220–221). These aforementioned
racial assaults impede Black students' cultural and academic development, resulting in
psychological and socio-cultural stressors, prompting a reduced sense of belonging and
ultimately departure (Cabrera et al., 1999).
Allen (1992) reviewed Black student success in predominantly White institutions versus
Historically Black Institutions and revealed many contributing factors to these students'

21
academic success. Allen’s key findings linked academic achievement to students who possessed
high educational aspirations, positive college choice decisions, and relationships with faculty (p.
35). This study alludes to the importance of the campus climate and support structure—in this
case, faculty—in aiding student development through education. Cheatham et al. (1990) noted
that attending PWIs is a risk factor for Black students. Hayes et al. (2006) stated this risk is
primarily due to dissatisfaction with the faculty and institution providing enriching academic and
social environments that may provide promising effects for black students, particularly the
males.
Getting to Success for Black Male Students
What is Academic Success?
Success is often acknowledged as meeting an expectation or completing a task. Within
education, however, Kuh et al. (2006) noted that universities utilize several different criteria to
assess student success, which include the following:
• rates of graduation
• time to degree
• holistic experience during academic pursuit
• academic holdings
• post-baccalaureate acceptance
• career attainment post-degree
• other milestones to assess and measure their student progress
In this section, the researcher will review the literature exploring how Black male
students reach these prescribed forms of success through community building, negotiating their
identity, and developing coping skills.

22
Surviving and Succeeding
In his seminal work The Color of Success, Allen (1992) found that Black students
attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities primarily held “feelings of engagement,
connection, acceptance, and extensive support and encouragement”.He speculated that students
experienced high expectations, support, and mentorship from crucial campus stakeholders. In
contrast, Black males attending PWIs reported having less desire to engage and emphasized
feelings of alienation, hostility, racial discrimination, and lack of integration (Allen, 1992; Hayes
et al., 2006). Although Allen did not state the academic environment was responsible for Black
students' ability to succeed, he did posit that their academic performance is affected by the
quality of life at the institution (p. 40). Institutions endeavoring to promote successful academic
matriculation must assess Black male students' quality of life academically and within social
spaces.
Providing social spaces where cultural communities can develop and providing Black
students safety eliminates stresses from combating racial microaggressions and racial battle
fatigue. Studies have shown that some students have sought membership into cultural campus
organizations to cultivate like-community, garner social support, and network toward cultural
identity, college enrichment, and academic completion (Kim & Hargrove, 2013; Harper, 2009).
These same studies also found that Black males frequently explored “hyper-assertive academic
posture” in efforts to navigate potential adverse interactions with people not of color (Kim &
Hargrove, 2013; Harper, 2006).This “hyper-assertive academic posture” and “acting white” to
reduce cultural visibility were employed as protection but, in actuality, increased ambivalence
and negative efficacy toward academic practices (Ogbu, 2008).

23
It is imperative that Black male students feel efficacious at the university level. Gushue et
al. (2006) explores this concept that Black male student's self-efficacy supports their academic
trajectory. In this study, Gushue and colleagues illustrate how the degree of confidence Black
male students possess in themselves correlates with their ability to engage academically (Gushue
et al., 2006). A key finding of this study was the importance of this population’s cultivation of
self-efficacy regarding career trajectory as an essential component to unlocking their potential.
Additionally, the literature often explores “grit” or resiliency as internal coping strategies
utilized by Black students seeking university success. Duckworth et al. (2007) defined “grit” as
perseverance and passion towards long-term goals. Duckworth et al. further explored “grit” as
“strenuous work towards a challenge, maintaining effort and interest over the years despite
failure, adversity, and plateaus in progress” (p.1088). Strayhorn (2013) studied Black male
students attending PWIs to investigate the relationship between Black male students’ “grit” and
grades. The quantitative study furthered grit research by showing that Black male “gritter”
students possessed higher grades and were better at persevering in challenging circumstances
(Strayhorn, 2013). These coping strategies pose strong character traits that enhance Black male
students' experience and ultimately successful enrollment in education. Additionally, educators,
faculty, and staff's unconscious and conscious bias and prejudice often negatively position Black
male students and stigmatize them as creating concerns about adequate student services that
foster a positive campus climate, belonging, and potential for success.
Theoretical Framework
In the current section, the researcher discusses how this study intends to critically
examine the development of Black male success and their interaction with the university. The
theoretical frameworks that guide this study are critical race theory (CRT) and student success.

24
The lead theoretical framework for this study, CRT, was employed based on its commitment to
elevating people of color’s voices and recognizing them as experts within their experience. The
student success framework supports CRT as it provides a foundation for examining success
through multiple experiences in a student's educational journey. This framework provides
practitioners a lens to explore the paths of students’ academic formation. Applying this lens to
Black male student narratives provides this study with a more accurate and holistic account of
this population’s journey to academic success. Further exploration of these frameworks and how
they complement each are found below.
Critical Race Theory in Education
Critical race theory (CRT) was employed in this study as one of the analytical
frameworks. Yosso (2005) defined racism as a “system of ignorance, exploitation, and power
used to oppress Black, Latin[x], Asian, Pacific Americans, American Indians, and other people
based on ethnicity, culture, mannerisms, and color”. CRT as a framework provides a lens
through which scholarship can examine and promote the experiences of the minoritized voices
and recognize them as experts. The tenets of CRT (see Figure 2) offer a conscious but broad
focus that engages historical, social, and interpersonal interactions across all levels of education.

25
Figure 2
Tenets of Critical Race Theory.
Note: From “Piecing together the student success puzzle: Research, propositions, and
recommendations” by Kuh et al. (2007). CRT provides a way to examine and understand how
we can transform relationships between race, racism, and power in systems and People of Color
in the United States.
This framework grants the exploration of Black male students' experiences as a
counternarrative to the dominant voice. Further, it provides an opportunity for participants to
voice their conceptualization of postsecondary academic success and reciprocation of their
interactions with educational agents.
As a theoretical framework, CRT provides this study a critical lens to extrapolate and
honor the various experiences of being a Black male in a society striving to be post-racial.
Critical Race Theory
(CRT)
Intercentritricity
of race and
racism
Challenge to
the dominant
ideology
Commitment
to social
justice
Centrality of
experiential
knowledge
Utilization of
interdisciplinary
approaches

26
Harper et al. (2009) posited that the CRT approach allows critical race theorists to oppose
dominant discourse concerning the social and educational status of Black men in America. The
CRT tenets expressly grant this study a framework to listen, digest, and deconstruct the Black
student success phenomena and explore the interaction with this community. The tenets provide
a concise but comprehensive focus that engages with the historical, social, and interpersonal
interactions across post-secondary universities. Further, this lens also provides a space to explore
Black males' experience of the institution as an organization with values and norms. Thus, CRT
engages the varying experiences of the institution from the university agents to further providing
a voice to the minoritized. In addition, the use of this theoretical framework provides further
backing towards promoting the counternarratives for young academically savvy Black males.
What Matters to Student Success
This student success framework developed by Kuh et al. (2006) was applied to explore
experiences in education that intersect with a student’s matriculation. This framework provides a
specific guide for exploring students' multifaceted experiences to academic success (Kuh et al.
2006). Kuh et al. reviewed critical areas such as students' pre-college experiences, college
experiences, student and institutional behaviors, student engagement, outcomes, and post-college
indicators (see Figure 3). This framework seeks to expand the notion of the college pipeline by
providing a “more accurate representation” of the factors and experiences encountered while
students endeavor to obtain academic success (p. 7).

27
Figure 3
What Matters to Student Success Framework

Note: Based on the National Postsecondary Education Cooperative report (exploring
factors affecting postsecondary student success) as developed by Kuh, Kinzie, Buckley, Bridges,
and Hayek (2006).
Black males are often held to institutional benchmarks that are broad categories employed
by the institution. These categories group large bodies of students with varying backgrounds and
experiences, by default removing the opportunity to examine students' actual effort. Black male
students encounter a wide array of experiences within education and society that may complicate
their success journey. This framework provides the study with a set of success categories that
more accurately represent Black males’ educational values:

28
• engagement in educationally purposeful activities
• satisfaction
• acquisition of desired knowledge
• skills and competencies
• persistence
• attainment of educational objectives
• post-college performance (Kuh et al., 2006)

Why These Frameworks?
Throughout this study, theoretical frameworks were employed to critically explore the
students’ narratives and experiences within the academic structure. The two theoretical
frameworks utilized while mining the literature offer access to the most comprehensive review.
These frameworks provide a critical review of the intercentricity of race across multiple domains
of education and explore the multiple spheres of Black male development. Together, these
theories lend a critical analysis of the experiences that influence Black males’ view of success.
CRT and the student success framework provide a critical lens to expose issues of equity
resulting in years of racism and racist structural forces implanted in America's identity. The
permanence of racism as a salient group of norms and values that consciously and unconsciously
weave through society’s interactions creates a restrictive and unsafe space for knowledge
creation. The success approach put forth by Kuh et al. (2006) provides essential metrics to
explore whether disparities and inequities exist in the Black experience. The student success
framework is supported by the CRT framework, which provides the ability to review structures
and forces that historically impact Black students' efficacy and identity in the education system.
This explorative study provides a platform for Black male participants to share their
counternarratives regarding their success in higher education. These frameworks aid in the
study’s intent to amplify the understanding of what academic success means for a population of
Black males and examine the systematic factors affecting their progress.

29
Summary
The literature reviewed in this chapter is a compilation of findings that researchers have
deemed as relevant factors contributing to Black men developing their academic
conceptualization of education. The literature offered a clear history and contextual
representation of Black people's strides in education and an overview of the psychological and
academic developmental sequence. Black students have navigated profound obstacles to attain
equal access and have achieved tremendous accolades since their acceptance into widespread
formalized education. Black students, however, still face racialized assaults (physical and
emotional), vast differences in education rearing, and limited support and engagement from
academic institutions. As seen throughout this literature review, these factors result in inequitable
academic environments and challenging experiences for Black students.
The researcher of the current study aims to build upon the literature to investigate Black
students' educational success efforts. Further, the reseacher intends to provide a space for Black
students to challenge institutional declarations of success in higher education by replacing them
with their counternarrative to expand the existing body. In Chapter 3, the researcher provides a
detailed account of the research design and approach utilized to explore this population’s truth.

30
CHAPTER THREE: METHODS
Overview of Methods
This dissertation utilized a counter storytelling methodology as discussed by Solórzano
and Yosso (2002). This critical methodological examination tool allows researchers to ground
notions of race, racism, and additional categorically imposed constraints as intersections
stratifying communities as well as amplifying the minoritized voices or “counter-narratives” in
research (p. 27). Solórzano and Yosso (2002) also explored how studies addressing race and
racism may challenge structures of inequality and expand equity practices to areas of systematic
injustice and oppression. Hegemonic group designation perpetuated by societal systems often
contributes to “master narratives” endorsing stereotypes and singular perspectives of groups or
individuals (p. 27). These master narratives are frequently represented as dominant reality,
although generalized accounts or negative caricatures are accepted as truths regarding non-
dominant groups. Counter storytelling can tell the stories of marginalized groups not represented
in literature (Harper, 2009). The counter storytelling methodology allowed the researcher to
extract, disseminate, and advocate for Black male student academic success in higher education.
This study utilized counternarratives to explore how Black males conceptualize their
desire for academic post-secondary achievement and understand how they experience success at
their institution. Further, this study achieved the following:
• investigated how students conceive college as beneficial for their career
trajectory;
• explored what academic, social, and institutional actions students perceived as
encouraging the student’s overall goals; and

31
• looked at their overall impression of the university as a space for advancement
and upward social mobility.
As illustrated in the previous chapter, Black male students' enrollment status at 4-year
universities remains at an alarmingly low rate. Low enrollment paired with adverse phenomena
such as stereotype threat, microaggressions, and limited multigenerational college knowledge
contribute to high achievement gaps and limited opportunities to establish institutional
belonging. Although many researchers have explored this population from a deficit lens, the
researcher of the current study sought to continue the critical exploration of Black male collegial
success realities. The following section includes a detailed overview of the study’s research
design and methodology.
Research Design & Questions
This study utilized a counter storytelling research design to provide both context and
depth of the participants’ experiences in education. Moreover, this approach allowed the
researcher to critically consider the experiences of individual realities as subsets of a minoritized
group. Through this study, the researcher seeks to critique and challenge the education system to
change the status quo resulting in negative Black educational experiences (Merriam, 2009). With
this approach, this study employs a critical qualitative methodology to explore the following
research questions:
1) What factors impact Black male success?
2) How do Black males perceive collegial support needed to meet their definition of
success?

32
Setting
The setting of this study was a major public 4-year degree-granting university in
Southern California. The majority of the surrounding 20 counties’ school districts are feeder
schools to the university. Due to the service area, this university caters to a wide range of racially
diverse students. Designated as a Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI) as well as an Asian
American, Native American, and Pacific Islander Serving Institution (AANAPISI), the
institution aims to support diversity and pathways for access and inclusion (Equity & Diversity,
2017). According to Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) data, the
racial/ethnic demographics of the enrolled student population are as displayed in Figure 4.
Figure 4
Study Site Enrollment by Ethnic Demographic

Asian
11%
Black
5%
Hispanic or
Latin[x]
46%
White
22%
bi- or multiracial
3%
Unknown
4%
Non-resident
alien
9%
Enrollment by Ethnic Demographic

33
Although the percentage of enrolled Black students may seem relatively low, this site was
selected as it possesses the most significant number of Black students across all partner
campuses.
Participants
Purposeful sampling was utilized for participant selection. As discussed in Merriam
(2009), this type of sampling allows qualitative researchers to discover, understand, and gain
“information-rich” insight from a specific population. Due to the specificity of the study
population, a criterion-based selection process was developed to provide guidance on
participants and the recruitment process (p. 77). Further, the purposeful nature of the study aided
the researcher's intention to understand the phenomenon under review (p.105). The following
criteria were created to screen candidates:
● Identify within the African American/ Black/ African and Non-Hispanic ethnic group,
● active enrollment in academic coursework,
● within traditional college age (18-24), and
● have attended a minimum of 6 years in the American education system.
Due to the small number of participants meeting the criteria, many recruitment processes
were created to identify a sample. The researcher identified areas frequented by Black males
across the campus and posted flyers listing criteria and the purpose of the study. Additionally,
institutional stakeholders (staff, faculty, and administrators) received a flyer containing a call for
participants. Announcements were conducted during campus student club and organization
meetings. As a result, the study focused on participants who met the criteria for this study.

34
Lastly, the researcher completed seven approximately 90-minute semi-structured
interviews that captured the narratives of the Black male undergraduate participants. Study
collection protocols were used to answer the research questions.
Data Collection Procedures and Instruments/Protocols Approach
The researcher employed a semi-structured, one-on-one qualitative interview model to
gather authentic, holistic experiences of the minoritized population and their definitions of
success. This approach allowed flexibility with wording while providing a framework to guide
questioning for the sample (Merriam, 2009). Further, the semi-structured interview allowed the
researcher to more thoroughly probe, seek, and gain understanding from the participants. This
approach, considering the phenomenological nature of this research, also allowed the researcher
to adjust to themes and systematically address commonalities and unexpected findings. All
participants were interviewed in an office space provided by the institution. Interviews were
electronically recorded and transcribed for accuracy.
Instrumentation
Pre-Survey
Each interested participant was asked to complete a demographic form prior to the
interview. The purpose of the demographic form was to collect information regarding the
student’s background such as age, race/ethnicity classification, education level, educational
background, career interest, campus involvement, and work/life engagements. This data was
used to determine eligibility for participation based on the criteria above.
Interview Protocol
An interview protocol was created to guide the conduct of the researcher and procedures
taken during the study. The interview protocol included a participant welcome, an overview of

35
the study, interview questions, and Institutional Review Board (IRB) information. Participants
were asked questions that explored their beliefs, such as the following:
● In your college experiences, how has success been defined?
● What life factors can you identify that can help you succeed in higher education?
● What experiences in college thus far have contributed to your notions of success?
● What activities or supports offered through your institution aid you in your
journey to success?
The selected questions directly link to the proposed research questions of the current
study.
Procedure
Pre-Interview. The student received an email briefing them on the purpose of the study.
The email included a description of how the study would be conducted. Participants were
advised that interviews would be confidential but would be recorded and transcribed.
Participants were further informed that they would need to select a pseudonym to maintain their
anonymity. The chosen pseudonym would be used to reference them during the interview and,
when needed, to present research findings.
Interview. The interviews began with an overview of the study and interview protocol.
Participants were asked to ensure understanding and sign consent to confirm. Additionally,
participants were informed that the interview would last approximately 45 to 90 minutes and
were reminded that the interviews would be audio recorded. The researcher conducted the
interviews in person. Interviews were guided by a structured interview protocol provided to each
participant to understand the study thoroughly.

36
Post-Interview. Participants were asked if they had any additional comments that they
would like to contribute to the study. During the data collection process, they were also informed
that the researcher might conduct follow-up as needed.
Data Analysis
During this study, the interviews were recorded, professionally transcribed, and quality
checked for clarity. Once completed, the data were analyzed for an initial set of themes. After an
initial review took place, identifying emergent themes began with reviewing the interview field
notes in conjunction with a preliminary scan of the transcript. Each transcript was coded
deductively, and additional codes were identified upon review using a qualitative software called
Dedoose. The codes were developed utilizing the research questions, theoretical framework, and
literature review. Through this format, 174 codes were developed and cross-referenced with the
research questions to ensure alignment. Data analysis and collection occurred co-currently during
the study to aid in the exploration of the inquiry. This method permitted the researcher to probe
and refine the collection instrument.
Limitations and Delimitations
This qualitative study explored and described the collegial experiences of the
participants. With this goal, the researcher recognized the need to ensure parameters were set to
maintain a clear direction and utilized a narrow scope of the study to specific criteria. Due to the
population, the researcher felt a mixed methodological sequential expository study would be the
most supportive method of garnering the necessary depth of understanding. Due to time and
resource limitations, however, the researcher chose to use a semi-structured interview protocol.
The semi-structured interview method provided protection of participant narratives and extracted
uninterrupted conceptual understanding. The timeframe and protocol for the study were created

37
and reviewed by the IRB. This study further employed member checks as a mechanism to ensure
clarity from participants and appropriately examine the provided narratives.
Positionality
While the researcher, I am also a Black male student who attended a large state university
in southern California and have experienced many stereotypes and struggles with defining
success. Growing up in Southern California during the 1980s, racial dynamics and classism have
always been at the forefront of my maturation process. During this study, I constantly reflected
on my concepts of identity as a Black male and how I had understood how success could be
achieved in my life. I was privileged to have parents, educators, and community members who
recognized education as an opportunity for advancement. As a youth, however, I resisted this
system due to limited support from my Black peers. As a current active member of a university
student support structure, I frequently engage with Black students navigating their identity as
scholars and transitioning to adulthood. Further, as a critic of organizations of socialization, I
recognize that the purpose of this study is to explore how students conceive their placement in
larger structures.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
This study sought to explore and capture complex actions, perceptions, and
interpretations to report the participants' accounts, vignettes, and narratives that naturalistically
occur in education. Many factors may affect this study’s credibility and trustworthiness. The
researcher, recognizing these concerns, employed several checks to limit disruption, participant
tampering, and bias. To understand and address potential researcher bias, specific instruments
were developed as a tool to guide the study and how to assess different occurrences that may
occur. While this was done, the researcher, as the tools designer, recognized that potential

38
subconscious bias may still exist in them. The researcher consistently reflected on participant
responses and past experiences before responding to participants and frequently reviewed
response verbiage and tones when engaging with the participants. Additionally, throughout the
phases of the interviews, the researcher made observations and comments when affected by a
participant’s statement. These notes were used as reflection points to bring awareness to the
researcher’s responses.
Respondent validation, also known as member checks, assisted the researcher in
maintaining internal validation and credibility. To ensure a shared understanding of meaning, the
researcher checked (or probed) for clarity of concepts. Merriam (2009) explored this as an
essential tool for assessing misinterpretations, recognizing one’s biases, and ensuring clear
understanding (p. 217). Internal validity and credibility maintenance were supported by the
selected interview questions and urging participants to provide rich accounts of their
experiences.
Ethical Consideration
The semi-structured interviews only assessed information that was relevant to the study.
Throughout several contact points within the study, participants were informed of their voluntary
participation status. Prior to the interview, a general description of the study and a review of the
interview process were read to participants. Additionally, the participants retained the ability to
withdraw from the study at any point. Pseudonyms were established to maintain confidentiality,
and all files were kept password protected.

39
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA AND FINDINGS
In this chapter, the findings of this study are provided to explain how Black males
attending a Southern California institution cultivate their definition of collegial success in a
historically White institution. Through narratives, participants reflected on success, described
their journey navigating university life, and offered critical insights into how they, as Black
males, experience education. Participants also expressed their aspirations, goals, and motivations
for academic success. The researcher begins the chapter with an overview of each participant
leading into a review of the data organized by research question.
Participants
Overview
The study participants were seven Black males pursuing a baccalaureate degree at a 4-
year institution in the Western region of the United States. As seen in Table 3, study participants’
ages ranged from 19 to 52 years old. Most of the study participants were seniors, and each had a
different major. Three of the participants were first-generation college students, and all but one
participant has a GPA greater than 3.0. Each participant in the study was given a pseudonym to
protect their anonymity.

40
Table 3
Participant Descriptors At-a-glance
Participant
Name
Age Major Ranking First
Generation
GPA
Ricky 22 Kinesiology Senior Yes 2.9
Clarence 52 Psychology Senior Yes 3.2
Malcolm 19 Biology Sophomore No 3.5
Martin 20 Environmental
Occupational
Health
Senior No 3.2
William 21 Communication
Studies
Senior No 3.0
Clayton 20 Tourism,
Hospitality, &
Recreation
Management
Junior Yes 3.3
Zo 22 Civil
Engineering
Senior No 3.0

Background Information
Ricky. Ricky is a 22-year-old senior majoring in Kinesiology. Upon graduation, he
intends to join the Coast Guard and eventually become a fireman. Born and raised in south Los
Angeles, Ricky was raised by his father in a single-parent household. As a single parent, his
father struggled to ensure that Ricky and his brother were well cared for. His father works as a
longshoreman, wants both sons to excel, and pushes Ricky to complete his degree and attain
success. Ricky was accepted into college through the Educational Opportunity Program (EOP) as
a residential bridge student (a college access program in which provided admissions and support
services to historically marginalized populations). He mentioned benefitting from the EOP
program and how he became a campus leader soon after enrollment. Ricky was appointed to the

41
University Student Union’s Board of Directors and was tasked with determining how students
receive support from the student union where he also holds the Chair of the Finance position. In
addition, Ricky has been a continuing member of the Black Male Scholars group participating in
leadership training, workshops, and socials.
Clarence
Clarence is a 52-year-old senior Psychology major on the verge of graduating. He aspires
to become a mental health advocate. Immediately after graduating, his goal is to begin either a
doctoral program in clinical psychology or pursue a master’s degree in social work. Clarence
was raised in Pasadena, CA. Upon graduating from high school, he enrolled at community
college to pursue his education. Although Clarence discussed his strong aspirations and
enjoyment of being in school, he shared receiving minimal preparation and support to assist him
through the college planning process. Clarence discussed how his parents provided ample
support for his twin brother; however, they did not know how to support his (Clarences’)
academic aspirations.
Exploring multiple areas of his identity, academics, and career, Clarence attended several
community colleges and subsequently relocated to another state. These experiences caused him
to shift often, pause, and self-assist his educational trajectory. When Clarence returned to
California to finish his associate’s degree and begin his bachelor’s degree, he actively began
participating in campus resources. He is a part of the Black Male Scholars, Minority Male
Mentoring, and the EOP and serves as chairman of the University Student Union’s Board of
Directors. He values his interactions with staff and faculty. While advocating for his support, he
supports the minoritized populations at the university and the community at large.

42
Malcolm
Malcolm is a 19-year-old rising sophomore majoring in Biology. Malcolm’s education
began in the San Fernando Valley where he graduated high school and immediately enrolled in
his bachelor’s degree program. Since Malcolm arrived at the university, he has frequently
engaged in leadership and advocacy work aimed at racial justice and equity reform. Although he
frequently engages in research in the biological field, he desires to become a clinical
psychologist focusing on pan-African approaches to therapeutic support for the Black diaspora.
Malcolm yearns to continue developing his critical consciousness framework as a psychologist
and researcher.
Malcolm’s father is an attorney with whom he did not have a good relationship when he
was young; however, their communication has increased since he became an adult. He discussed
his journey through education as being one supported by his parents. Malcolm frequently
reflected on the social norms and biases that he experienced in schooling. He explained how
being racially bullied in his early youth allowed him to “recognize oppressive acts as early as
high school”. Malcolm stays as involved as his schedule allows, balancing research through his
involvement in a research grant and his student advocacy commitments. In addition, he actively
participates in the Black Male Scholars program and plans to create an organization for Black
psychology students in the near future.
Martin
Martin is a 20-year-old fourth-year senior majoring in Environmental Occupational
Health. Martin mentioned being a “latch key child” due to his parents’ work schedule but was
responsible enough to be independent in his youth. Education was always held in high regard
within his immediate and extended family, which currently provides pressure on his next life

43
steps. He described himself as a scientist, mentioning that he always wanted to be in the field.
His desire to access this career was influenced directly by his parents’ careers. His father works
at an industrial plant, and his mother works as a physician’s assistant. Martin frequented both
worksites in his youth, relishing these opportunities.
Although his parents were separated, Martin maintained a relationship with both parents
while living with his mother in south Los Angeles. His parents both pushed him to explore
different areas such as sports, academics, and extracurricular hobbies. Martin has been involved
in a myriad of areas while attending college, such as holding a position in the Associated Student
Senate, being a researcher and presenter in Build Poder (Building Infrastructure Leading to
Diversity Promoting Opportunities for Diversity in Education and Research), and being involved
in the Black Male Scholars program.
William
William is a 21-year-old senior majoring in Communication Studies. Raised in the
Antelope Valley while attending a diverse private Catholic school, he identified as mixed race
(i.e., Black and Mexican) and struggled with understanding both his own race and the impact of
race. His parents reinforced education as a way to make him a “respectable person” with “good
values.” Community and mentorship were explained as important items that he always looked
for in a school, particularly at the university level. These supports were discussed as essential in
his academic, cultural, and social development, allowing him to build confidence and a sense of
belonging. Because of this, William seeks to impact others through his success. Although he still
is exploring a career in entertainment, he plans to join the Peace Corps or enlist in the U.S. Air
Force to become an officer upon graduating. William is recognized as a Black Male Scholars
participant and a reoccurring New Student Orientation Lead.

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Clayton
Clayton, a 20-year-old Tourism, Hospitality, and Recreation Management major, entered
the university through the EOP Foster Youth program. Although he has excelled each semester
academically, Clayton struggles to find motivation in college due to his life experiences in foster
care. He was raised in Los Angeles County, where he attended a prominent public school.
Clayton has worked within EOP and as a student event coordinator at the University Student
Union. These two experiences have sparked his interest in pursuing a master’s degree and
continuing his work in Student Affairs. His career goal is to become the CEO of his own hotel
company.
Zo
Zo is a 22-year-old graduating senior majoring in Civil Engineering who plans to pursue
a graduate degree shortly after graduation. Born and raised in Carson, CA, his family possessed
strong feelings regarding educational advancement, specifically pursuing a master’s or doctorate.
Zo described this as a cultural norm, mentioning that he is a descendent of Nigeria, where
excelling in education is an expectation. While in high school, he enjoyed academic work;
however, he has always questioned what he wanted to pursue. Now, Zo enjoys his future career
path and looks forward to impacting the field. He is successful in his classes, maintains a 3.0-
grade point average, and participates in many additional leadership activities as his coursework
will allow. It is important to him to support the campus National Society of Black Engineers
(NSBE), mainly because Black students are not represented well in his major. Along with NSBE,
he is also a University Ambassador and member of the African Student Organization.

45
Findings
Interviews were professionally transcribed and quality checked for clarity. Data were
analyzed for initial themes. Each transcript was then coded deductively, and additional codes
were identified using Dedoose qualitative software. The codes were developed based upon the
research questions, theoretical framework, and literature review. Table 4 shows 174 codes were
developed and cross-referenced with the research questions to ensure alignment, and four major
themes, two themes per research question, emerged. The four major themes are as follows: (a)
Introspection, (b) Personal Legacy, (c) Sense of Belonging, and (d) Engagement.

46
Table 4
Research Questions, Codes, Major Themes, and Sub-Themes

Research
Questions
Codes Major Themes Sub-Themes
What factors
impact Black male
success?
Imposter Syndrome, Self-Doubt,
Code Switching, Blackness,
Pressure of Being a Statistic,
Shame, Cultural Identity,
Constructing Self-Identity
Introspection
Identity
Development
Well-being, Proving Capable,
Positivity, Determination, Help-
Seeking, Trauma Infused
Mental Health
Job Security, Wealth, Job
Opportunities, Independence,
Freedom, Career Pursuits,
Knowledge, Wisdom
Personal Legacy
Opportunity
Building Family, Supporting
Family, Ability to Support
Others, Being a Role Model
Impact

How do Black
males perceive
collegial support
needed to meet
their definition of
success?

Isolation, Seeking Community,
Outsider, Ignored, Not Valued
Sense of Belonging
Social
Alienation
Curricular Cultural
Representation, Staff & Faculty
representation
Cultural
Representation
& University
Stakeholder
Understanding
Microaggressions, Stereotyping,
Racialized experiences, Denial
of Black thought, Color
Blindness
Experiencing
Race
Parental Encouragement/
Expectations, Communal Figure
Support, Deterrents
Engagement
Communal
Engagement
Cultural Support, Academic
Support, Leadership
Development, Mentorship, Peer
Interactions
Institutional
Engagement

47
In the following section, the themes will be further expounded on and explored through
the participants’ narratives.
Research Question 1. What Factors Impact Black Male Success?
For Research Question 1, two major themes emerged: Introspection and Personal Legacy.
For the Introspection theme, two sub-themes emerged: (a) Identity Development and (b) Mental
Health. Within the theme of Personal Legacy, there also were two sub-themes: (a) Opportunity
and (b) Impact. These themes and sub-themes are discussed below.
Introspection
The first major theme that emerged from the data was Black male Introspection. In this
study, this theme refers to the lens through which participants explore the self, the way they
develop their cultural understanding of self, and the effects of their cultural positioning.
Examples of introspection for the participants were self-doubt, perceptions of Blackness, the
need to code-switch or prove capableness, and one’s understanding of self-thought or emotional
intelligence. These findings were then broken down into two sub-themes: Identity Development
and Mental Health. Further descriptions of these sub-themes can be found below.
Identity Development
In this study, identity development refers to the complex process by which study
participants develop a sense and understanding of the values, norms, and beliefs Black males
utilize to navigate and create meaning for themselves. This social identity formation develops
how the participant expresses themselves, and it also affects how they interpret their experiences.
Specific examples of the sub-theme of Identity Development represented in the findings included
racial confirmation, construction of self-identity, dual consciousness, and linguistic code
switching. Nearly half of the participants identified as either gay or gender fluid and expressed

48
challenges with identifying how they can locate themselves with competing stereotypes of
masculinity. Clarence expressed his enthusiasm by stating “just being able to share where I come
from and be comfortable with who I am is important.” Clarence continued this insight by stating
the following:
We sometimes apply paint brushes on what each of us should look like as if we're perfect,
but we're not being able to be my real, true, authentic self. I probably struggle with that
the most definitely being a Black gay male. Probably still have some internalized
homophobia that still I'm dealing with and everything.
Malcolm spoke about his burdensome feelings of constantly having to mask his identity.
As an artist, he struggled with how much is acceptable to express. Malcolm stated, “Being a
Black person in America, just that I can never be emotional.” He further explained that people
perceive Black males as unintelligent and judge them on their appearance, saying, “I feel like the
stereotypes of Black men are so well kept and they are very heteronormative.”
All but one participant reflected on their cultural identity development and how they
experience the acquisition of self-identity. Clarence said, “Majoring in Africana studies has
contributed to my success. Taking Africana courses both in college and university have
contributed by affirming my identity of self and understanding that we are great and incredible
people.” Ricky echoed these same sentiments in sharing, “Learning more about Black culture
before colonization allowed me to see my worth- we are descendants of kings and queens. We
are leaders.” Malcolm shared that these courses validate his experiences and knowledge. He
stated the following:
You're not going to get it anywhere else. It's not the kind of knowledge that your
European society would deem important or impactful. They wouldn't have to go through

49
that because their knowledge and intelligence is never questioned. Africana studies
allows you to be in your own space through an African worldview and African lens,
which you don't get anywhere else in society, really, except unless you're in a Black
space. So, it’s the relevancy. Yeah. Relevancy. The way it talks to you. It's also tied to the
specific way it's taught. This perspective is taught very differently than if you were to be
taking a psychology class in a European psychology versus Black psychology class.
William explained how learning his cultural heritage helped him feel more comfortable in
different spaces. He stated, “I feel more proud than I did before. Prior when I was… when I was
younger, I was shy, awkward, and a little lonely just because I didn't know how to express my
racial background. Culture and race was something that came a lot later on in my life.”
He spoke about his parents not discussing their culture and how they simply wanted him to be a
trustworthy man. His journey through school and learning his culture as an adult helped him
recognize what he brings to the table. Zo expressed similar sentiments: “I think it's a very good
thing because knowing that I'm like of African descent is dope. That's what's kept me [going].”
He mentioned how understanding the plight and the triumphs of the African diaspora through the
establishment of the United States until now kept him moving forward. He stated, “I always tell
people, I believe that we're God's chosen people because we've been going ever since,” Zo
explained.
Lastly, one participant highlighted his general development as a significant experience.
Clayton said, “college was the first time I was on my own. So, I had to [figure out] a lot of shit
on my own.” He emphasized how these experiences—in and outside of class—gave him the
chance to develop his confidence and become more responsible.

50
Mental Health
When exploring how study participants reported seeing themselves or
how they felt about themselves, mental health was discussed as an additional sub-theme. Two-
thirds of the study participants expressed mental health-related issues. Mental Health pertains to
the participants’ reflection of their mental well-being. The range of mental health issues
expressed by the Black males in this study included depression, feelings of unworthiness, and
pressure to succeed, all of which converged with their academic performance. The
manifestations of these feelings appeared in the form of fears, self-doubt, determination,
imposter syndrome, vulnerability, motivation, or proving themselves capable. This is seen in
Clayton’s frustrations regarding not feeling accepted or qualified. He stated,
I mean when you don't feel welcomed, you don't feel accepted into a place. I mean you
start to feel like you don't belong here. Like you're not good enough. I mean who wants to
go to class when you’re depressed.
Clayton also mentioned being anxious when he had to consider “the pressures of transitioning to
adulthood life.” He further stated, “I mean a lot of things tied to depression, mental health, and
well-being… Being overwhelmed with school puts me in a fucked-up depression state.”
Half of the study participants spoke about having to prove that they are capable and the
stress that it created. William stated, “I've had to work very hard to prove that I was better and
capable. It kind of goes back to that whole potential thing, not just to the like fellow peers but
professors and teachers.” William, deeply concerned, stated that he has to expend significant
energy in school and his career as a graduating senior. He said he has seen many individuals in
the film industry be judged on racial factors (e.g., skin tone and racial stereotyping) rather than
their talent and proficiency.

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I want to feel accomplished… I want to feel that I was able to put forth the work and
achieve my goals. However, often when my peers tell me about their experience on
auditions and interviews I get concerned. They have good skills and resumes but they
will only get casted in stereotypical roles if at all. I guess it’s not only about how good I
am.
On the other hand, Malcolm discussed how minoring in Africana studies has served as a coping
mechanism for him. He stated,
Through Africana studies, I have a better understanding of how to navigate academic
spaces and understanding of how the material relates to me. Those classes helped me
persevere, build confidence and the mental strength that I've needed to help push through
some things that I go through, especially the shortcomings that I feel I have.
In addition, almost all the participants spoke about the limitations of the campus Black
staff and faculty affecting their mental health because of safety concerns. Specifically, Clarence
mentioned this concern because many Black males “lack the feelings of safety on campus.”
Malcolm expressed how he felt that if the campus wants to increase retention, they should offer
more “Black male-funded departments and programs to provide more space [to support their
development].” He mentioned that these spaces for Black men would provide a safe space for
them to “speak their mind and to be themselves,” which impacts their well-being. Similar to this,
Ricky mentioned how he copes by using many of the athletic and other campus resources at his
institution, which allows him to relieve the stress from university life:
Mental health is definitely a big thing in the Black community. So me being like
exhausted and stressed, I can go to the Oasis (wellness center). Being able to have a spot
so we can actually sleep and be safe is helpful. Also, resources like having the

52
availability to go see your advisor when you are having troubles… My first advisor was
not Black, and I didn't feel too comfortable, you know I don't feel comfortable expressing
myself to her. Depending on the situation or how deep I go, I don't really express myself
unless they're like me, you know, somebody who comes from my background or looks
like me. I remember freshman year; my advisor would strictly talk about just classes.
Then once I transitioned over to Black advisor, I felt more comfortable, and he pushed
me to talk about everything I was experiencing. So we were able to share similar
experiences and stories. It just felt more at home, more comfortable, more able to relate
experiences.
Personal Legacy
Another central theme that emerged from the data was Personal Legacy. All participants
expressed that they often consider their legacy related to their overall journey and desire an
outcome for their dedication. Personal Legacy refers to what the Black males in this study hope
to achieve as part of their academic journey. It includes their desire to enrich their lives in a way
that reveals their life’s essence to their family, friends, and community. Specifically, this theme
is illustrated by the participants’ deep-seated desire to uplift their community and provide
resources to those in need. Thus, their success outcomes center on fracturing existing inequities
and producing community empowerment.
The Black males in this study also desired to possess the means to change their life
circumstances and remove systemic barriers that hamper generational finances, vocations, and
opportunities. For this theme, there were two sub-themes: (a) opportunity and (b) impact. These
two sub-themes were expressed through the resources that the participants sought to acquire

53
from their successes such as comfort, freedom, safety, and opportunity. The following section
will expound on the two sub-themes further.
Opportunity. Opportunities within the context of this study refer to the set of
circumstances that make it possible for the participants to achieve something. More specifically,
they represent the study participants’ perspectives regarding how earning a college degree would
make it possible to accomplish personal, occupational, and financial goals. The participants
shared their experiences regarding their academic success and conceptualized their results as a
byproduct of their educational journey. All study participants shared that they desired to
circumvent personal barriers and eliminate achievement gaps. Examples of this are the study
participants’ desires for security, career navigation, comfort, and generational wealth, which
would be garnered by completing their academic journey. For instance, Martin discussed the
complexity of this delayed gratification and strong desire to meet his goals, saying,
It's all preparation for my future … my time is not my own. So even though I'm choosing
to do the things I want- engage in research, pursue science, etc., it's not necessarily
freeing because I want to do them like now or I'd love to be traveling the world right
now. But it's more responsible, expected, and almost required that I use this time to be in
school and be doing activities with people that will help me get to my [goals]. I hope to
be secure enough in a place where I feel like I don't need those obligations… It means
peace. I just imagine having more freedom then I do now. Hopefully, I'm not like tied
down with too many obligations.
The desire for freedom was also mentioned in what Clayton shared about what defining
success in school means to him. He shared that success is “[being] able to use what I've learned
in these years and being able to [apply the] information to my benefit.” He continued to express

54
his hopes that the content in his major will contribute to his growth in the hospitality field.
Ricky, however, discussed how, although he is unsure of his specific career path, he hopes that
his education will provide the opportunity to “make good money.” When asked what it means to
make good money, he stated, “[being] stable and not having to struggle like when I grew up.”
Ricky related to the challenge of homelessness and pursing his postsecondary degrees, and how
that experience affected him. Ricky mentioned how he “didn’t deserve to have to go through that
again.” Zo discussed how he would quantify his academic journey upon completion, providing
his success will be gauged as “If I'm still an engineer [after college] then college was worth it. I
need to have a good job, have my own house, and be able to show I am independent—I'm not
depending on my parents for anything.” Malcolm was eager to discuss his desire to attain his
“Ph.D. in Cultural Psychology [with an] emphasis in Black psych working within that field to
empower the Black community.” He continued by expressing how he wants to be “financially
independent and able to conduct my own research. …not having to rely on anyone to continue
my work and provide support.”
Impact. Another sub-theme that emerged from the data was Impact. Impact refers to the
outcome of completing education, thus permitting participants to create opportunities for the
communities in which they represent. Nearly all the study participants expressed a strong desire
to assist those in need. This sub-theme appears in the study as a desire for stabilizing and
contributing to the participant’s family, future family, community-at-large, and Black
community (i.e., kin).
Ricky discussed impact through encouraging his community by “going back to my
community to help the younger generation get into college and following their dreams.” Ricky
even mentioned how “this opportunity [would be] a key experience of being successful.”

55
Similarly, Malcolm excitedly shared, “success to me is helping Black people love themselves,
and if I can support that for people and mend some of the hurt and barriers that Black people
keep amongst themselves, I would love that.” When speaking to the participants about the future
and their 10-year self-image, Zo related that he simply does not want to struggle. He shared that
he wants the following:
…to have a nice house and nice car. Just being stable in my personal life so that by 30
[years old] I hope to have helped out in some type of way. I really want to make my way
back to Nigeria just like and just kind of like help in some type of way. I want to bring
[my] engineering skills… back over there and help them out to see if I can make a
difference for them.
Malcolm emphatically stated, “success internally would be defined as really completely coming
into myself and really learning about myself. But still listening and trying to learn from others’
narratives.” He further explained, “success is really gaining wisdom” and “using everything I
learned to help people.” For Clarence, success was categorized as,
Being able to help and give back to other people has helped me find inner peace. Success
has been more of a material thing in the past, like being able to feed myself, clothe
myself, and everything. Now it is being able to take care of my mother [and] being able
to be a role model for my nephew. Success is being able to be honest with myself and
honest with other people.
William’s desires recognized the struggles within the Black community, as he shared the
following:
. . .wanting to really show like unconditional support because I feel like the community,
everywhere but the African community, I feel like we just need consistent and constant

56
support. So I just try and do my best to switch the narrative and really just help and
support the Black community. I want to see other people live a good life and not just
succeed but ultimately be happy for themselves and be happy with the people that they're
around. And so, to me, that's been rewarding being able to kind of see that and in sharing
knowledge and sharing wisdom or just sharing whatever, both good and bad. I mean, as
cynical as it sounds, we're all going to die. You know, so it's like why not. So that kind of
keeps me keeps him going and motivates me every day.
Research Question 2. How do Black Males Perceive Collegial Support Needed to Meet
Their Definition of Success?
The second research question explored how Black males experience support from the
institution to meet their definition of success. The two major themes that emerged within the
interviews were (a) Sense of Belonging and (b) Engagement. For Sense of Belonging, three sub-
themes emerged: (a) Social Alienation, (b) Cultural Representation & University Stakeholder
Understanding, and (c) Experiencing Race. For the Engagement theme, there were two sub-
themes: (a) Communal Engagement and (b) Institutional Engagement. These themes and sub-
themes are presented and explored to identify the associated narratives, in the section below.
Sense of Belonging. The first major theme that emerged from the data was a Sense of
Belonging. All study participants expressed their experience of not feeling like they belonged at
the post-secondary institution. A sense of belonging refers to the study participants’ feelings of
connectedness and acceptance into all facets of the educational system. Sense of belonging
extends to the campus's structural and systematic function, which evokes feelings of inclusion,
such as protocols and procedures that students must navigate. When student participants spoke
about belonging, many expressed isolation and feelings of disregard. Specifically, six of the

57
seven participants mentioned that they often felt as though campus staff did not want them to
succeed during their academic progression. Missed opportunities, perceived racial attacks, and
general negative experiences were present through various interactions across educational levels
(e.g., counselors, teachers, faculty, and other staff members). All participants mentioned the
importance of cultural understanding and the need for equity regarding the staffing of Black,
Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC). They mentioned positive feelings when interacting
with faculty that provided micro-affirmations and/or who acknowledged their cultural
contributions to the space. Additionally, all participants acknowledged the positive impact of
having stakeholders who bolstered their experiences as Black males or individuals in higher
education. The three sub-theme related to the broader theme of Sense of Belonging are discussed
in greater detail below.
Social Alienation
Social Alienation refers to the Black male participants’ feelings of
loneliness, isolation, and marginality related to their academic and social interactions within the
education system. All of the study participants indicated that they experienced some level of
social alienation. The study participants gave examples of ways in which they felt isolated and
disconnected from their university. They also reported feeling that the structure and staff within
the institution did not support their success or their feelings of safety.
Malcolm explained his sense of social alienation as the following: “The University needs
to start organizations [and programs] that will protect the students. We don’t feel safe!” Ricky
also shared concern for safety on campus by stating, “I feel like when I walk on campus, I have a
big target on my back. It’s not just in the classroom. It was getting better but now, with
everything going on its just getting worse.” Zo had a similar experience, sharing,

58
I took a professions in psychology class that helps you explore the major and options you
can pursue in the field. All the material was White, all the examples, and the professors
(except for one, and he was Latino). I had to complain about it! I felt better because they
made changes, but I shouldn’t have to do that.
In giving an example of his social alienation, Clarence shared how he felt being the only student
in most of his classes during his tenure at the university:
I am constantly the only one or one of few in the classroom. Since I’m an upper division
[student] now I see more Black women than men. This makes me feel more scrutinized
and that I have to reflect the Black community or Black males.
[Zo] discusses feeling pressure and being isolated in his classes:
…in engineering it’s just so competitive, you know. When I [as an upper classman]
gather with friends not in my major now I find it hard to connect. I always have to study
or do major-related stuff. I like my major but I rarely have other Black people in class.
The other people in my classes are usually Latino or Middle Eastern and they kind of
stick to their own, and there is no Black faculty in the program.
Martin shared his level of frustration with how others interact with him:
Recently, I have been more active and vocal about my concern. I guess I have always
thought, well, any logical person would see the issues with [certain thing]. But it doesn’t
always happen, and I get frustrated and keep it inside. But I don’t feel that I should or
could criticize people because it won’t help and I don’t want to overstep. This just causes
an internal struggle for me. I think I just feel probably more invisible than I actually am.
So I try to save my comments for when I feel like they wouldn't make more of a
difference in those thoughts because I have no problem being like I have no problem

59
being the boogey man. I have no problem calling people out or disagreeing with the
majority and that makes you stand out more in not necessarily a good light. So, I try to
save a lot of my internal thoughts and arguments because like it's my own personal belief
that like having an argument will moderate the major idea in a lot of cases . . . not all
cases and I feel like that's how it should be in [leadership].
Cultural Representation & University Stakeholder Understanding
The next subtheme under the theme of Belonging is Cultural Representation and
University Stakeholder Understanding, in which almost all of the participants expressed feeling
neglected. This subtheme centered around how the study participants experienced educational
stakeholders’ understanding of the Black sociocultural worldview and how they are
considered—both overtly and covertly—within educational spaces. An example of the theme
was inclusive curriculum, social programming, and other institution materials used towards
students. Participants reported experiencing not having faculty who share their culture or who
had their physical characteristics. The participants also shared that faculty did not recognize or
acknowledge their experiences as Black males. Most of the course materials were not diverse or
had no representation of the Black experiences or contributions. Clarence elaborated on this
theme by mentioning how “growing up, I didn’t have a lot of Black teachers, I remember one.”
Clarence also explained how once he was “[exposed] to Black literature such as Native
Son and Man Child & the Promise Land, it helped me see who I could be and the culture I come
from.” These thoughts were additionally shared by Malcolm when he discussed how finally
being provided Africana studies content in college “validated my experience and knowledge.”
He reflected on his concern, mentioning that:

60
It's not the kind of knowledge that your European society would deem important or
impactful, but they wouldn't have to go through that because their knowledge and
intelligence is never questioned. Africana studies allows you to be in your own space
through an African worldview and African lens, which you don't get anywhere else in
society, except when you're in a Black space.
These examples of representation of Black narratives in the curriculum illustrated these
participants’ desire for cultural relevancy and applicability within their coursework. This was
seen as important because it supported their realities as Black males.
Ricky, Malcolm, and Clarence all discussed negative academic experiences when faculty
provided academic content by White theorists as original creators that had already been
developed by Black scholars. They mentioned speaking to the non-Black faculty members about
the disparity and being invalidated. On the contrary, all participants mentioned instances of
benefitting from encouraging or supportive educators. Ricky discusses how as a first-year
student coming through the Educational Opportunity Program (EOP) his English faculty member
validated and supported his journey to college: “His words were very comforting, and he
encouraged my experiences as a Black man. He was motivating and pushed students to pull the
best of their potential out.” Ricky mentions this experience as an affirming event that allowed
him to connect to this faculty member as an ally to his academic journey.
Experiencing Race
A third subtheme that emerged related to how Black males explain
success in the education system centered on the participants’ experiences with race.
Experiencing Race, as a subtheme, refers to the participants’ interpretation of racial
underpinnings within social discussions. When participants were asked about their experiences in

61
education, they mentioned that the different ways in which they experienced their race dictated
their feelings toward their journey. Nearly all the participants in this study shared that they often
felt alienated specifically due to their race and ethnicity. Specifically, in this study, experiencing
race represents the students’ interpretation of perceived racial (e.g., racialized, non-racial,
colorblind) actions across the educational system and its affiliated structures. These racial
instances were displayed through the participants’ experiences of macroaggressions, micro-
affirmations, or racialized situations. Clayton discussed his irritation within his educational
journey by stating how the “system recognized me being Black before I did.” He went on to state
the following:
I went to predominantly Black- and Latino-populated schools. . . I mean we were given
the short end of the stick but if I went to a school. . . you know [in] Palisades’
predominantly White side, you know a predominately White school you know you see
the difference in materials the difference in curriculum, there's a big difference. [My]
school in the heart of South Central is not going to get the same funding the same
materials, the same technology, the same books, and all that a school in Beverly Hills is
going to get.
Clayton further expressed how this disparity is often associated with property taxes;
however, he cannot help but feel that it is racial. Malcolm mentioned these disparities across
education and how he actively engages in protests to combat these systems. He explored how he
is often seen as “inherently aggressive” because of his role in supporting equitable practices on
campus. Further, he felt as though stakeholders often make it seem like he is “incompetent,”
which he feels is fairly racialized and problematic. He closed his response by stating how “it
discourages me.”

62
Zo and William discussed their aggravation with students often contributing to feelings of
isolation. They mentioned how, in grade school, students would often question their Blackness,
as Zo is African and William identifies as mixed race (i.e., Black and Latino). Although they
mentioned feeling isolated due to being a minority in their schools, they also were subjugated
due to their ethnicity. They discussed often struggling with trying to categorize their Black
identity to fit in at school.
Moreover, while in his first semester, Ricky disclosed that his White dorm mate made
him feel uneasy by presenting him with a noose. Ricky stated, “I didn’t know how to react to it.
So, I laughed it off and smiled. I was discouraged but it’s the world we live in.” He finished by
saying that now he feels that “when you're rooming with a different race, they want to see how
you act [to triggers], what type of person you are, or what your limit[s] are.” He normalized his
roommate’s behavior by saying, “I guess I was making him uncomfortable.” Ricky mentioned
not knowing how to receive support from this incident and not having anyone to confide in.
These perceived racial assaults, frustrations of being isolated, and the lack of empathy or
understanding from stakeholders hampered the students’ ability to identify with the university
and educational system. Although the participants presented positive experiences with selected
stakeholders, many maintained that support structures were needed to aid in developing their
belonging.
Engagement. The second major theme that emerged from the data for Research Question
2 was Engagement. Engagement refers to specific occurrences of both external and internal
instances where individuals engaged either academically or socially. These occurrences are
expressed in both negative and positive instances, which impact the students’ success or
experience in schooling. These interactions, however, can be placed into specific categories such

63
as community and institutional, depending on how they interpreted support. When student
participants spoke about engagement, they denoted communication with critical support from
either an individual or a program/department. They recognized intentionality or the lack of
presence by people in immediate proximity (e.g., family and community) or positioned in places
of power or support in schooling. The engagement theme had two subthemes develop out of the
data: communal and institutional engagement. These are explained in more detail below.
Communal Engagement
In this study, Communal Engagement refers to participants’
interactions with non-academic individuals regarding their academic options and potential,
including interacting with persons within their family of origin, extended family, or friends.
Two-thirds of the participants in the study emphasized the significance of communal
engagement. Examples of this sub-theme were expressed in family and “kinship-like” comments
related to the students’ need to perform academically, the importance of college, or transmitting
college knowledge. Although Ricky’s parents did not attend college, he felt tremendous support
and confidence in considering his transition to college by having multiple extended family and
kinship-like engagements. “My father always told me be successful and go for your dreams.” He
continued by sharing, “seeing my dad work so hard and stuff made me shape something in my
mind... That success keeps me going towards the dream.”
Ricky spoke about how his cousin and other kin went to college and worked to make sure
he had what was needed and was connected with support. When Zo spoke about his experience,
he highlighted that both of his parents actively pushed academics both having received master’s
degrees. Zo mentioned that he was intimidated because he has,

64
traditional African parents where school was important and required. No getting out of
school. Also, I had a lot of extended families also really motivated me as well. They were
older and would support me as needed. They say, “you’re going to college so what are
you getting your degree in?” The family pushes each other whether it’s vocalized our not.
My mother would tell me, I have to pick a career that would allow me to be a man
(independent). Specifically, I have to be able to survive, have money, and support my
family. At one point, we would need to get married and leave to support the family. It put
a lot of pressure to figure out my focus, passion, and career. I just focused on what I was
good at and what my family was in.
Martin expressed how overwhelmed and frustrated he felt with the level of communal
support he received:
My grandmother grew up extremely poor was unable to get a college education. She
eventually did, [which pushed] all of my Mom’s siblings to get a master’s and one aunt to
get an Ed.D. There was the expectation that all of the grandchildren would do the same.
And the first three did not and that freaked my family out, so everyone else has this like
applied pressure. So, my cousin is now at USC doing a masters business; his sister is at
Long Beach probably going on to get a Ph.D. afterwards. Yes, so I think for everyone
else now that there are cousins who are doing well than everyone else it's like you need to
do equally as well if not better than your cousins. So, I think just my familial pressure has
always been there which I think weighs heavier than the societal outcome.
On the contrary, Clarence explained that even though his family encouraged education, “I
think that they got wrapped up into the church.” He mentioned that because there was a lack of
attention from his parents, “school got away from me and I ended up at the community college.

65
It was out of shame because my parents didn't want people to know they didn't know about how
to get into school.”
Institutional Engagement
Institutional Engagement was important in the participants’ academic journey.
Institutional engagement refers to the interactions coming from the study participants’ academic
institutions which either support or hamper their progress such as mentorship, representation of
staffing, fiscal support, and limitations. Examples of these experiences are occurrences of
engagement that promote students’ efficacy or develop their sense of academic abilities. Clayton
started with a pre-college memory:
[there were] people who were on my side and there were people who weren't on my side.
Some we're encouraging, some were not. I think what really does encourage me was
telling people I got in. The response that I got back was just people believe you know
people believe in me. Well, I mean for me in my situation growing up as a foster kid, I
always felt that I wasn’t good enough. But I mean I've never felt that I was good enough.
So, I didn't think that I was good enough to go to college. And, I mean I have had
multiple people tell me that I wasn't good enough for college. Everybody else [was
really] discouraging so I thought “why go?” You know it's going to be a waste of money
and it will be wasting my time if I’m just going to leave in the first year.
Ricky expressed his frustration regarding how he sees his Black male peers feeling
discouraged with not being able to find their fit in college. He elaborated by sharing how “many
do not have [staff] to talk to or don't know who to talk to when they are having troubles.” He
continued by stating, “Most don’t have people to help them understand how they should feel or
move through college.” Ricky feels that he has received significant of support and

66
encouragement through EOP and other student leadership opportunities. This has provided him
with the opportunity to support his peers and introduce them to resources:
I tried to get them involved in Black Male Scholars and the Black Male Initiative
program that I'm doing, and they did. You know it's a place where you are actually there
to talk as Black males, actually express yourself, you know, good, bad and the ugly
things. You’re struggling or things you got through and can lend to another person.
Malcolm also discussed being frustrated by identifying that there is not enough Black
male support and a lack of Black employees, Black programs, and funding for Black-centered
departments. He stated, “I don't want to come off wrong, but I mean, it's a Hispanic-Serving-
Institution.” He explained that, as a student leader, he often saw money funneled into Hispanic
programs predominantly utilized such as the Dream or Pride Center. Malcolm further explained,
There's not enough support here [for Blacks]. No, I don't think there's enough support
here. And I think that has to do with them not wanting to put enough in them, not
allocating enough funds to different support service here on this campus.
Clarence mentioned the need for more intentional recruitment efforts:
Although we have these supports (e.g., Black male programs and Black administrators,
faculty, & staff) they are scarce considering the amount of Black students. It’s a barrier to
my success not having enough Black faculty and staff across the university. I relate to
other ethnicities, but I think we need to look at that. I surround myself around them and I
know a lot of students use them too. Because of this I know they get over worked.
Clarence, on the contrary, discussed his experiences at the community college with
having diverse practitioners:

67
Identifying key people & supports have allowed me to continue being successful-
maintaining those relationships and being vulnerable, being open to developing these key
relationships. When I was at the community college, I saw a university’s Black male
program at a transfer conference, and when I spoke to the lead it helped me see that I was
heading in the right direction. This allowed me to know that there were people [at that
campus] to support me and we developed a supportive relationship from there. The Black
Scholars Program and other leadership opportunities gave me leadership experience and
support, however, there just aren’t enough supports. I think they just don’t want to fund
it.
With disdain in his voice, Zo mentioned he often feels excluded as an Engineering major.
He spoke about wanting to find research opportunities in his branch of engineering and how
minority-serving programs grant students this much-needed experience. He stated a non-Black
peer told him that he “could join it; however, it was just geared for Hispanics students.” Zo
explained how this is a constant barrier because “there are no Black faculty in the college, only
middle eastern and Asian.” He felt that “they often have their own views and entitlements” and
were not supportive to him as he typically is the only Black student in the class. Zo further
mentioned that he tried to find Black organizations, but he had to go outside his major. Due to
his demanding schedule, he struggled with participation, and although he finally felt included,
his professors say students involved in anything outside of engineering are wasting their time. Zo
expressed that “they just do not understand what I am seeking.”
Summary
This study utilized a qualitative methodology approach to gather the narratives of
selected Black male undergraduate students. The study participants' narratives all defined success

68
as a journey to safely grow and develop a supportive community within. Their successes were
attributed to the campuses’ ability to provide the capacity to belong and allow them to develop
holistically. Furthermore, participants expanded the notion of success from being independently
successful, such as in courses or expediting degree completion, to holistic and communal notions
of success. Participant narratives contained a desire for intentional culturally responsive
instruction and supports and expressed the importance of these supports being present in success.
The interactions with these Black male students created the opportunity for the participants to
navigate through the study’s major themes.

69
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to provide a critical platform to allow Black male
undergraduate students to reflect and provide counternarratives to the meaning of success and
explore their academic journey. While much research has delved into the impact of dominant
narrative frameworks in education on Black male students, this study sought to add to the
powerful body of work within this counternarrative legacy. Through this examination,
participants countered many prescribed notions of university success benchmarks, highlighted
the supports and structural inequities infringing on their academic experiences, and explored the
intentionality of key influencer’s efforts to create belonging and engagement support. These
stories provide a glimpse of the all-encompassing complexities of racialized interactions and
inequities that Black male students face in their academic journeys. In addition, and most
importantly, these truths expose an understanding of the mental fortitude and resilience of many
young Black males who have embarked on this journey of academic achievement.
In this final chapter, the researcher presents the discussion and recommendations based
on the analysis of this qualitative study which explored the experiences and supports seven Black
male students incurred as they embarked on post-secondary educational success. This analysis
was achieved by exploring the counternarratives of Black male student experiences in education
and how they interpret their belonging and engagement. This counternarrative perspective
provided an opportunity for the students to define success as an asset-based reflective process
rooted in understanding their individual journey rather than societal, communal, or institutional
definitions. The participants explored their experience with identity development, mental health,
opportunity, impact, social alienation, cultural representation and university stakeholder

70
understanding, experiences of race, communal engagement, and institutional engagement during
their academic journey.
CRT and the What Matters to Student Success model were utilized to holistically explore
the experiences of these Black male students endeavoring through academic spaces to obtain
post-secondary academic success. Through the compilation of these frameworks, the findings of
this study highlight the imperative nature of forming an educational system that fosters Black
male students’ embodiment of academic institutions. It is essential that educational institutions
critically examine the spaces and phases these students move through over the course of their
academic journey. In doing so, educational institutions can begin to manifest a holistic
perspective of their students’ needs and aspirations, beyond the dominant narratives,
assumptions, and stereotypes placed on Black male students. A disruption of these prescriptive
notions, and the boxes that they place students in, will enrich both the educational systems
understanding of their students and the students’ experience within the educational system. This
deep of a disruption will further serve to uncouple the concept of “Whiteness” from the baseline
of success and how students should navigate academic terrain. As a result of this foundational
shift, the educational system can transform the self-efficacy of Black male students and evoke a
sense of belonging within academia. Therefore, the CRT and the What Matters to Student
Success model supported an examination of the insidious nature of race, racism, and systemic
barriers as crucial impacts in developing the academic experiences for young Black men and
their high aspirations as a byproduct of their academic fortitude. In the following section, the
researcher will discuss the findings from the participants’ narratives as they intersect with the
research questions:
1. What factors impact Black male success?

71
2. How do Black males perceive collegial support needed to meet their definition of
success?
The qualitative analysis of participant interviews were organized by theme outlined in Table 4 in
Chapter 4. Recommendations to the field and areas for future research are included in this
chapter.
Discussion of Findings
As a result of the data collected during the interviews with seven Black undergraduate
males, the key findings allude to the importance of addressing the factors that lead to Black male
success and the students’ perceived collegial supports. The following paragraphs provide a
summary and reflection on the findings in relation to the research questions. When considering
the factors that impact Black male students' success, this study acknowledged the complexity of
this population in institutions. It is not the researcher’s intention to discuss these themes as
monolithic, but to provide a narrative (counternarrative) to how this group of participants have
experienced education.
Furthermore, the findings provide a lens into how this subpopulation rationalizes their
educational journey. The participants explored their progress through academia as a culmination
of experiences providing growth, maturity, and opportunity. These characteristics were not
individualistically acquired; however, they were collectively developed through their
communities. Their successes served as a fracture to systemic barriers and generation
strongholds. These findings are essential for university stakeholders and Black students to
conceptualize when considering how seven Black males perceive success at a 4-year university.
In addition, these narratives challenge the individualistic notations as to what some may deem
university success is and provide the foundation for African-centered success frameworks rooted

72
in education and serving as a collective and communal opportunity for enlightenment and uplift
among this population.
What Factors Impact Black Male Success?
The participants of this study expressed their introspection as a key factor in reviewing
the impact on their success as Black males. This section explored the participants' desire to grow
and develop in multiple areas relating to their academic journey. Specifically, the participants
mentioned wanting to be engaged both intrusively and passively in ways that allow them to
safely explore and develop their identity as Black, male, and emerging scholars. The reduction of
Black males’ impact in American history within the academic curriculum (Swartz, 2007; Harper
et al., 2009), as well as the racialized experiences incurred throughout one’s academic journey,
create distress in academic spaces for Black males (Irving & Hudley, 2008; Harper, 2009;
Harper, 2015; Harper & Davis, 2012; Strayhorn et al., 2015). The participants asserted that the
combination of self-exploration through multiple forms of identity (i.e., ethnicity and gender)
and intentional university supports (e.g., programming and mentorship) aided in creating a space
in which they can safely develop knowledge. Participants discussed the desire for education to be
a liberating experience in which they may learn and develop generational change, create
opportunities for self-improvement and community enhancement, as well as receive support in
identifying their path to adulthood. The participants’ desire to establish a path to developing their
personal legacy and gain introspection shows that more research must be conducted to explore
the linkage of identity, student aspirations, and student success definitions.
How do Black Males Perceive Collegial Support to Meet Their Definitions of Success?
The key takeaway is that, for participants, the presence of collegial supports provided by
the institutions made them feel as if they belonged. Study participants conveyed the importance

73
of community, both socially and academically. Studies have shown that belonging and
intentional engagement for Black males is critical to promoting academic achievement (Flowers-
Ivory, 2019; Strayhorn, 2019). In addition, participants mentioned that having a Black
community is vital in order to receive support and affirmations. This finding was mentioned
specifically due to perceived racial discrimination, microaggressions, and general isolation.
These experiences were linked to the Black male’s motivation to take space and engage within
the university. Furthermore, the participants acknowledged the benefit of communal and
institutional engagement due to the limited number of Black males occupying space in upper-
class areas.
Recommendations for Practice
The findings in this study show these Black male students' strong desire to triumph and
achieve post-secondary success. The findings, however, allude to undertones of systemic racism,
mistrust, and limited academic inclusive practices across educational journeys. Practitioners must
develop strong strategic initiatives focusing on belonging and engagement for Black male
students to recognize their value at the institution. The following are a few recommendations to
guide the learner’s transition into the system but also through their academic endeavors:
• Create a Black Scholar program that provides clear and intentional onboarding to the
demands of the academic institution. This program will affirm and highlight student
academic and social endeavors needed to establish a strong foundation within the first
year. In addition, the program will provide awareness of key institutional allies, campus
resources, and a pathway to success.
• Develop a Freshmen Seminar course that creates and focuses on the Black community,
academic skill resocialization, and connection to culturally responsive stakeholders.

74
• Develop ongoing training for faculty and staff on Black male student experiences
aligning with the anti-deficit achievement framework (Harper, 2010), and Racelighting
(i.e., the process whereby people of color question their own thoughts and actions due to
systematically delivered racialized messages that make them second guess their own
lived experiences and realities with racism; Lukewood & Harris, 2021).
• Develop diversity, equity, and inclusion course mandates across all graduate master’s and
terminal degree programs to provide essential bias and prejudice awareness training to
properly develop future stakeholders.
• Implement an assessment metric within the tenure process that evaluates academic
departments’ faculty cultural appropriateness and understanding of the community
served.
• Develop a metric for academic success that incorporates academic outcomes (such as
valedictorian, time-to-degree, and student scholarship) and explores the systemic barriers
and academic triumphs needed to outcome by the student. Scholars and university leaders
should lead the development. This practice would align with the campus’s recognition of
the inequities experienced when historically disadvantaged students possess high
aspirations and excel. These narratives will clarify the impact of historical traumas, racial
stereotypes, and the marginalization of student experiences while also assisting in the
campus’s ability to better understand their student population.
• Create Black resource centers that will manage and develop strategic programs and
resources for Black males from applicant to graduate school. This center will further
serve as a reference space to Black excellence and support keeping students informed.

75
• Provide additional scholarship opportunities that are needed to challenge and reframe,
using an equity lens, the standard university benchmarking systems (e.g., valedictorian,
Honors, time to degree) used to rank and categorize student outputs. These tools do not
consider the systemic barriers and historical disenfranchisement that occurs as our Black
(however not limited to) males,
• Develop legislation that requires K-12 institutions to remove misrepresentative materials
from their curriculum about People of Color. Course content should include accurate
portrayals of America’s history with regard to communities of color, yet also should
provide asset-based knowledge of these communities to reduce the continuance of
trauma.
• Create a cross-division campus task force that examines the ongoing systemic challenges
that impact Black males' successful matriculation. This task force should regularly inform
the campus governing board and administrators of findings.
Areas for Future Research
It is important to be mindful of this study's limitations and recognize that more work
needs to be done to establish equity in the access of success for Black males navigating the
educational system. A limitation of this study was time and resources. Specifically, in the initial
consideration of this study, the researcher felt as though a deeper phenomenological approach
was needed to best depict the participants' journey. In addition, the original desired design was
longitudinal and mixed methods affording the researcher multiple data points over time. As
mentioned, the researcher recommends that scholars conduct a longitudinal mixed-method study
exploring how early educational experiences impact this population's engagement, efficacy, and
academic success. Scholars must continue to probe into the services that support Black males'

76
diverse experiences at each level of education to parcel out various strategies to continue their
success. Accomplishing this means recognizing the experiences of Black males through an
individual rather than a monolithic lens. There is also a need to acknowledge the academic and
social impacts of Black males as they grow and how they experience the world around them.
Lastly, data analysis is recommended to explore the impact of false academic narratives
depicting African diaspora and the development of America.
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore the experience of Black male success in higher
education. The study focused on redefining success through the counternarratives of Black males
rather than the dominant voices of the university. This framework allowed participants to explore
individual journeys, barriers, and triumphs as they chartered their steps to success. The Black
male student perspectives provided additional narratives for key stakeholders (e.g., university
leaders, faculty, staff, and researchers) to assess student belonging and equitable practices that
encourage success. The themes developed from the interviews with these participants explored
the Black male’s introspection, personal legacy, sense of belonging, and engagement. These
findings expanded how stakeholders can explore Black male success-making from independent
accomplishments to communal uplift. In addition, the study charted how belonging and
intentional engagement created safe spaces in which these Black males can assess their identity
and create opportunities to impact their community. Through this examination, participants
discussed key interactions with educators of various levels that were fundamental in developing
or hindering their academic trajectory.
The themes discovered in this study provide the researcher and university stakeholders
with insights as to potential areas for continued examination. It is vital to recognize the

77
importance of supporting Black males’ success, both academically and socially, by examining
university practices. As a large public minority-serving institution, addressing retention rates by
examining how Black males experience universities creates a vital opportunity for institutions to
create dynamic change in improving achievement gaps. This research sought to contribute by
promoting the narratives of its participants, showing their deep aspirations for success and desire
to transcend the systemic barriers presented within a racialized space. Most importantly, this
study urges scholars and institutional partners to explore student voices as knowledgeable
contributors in the development of success tools and metrics. In addition, this study urges leaders
to examine accountability structures that encourage stakeholders to maintain equity-minded
approaches and examine the individual biases we possess as gatekeepers.

78
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Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study aimed to understand the experiences and narratives of Black male students as they seek to navigate the educational system. Further, it sought to illuminate their concepts of success and how they experience their education holistically in a society often referred to as post-racial and colorblind. This explorative study provided a platform for Black male university students to share their counternarratives regarding matriculation through the university setting. Also, it critically examined privilege and equity as they pertain to the development of aspiration for Black male students who are 18-24. The findings specifically redefined success for this subgroup as educational attainment creating the opportunity to unlock introspection and personal legacy and encourages universities to examine how this community develops belonging and experiences engagement.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Mason, Ryan Elliott (author)

Core Title Listening to the bottom of the well: a counternarrative Exploring Black collegial success

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2022-05

Publication Date 06/03/2022

Defense Date 12/02/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American / Black student success,counternarrative,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hinga , Briana (committee chair), Augustin, Frankline (committee member), Green , Alan (committee member)

Creator Email mr.ryan.mason3@gmail.com,ryanmaso@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111339147

Unique identifier UC111339147

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Mason, Ryan Elliott

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20220608-usctheses-batch-945 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu