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Black disabled lives matter: barriers to employment for African Americans with a disability
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Content
Black Disabled Lives Matter:
Barriers to Employment for African Americans With a Disability
by
Jazmin Renae Jones-Ritchey
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
August 2022
© Copyright by Jazmin Renae Jones-Ritchey 2022
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Jazmin Renae Jones-Ritchey certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Derisa Grant
Briana Hinga
Cathy Krop, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022
iv
Abstract
This qualitative study explores the barriers that affect employment for African American (AA)
men and women with a disability. This study navigates through a critical disability studies lens,
using it as an umbrella term to support the use of the intersectionality theory and social
constructionism to examine three research questions: (a) how do AAs with disabilities perceive
their employment experiences?; (b) what specific employment barriers face AAs with
disabilities, both observable and unobservable?; and (c) what critical factors contribute to the
success of AAs with disabilities in attaining and sustaining employment? The research questions
explore the employment experiences of seven AA men and women over the age of 18 with
observable and unobservable disabilities who are employed or have been employed within the
last three years. The interviews conducted revealed eight findings that led to four
recommendations: (a) representation—advance and sustain AA persons with a disability (PWD)
in organizational leadership positions; (b) provide a persistent human capital investment through
supervisors; (c) shift sociocultural norms on reasonable accommodation; and (d) sustained access
to employment support programs. This study is essential as employment for AA PWD leads to
greater economic security, an opportunity to utilize their abilities, and actively participate in
society. With continuous community effort, dedicated research, and advocacy, destabilizing the
stigma against PWDs is not a matter of “if” but “when.”
v
Dedication
To my son, Emerson Atlas Ritchey. I am in such awe of you. You have made me stronger, better,
and more fulfilled than I could have ever imagined. I love you to the moon and beyond. I am
truly blessed to be your mom.
vi
Acknowledgements
I want to extend the utmost gratitude to my research committee, Dr. Cathy Krop (Chair),
Dr. Derisa Grant, and Dr. Briana Hinga. Thank you all for believing in my abilities and challenging
me to create this critical work. Your willingness to share your time to impart knowledge and
wisdom encouraged me throughout the dissertation journey’s highs and lows. Without you all, I
would not have been able to complete this research. Additionally, I want to thank my husband,
Josh, who enabled me to achieve this goal with his ongoing support throughout this journey, taking
care of me when needed most. You are my rock, and I am so lucky to have you. To my mom,
Renae, thank you for always loving me unconditionally and instilling into me a solid work ethic
that has led me to work hard for the things I aspire to achieve. To my family and friends who kept
me in their prayers and provided encouragement, thank you; this journey could not have been a
success without the support of my village. Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge my
grandmother, Bertha Mae Mosely, who died of lung cancer on April 6, 2022. I wish you could
have met your great-grandson, Emerson, and experienced this final academic achievement with
me. Cancer sucks.
vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study .......................................................................................... 1
Context and Background of the Problem ............................................................................ 4
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions .................................................................. 5
Importance of the Study ...................................................................................................... 6
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .................................................... 7
Definitions ........................................................................................................................... 8
Organization of the Dissertation ......................................................................................... 9
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 11
Barriers to Employment for AAs With Disabilities .......................................................... 11
United States African American Disability Employment ................................................. 15
The Consequences of Unemployment .............................................................................. 22
Increasing Employment for AAs With Disabilities .......................................................... 24
Persistent Hiring and Retention Difficulties for AA Employees With Disabilities .......... 30
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 34
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 38
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 40
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 40
Overview of Design .......................................................................................................... 40
Research Setting ................................................................................................................ 42
viii
Interview Setting ............................................................................................................... 43
The Researcher .................................................................................................................. 43
Data Sources ..................................................................................................................... 45
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 48
Ethics ................................................................................................................................. 49
Limitations and Delimitations ........................................................................................... 49
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 51
Research Question 1: How Do AAs With Disabilities Perceive Their Employment
Experiences? ..................................................................................................................... 54
Research Question 2: What Specific Employment Barriers Face AAs With
Disabilities, Both Observable and Unobservable? ............................................................ 65
Research Question 3: What Critical Factors Contribute to the Success of AAs
With Disabilities in Attaining and Sustaining Employment? ........................................... 69
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 75
Chapter Five: Recommendations .................................................................................................. 77
Discussion of Findings ...................................................................................................... 77
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 90
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................ 99
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 100
References ................................................................................................................................... 102
Appendix B: Interview Details and Questions ............................................................................ 131
ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Correlation Between Research and Interview Questions 41
Table 2: Sociodemographic Characteristics of Participants 53
Table 3: Prejudgments and Distrust: Key Experiences Shared by Interview Participants 57
Table 4: Vinny’s Account of Being Too Much 60
Table 5: Descriptive on Consensual and Nonconsensual Disability Disclosure 63
Table 6: Breaking Stereotypes: Stories from the Workplace 73
Table 7: Key Findings: Barriers to Employment for AAs With a Disability 76
Table 8: Table of Summary: RQs, Key Findings, and Recommendations 91
Appendix A: Background Questionnaire 130
x
List of Figures
Figure 1: CDS and the Road to Employment 38
1
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
Do disabled Black lives matter? This study explores the barriers that affect employment
for African American (AA) men and women whose bodies encounter illness or disorder that has
led to the classification of “disabled.” This study navigates through a critical disability studies
(CDS) lens, “viewing disability as both a lived reality in which the experiences of persons with
disabilities (PWDs) are central to interpreting their place in the world and as a social and
political definition based on societal power relations” (Reaume, 2014, para. 2). Critical disability
studies recognize the conflict between class and social relations and is underpinned by several
formative epistemologically-centered critical philosophers, including Karl Marx, Immanuel
Kant, and Friedrich Nietzsche. While not explicitly centered on disability, their prevailing
worldview proclaims that society’s “truth” or reality, at its core, is founded on the extent of
human knowledge. This worldview denotes that “truth” is recursive, evolving, or devolving as
the distribution of knowledge unfurls, influencing societal perceptions. Understanding the
imperativeness of this research, the study traverses the criticality of disabilities studies, exploring
contested themes shaped by social constructionism and intersectionality to explain the
interlocking nature of oppression faced by the multi-dimensional body.
In this study, disability is explored as a construction of reality that never ends yet evolves
in complexity. This study considers how disability intertwines with other forms of oppression,
encountering sociopolitical discord, influencing the socioeconomic and psycho-emotional well-
being that PWDs who possess supplementary minoritized identities face (Goodley, 2013). The
goal of this study is to understand how the intersection of disability, race, and gender influences
societal perceptions as one navigates the employment cycle.
2
Worldwide, there is increasing recognition of social and racial injustices and the
imperative change needed to address these inequalities. However, one group seemingly often left
out of the diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) conversation are PWDs (Wooldridge, 2021).
Anastasiou and Kauffman (2013) suggest that disability is not equal to other subordinate groups,
given the unequal distribution of disadvantages. And, because of social constructionism,
hierarchical social and economic structures defined by an imbalance of knowledge and power,
disability is framed as a form of oppression where sociocultural determinism deems one
possessing a disability inferior (Kang, 2017). Persons with disabilities are not one-dimensional
humans and encounter multiple types of bodies. As a result, Anastasiou and Kauffman conclude
that one may face further oppression for possessing additional subordinate identities in
conjunction with disability.
Enacted in 1990, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) addresses civil rights laws
that prohibit discriminatory practices against PWDs, ensuring that those who are classified as
disabled are afforded the same rights and opportunities as those who are not classified as
disabled (ADA Network, 2021). However, this is not the case as the ADA fails to account for the
implications of intersectionality. While The Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discriminatory
practices against individual subordinate identities not including disabilities, marginalized groups
continue to experience prejudicial practices related to sex, gender, housing, abilities, healthcare,
and so on (Bratter & Gorman, 2011).
The AA woman is seldomly recognized as separate from the African male and encounters
negative identity construction reinforced by media, literature, and research through skewed
generalizations (Chapple, 2019; Chapple et al., 2017; Collins, 2000, 1998; Hooks, 1981). These
racially and gender-driven tropes lead to stereotypes like the “angry black woman,” external
3
perceptions of being loud and angry, prohibited from being, expected to conduct oneself almost
caricature-like (Kilgore & Littleford, 2020). Countering this narrative, the “strong black woman”
(SBW) ideal expresses the refutation by AA women towards negative perceptions and historical
exploitation through slavery and the underpayment by employers for services rendered. The
SBW concept revels in AA womanhood, acknowledging the AA woman’s ability to be
nurturing, selfless, resilient, and independent despite difficulties encountered (Miles, 2019).
However, AA women with a disability conflict with the SBW concept as, socially, PWDs are
considered weak, dependent, and unfit to navigate society (Collins, 2000; Miles, 2019).
AA disabled masculinity also encounters a duality as disability is synonymous with
dependency and helplessness, while masculinity is embodied by virility and independence (Asch
& Fine, 1988; Shuttleworth et al., 2012). Curry (2017) states that disabled AA men face socially
constructed ideals that include hypermasculinity, hyper-sexualization, and super-humanism,
giving fictitious qualities that suggest an intensity or insanity that is to be perceived as
threatening. Curry also discusses other projections of this mythical ideal of the AA male like the
animalistic name “Buck,” which draws upon imagery to caricature them, suggesting savage or
barbaric-like qualities to rationalize the treatment of the African descendant male in American
society. The AA male confronts unique requirements to maneuver through White ableist, male,
and heterosexual norms while attempting to create their own identity in tandem with
discriminatory encounters as a disabled AA (Slatton & Spates, 2014).
Notwithstanding societal notions of disability, gender, or race, securing independence is
something one seeks to attain. However, even with civil rights laws in place, some paths to
independence are more complex to traverse than others. Despite this, legitimate inclusive
4
employment is one medium that promotes the greatest economic well-being, leading to a
significant opportunity for upward mobility and career advancement (Wehman, 2011).
Context and Background of the Problem
This study focuses on both observable and non-observable disabilities that encounter the
body, “any condition of the body or mind (impairment) that makes it more difficult for the
person with the condition to do certain activities (activity limitation) and interact with the world
around them (participation restrictions)” (Centers for Disease Control [CDC] and Prevention,
2020, para. 1). Additionally, this research does not seek to be exclusive in the representation of
such a diverse population. However, this study centers on the experiences of disabled AA men
and women who possess vision, mobility, cognitive, communicative, hearing, emotional,
behavioral, and mental impairments that are present at birth or developed later in life. Lastly, the
professional field of focus for this study is AA PWDs, 18 years of age or older, who are currently
or have worked in the private and public sector within the last three years.
The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2018) states that the non-institutionalized disabled
population is about 40.6 million, with 7.6 million PWDs between 18–64 employed, possessing a
median earning of approximately $23,848 per year, leaving roughly 33 million PWDs
unemployed. Additionally, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2018) reports
that about 3.8 million PWDs live in poverty, possessing an income less than or equal to the
national poverty level of $12,140 for a household of one.
The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2020) asserts that 17.9% of PWDs have
employment, with 13.9% of AAs with disabilities employed, maintaining a 16.3%
unemployment rate. In comparison, 18.4% of White American PWDs are employed with a
narrowing 11.6% unemployment rate (The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020). This data
5
indicates that there is little change in racial/ethnic representation in the U.S. labor market among
African and White American PWDs. Additionally, the Social Security Administration (2016)
claims that two million AAs received disability insurance. This benefit constituted 75% of
personal income for approximately 63% of AAs with disabilities. Furthermore, 44% of AA
families receiving disability benefits had a family income 150% below the U.S. poverty level. If
AA families did not receive disability benefits, 70% of AA family incomes would have been
150% below the U.S. poverty level.
The National Disability Institute (2021) asserts that the relationship between financial
insecurity and disability is congruent. While the experience of disability is similar between AAs
(1:4) and White Americans (1:5), the negative economic impact is more significant for
impoverished AAs with disabilities (39%) versus their White American counterparts (24%)
(CDC, 2021). Compounding issues surrounding disability, systemic racism, and gender disparity
limit one’s economic self-sufficiency (Boston et al., 2019). This study aims to raise disabled AA
socioeconomic security awareness, sharing the employment journey of AA men and women
whose bodies encounter disability and the impact on human and social capital.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
The purpose of this study is to explore the lives of those existing at the intersection of
marginalized race (AA), gender (male or female), and disability (vision, mobility, cognitive,
communicative, hearing, emotional, behavioral, and mental impairments) and how the interplay
of these systematizations influences employability. The aim is to highlight equity and inequity in
employment access, attainment, sustainment, and advancement for the identities above. The
objective is to underline the effects of disparity in employment opportunities and treatment
throughout the employment cycle and the associated consequences. Lastly, the goal is to
6
emphasize the importance of inclusion and address how societal norms can have long-lasting
effects, specifically negative perceptions such as the perpetuation of difference as a deficit. The
following research questions seek to support the purpose of this study:
1. How do AAs with disabilities perceive their employment experiences?
2. What specific employment barriers face AAs with disabilities, both observable and
unobservable?
3. What critical factors contribute to the success of AAs with disabilities in attaining
and sustaining employment?
Importance of the Study
This study is essential in raising awareness centered on the disparities that affect AA
PWDs, decreasing the likelihood of social and economic opportunities preventing PWDs from
living independent lives. Although affirmative action exists, employers possess persistent
negative perceptions of PWDs that impede access to equitable employment opportunities and
positive employment experiences (Bonaccio et al., 2020). Studies show that hiring manager
intentions positively support the integration of a PWD. However, “good” intentions often do not
transfer in their actual hiring practices (Araten-Bergman, 2016).
Diversity management initiatives exist within organizations. However, these initiatives
focus more on gender and racial disparities than disabilities (Berrey, 2013; Boehm &
Dwertmann, 2015). Even with an effective diversity management program, inclusion proves
difficult. And while employers and employees may not exclusively possess negative perceptions
of PWDs, the ambiguities surrounding disabilities may limit the total membership of a PWD into
an organization. In addition to disability employment inequities, racism, one of the oldest forms
of discrimination, manifests in stereotypes and prejudices and projects attitudes of superiority
7
over AAs (Hanges & Ziegert, 2005). From discrimination based on an applicant’s name
“sounding black” to overt racial harassment in the workplace, the experiences of AAs throughout
the employment cycle leads to fewer opportunities for advancement, being taken less seriously,
disrespect, and being the last hired and first fired (Chavez & Wingfield, 2020; Hanges & Ziegert,
2005).
Coupling the inequities between disability and race highlights the interrelatedness among
marginalized identities that are not regularly a part of DEI discussions. Additionally, examining
the distinction between oppressed and privileged groups challenges preconceived notions
surrounding what is and is not “normal.” Lastly, exploiting the systemic socioeconomic
inequalities at play, the idea of meritocracy is dampened as the value of sustained equity is
bolstered.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Critical disability studies is a derivative of critical theory (CT). The critical theory offers
the scaffolding of deep analysis of new and evolving phenomena that influences social policy
over time (Rexhepia, 2011). Critical disability studies is an ever-growing interdisciplinary
framework contrived of multi-theorist research that confronts ableist socio-normative influence.
Critical disability studies scrutinize disability and the subjugation encountered due to systemic
exclusionary norms underpinned by social constructionism (Lester & Nusbaum, 2018). Critical
disability studies challenge political and social power dynamics that hold the position of
authority in society, defining the “acceptable” human, relegating “otherness” as unacceptable
(Simpson, 2012).
Critical disability studies discuss how overlapping identities yield different experiences
and the accompanying discrimination one may face based on the complexity of possessing
8
compounded identities. This theory is appropriate as the theoretical framework for this study aids
in understanding how disability is affected by access to sustained employment and the effects of
having a disability while holding other subordinate salient identities. From CDS, key concepts
include subordinate identities, the results of compounded identities, and access and equity in the
employment cycle. In addition, the conceptual framework considers forms of ‘otherness’ that
converge with a disability, which affects one’s likeness to attain, sustain, and advance in
employment.
The methodology used to support this study is the qualitative method. The qualitative
approach is used in this study to provide a platform for sharing the lived experience of
participants. The goal is to ground the research through the perspective of those who often go
unheard. The qualitative methodology promotes the evolution of theory through storytelling to
further research on this topic of interest that is currently dearth in scholarly literature.
Definitions
• AA (also known as Black, Black Americans, or Afro-Americans) refers to American
citizens born with partial or complete African lineage.
• Compounded identification refers to the combination of two or more distinguishing
characteristics.
• Disability refers to the existence of vision, mobility, cognitive, communicative, hearing,
emotional, behavioral, or mental impairments present at birth or developed later in life
lead to the individual categorization of “disabled.”
• Employment cycle refers to a cyclical employment pattern includes pre-employment,
employment, promotion, and termination and the relevant factors that reinforce upward
9
or downward employment mobility (performance, inclusion, disciplinary actions, etc.)
(Bonaccio et al., 2020).
• Hypermasculinity/machismo/masculine stoicism refers to an overemphasis of traditional
masculine traits is associated with overly aggressive behaviors (Ward, 2005).
• Observable disability refers to readily apparent disabilities (U.S. Housing and Urban
Development [HUD], 2021).
• Salient identities refers to prominent self-identities that coexist concurrently in humans,
of which they attach themselves and leverage in a situation (Boyle & Mitchell, 2015).
• Unobservable disability refers to disabilities that are not readily apparent or visible (U.S.
Housing and Urban Development [HUD], 2021).
Organization of the Dissertation
Critical disability studies is an interdisciplinary approach to research that examines the
significance of disability and the power of society and how value is placed upon those that differ
from society’s perception of “normal” (Goodley, 2013). This dissertation addresses how
disability intersects with other salient attributes like race and gender and how the compounding
of these identities oppresses the marginalized body (Goodley, 2013). The information contained
within this dissertation supports the growing body of literature concerning CDS.
This study is divided into five chapters. Chapter One is an overview of the study,
including the purpose, importance, and supporting theoretical framework for accomplishing
research. Chapter Two provides an analysis of scholarly literature relevant to the study. Chapter
Three covers the methodology, research design, and accompanying factors supporting this study.
Chapter Four provides the findings to each research question sought to answer by conducting this
10
study. Finally, Chapter Five outlines recommendations, limitations, and suggestions for future
research.
11
Chapter Two: Literature Review
This literature review examines a compendium of scholarly works analyzing disability
employment among African American (AA) men and women in the United States. This review
utilizes critical disability studies (CDS) to explore the impact of social constructionism and
intersectionality on employment for disabled AAs. As key scholarly works are explored, CDS is
evoked to scrutinize the classification of “disability” and its interaction with gender and
minoritized racial identity. Additionally, legislation and its influence on individual outcomes for
disabled AA men and women classified within the employment cycle is evaluated. Lastly,
literature focused on increasing positive employment outcomes for disabled AA men and women
is examined to highlight the need for increased allyship to champion overt inclusionary practices
throughout the employment cycle.
Barriers to Employment for AAs With Disabilities
Employment is a milestone in life that symbolizes some degree of success. However, for
PWDs, the condition of employment is affected by the severity of the disability and perceptions
surrounding disabilities (Carter et al., 2012). African Americans plagued by years of systemic
exclusion in employment are impacted by intertwining systems of projected inferiority due to
constructed realities by dominating powers that determine “good” or “bad,” which presents
compounding issues when living within multiple inferior systems.
The Effects of Social Constructionism
Disability is a form of oppression where socio-cultural determinism deems one
possessing an impairment (physical, sensory, or cognitive difference) inferior (Kang, 2017).
Harlan and Robert (1998) suggest that social constructionism is propagated in individuals
devaluing others when evaluated against ableness. Assumptions of incompetence surrounding
12
the existence of a functional impairment underpin exclusionary behaviors (Harlan & Robert,
1998).
Research on the effects of disability on social judgments found that non-disabled students
prefer to socially distance themselves from women versus men regardless of the type of
disability encountered (Coleman et al., 2014). As it relates to specific disabilities experienced by
the female body, non-disabled students elect to socially distance themselves from women with an
intellectual disability versus a physical disability (Coleman et al., 2014). These results may stem
from traditional gender stereotypes, sexism, and ableism. Considered “nurturers,” a woman’s
perceived inability to fulfill social expectations likely leads to the devaluation of a female with
an intellectual disability (Coleman et al., 2014). For men who possess postsecondary degrees and
employment and acquire a disability later in life, the journey from the onset of the disability
through the transitional period may produce “shattered realities,” addressing life before and the
psychosocial adaptations to the disability (Breen, 2017). The internalized recognition of the
impact of adverse external attitudes projected on PWDs in professional and social environments
perpetuates societal division between persons with and without a disability (Breen, 2017).
While race, gender, and disability identities are separate issues, they are interdependent.
They each contribute to the consequences of possessing compounded social identities which
influence employment outcomes. Established social norms project expectations on people
irrespective of disability. For PWDs, these expectations reveal adverse multi-influenced effects
(Miles, 2019). These multi-influenced outcomes are more apparent when disability intersects
with two or more subordinate identities (Miles, 2019).
13
The Compounding Effects of Intersectionality
AA men reside at the intersection, having poorer health outcomes than AA women and
White, Asian, and Hispanic American men. Yet, information lacks regarding the AA male’s
perspective on disability, namely, how AA men navigate the experience of living in the United
States while possessing multiple social identities (Brault, 2008; Ricks et al., 2020).
The AA male’s gender plays a significant role in the lack of timely healthcare attention to
support their injuries, internalizing the term “manhood” to characterize their invulnerability by
working through their pains, upholding masculine stoicism while failing to attain the requisite
healthcare support (Ricks et al., 2020). Economical constraints often do not permit the AA male
to seek healthcare services in lieu of work, causing them to work through their pain, thus
exacerbating the condition (Ricks et al., 2020). Even more, from the AA male’s perspective,
healthcare is perceived as a risk versus support due to a distrust in doctors, “little faith” in
medical institutions, and the dismissive attitudes of doctors (Ricks et al., 2020). Overall, racial
and economic limitations, along with gendered beliefs, affect an AA man’s likelihood of seeking
the support of healthcare providers to minimize the effect of or eradicate medical issues that lead
to disability impacting their suitability for employment (Ricks et al., 2020).
AA male beliefs intersecting with socioeconomic status and disability present barriers to
employment as disabled persons are less likely to be employed (Seabury et al., 2017). However,
economic opportunities present more significant risks to AAs as they are subject to greater
workplace injury than their White and Asian American counterparts (Seabury et al., 2017). The
above presents a problem as an AA is more likely to be injured while employed, yet the
possession of disability minimizes their opportunity to work.
14
Additionally, masculine stoicism may exacerbate disability as the AA male narrative
development around disability and racial, gender, and socioeconomics are recognized (Besson &
Ward, 2013; Courtney-Long et al., 2017). The AA disabled male culture declines from self-
inflicted perceptions of masculinity, the need to work despite injury, the value of healthcare, and
social isolation due to otherness (Devileger et al., 2007; Ricks et al., 2020; Seabury et al., 2017).
By understanding the internal challenges AA men face, health promotion strategies can shift to
accommodate these existing problems to support healthcare utilization to eradicate or minimize
the exacerbation of disability, thus sustaining or returning the AA male to the workplace (Ricks
et al., 2020).
Similarly, AA women with disabilities who possess higher education and employment
grapple with their self-concept and how it impacts their ability or inability to procure
homeownership. AA women with physical disabilities emphatically describe themselves as
possessing the ideal traits of strong Black women (SBW) (Miles, 2019). Still, these traits do not
absolve them from society’s compounded negative perceptions of disability, race, competence,
and independence concerning access to homeownership (Miles, 2019).
These negative perceptions decrease the likelihood of homeownership and cause
significant economic stress for AA women with a disability (Miles, 2019). Expressly, AA
women with a disability face income disparity and promotion bias, which may cause them to
leave their workplace for government assistance as rent control and financial health care support
are provided (Miles, 2019). The complexities of the procurement of homeownership for disabled
AA women reveal a conundrum between equitable employment and equitable disability care
(Miles, 2019).
15
Economic disparity extends into research examining healthcare services for people of
color with a basic or complex activity-limiting disability. Reviewing Medical Expenditure Panel
Surveys (MEPS) between 2002–2010, records indicated that many PWDs were insured and
received consistent health care. Specifically, 88.5% of people of color with a basic (32%) or
complex (56.5%) activity limiting disability were unemployed (Horner-Johnson & Dobbertin,
2014). Furthermore, AA females (10%) similarly represented the majority in basic and AAs the
majority in complex (15%) limiting disabilities (Horner-Johnson & Dobbertin, 2014). This
outcome is not surprising as AA women make up most of the basic and complex disabilities
overall (Beatty, 2003; Drum et al., 2011; Miles, 2019; Smart & Smart, 1997).
The above provides evidence that intersectionality presents additional barriers for those
whose body encounters compounded marginalized identities (Shaw et al., 2012). The studies
above demonstrate the gap between employment, equitable pay, progression, and access to
housing and healthcare services (Horner-Johnson & Dobbertin, 2014; Miles, 2019). The
culmination of the above denotes a perpetual and vital issue regarding the employability of a
capable yet largely missing group from the U.S. employment reservoir. Sustained work that
permits upward mobility is central to the independence of PWDs.
United States African American Disability Employment
Persons with a disability experience lower employment success than non-disabled
persons. Disability employment challenges among AAs raise concerns centered on social
disparity and place persons within this group into economic straits. The following scholarly
review highlights U.S. affirmative action and the employment life cycle for AAs with disabilities
to highlight the interplay between social disparities and law.
16
Affirmative Action and Disability
President John F. Kennedy signed Executive Order 10925 in 1961 to safeguard applicants
and employees from maltreatment due to race, creed, color, or national origin (Peters & Wooley,
2022). At the onset of Executive Order 10925, the protected class consisted of only men. Kurtlus
(2015) affirms that it was not until 1967 when former President Lyndon B. Johnson expanded
protection under Executive Order 11246 to women. While under the affirmative action umbrella,
but not considered under Executive Order 10925, former President Richard M. Nixon signed the
Rehabilitation Act of 1973, which “required employers to submit an affirmative action plan to
the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission for the hiring, placement, and advancement of
individuals with disabilities” (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, n.d., para. 2).
This action is the first incorporation of PWDs in U.S. employment policy.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was signed into law to underpin affirmative action
guidance, thus protecting U.S. citizens from employment discrimination based on sex, race,
color, religion, or national origin (U.S. Department of Labor, 2021). Seemingly, the Civil Rights
Act of 1964 did not consider that while it is illegal for employers to discriminate against the
protected categories, disabled persons remained unprotected. It was not until 1990, 26 years after
the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and 17 years after the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, that former
President George H.W. Bush signed the ADA (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission, n.d.). The law’s purpose is to ensure that PWDs have equal rights and opportunities
in public and private life as non-disabled persons (ADA Network, 2021).
Since Executive Order 10925, affirmative action policy has faced attempted dismantling
by former President Ronald Reagan and continues to fluctuate between commitment and
abandonment by state and federal representatives (Kurtulus, 2015). To date, 10 states outlaw
17
affirmative action policy: California (1996), Washington (1998), Florida (1999), Texas (2003),
Michigan (2006), Nebraska (2008), Arizona (2010), New Hampshire (2012), Oklahoma (2012),
and Idaho (2020) (Davis, 2021; Kurtulus, 2015). While these states may consider the need for
affirmative action to no longer exist, legislation contributes to the rise of diversity in U.S.
workplaces. Affirmative action is not the only way to ensure equal opportunity, but it does
provide a mechanism of compliance to ensure equitable hiring practices. Yet, AAs with
disabilities continue to falter in employment. Examining the disability employment life cycle
may illuminate how these barriers present themselves perpetuating the staggering of jobs for
AAs with disabilities.
The Employment Cycle
Despite legislation to support PWDs, finding and sustaining employment as an AA is a
challenge. Since the Great Depression, AAs have held the highest unemployment rates compared
to White Americans, Asians, and Latinos (Masterson, 2018). Even when AAs gained
employment at an exponential rate, with a reduced education achievement gap, AAs sustained
the lowest employment rates of the races studied (Masterson; 2018). Since 2013, AA men and
women have increased labor force participation, with AA men responsible for the surge over
women, 2.1% and 1%, respectively. However, AA mens’ unemployment rates vary between 2–
2.5 times and AA women 1.5–2 times that of White American males and females (Masterson,
2018). Research has discovered a relationship between race (AA, White American, and Latino)
and hiring bias, revealing that between 1989 and 2015, White American applicants received 36%
more callbacks than AA applicants (Quillian et al., 2017).
Wingfield and Chavez (2020) noted that AA doctors faced minimal racial discrimination
from patients within the medical profession. The more overt discrimination occurred in the hiring
18
practice in which White American candidates seemingly were given more weight due to their
connections. AA doctors highlighted that their White American colleagues tended to recruit in-
group, diminishing the likelihood of hiring AA physicians (Wingfield & Chavez, 2020). Unlike
AA nurses, AA doctors lack upward mobility. Namely, AA doctors do not share professional
experiences with their White American colleagues. The latter find connections amongst other
White American physicians that provide mentorship and access to opportunities.
In contrast, a lack of representation and access to mentorship among AA physicians
within the organizational structure is a dearth (Wingfield & Chavez, 2020). Contrary to AA
doctors, AA nurses receive daily discriminatory behaviors from White American patients and
colleagues in racialized stereotypes about AA workers (lazy, unprofessional, poor work ethic,
etc.) (Wingfield & Chavez, 2020). Overall, both AA doctors and nurses share similar
experiences regarding hiring bias related to access, inclusion, and development. However,
despite these concerns, AA nurses prevail in upward mobility, while AA doctors may experience
career stagnation (Wingfield & Chavez, 2020).
Although the Civil Rights Act was passed over 55 years ago, fairness and equality seem
to wane once an AA is hired into an organization (Dunleavy et al., 2013). While legislation
exists to support marginalized groups, employment discrimination still occurs based on these
protected categories. Persistent negative interactions may affect an employee’s willingness to
work or decrease work output, leading to quitting or termination.
Termination of Employment
Studies suggest that AAs are “the last hired, first fired” during economic growth and
decline periods as employment should be procyclical or countercyclical and relatively close
between AAs and White Americans during these ebbs and flows in the U.S. economy (Couch &
19
Fairlie, 2010). Reviewing the Department of Labor’s current population survey data between
1989–2004 of approximately 50,000 households (~130,000 people per month) over four months,
the average unemployment rate among AA men was 12.4% versus 5.4% for White American
men (Couch & Fairlie, 2010). Testing for racial patterns against the labor market, research
showed that the unemployment rate was 4.7% higher for AAs than White Americans. AA men
sustained a 2% shift from employment to unemployment each month. In comparison, White
American men maintained a 1% shift (Couch & Fairlie, 2010). Ultimately, the reemployment
probability between AA and White American men was 29% versus 33.6%. During the height of
the economic recession, AA men were 1.2% more likely to lose their jobs than White American
men (Couch & Fairlie, 2010). Research indicated that the potential impact of discrimination is
executed differently when the U.S. labor market is strong versus weak. The employment
disparity between AAs and White American men was 11.95% during a steady state of the
economy (Couch & Fairlie, 2010).
Like AA men, AA women were also affected during declines in the Gross Domestic
Product. Between 1980 to 2010, women showed lower unemployment rates than men, probably
due to the sector in which women worked during this time (education and health services,
financial services, government, leisure and hospitality, and other services; Loubert, 2012).
During the recession of 1981 through 1983, the most significant difference between employed
White versus AA women was 10.8%. Currently, there is an average variance in unemployment
rates of approximately 6.2%. This data suggests that AA women could not obtain consistent
employment, even if they actively sought work (Loubert, 2012). This inability to achieve
employment may have been due to the lack of educational attainment, training, skills, and overall
knowledge in available work for AA women, thus continuing the divide between AA and White
20
American women in the working sector (Loubert, 2012). Couch and Fairlie (2010) suggest that
discriminatory practices affected AA men, while Loubert (2012) affirms that AA women were
affected by factors other than discrimination, including educational attainment and the lack of
skills and transportation. Irrespective of the relationship between AA employment and reasoning
for hiring or termination, the studies demonstrate the compounding effect of being an AA and
male or female and the likelihood of sustainment in the employment cycle. While there is ample
research on gender and race disparities in the employment process, there is still a shortage of
insight on those compounded characteristics intersecting with disability and U.S. employment
outcome for an AA male or female with a disability. Despite this limitation, it is vital to highlight
the minuscule data that does exist to demonstrate the priority [or lack thereof] placed on the
inclusion of AAs with disabilities in employment.
AAs and Disability Employment
Access to work remains a considerable concern for AAs. United States disability
employment for those 16 years of age and older is 22.4% versus 76.1% for those non-disabled
(U.S. Department of Labor, 2021). The highest unemployment rates exist between people with
and without disabilities amongst AAs, 72 % versus 28%, respectively (Deka & Lubin, 2012;
Erickson et al., 2018; Sevak et al., 2015; U.S. Department of Labor, 2021).
Between July 2004 to December 2012, evidence showed that 29.6% of White Americans
versus 17.6% of AA women found successful employment, while a significant proportion of AA
women (20.4%) remained unemployed in comparison to White American women (16.9%) while
using employment services (Balcazar et al., 2015). Additionally, a higher percentage of AA
women employment cases were closed due to referral (23.4%) because of reasons like lack of
understanding of job suitability, access to healthcare services for certification, and so on in
21
contrast to the employment cases of White American women (18.2%; Balcazar et al., 2015).
Lastly, a common reason for case closures for both White American and AA women was
“successful employment” and “unable to locate the client.” However, the second most common
reason for the closure of cases of AA women was reported as “failure to cooperate” (Balcazar et
al., 2015).
Overall, given the attributes (marital status, education, etc.) and environment (location,
living arrangements, transportation, etc.) of the applicant, AA women had a 32% lower
probability of being employed than White American women (Balcazar et al., 2015). A key
finding indicated that AA women historically had no employment history compared to White
American women, which created a barrier to employment for AA women. Employment history
is a deciding factor for employment (Balcazar et al., 2015). Why AA women lack employment
experience is unknown. However, one factor to consider is that there is less of a likelihood for an
AA woman to be hired while receiving Social Security benefits. It contributes to poor
employment outcomes due to employer perceptions and individual choice to remain unemployed
(Balcazar et al., 2015).
While AA women find success using job placement services, persistent negative
interactions permit generalized stereotypes that affect AA women’s employability. Issues like
stereotyping and employment discrimination affect the likelihood of employment for AAs
leading to significant consequences for their livelihood. These consequences negatively affect
the socioeconomic status of the AAs with disabilities, and it presents stress that can further affect
their disability, leading them to sustained unemployment.
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The Consequences of Unemployment
Unemployment affects society by distributing taxes to aid social services supporting an
individual’s survivability. Unemployment leads to lower self-efficacy, affects social networks,
roles, and relationships, and disrupts the sequence of life (e.g., employment, retirement, etc.;
Laditka & Laditka, 2016). For AAs, “double jeopardy” exists as more health consequences arise
due to social and economic disparities that may worsen their inability to attain and sustain
employment (Laditka & Laditka, 2016). When race, gender, ability, and low socioeconomic
status intersect, increased health issues occur, leading to long-term unemployment due to chronic
conditions exacerbating limitations (Courtney-Long et al., 2017). For AAs who historically
possess the highest rates of disability, these social factors eventually lead to mortality (Courtney-
Long et al., 2017).
Socioeconomics at the Intersect
AA men and women with disabilities who experience persistent unemployment have
shorter life spans due to the consequences of socioeconomic disparities (Laditka & Laditka,
2016). Socioeconomic status (SES) may influence one’s health as it interacts with multiple,
corresponding parts, including but not limited to the psychological, biological, and
environmental factors that impact the life of a person with disabilities (Goyat et al., 2016).
Economic disparity extends into research examining health care services for people of
color with a basic or complex activity-limiting disability. Reviewing medical expenditure panel
surveys (MEPS) between 2002–2010, records indicated that a significant number of PWDs were
insured and received consistent health care. However, 88.5% of people of color with a basic
(32%) or complex (56.5%) activity limiting disability were also unemployed (Horner-Johnson &
Dobbertin, 2014). AA (10%) females similarly represented the majority in basic and AAs in the
23
majority in complex (15%) limiting disabilities (Horner-Johnson & Dobbertin, 2014). This
outcome is not surprising as AA women make up the most basic and complex disabilities overall
(Beatty, 2003; Drum et al., 2011; Miles, 2019; Smart & Smart, 1997).
The intersection of multiple identities presents additional barriers for compounded
subordinate groups with a disability. The two studies demonstrate the gap between employment,
equitable pay, progression, and access to housing and health care services. The compounding
barriers that influence the daily lives of AAs with disabilities exacerbate their conditions through
the contribution of stress, which negatively impacts health (Auerbach et al., 2018; Carlson et al.,
2012).
Stress on Disability
At the individual level, the consequences of disability that present barriers in AAs with
disabilities’ lives may impact the individual, causing stress levels to rise. Mental disorders (post-
traumatic stress disorder, depression, and others) considerably affect partial disabilities,
functional limitations in daily life without being entirely out of the role (Auerbach et al., 2018).
Stress-related factors include experiencing a great sense of being a burden and not having
enough money to cover basic living expenses, including obtaining or having enough money to
purchase assistive devices (Carlson et al., 2012). Furthermore, transportation and public building
access are significant issues affecting a person with disabilities navigating daily life, especially
while taking on these difficulties while being treated rudely by others or treated with respect
(Carlson et al., 2012). The preponderance of fiscal, health, and societal barriers faced by PWDs
presents adverse health outcomes like stress that affects one’s quality of life (Carlson et al.,
2012).
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Experiences shared amongst PWDs divulge barriers that may be mitigated if a person
with a disability has access to employment. PWDs may feel less like a burden if they possess
sufficient income to afford their independent or assisted living, medical, and transportation
expenses through employment; obtaining requisite income may lessen the internalized stress due
to having a disability. While facing these barriers to basic life necessities and jobs, the job skills
attained may atrophy due to high unemployment for those with disabilities, specifically for AAs
with disabilities who historically have low employment success. PWDs who sustain employment
and are matched appropriately to a job that supports their disability should have better
employment outcomes (Choe & Baldwin, 2016). However, PWDs commonly have poorer
employability than those without disabilities and are less likely to work full time, grappling with
involuntary job loss (Choe & Baldwin, 2016).
Increasing Employment for AAs With Disabilities
The consequences of unemployment for AAs with disabilities present socioeconomic
concerns, compounding stress, and atrophy of jobs skills leading to the perpetuation of
unemployment. While in adulthood, PWDs face many challenges; education, an opportunity
afforded to all students in the United States, presents its own set of challenges for AA students
with disabilities. Evidence suggests that increasing employment for AAs with disabilities
involves intervention from rehabilitation professionals, receiving the same employment
opportunities and benefits as their coworkers, not being treated differently, appropriate
accommodations, and early intervention in K–12 for students assigned to special education
(Aron, 2012; Brown et al., 2018; Rumrill et al., 2016).
25
Addressing AA Students With Disabilities
Consistent with the employment gap, the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics (2019)
reported that 28.2% of employees with a disability completed a high-school diploma equivalency
or higher. In contrast, 69% of employees without a disability accomplished the same educational
achievement (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). As of 2018, approximately 32% of AA
students lived in poverty, 45% attended high poverty schools, and only two-thirds of AA
students with disabilities graduated the lowest rate in comparison to other racial/ethnic groups
(National School Boards Association [NSBA], 2020). Although special education identification
intends to improve the educational outcome for students, some interventions may stem from
social stigmatization (McKenna, 2013). Additionally, evidence suggests a racial/ethnic
disproportionality in special education stems from identifying emotional disturbance in AA
students and a lack of educational equity (Ahram et al., 2011; NSBA, 2018).
While literature focuses on comparing academic achievement between African and White
American students, AA parents depend on education to provide equity in learning to better their
child/ren and provide access to opportunities and upward mobility (NBSA, 2018). And despite
calls for special education reform, little evidence exists to support that additional funding or
better enforcement will improve student outcomes in special education (Aron, 2012). Special
education cannot continue its current trajectory as evidence shows the continuing gap in special
education, graduation rates, and employment (NBSA, 2018; Aron, 2012).
Special Education Identification
Disproportionality studies in special education examine many individual factors (race,
gender, language status, SES). Previous research suggests that AA males have the highest
placement of disability identification for special education than any other race or ethnic group
26
(Bal & Sullivan, 2013; Coutinho et al., 2002; Donovan & Cross, 2002; Oswald et al., 2001; U.S.
Department of Education, 2010). Additionally, evidence suggests that males receiving free or
reduced lunch (indicative of low-income status) are the most significant group to incur disability
and special education assignments than any other ethnic group (Bal & Sullivan, 2013).
Furthermore, evidence shows that AA males and females are more likely than different racial
groups to incur disability and special education assignments (Bal & Sullivan, 2013).
In contrast, examining 11 southern states across fourth and eighth graders between 2003
and 2015 via the National Assessment of Education Progress database, Morgan et al. (2020)
suggests no significant indication of an over-identification of AA students possessing a
disability. Additionally, nationwide research indicated that disability assignments for AA
students were underrepresented across 36 national samples (Albrecht et al., 2012). However,
literature warns that although the disproportionality is not visible at the national level, inequality
within special education manifests and varies at the regional and state level (Albrecht et al.,
2012).
The studies above conflict as it relates to the identification of disability assignments for
AA students. Morgan et al. (2020) assert that there is no overrepresentation of AA students in
special education. At the same time, Albrecht et al. (2012) and Bal and Sullivan (2013) suggest
that their outcomes result from differing national and state education policies affecting the
identification and assignment of AA students with disabilities.
Despite the findings, equity in special education affords AA students the opportunity for
early intervention to redirect their health and educational path (Aron & Loprest, 2012). Not only
does early intervention prevent the onset of other disabilities, but it also supports the successful
transition from K–12 to postsecondary education, job training, and employment as these
27
transition points can be especially challenging for students with disabilities (Aron & Loprest,
2012; Osgood et al., 2010). By providing early and continuous intervention for AA students who
need special education services, academic support offers an opportunity for independent living in
adulthood.
Supported Least Restrictive Learning Environment
Education is an opportunity afforded to all youth, irrespective of abilities, especially for
students whose social and economic options may be limited (Aron & Loprest, 2012). AA special
education identification is contentious as the disproportionate representation of this group has
been long documented. Although policy and research have focused on this growing concern,
providing teachers with additional awareness, identification, monitoring, and service training,
there is little proof that these practical solutions solve this problem (Aron & Loprest, 2012).
While research suggests an overrepresentation of AA students in special education, AA students
assigned are three times more likely to be mentally underdeveloped and two and a half times
more likely to be recognized as emotionally disturbed (Aron & Loprest, 2012).
Inclusive education enables students with disabilities to acquire a full-time general
education in the least restrictive environment (LRE) through collaborative teaching programs to
provide classroom support to in-classroom teachers, maximizing learning for all students in the
general education setting (Idol, 2006). Research shows that 83% of students with disabilities
spend 100% of their time in the LRE and those non-disabled students have little to no negative
perspective of students with disabilities (Idol, 2006). Inclusive learning adoption in concert with
a collaborative teaching program increases service delivery options, better classroom
management and disciplinary strategies, and better monitoring to modify curriculum when
necessary to accommodate the learner (Idol, 2006).
28
Lastly, the literature suggests a positive impact due to the enforcement and
implementation of current laws supporting the social integration of students with disabilities into
general education classrooms to support the normalization of differences early and to create a
more equitable learning environment (DeFosset, 2003). Continued educational support
throughout school may help special education students to develop skills and aptitudes that
support their employability into adulthood. Not only is school important, but services that
support the continued success of PWDs in adulthood are necessary.
Vocational Rehabilitation Services
Vocational Rehabilitation (VR) was established in the United States as Title I under the
Rehabilitation Act of 1973 of which federally mandated states to execute VR programs, with
oversight by the federal Rehabilitation Services Administration (U.S. Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission, 2021). VR services support American PWDs, substance abuse
addictions, and other disadvantages that present socioeconomic barriers for those 14 years old
and older, enabling their fulfillment of postsecondary education, employment, and independent
living because of VR services like counseling, medical and psychological services, job training,
and other services based on the person’s needs (U.S. Rehabilitation Services Administration,
2022).
Since its inception, VR programs have evolved with disability policy to ensure dedicated
services provide the necessary support. VR programs have established a strong correlation
between VR services such as mental health counseling and education with job sustainment
(Drake et al., 2003). Despite these successes, there are limitations to VR programs. Currently, of
disabled persons who used VR services between July 2020 and June 2021 (811,583 out of
811,591 participants total), 43.3% gained employment, demonstrating a rate of employment
29
decline by 5.3% from the year prior (U.S. Rehabilitation Services Administration, 2021). This
decline could be related to a myriad of reasons like the onset of COVID-19 requiring non-
essential workers to lose work, health conditions prohibiting a person with a disability from
work, and so forth (U.S. Department of Labor, 2020). Additionally, while VR programs intended
to be of service to those in need of additional support when intersectionality is taken into
consideration, PWDs from disadvantaged backgrounds are less likely to know, access to, nor
meet the eligibility requirements to leverage VR services (Tansey et al., 2016). Lastly, while
culturally informed VR practices are essential, VR programs fail to account for cultural
differences in their assessments and delivery of VR services, causing a cultural disconnect
between the service provider and participant which can result in an early exit from the VR
program (Balcazar & Vryhof, 2020; Kaya, 2018).
Currently, AAs with disabilities constitute 28% of the workforce who may or may not
have used VR services to attain employment (U.S. Department of Labor, 2021). Between July
2020 and June 2021, 192,231 AAs utilized VR services leading to 38.7% of job seekers finding
employment success even during COVID-19, demonstrating that using VR services improve the
likelihood of employment for AAs with disabilities (U.S. Rehabilitation Services Administration,
2021). On average, 13% of AAs who receive VR services achieve competitive work, while
11.6% achieved non-competitive work versus 85.2% and 87.3% of White Americans,
respectively (Balcazar & Vryhof, 2020). Similar disparities exist in competitive employment
regarding AA youth with intellectual disabilities which suggests that the experience of disparities
while accessing VR services still provide some success, just not as great a success as White
American persons participating in VR programs (Balcazar & Vryhof, 2020; Kaya, 2018).
30
Examining VR program records extracted from the U.S. Department of Education’s
Rehabilitation Service Administration of clients between the ages of 19–25 and unemployed at
the time of VR services application indicated that 46.7% of clients who received VR services
obtained competitive employment (Kaya, 2018). Of those employed, 49.5% were White
American, and 51.6% were AA (Kaya, 2018). Additionally, clients who attended technical
assistance programs to learn market analyses, business plan development, and so forth were 3.8
times more likely to attain requisite employment. Similarly, the use of specialized VR services
(e.g., on-the-job training, maintenance, diagnosis, and treatment) rendered clients approximately
between 1.3 to 3.5 times more likely to attain competitive employment (Kaya, 2018). While VR
programs are not perfect, there is a likelihood that AAs with a disability will achieve work
through completing VR services. While VR programs are one way in which AAs can combat
employment issues, continuing hiring and retention difficulties still plague the AA disability
community.
Persistent Hiring and Retention Difficulties for AA Employees With Disabilities
The negative or indifferent perspectives toward the competency of PWDs are palpable
(Bonaccio et al., 2020). Even with an effective diversity management program, inclusion proves
difficult. Nevertheless, the ambiguities surrounding disability may limit a person’s full
membership with a disability into the organization (Dupré, 2012).
Despite these perceptions, individuals with disabilities desire to possess sustained
employment (Gewurtz et al., 2016). Literature shows that persons with observable and non-
observable disabilities include a heightened sense of self-awareness; some care not to disclose
their disability during the application or during the interview process to ensure they can get their
“foot in the door” (Brown et al., 2018). The lack of disclosure highlighted potentially harmful
31
results where the interviewer was seemingly shocked by the lack of awareness of the disability of
the interviewee when disability disclosure was provided (Brown et al., 2018). Aspirants who
chose to disclose their status on their resumes believed the interview discussion was difficult to
navigate (Brown et al., 2018). Women with unobservable disabilities who did not inform their
interviewer or employers felt overwhelmed with a sense of scrutiny, believing that the lack of
disclosure would ultimately lead to failure in the workplace (Brown et al., 2018).
A person’s disability should not be a limiting condition of employment (U.S. Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission, 2021). However, as research suggests, the stigma
surrounding disability is unnerving irrespective of disclosure status. For those who advance
beyond the interview process, Brown et al. (2018) reveal how the requirement for
accommodations proves challenging to procure and is stigmatized.
Accommodations
Persons with disabilities do not request needed workplace accommodations, which is a
self-hampering behavior (Baldridge & Swift, 2013). This behavior may be due to
accommodation availability (cost, timeliness, etc.) or the influence of individual attributes on the
shaping of social identities, impacting the decision of whether a person with disabilities requests
accommodation (Baldridge & Swift, 2013). Additionally, while a person with disabilities may be
suitable for employment, social appropriateness and acceptance may override help-seeking
behaviors necessary to request accommodations (Baldridge & Swift, 2013).
Specifically, females who request accommodations are susceptible to discrimination as
some interviewers and employers prefer one disability over another (e.g., wheelchair versus
emotional disability) as it is “easier” to construct a ramp than accommodating an unobservable
disability (Brown et al., 2018). Aside from receiving accommodations, the utilization of
32
accommodations induces a degree of self-stigmatization for women. Women with disabilities
burden themselves with perceptions regarding a lack of respect from their colleagues; females
sense the need to put forth extra effort to combat stereotypes and normalize their disability to
gain their colleague’s concern. In contrast, others felt socially isolated due to a lack of
consideration from their colleagues (Brown et al., 2018).
Lastly, AA women confront identity management, often concealing a stigmatized identity
(non-observable disabilities). AA women cannot be their authentic selves; assimilating for the
chance to experience positive outcomes provides self-assurance that interviewers and employers
do not focus on the disability as it is believed that the disability would be in question (Brown et
al., 2018). However, salient identities like gender, race, and observable disability do not have the
same concealment opportunities. As a result, AA women with disabilities levy self-expectations,
holding themselves to higher standards than non-AA women and men who do not possess a
disability given racial, disability, or gender-based prejudice may deliberately or subconsciously
impact suitability for employment (Brown et al., 2018).
From the AA female perspective, the heightened sensitivity to errors, standards, and
effort is a cultural norm that causes AA women to seek higher education, social and financial
opportunities to offset their minoritized status (Brown et al., 2018). The self-induced pressure to
perform well is seemingly heightened by the possession of compounded minoritized identities.
This pressure AA women with disabilities use as a coping technique empowers them to “go the
extra mile” despite the additional stress this type of behavior may induce (Brown et al., 2018).
The need for accommodations should not bring about an onslaught of negative self-perceptions,
emotional distress, or self-induced pressure to perform (Brown et al., 2018). Once a hiring
authority chooses to employ a person with a disability, they accept the accommodations required
33
that permit the disabled employee to fulfill their work roles. However, inclusion is not
necessarily an equal distribution amongst employees (Dobusch, 2017).
Inclusivity
Over the years, diversity and inclusion have evolved as vital tools to maximize social and
cognitive diversity. One assumes that diversity and inclusion begin at home, but do parents or
guardians impact their children’s perception of disability as much as the experience of being
immersed in an inclusive classroom? Do the values we learn as we traverse school translate into
inclusive practices in the workplace? While many contend that they are practitioners of
inclusion, disability exclusionary practices continue in schools, workplaces, and society
(Hoogsteyns, 2013).
Research showed that very few parents talked about inclusion with their children (Yu,
2019). Despite 30.4% of classroom behavioral issues stemming from students with disabilities,
52.2% of parents viewed the inclusion of students with disabilities positively (Yu, 2019). While
parents are concerned with the behavioral problems of students with disabilities, their
expectations are positively related to inclusive education in their child’s learning environment,
expecting their children to learn acceptance, compassion towards others, and the ability to learn
from each other (Yu, 2019).
Parental perspectives related to disability have no bearing on students’ attitudes towards
individuals with disabilities (Yu, 2019). Seemingly, children immersed in inclusive classrooms
talk about their experiences with their parents to understand differences and assimilate into the
learning environment. Like inclusive classrooms, inclusive work environments improve worker
well-being and the likelihood of formal reporting of disability to employers (Santuzzi et al.,
2022).
34
Iwanaga et al. (2021) suggest that Human Resource (H.R.) managers and hiring
professionals affect their workplace culture and disability inclusion climate. Findings by Iwanaga
et al. indicated that hiring authorities recognized the importance of developing hiring strategies
and inclusion training but did not consider disability inclusion efforts and strategy essential. HR
managers and hiring professionals may assume that preparing their work centers with inclusion
training will, in turn, promote a disability-inclusive work environment (Iwanaga et al., 2021).
However, a lack of representation among senior executives or hiring managers presents a
concern. While positive disability employment and inclusion intentions may exist, the workplace
climates lack representation in work roles beyond front-line managers, demonstrating a lack of
upward mobility for PWDs (Iwanaga et al., 2021).
Disability inclusion is the responsibility of all (Shoemaker, 2009). Understanding how a
person with disability functions and how to support their participation in society helps normalize
disability. An inclusive school and workplace support PWDs to develop skills prompting their
ability to sustain equitable employment while providing valuable contributions. Disability
inclusion is a strength that betters society (Fujimoto et al., 2014). Making visible that AAs with
disabilities are a vulnerable population that faces greater difficulty with employment attainment
and inclusion in the workplace emphasizes the need for inclusion by society wholly (Miller,
2003; Shoemaker, 2009; Wingfield & Chavez, 2020).
Conceptual Framework
In this study, the conceptual framework considers forms of ‘otherness’ that converge with
a disability, and how it affects one’s likeness to attain, sustain, and advance in employment.
Critical disability studies support this research as it highlights the importance of recognizing how
the intertwining of socioeconomic systems impacts individuals’ lived experiences. Critical
35
disability studies challenge political and social power dynamics that hold the position of
authority in society, defining the “acceptable” human, relegating “otherness” as unacceptable
(Simpson, 2012). Critical disability studies is an ever-growing interdisciplinary framework
contrived of multi-theorist research that confronts ableist socio-normative influence. This
literature review addresses the fundamental concepts of this study and how theories and themes
framing CDS underpin the perpetuation of systemic exclusion due to the possession of
compounding subordinate identities.
Interwoven into CDS are multiple theories and themes suggesting the complexity of
disability. Disability is the beginning of the conversation, but never the end as it is entangled
with other transformative themes (Goodley, 2013). In this study, two theories, intersectionality
and social construction, are used to coalesce individual concepts that feed into the central focus
of CDS.
Critical disability studies discuss how intersectionality, overlapping identities, yield
different experiences and the accompanying discrimination one may face based on the
complexity of possessing compounded identities. The term “intersectionality” was coined in the
1980s by Kimberlé Crenshaw who sought to critically examine how sameness approaches to
individuals grossly undermined equitable justice, identity politics, critical race and social justice
studies, social policy advocacy, and so forth (Crenshaw, 1991). It also recognizes how distinct
differences in identity impacts the lived experience between persons of color and White
American persons (Cho et al., 2013). A key concept appropriated from the intersectionality
theory includes “subordinate identity,” the result of compounded identities, and access and
equity in the employment cycle. Intersectionality is necessary to understand further how
36
disability is affected by access to sustained employment and the effects of having a disability
while holding other subordinate salient identities.
Like intersectionality, social constructionism is important to highlight as the sum of each
individual minoritized identity leads to further subjugation encountered due to systemic
exclusionary norms underpinned by Eurocentric, ableist, norms (Lester & Nusbaum, 2018).
Social constructionism involves the hierarchical social and economic structures defined by an
imbalance of knowledge and power; disability has been framed as a form of oppression where
sociocultural determinism deems one possessing a disability inferior (Kang et al., 2017). Social
constructionism is a manufactured reality defined by interpretation based on knowledge and
experience regarding an act at a particular time in culture. The higher the knowledge related to
the action, the greater the likelihood to make a more informed decision based on the
interpretation of reality on the act instead of constructing reality due to a knowledge gap.
This examination of the literature highlights how the social constructionist-centered
decisions of the past continue to plague the United States today despite legislation existing to
alleviate barriers. The intersection of AA disability does not begin with employment barriers but
is a social issue that develops from home, school, and beyond values. Although individuals
support the inclusion of PWDs, they may be resistant to the combination of disability and AAs,
males, females, or the combining of two or more said factors. In this study, the criticality of
disabilities studies navigates contested themes shaped by social constructionism and
intersectionality to explain the interlocking nature of oppression faced by the multi-dimensional
body. Figure 1 represents two critical tenets within CDS (intersectionality and social
constructionism) and social power attributes (society, social structures, and systems of power)
and how their interactions affect the individual experience (Gergen, 2001). The key factors
37
influencing constructed reality (the dependency of individual behavior on interactions with
others) versus actual reality (existing in real-time, fact) includes one’s depth of knowledge
surrounding an act (individual behavior or social event) and how that depth of knowledge affects
one’s interpretation (assumptions and judgements). The intersection of knowledge and
interpretation affects the social or cultural decision that positively or negatively impacts the
individual depending on their social power attributes (Berger & Luckmann, 1991; Gilyazova,
2019). For this study, these power attributes bring visibility to African Americans with
disabilities and the perceptions held by those in positions of power. By closing the knowledge
gap and shifting assumptions, societal perceptions grow, thus prompting better interpretation and
decision-making related to African Americans with disabilities, supporting their greater access to
employment in the United States.
Lastly, this scholarly review discusses how education and support services can better
support PWDs through inclusive practices. Additionally, it addresses the mitigation of
perceptions of disability by exposure to difference at a young age. However, while inclusion is
promoted, it is not always translated into practice. As one transitions into the employment age,
the influences of intersectionality and the support or lack thereof provided from childhood into
adulthood for PWDs impact their employability.
38
Figure 1
CDS and the Road to Employment
Summary
Social construction stimulates assumptions. The interplay of multiple subordinate
identities can amplify exclusionary behaviors (Campbell et al., 2004). During this literature
review, any research examined regarding subordinate identities is the basis of a discriminatory
act or perception. The premise of the assumption is critical to investigate as the source of the
maltreatment may be caused by another subordinate identity of a disabled person and not the
disability itself. The history surrounding the plight of AAs in America [still] affects how non-
AAs interconnect with AAs seemingly due to non-AAs’ construction of knowledge and their
social experiences or lack thereof with AAs (May & Mumby, 2004).
39
People with a disability are multi-dimensional groups who encounter compounded
outcomes associated with the intersecting of multiple subordinate identities. Bal and Sullivan
(2013) state that social limitations exist due to social constructionism and project perceived
impotence onto groups; thus, access to education, health services, and employment is negatively
affected (Bal & Sullivan, 2013). Society must recognize the benefit of the total membership of
PWDs as an impairment does not necessarily qualify one as incapable. A person with a disability
defines their abilities; society and policy should be in place to support equitable access so that all
persons, irrespective of their identity, can act with full citizenship (Townsend, 2008).
40
Chapter Three: Methodology
The following procedures supported the research questions intended to examine the
barriers to employment, the interplay of identity, and how employment success was obtained
despite the influences that impacted African Americans (AAs) with a disability. The study aimed
to understand the population under examination to glean personal truths regarding the disability
employment cycle. This chapter was organized to provide the study’s research questions, design,
and limitations and delimitations.
Research Questions
1. How do AAs with disabilities perceive their employment experiences?
2. What specific employment barriers face AAs with disabilities, both observable and
unobservable?
3. What critical factors contribute to the success of AAs with disabilities in attaining
and sustaining employment?
Overview of Design
This study used a qualitative methods research design. This study included between 30-
to 60-minute, semi-structured interviews. Throughout the interview process, probing was used to
gather deeper context from the participants (Burkholder et al., 2019). The interview consisted of
15 open-ended questions that addressed concepts tied to the research questions to allow
participants to respond in greater detail and the direction they saw fit (Krueger & Casey, 2009).
Each interview question had the propensity to answer more than one research question while in
practice. Table 1 provides an overview of each interview question and its relation to the assigned
research question.
41
Table 1
Correlation Between Research and Interview Questions
Research question Interview question
RQ1: How do African Americans
with disabilities perceive their
employment experiences?
How would you describe your experience as someone
who possesses multiple minoritized identities?
As an African American with a disability, tell me about
your employment experiences.
How do you believe race, gender, and disability
interplay in the employment cycle?
If you experienced stereotypes and biases in the
employment process, how did you know?
RQ2: What specific employment
barriers face African Americans
with disabilities, both
observable and unobservable?
To what extent do you believe you’ve been
successful/unsuccessful regarding advancement in
employment?
What has been your experience with regards to
obtaining employment accommodations?
What has been your experience negotiating fair
compensation?
Given your identities, what have been some of the
challenges that you have faced, if any, in your
employment experiences?
Are you concerned about employment? How so?
What limiting factors, if any, do you think your
disability presents that make you ineligible for
employment opportunities?
RQ3: What critical factors
contribute to the success of
African Americans with
disabilities in attaining and
sustaining employment?
What critical factors have contributed to your success
in attaining and sustaining employment, if any?
What support services, if any, have you received in the
employment process?
Do you find value in the work that you have done or
currently do? How so?
How have your strengths developed and supported you
throughout the employment experience?
Could you provide an instance in which your strengths
broke the stereotype centered on your race, gender,
and abilities and how that experience overturned
others’ perceptions of you in the workplace?
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Research Setting
For this study, the participant demographic was AAs residing in the United States, 18
years of age or over, with at least one observable or unobservable disability who was currently
employed or unemployed but had actively sought employment within the last three years. The
research questions developed for this study corresponded directly to the required demographic to
capture life through the eyes of AA PWDs as they navigated the employment cycle. Specifically,
the research questions were crafted to highlight disparities, biases, and other barriers that
impacted their disability employment attainment, advancement, and sustainment. Furthermore,
the research questions underlined strategies that have contributed to their employment success.
This study included a purposive sampling as specific characteristics were sought; a
background questionnaire was provided to all study volunteers to identify the appropriate study
participants. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with a sample size of seven participants.
Interview recruitment for this study took place online via Facebook and LinkedIn, advertising to
disability-centric social network web pages. Facebook was the primary recruitment tool, with
paid advertisements to solicit participants. With a $5.00 per day budget, a daily run of the above
advertisement reached between 300 to 1,000 Facebook users with approximately 60 to 200 clicks
to the screening survey per day. Created via Qualtrics, the screening survey included 10 “yes” or
“no” background questions. The screening survey was retained until the completion of the study
process for quality assurance. Additionally, an “Information Sheet for Exempt Studies” for this
study was provided via each social media platform used for recruitment and at the beginning of
each interview to remind the study participant of the interview protocol. Lastly, each recruitment
advertisement included the announcement of a $10 e-gift card for participants who completed the
complete interview process.
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Interview Setting
The participants were interviewed virtually via Zoom. Upon approval to record by the
participant, the Zoom transcription service, powered by Otter, was used to capture the audio and
visual recording and to provide transcription. Although the study’s participants possessed a
disability, the research setting did not call for accommodations. Considering the virtual
environment, the virtual interview was clear of any visuals, leveraging the Zoom blur option to
maintain the interviewee’s focus on the interviewer. The virtual interview also considered audio
distractions and conducted interviews in a sound insulated private office to prevent the
disturbance of sound. To maximize the time of each interviewee, they were asked to conduct the
interview in a private area, if possible. The goal was to ensure that neither the interviewee or
interviewer were disturbed throughout the interview.
The Researcher
As an AA non-disabled woman who is a sibling and daughter of PWDs, I considered the
possibility that I possessed a hypersensitivity to disability as a side effect of my close
relationship with PWDs. I also contemplated that the AA employment experience differed
between those with observable versus unobservable disabilities. This assumption was due to the
idea that those with an unobservable disability did not readily disclose their disability status
while those with observable disabilities could not mask their condition. Lastly, I considered how
intersectionality could work for or against an individual depending on their identity
characteristics and their ascribed value within the employment cycle at a given time.
My experience as an AA woman has been one of failure and triumph, relating to the
benefits and consequences of my identity characteristics. Constantly confronting the expression
of surprise by non-persons of color related to their assumptions of AAs, I internalized this
44
behavior and levied greater expectations on myself to combat the stereotypes of AAs while
combatting the role of the “token black” in any space that I accessed. I reflected on my
behaviors, not being a product of my environment, never being “black enough,” and how I was
relegated as an adolescent by the neighborhood kids and mocked by my family for my interests
in reading and my ability to articulate basic English.
During my first 18 years of life, my gender took a backseat to my constant battle of being
too much or not enough as an AA. As a woman, I accepted the consequences of never making
myself small for others. Being in the military for nearly 16 years, I have had my share of
underestimation from females, with more frequent negative encounters with males. With this, my
gender and race has led to a constant internalization of these obstructive interactions, prompting
the personal need to work harder to excel beyond anyone’s ideals of what women are capable of,
how a woman should behave, and what roles women should assume.
Compounding the two identities, I, like the women discussed in the literature review,
acknowledged and upheld SBW ideals, living inexplicable experiences as no one is always
strong. However, showing up despite the stereotypes and underestimation by others catapulted
me into performing under the guise of SBW to sustain upward mobility. I gathered that if I
struggled to sustain myself, I could only imagine what it was like to intersect with a disability as
an AA woman.
The research was centered on the intersection between AAs and disability and the impact
of social constructionism on said identities. I assumed that my bias would stem from being the
researcher who is also AA. I also thought that the participants and our shared culture, societal
challenges, and successes would impact my ability to recognize and separate myself from bias as
a novice researcher. Additionally, as an AA woman, I possessed preconceived notions of what it
45
was to be an AA woman based on my experiences that were not the same for AA female PWDs.
Knowing this, I sometimes had a response prepared without acknowledging that the participant’s
response was their truth, and my thoughts were of little importance during the interview process.
Before I began the research process, I leveraged persons within the disability community
for professional and personal guidance regarding my generated research interview questions. I
needed to ensure that the language chosen reflected the professional research I wanted to
conduct. Rosenburg (2017) asserted that it was essential to ask the affected community for their
input. I probed PWDs who were unable to participate in my research study due to the proximity
of our relationship. Additionally, recognizing my positionality, I was cognizant that I could not
interpret the data and findings of this study to confirm my biases. Lastly, being an AA did not
hold the same meaning for AAs who intersected with a disability. Therefore, my truths were not
the participant’s truths, and I worked to keep my biases at bay to minimize my subjective
influence on the interpretation of the findings; refraining from justifying my truths through
someone else’s lived experience was of the utmost importance.
Data Sources
The goal of this study was to evolve research regarding AA disability employment. This
study used primary data to achieve that goal. Interviews were used to acquire data that provided
richer insight into the individual’s dialogue. While not an immediate objective of the interview,
body language lent nonverbal signals to help contextualize the interview participants’ responses
to the questions to support deeper interpretation.
Interview
The interview protocol was semi-structured. The interview included 15 open-ended
questions that addressed the concepts tied to the research question of this study. Several
46
questions were centered on the experience of the employment cycle while possessing a disability
and the compounding effects it had on gender and race. Other questions sought to glean the first
occurrence of barriers due to external factors and self-perception as an AA male or female
classified “disabled” and how the participants believed others received them throughout the
employment cycle.
Instrumentation
Interview protocol (Appendix A) was crafted to obtain an unrestricted, detailed
description of the participants’ perceptions regarding their employment experiences and
associated factors that minimized or maximized their ability to attain, sustain, and advance in
employment.
Data Collection Procedures
The sampling and recruitment used a purposeful sample to ensure that the selection pool
was determined under equitable probability, minimizing bias in the selection process (Pazzaglia
et al., 2016). A screening survey was conducted to ensure that the required demographic for the
study was selected. The survey data collection took place in Qualtrics. The survey hyperlinks and
pertinent data regarding the purpose and intent of the research and data collection were provided
on the research-established LinkedIn and Facebook web pages. Included on the social media
platforms was a notice to the population of interest that accommodations could be made for
interested PWDs. However, no accommodations were required. The survey ran from the
institutional review board approval (January 27, 2022) and continued for 30 days.
Following the survey completion, seven survey participants who met the interview
criteria were contacted in writing to accomplish a 15-question interview. I utilized Zoom’s
transcription service, powered by Otter, to capture the recording and transcription. As the
47
interview proceeded, I annotated shorthand field notes. Additionally, coding occurred to help
organize critical topical themes and relationships amongst the interviewees. Burkholder et al.
(2019) suggested that recording was appropriate to capture changes in tone and body language
and my reactions. The transcription service support was an efficient means to capture and review
content for missed data during the interview (Burkholder et al., 2019). These data collection
procedures were chosen to produce a qualitative study that provided a profound interpretation of
the research questions. They provided a well-rounded understanding of the perceptions of the
barriers and successes AAs with disabilities experienced throughout the employment cycle
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Data Analysis: Interviews
The interviews supported a thematic description that (e.g., stereotypes, emotions,
inclusivity, microaggressions, etc.) identified eight key concepts to organize corresponding
participant perspectives and evidence regarding their lived experience (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). Coding was derived from the language used by the participants and parsed into categories.
As I reviewed the categories, I identified themes of conceptual interest (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). While coding was utilized throughout the qualitative study, a system of coding to
predetermine themes was not created to allow for the reviewed notes, videos, and such to reveal
themes amongst the participants organically. Interviews utilized probing to gather deeper context
from the participants (Burkholder et al., 2019).
Considering critical disability studies (CDS), several codes were developed based on the
literature review findings. As the interviews were analyzed, codes that centered on “culture,”
“double whammy” or a twofold impact due to the position of marginalized identities,
“accommodations,” and so forth underpinned scholarly works and the continued experiences of
48
AAs with a disability. Also, several codes were developed based on CDS that were not
highlighted in the literature review, but were consistently shared across the interview
participants’ experiences. The culmination of the literature review-based and non-literature
reviewed-based codes presented over 50 codes that were further analyzed to create thematic code
groups that supported the construction of eight findings.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
For this study, analysis of the interview data used triangulation to maximize
trustworthiness and credibility to build logical reasoning for the identified themes (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). Trustworthiness and credibility work in tandem as credibility is the ability
within research to deliver accurate information. It is reinforced by trustworthiness via
triangulation through research tools like interviews, observations, and so on (Guba & Lincoln,
1985). Triangulation allowed cross-referencing to ensure that the data collected was not
underpinned by researcher assumptions and was endorsed by other scholarly literature
perspectives (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). For this study, triangulation occurred between the
findings within the literature review, multiple theories to examine interview phenomena, and
cross-checking for consistency in the data amongst the represented interview sample to increase
credibility (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). A secondary means of establishing credibility and
trustworthiness during the interviews was respondent validation. Soliciting feedback from the
participants ensured that I was not holding assumptions or misrepresenting anything stated
during the interview. Respondent validation was an efficient means to check for bias and
misinterpretation (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). An opportunity for feedback was also offered at the
end of each interview.
49
Ethics
Several ethical considerations ensured compliance with the International Review Board
and an obligation to the study participants that the information shared was used with the utmost
confidentiality and integrity. Glesne and Peshkin (1992) suggested that informed consent,
including recording, security, and storing data, empowered participants to voluntarily share their
stories, guaranteeing the participant’s right to privacy. Consent to record the interview data was
asked before each interview began. The goal was to ensure that participants were comfortable
sharing their data and understood that the research was conducted with the highest integrity and
confidentiality, ensuring not to harm the participants (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Limitations and Delimitations
Limitations are the influences on the study that the researcher cannot control, while
delimitations are influences that the researcher can control through a carefully designed study
(Creswell, 2014). A limitation of this study included the integrity of the participant. While the
goal was to retrieve factual, unfiltered information, the participants may not have been candid.
Another limitation was the lack of transparency as to if and how organizations supported PWD
inclusion. Additionally, while we know that a pay gap exists between PWDs and non-disabled
persons, little is known about the differential in pay between AA PWDs and other PWDs. Lastly,
scholarly literature was dearth regarding the advancement of AA PWDs in leadership roles and
their representation in decision-making positions (e.g., advisory and hiring boards).
A delimitation of this study was the small sample size of AA PWDs. While the content
was rich and descriptive, an increase in sample size may have rendered broader perspectives.
Another delimitation stemmed from the content construction of the interview. While a PWD
reviewed the questions for language and focus, the questions were derivations of assumptions
50
held by the researcher. Also, choosing to research a community where the researcher held
demographic similarities presented relationship boundaries concerns based on shared cultural
experiences.
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Chapter Four: Findings
The study’s objective was to examine the barriers to employment, the interplay of
identity, and how employment success was obtained despite the influences that impacted African
Americans (AAs) with a disability. The study aimed to obtain detailed, thick descriptions of their
lived experiences. The goal was to identify events that demonstrate the relationship between the
possession of compounded marginalized identities and social policy and the combination’s
influence on an individual’s employability. During the interview process, questions were
developed to provide a space for an unbound, self-reflective analysis, eliciting a deep evaluation
of past, present, and even future encounters as multilayered individuals. The interview questions
were constructed to engender a thoughtful response to the following research questions:
1. How do AAs with disabilities perceive their employment experiences?
2. What specific employment barriers face AAs with disabilities, both observable and
unobservable?
3. What critical factors contribute to the success of AAs with disabilities in attaining and
sustaining employment?
This qualitative study consisted of seven participants who provided a pseudonym to
ascertain anonymity and confidentiality. The study included 57% women and 43% men, with
five of seven self-identifying as having an unobservable disability. Additionally, three of seven
participants, or 42%, were unemployed but were actively seeking employment. Lastly, the sector
most represented in this study was higher education, with 57% of participants possessing either
an observable (1) or non-observable (3) disability. Of the higher education representation, only
one interviewee was unemployed, Lizabeth, who had an observable disability. Table 2 annotates
the demographic makeup of the selected participants. The remainder of this chapter presented the
52
findings in alignment with critical disability studies (CDS), highlighting the impact of
intersectionality and social constructionism on AAs with a disability throughout the employment
cycle.
Table 2
Sociodemographic Characteristics of Participants
Vinny Durre Jae Natalia Lizabeth Brian Dan
Gender
identification
Male Female Female Female Female Male Male
Disability
identification
Bipolar I Mental health Non-observable
chronic disease
Mental health Lower limb
impairment
Unobservable/
unknown
Lower
limb
impairment
Diagnosis 1998 2013 2016 Later in life Accident Unknown Later in
life
Impact/
adaptation
Mental Mental Mental fatigue
and chronic
pain
Mental Wheel-chair
user
Communication Mobility
Employment
status
Yes Yes Yes Yes No No No
Career field Higher education Federal
government
Higher
education
Higher education
Work role Associate professor Audio/
visual technician
Psychologist Administrator
Highest level of
education
JD, PhD Vocational
school
PhD student MBA BA in
education
BA in
accounting
High
school
Location TN MD CA OH NY IL CA
53
54
Research Question 1: How Do AAs With Disabilities Perceive Their Employment
Experiences?
This first research question sought to explore the perceptions of AAs as they experience
the employment cycle. Questions such as, “How would you describe your experience as
someone who possesses multiple minoritized identities?” and “How do you believe race, gender,
and disability interplay in the employment cycle?” were constructed to gather thoughtful
responses that led to the following three key findings:
1. AAs with a disability grapple with identification interplay throughout the
employment cycle.
2. AAs with a disability are bound by constraints and compromises of self within the
employment cycle.
3. AAs with a disability find disability disclosure to be more harmful than good.
Below, the findings were contextualized, leveraging participant phenomenon to understand their
lived experience throughout the employment cycle.
Finding 1: AAs With a Disability Grapple With Identification Interplay Throughout the
Employment Cycle
All seven participants identified one or more instances in which they experienced or
perceived outcomes based on the compounding effects of their salient identities. Discourse
among participants suggested that there is no ability to separate one identity from the other; there
is an interplay between these marginalized identities and preconceived notions about disability,
gender, and race within the employment cycle. During the interview, Brian, who was
unemployed, affirmed, “Disability is more impactful than gender and race due to thoughts of
being ineffective.” While Lizabeth, a wheelchair user, further elaborated:
55
There are assumptions about people who use wheelchairs…you cannot compete with a
non-disabled person. If you are Black and disabled, they don’t even give you a chance to
speak. There are opinions drawn when someone sees me, and they discriminate or judge
me.
With these insights, there was seemingly a perception held by others about PWDs that if
one possessed a disability, then the entire body was rendered ineffective, making the PWD
incompatible for employment. Additionally, two male participants wrestled with assumptions
levied upon them as being seen as “threats” in their work environments. Dan, who had a lower
limb disability, shared, “Some places I work, police were put in proximity to people with a
disability.” When asked to expound, Dan did not know why this had occurred. He paused as if
experiencing a revelation that maybe the police presence was not due or only due to his
disability. The police presence could have been wholly or combined with him being a PWD and
some other reason. Vinny, who identified as AA, homosexual, Muslim, and male, reflected on an
experience with the police on the school campus where he taught, “The interesting thing is, I had
just spoken to my mom. I was telling her that this is a really safe campus. The police are always
around … they are always around me.” Vinny further expressed the bewilderment he faced every
day as a minoritized, multi-dimensional body in the work environment as he dealt with overt
discriminatory actions:
Even when I was filing complaints with the office of institutional equity at the university,
their big question was, “[on] what grounds are you filing the issue?” you never know why
people are discriminating against you … is it because of my religion? Or is it because of
my sexual orientation? Is it because of my skin color? Unfortunately, sometimes you
56
can’t unravel those things. So, you end up in a really awkward position…it makes it
tough actually to make any claim.
Vinny discussed antifeminism, patriarchy, and ableism throughout his interview and believed
that “There is no distinguishing…racism is the ‘-ism’ that ties all other forms of ‘-isms together.
Blackness is treated as a disability. You basically have this triple whammy…” AAs with a
disability, whether observable or unobservable, shared experiences that impacted their self-
perceptions. Table 3 highlights critical workplace experiences shared by interview participants
that occurred.
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Table 3
Prejudgments and Distrust: Key Experiences Shared by Interview Participants
Q2. As an African American with a disability, tell me about your employment experiences.
Vinny
I had a meeting with my department chair once, and he called the police to wait outside
of the office in case.
My disability seems to be a source of a lot of anxiety for my colleagues. My secretary
called the police on me … the police came to my office looking for me.
In the school’s cafeteria, ‘Is there a piece of cheese pizza that you haven’t cut with the
same pizza cutter that you’ve used on the pepperoni pizza?’ Cafeteria employee,
‘We’ll have one coming out. What are you Muslim or something? Oh, you’re not
gonna blow us up are you, Vinny?’ We argued … the Provost decided that I was
having a manic episode. I wasn’t.”
Jae
I’ve been blessed to have an African-American supervisor. But I always feel like I’m
speaking with her supervisor (Chicano). Her boss makes assumptions about me
working from home even though it’s an office-wide policy and accused me of
breaking other company rules. Depending on how my supervisor says my name …
she’ll say my first name and I know that that’s a safe space when she’ll say my last
name, and then I’m like okay who’s listening. It’s almost like you know that’s the
clue someone’s listening and then there are times when I don’t know her intentions.
You know whether she’s using my first name or last name to trick me.
Dan
My previous job required me to be ‘all over the place’ to make sure things were running
smoothly. With my disability, my employers assumed that I had difficulty
accomplishing that.
Durre
Of course, you’re prejudged, being a young person, being a woman, being a Black
person. I feel like this a lot of times. you have to do a bit more than anybody else to
get basic needs met in the workplace. Yeah, it’s like you have to be better than
perfect in order to just be, you know, accepted.
I am from Baltimore, grew up, and still live in the urban area. I hear my coworkers;
they’re all from the suburbs, you know some of the richer counties in Maryland and I
hear them talk about you know Baltimore this and that. They’re not talking
specifically about me, but they’re making generalizations about the environment I live
in.
Finding 1 revealed that preconceived notions surrounding disability were a common
theme. Interviewees revealed that the underestimation by non-disabled persons on PWDs in the
58
workplace suggested a lack of trust in a PWD’s capacity to take on additional responsibilities or
manage one’s disability. Additionally, as read in Table 3, not only were judgments on disability a
topic of interest, but judgments surrounding age, religion, gender, geography, and race were as
well. The participants discussed these subsidiary layers that seem to exacerbate their lived
experience as AAs with a disability throughout the employment cycle.
Finding 2: AAs With a Disability Are Bound by Constraints and Compromises of Self
Within the Employment Cycle
Interview participants expressed the inability to operate authentically within the
employment cycle. Concerned with being “too much,” “just enough,” or the token African
American, participants shared these and other experiences they have encountered. Jae discussed
her need to assimilate and mask her identity in the workplace:
I have to assimilate to manage. I feel like I’m always competing not only with someone
who is not as educated as me … lighter than me … more Oreo cookie. If one speaks more
Caucasian … you get more kudos. I gotta walk into meetings being a little bit more Oreo
cookie, forget about all my other ethnicities, and try to hide my accent between my
conversations.
Jae continued to share her experience as she cried. Jae is part Native American and struggles
with the fact that she assimilated into the workplace. She found it to be “very disgusting.”
However, as an AA female, she felt she had to “assimilate to a female Caucasian type of
personality … be more submissive when dealing with the politics.” So, she masked and
assimilated into White norms. Vinny also revealed that he assimilated into the workplace:
I think I assimilate … our whole world, even when it comes to disability, it’s shaped by
Whiteness. I’m now sitting at the “table” and I’m making statements that I think, are
59
reasonably calculated to be a voice for the people that I am tasked with representing …
God knows how often those of us who have marginalized identities have to represent
everyone in our population, everyone … it makes it tricky because you have to say and
do the right things and avoid the landmines.
Natalia shared similar experiences in the workplace, ascribing to White characteristics
and assuming the role of the “token” in the workplace, stating, “Well, I wear locs. So, people
have ideas already … when I did speak, people were very shocked … and I will be the token
Black. Tokenism is pretty big for many of us.”
Participants also shared experiences of being “just enough” or “too much” and the impact
of these perceptions on employment. Vinny discussed his experience as someone who is not “too
much” while being “too much” simultaneously. He explained that one of his colleagues
described him as “not too masculine, not too dark skin. I don’t have this deep voice, so people
see me as less of a threat.” However, he also felt like he had to be careful in his work center. He
stated, “I could not be too sad or angry … if I speak too fast or loudly, the police are called.”
Vinny divulged three other occasions in which being “too much” of anything led to a negative
reputation or outcomes for him. These sentiments are outlined in Table 4.
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Table 4
Vinny’s Account of Being Too Much
Q2. As an African American with a disability, tell me about your employment experiences.
Literally, one time I was 3 min late for a meeting, and I was having a panic attack getting into
the meeting … so I wasn’t actually not speaking because I was upset or sad. I was not
speaking, because I was so focused on how to get into the meeting without causing a scene,
but that resulted in the police being called.
During an interview, I was asked how my bipolar disorder would harm students. Needless to
say, I did not get that job.
I would close the door so that no one could see me because no matter what I did it was offensive
like talking too loud or fast I’m having a manic episode. If I was quiet, I’m angry and ready to
blow up the building…my coworkers thought I was significant threat.
Jae shared a similar experience to Vinny regarding being “too much” but aligned her
experience to the “mad black woman” caricature, “When people see me, they see Black. They
don’t care about anything else … they automatically pull the mad Black woman card if I don’t
want to engage in conversations, if I’m outspoken, or show passion.” She continued to discuss
the matter revealing that she could not show passion or inflect her voice. She also shared that her
coworkers did not want to share information, assuming that she would “overreact.”
Another shared experience among the interviewees was the idea of playing “dumb” in
protest of the workplace culture. Natalia expressed that she was being dismissed even though she
held the lead role on her team. She shared, “They just ignored me in the sense that, ‘I don’t hear
you,’ but they represented my input as their own. So, even though I knew the information, I
literally just acted very ignorant.” Jae also shared a similar phenomenon as she withheld her
knowledge in the workplace in protest of poor treatment, “One minute I can play the smart one,
and then the next minute I gotta revert back to being the dumb one … sometimes you just gotta
be the dumb nigger.”
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In Finding 2, the interviewees’ experiences suggested an inability to be one’s authentic
self in the work center. Ideas centered on aligning with White standards to succeed suggested an
ever-evolving struggle for AAs with a disability. Participants felt a requirement to shift
themselves, attempting to access an ableist society while setting aside their own culture to
ascribe to White American culture in hopes of succeeding.
Finding 3: AAs With a Disability Find Disability Disclosure to Be More Harmful Than
Good
Several interview participants disclosed their reasoning to or not to disclose their
disability. While Brian and Lizabeth openly expressed that they conveyed their disability on their
curriculum vitae, all other participants shared experiences that suggested that disclosure led to
mixed outcomes. Natalia, who no longer disclosed her non-observable disability, chose to
disclose her disability status with her previous employer when her condition began to impact her
work duties:
I found those who I thought, especially employers, would be more supportive, actually
tried to be vindictive and get me fired. They would take the information that I shared and
on purpose, provide blocks and barriers for me to achieve my work or to move up. I will
say it was extremely hurtful.
Natalia shared this experience as she fought back the tears. Jae, who, like Natalia, only disclosed
her disability when her condition “flared,” expressed, “Without even giving them an actual
diagnosis, I still feel labeled.” Durre shared, “But I feel like sometimes they kind of are trying to
force you to disclose things that you don’t legally have to.” She also chose not to disclose her
condition although she felt pressure in her work environment to do so.
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Vinny discontinued disclosing his condition in totality. After a coworker revealed his
disability, it caused an onslaught of trouble for him, stating, “A colleague, who I don’t know
how, got the information about what medication I was on, and she actually told it to the
students.” After this incident, Vinny was gaslighted into believing that it was “no big deal” and
that he was being “extra sensitive.” Gaslighting continued with responses from his supervisor
like, “Are you sure you took your meds this morning?” and “Do you need a mental health day?”
any time Vinny made requests to use his sick days. Due to this experience, Vinny shared, “The
job that I’m taking, I will not disclose to them because I have this fear that if I disclose this
information, every action I take is going to be tied to me being bipolar.”
The interview insights provided by each participant demonstrated the hesitation of
qualified AAs with a disability to disclose their disability within reason. Central to this topic,
multiple participants highlighted mixed feelings surrounding their disability and their coworkers’
awareness and response to the disability. Table 5 shows four out of seven participants’
experiences in which consensual or nonconsensual disclosure affected the holder of the
disability.
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Table 5
Descriptive on Consensual and Nonconsensual Disability Disclosure
Consensual and Nonconsensual Disability Disclosure—The Aftermath
Vinny Is this a coordinated attack? Like, what’s happening in rooms that I’m not in? Once
legal counsel got involved and once the provost got involved like it had gotten so far
out of hand like … it’s like not only discrimination happening, this is illegal.
Durre I feel like I’m not even privy to the conversations, but you just know
what’s happening.
Jae I walk down the hallway and hear conversations. I step into the door … people will
just disappear.
Natalia It was a higher education Dean. That was very shocking … he’s like laughing or
joking, but he didn’t even know that I knew the information he shared with
someone about me.” A coworker shared, “Hey? I’m gonna let you know this
inside information. I know this about you. This is what’s going on behind doors.
This is what this person is sending up and saying, trying to do stuff to manipulate.
Finding 3 found that some participants disclosed their disability to their employers and
colleagues, while others chose not to. Moreover, when some PWDs shared their disability status,
their status did not remain protected by those with whom the information was shared. Those who
withheld their disability status were stripped of the ability to control their narrative by employers
and coworkers who divulged their status without consent. Lastly, participants were pressured by
their employers and coworkers to discuss the details of their disability and were often met with
contempt in the workplace when their disability was learned. As presented in Table 4, these
events demonstrated organizational cultures that were seemingly permitting behaviors that were
not conducive to an inclusive work environment.
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Summary of Findings for Research Question 1
Research Question 1 focused on the perceptions of AAs as they experience the
employment cycle. The findings unearthed three key findings influencing their employment
experiences:
1. AAs with a disability grapple with identification interplay throughout the
employment cycle.
2. AAs with a disability are bound by constraints and compromises of self within the
employment cycle.
3. AAs with a disability find disability disclosure to be more harmful than good.
Unpacking each finding provided rich, thick descriptions exploring their lived
experiences as AAs traversing the employment cycle while holding multiple marginalized
identities. Finding 3 revealed that some participants disclosed their disability to their employers
and colleagues, while others chose not to. Moreover, when some PWDs shared their disability
status, their status did not remain protected by those with whom the information was shared.
Those who withheld their disability status were stripped of the ability to control their narrative
by employers and coworkers who divulged their status without consent. Lastly, participants were
pressured by their employers and coworkers to discuss the details of their disability and were
often met with contempt in the workplace when their disability was learned. As presented in
Table 4, these events demonstrated organizational cultures that were seemingly permitting
behaviors that were not conducive to an inclusive work environment.
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Research Question 2: What Specific Employment Barriers Face AAs With Disabilities,
Both Observable and Unobservable?
The second research question explored the specific employment barriers facing AAs with
disabilities. Questions such as, “Given your identities, what have been some of the challenges
that you have faced, if any, in your employment experiences?”, “What limiting factors, if any, do
you think your disability presents that make you ineligible for employment opportunities?”, and
“What has been your experience with regards to obtaining employment accommodations?” were
asked to launch a discussion that led to two key findings emerging:
1. AAs with a disability encounter mixed outcomes related to employability and
compensation negotiations in the employment cycle.
2. AAs with a disability navigate accommodation requests with caution.
Below, these findings will be conceptualized, leveraging participant phenomenon to gain a
deeper understanding of their lived experience throughout the employment process.
Finding 1: AAs With a Disability Encounter Mixed Outcomes As It Relates to
Employability and Compensation Negotiations in the Employment Cycle
Interview participants shared their experiences relating to the barriers faced throughout
the employment process. Durre shared that she underestimated her pay during her job interview.
She explained that with little experience and a newly acquired certification, she assumed she had
little to no chance of being hired. So, she requested a “safe” salary. To her surprise, the employer
offered her a higher salary than she had imagined. In contrast, Dan lamented that he found the
recruitment and interviewing process a “struggle” as he felt some employers included additional
interviewing examinations due to his disability rendering him ineligible. Brian shared a similar
experience as he believed “they took advantage of my disability to bring me down.”
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Jae, a union steward, had a notable experience post-hiring regarding her pay. While she
was not concerned about employment:
When it comes to my pay, I think it has to do more with the disability. They feel that I’m
not finishing my work according to them and therefore I don’t deserve the same pay; it
doesn’t make sense because the work is done. I have come to the conclusion that they’re
not gonna fix it … I feel that I should get paid compared to many other people that I
know are getting paid higher than me, it’s disappointing.
Jae and Vinny shared that their current and previous roles would not allow for upward mobility.
Jae’s thoughts centered on being “good enough” and shared:
You’re always having to show whether you’re good enough. They say, “today she looks
good, but will she be able to maintain it tomorrow.” So, there’s always that question of
you know moving up and management. I tried to interview, but after getting so many
“noes” I kind of just gave up. Within my group, I’m probably the second most educated
individual there and the one with the most experience, and they would hire a rookie as a
manager before they hire me.
Jae planned to exit her current position after completing her PhD as she receives job offers
regularly.
Similarly, Vinny shared, “There’s a concern that I can’t rise to leadership because I may
not have the stability to do so and I’m not going to fight that battle as I’ve done enough to prove
that I can.” Neither Vinny nor Natalia were concerned about employment. They did not express
any barriers impacting their employability. Their employment outlook was quite similar as they
both expressed their qualifications during this question. Vinny held two doctoral degrees and was
tenured. Despite his misgivings at his previous university, he has recently taken a position at
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another university. Likewise, at the pinnacle of her work-related issues, Natalia, who held an
MBA and was a successful entrepreneur and author, chose to take a position at another
university.
While the interview participants shared diverse perspectives relating to their experiences
throughout the employment process, each interviewee’s access to employment opportunities
seemed to be available, and compensation discussions seemed to be situational. The topic of
interest was seemingly related to barriers to advancement into leadership positions. As shared by
participants, while all holding advanced degrees and experience, growth opportunities were met
with resistance, labeling some of the participants as “unstable.” In contrast, others were left with
no explanation for why they were not being selected for advancement into leadership positions.
Finding 2: AAs With a Disability Navigate Accommodation Requests With Caution
Interview participants discussed their encounters with employers when discussing
accommodations. They also shared the perceptions of their coworkers relating to workplace
accommodations. Dan shared that accommodations were the main concern for him over race.
While he experienced marginalization, the occurrences seemed to center on his disability. He
continued his thought, expressing, “Some employers can’t provide the right working conditions.”
Jae shared that she reluctantly shared her disability for accommodations:
They make me jump a lot of hoops to try to get a reasonable accommodation…the
coworkers still look at my desk area and say, “oh, you have a nice little chair or stand-up
desk.” It makes me feel like I don’t even deserve it … like I am cheating the system
because of what they say.
Vinny shared a similar occurrence regarding his accommodations in his previous job,
stating, “One of my colleagues told me they were like, ‘Well, I’m gonna go to my psychiatrist,
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too, and get a diagnosis so I can have accommodations.’” Natalia expressed that
accommodations were not hard for her to attain. She credited this ease to the fact that her current
organizational leader possessed a disability and had the requisite knowledge about disability and
workplace accommodations. Durre and Lizabeth similarly stated that they had not encountered
issues when requesting accommodations. However, Lizabeth did share that she had trouble with
accessibility. In the past, she had been unable to access her place of employment, nor was she
able to move freely about her workplace in a wheelchair.
From this inquiry, the interviewees highlighted no issues with obtaining
accommodations. Their experience with the process may have been met with additional steps,
“hoops,” but accommodations were provided. Several interviewees stated that the comments
they received from coworkers about using accommodations in the workplace were a significant
issue. These comments led them to navigate accommodation requests with caution.
Summary of Findings for Research Question 2
Research Question 2 unveiled that while African Americans with disabilities faced some
specific employment barriers, this was not wholly the case. Finding 1, AAs with a disability
encounter mixed outcomes related to employability and compensation negotiations within the
employment cycle. The second finding, AAs with a disability navigate accommodation requests
with caution, revealed that accommodation attainment was not a significant factor. However, the
unsolicited comments from coworkers influenced PWDs’ feelings surrounding the use of
accommodations. There seemed to be a few barriers noted that prevented some participants from
obtaining employment, like the recruitment and interview process. However, barriers to
advancement were most pronounced throughout the interview process. Despite qualifications,
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promotion into leadership positions did not seem like it was in the future for the participants who
sought these positions.
Research Question 3: What Critical Factors Contribute to the Success of AAs With
Disabilities in Attaining and Sustaining Employment?
The third research question sought to explore the critical factors that contributed to the
success of AAs with disabilities in attaining and sustaining employment. Key questions asked to
elicit deep responses included, “What critical factors have contributed to your success in
attaining and sustaining employment?”, “How have your strengths developed and supported you
throughout the employment experience?”, and “What support services, if any, have you received
in the employment process?” In doing so, three key findings influencing their employment
experiences were:
1. AAs with a disability who have support can better navigate the employment cycle.
2. AAs with a disability possess self-awareness regarding the strength in their abilities.
3. AAs with a disability are motivated to remain employed due to the fulfillment of their
job.
The discussions below contextualize the findings, leveraging participant phenomenon to gain a
deeper understanding of their lived experience throughout the employment process.
Finding 1: AAs With a Disability Who Have Support Can Better Navigate the Employment
Cycle
Interview participants provided insight regarding support and its influence on their ability
to attain and sustain employment. Regarding support services, Durre, a U.S. Veteran, shared that
she used a female veteran organization to achieve employment. While in the military, she
accessed mental health services and continues to do so through the Veterans Affairs hospital with
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the support of her organizational leadership, who permitted her time off to take her medical
appointments. Durre expressed her satisfaction with her current leadership and work center
support:
Having personable and supportive leadership, you know, that can sympathize like, “No, I
don’t know everything that’s going on with you, but you know we’ll accommodate” is
refreshing … having other veterans in the workplace. And, you know, employee resource
groups, like the Black employee network, the veterans’ group really does help.
Jae also shared that she used mental health services provided by her employer to support
her disability. Furthermore, Natalia leveraged post-graduate job services for PWDs to obtain her
first career-centered job. Brian exclaimed that his previous employer provided medical care that
provided weekly checkups and a medical aid to support his needs. However, he stopped
receiving these benefits when the bank management changed. Brian also used the help of his
support system, friends, to assist in his caretaking, specifically while unemployed. Dan and
Lizabeth shared that they have used transportation services to get to and from work without
issue.
Vinny, who had received support services since 1998, credited his ability to attain and
sustain employment to his family and his high school. When he had his first manic episode,
instead of calling the police, the school contacted the crisis unit. With their intervention, Vinny
explained that he had been in continuous therapy where he had substantial resources and coping
strategies in place. Additionally, he has had coworkers and classmates who had intervened when
they noticed a change in his behavior. However, when using his coping strategies in the
workplace, he encountered a coworker who made a lame remark after watching him prepare for a
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conference. The coworker stated, “I sure wish I was in special ed when I was younger,”
undermining the personal efforts of Vinny, who was never assigned to Special Education.
The participant’s insights were that varying support services could yield positive
outcomes in one’s life. Access to early school intervention services and employment,
transportation, and medical services aided the participants in their abilities to work. Lastly, these
support services and the support of friends, family, and coworkers provided multi-layers of
protection for the participants. Reasonable consideration is that support is necessary to assist
AAs with a disability throughout the employment cycle.
Finding 2: AAs With a Disability Possess Self-Awareness Regarding the Strength in Their
Abilities
The interview participants provided insights that highlighted self-awareness as a critical
strength they possessed throughout their employment experience. Dan shared that he had a
positive attitude and strong interpersonal skills. He also challenged himself, “I put strategies in
place to get the job done to break the stereotype about my race or disability.” Like Dan, Lizabeth
also shared that her crucial strength was her perseverance and desire to conquer stereotypes to
secure and sustain employment. Unlike Dan and Lizabeth, Vinny took a dimmer position on his
strength as in his previous role; he felt like he was “just trying to survive” as if proclaiming
strength in survival given his experiences as being seen as a “threat,” “unhinged,” and such.
While quite sure of his professional abilities, Vinny expressed defeatism as an AA with a
disability, “The game is slanted against us, and even when we can overcome hurdles on the other
side of that hurdle is a brick wall that you have to climb, and you’ve already run 100 meters. I
swear I laugh to avoid crying.”
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Natalia expressed that her strengths came from her faith and watching her blind father
traverse the world with success. She explained that she had developed through trials and by
learning through the experiences of others, explaining, “I do not have to fall into a pit to know
that there’s a hole.” She took what she could from others and sifted out what she needed. She
credited this behavior with helping her be more confident at work. Finally, she realized the
strength in her voice, stating, “When I shared my voice, someone listened. That even
strengthened me enough to continue to speak up for myself and others.” While this self-
awareness drew upon individual strength as AAs with a disability navigated the employment
cycle, their passion for their work did not go unnoticed.
Finding 3: AAs With a Disability Are Motivated to Remain Employed Due to the
Fulfillment of Their Job
Interview participants expressed their fulfillment with the jobs they have held or currently
hold. These experiences demonstrated why they remained motivated even when obstacles
occurred. Brian, unemployed, expressed his satisfaction with his previous job working as a
cashier. Although not in his dream career field of accounting, Brian found that daily interactions
with others kept him going; he felt value when working and gained experience. Natalia, who
worked at an administrative level, shared the sense of worth she felt after [finally] having her
work admired and used. She also expressed her satisfaction with the equity, access, trust, and
support her current career field offered. Lizabeth, currently unemployed, loved working in
education and shared that she was “taking online classes to stay current” while she sought
employment. Vinny taught a predominately AA student populace and shared:
I get to teach all the students who basically people say can’t compete elsewhere. And I
get to teach them and learn from them, and all the way that their lives are just different.
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It’s not that they can’t compete; it’s literally that they don’t have the opportunities to do
so.
Jae also exclaimed, “I love working with my clients. They are what keeps me going, hearing
their stories. It’s a new person every day, you know, and you have new mental issues every day,
a challenge … some of my coworkers are fun too.” Durre shared that she felt really valued in her
workplace, knowing that “My coworkers, leadership, and clients are happy to have me.” Table 6
provides anecdotal evidence of instances in which the interviewees’ strengths have overturned
others’ perceptions of them in the workplace.
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Table 6
Breaking Stereotypes: Stories From the Workplace
Q14. Could you provide an instance in which your strengths broke the stereotype centered on
your race, gender, and abilities and how that experience overturned others’ perceptions of you in
the workplace?
Durre Well, I have a particular coworker in this workplace. We worked a few days in person
and a few days teleworking. So, I’d only met this coworker like over Zoom or over
WebEx, and I feel like he was kind of coming at me, in a condescending way. Like,
he reached out, and he was like, ‘Hey, you need to schedule some training with me’
and I’m like who is this guy? I reached out to a supervisor, and they’re like, ‘Oh, he
just got here like a month ago,’ and I’m like what’s with him? So, I asked the other
new people if he reached out to them, and they all said no. I’m like, why is he telling
me I need to do training with him like he just got here. He doesn’t know what he’s
doing himself. At this point he’s kind of harassing me so I reach out to a supervisor
and they’re like, ‘Oh, that’s just Mark; he’s just weird like that.’ I responded no and
that I felt like he’s being weird towards me because I’m Black, maybe because I’m
younger, because I’m a woman, because he’s not doing this to all the other trainees.
But now, we’ve been working together for about three months now, and he reached
out to me yesterday, and he was like, ‘Hey? I wanted to say that I like working with
you. You’re a great addition to the team; you know, you’re smart. You really know
your stuff and it is great to have you here.’ But, like I felt like that guy was
particularly mistreating me, not knowing me or what I knew. He treated me like I was
beneath him. But then he really realized, ‘Oh she knows a lot more than I do.’
Natalia I’ll go back to my health department experience … Finally, I shared with them what
was going on … and then things went awry. It shifted in a way that unfortunately
even the director who found out about some of these things or work which was being
a little manipulative, was just astonished that I just kept rising.
Lizabeth Yeah, one time I was working on a contract; I was feeling great. I got the job over
others. I felt I overcame the barriers of a Black woman with a disability.
Dan Completing tasks that people think I can’t achieve shows my disability does not
limit me. I put strategies in place to get the job done to break the stereotype about
my race or disability.
Summary of Findings for Research Question 3
Research Question 3 presented three findings regarding the critical factors that
contributed to the success of AAs with disabilities in attaining and sustaining employment.
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Finding 1 uncovered that interview participants’ needs were varied, but based upon the need,
they suggested that they were able to acquire support services that aided them in attaining and
sustaining employment. Additionally, support from family, coworkers, and friends were critical
in their employment success. While assumption-based encounters could not be overlooked, AA
PWDs’ self-awareness outweighed these suppositions. Finding 2 revealed that AAs with a
disability possessed self-awareness regarding the strength in their abilities, highlighting the
mindset of AAs regarding their abilities to get the job done despite others’ perceptions of their
disability. Lastly, Finding 3 unveiled that AAs with a disability are motivated to remain
employed due to the fulfillment of their job. Participants alluded to the idea of wonder found in
employment when one can do what they enjoy, working with those who spark joy, feeling the
value of being a contributing member in a work center, which was unrivaled.
Summary
This chapter provided an overview of the findings that supported the three research
questions for this study. It shared the experiences of seven AA men and women with a disability
to examine the erection of implicit and explicit barriers to employment. The participants’
narratives highlighted the complexities of having a disability while being African American,
irrespective of gender, and the projection of ineffectiveness at times levied against these bodies.
Countering this narrative, the interviewees shared their strength of self-awareness and support in
navigating employment to better manage the impact of disability while dealing with the
consequences of being an African American with a disability. This study generated eight key
findings that identified the complexities surrounding the possession of multi-dimensional bodies
as they traversed the employment cycle. Table 7 summarizes the eight key findings of this study.
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Table 7
Key Findings: Barriers to Employment for AAs With a Disability
Barriers to employment for AAs with a disability: Key findings
RQ 1: How do African
Americans with
disabilities perceive
their employment
experiences?
RQ 2: What specific
employment barriers
face African Americans
with disabilities, both
observable and
unobservable?
RQ 3: What critical
factors contribute to the
success of African
Americans with
disabilities in attaining
and sustaining
employment?
Key finding 1 AAs with a disability
grapple with
identification interplay
throughout the
employment cycle
AAs with a disability
encounter mixed
outcomes as it relates to
employability and
compensation
negotiations in the
employment cycle
AAs with a disability who
have support can better
navigate the
employment cycle
Key finding 2 AAs with a disability are
bound by constraints
and compromises of
self within the
employment cycle
AAs with a disability
navigate
accommodation
requests with caution
AAs with a disability
possess self-awareness
regarding the strength
in their abilities
Key finding 3 AAs with a disability find
disability disclosure to
be more harmful than
good
AAs with a disability are
motivated to remain
employed due to the
fulfillment of their job
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Chapter Five: Recommendations
This study examined the barriers to employment, the interplay of identity, and how
employment success was obtained despite the influences that impact African Americans (AAs)
with a disability. This study leveraged critical disability studies (CDS) to explore phenomena
engendered by social constructionism and intersectionality. The following research questions
(RQ) supported this study:
1. How do African Americans with disabilities perceive their employment experiences?
2. What specific employment barriers face African Americans with disabilities, both
observable and unobservable?
3. What critical factors contribute to the success of African Americans with disabilities
in attaining and sustaining employment?
This chapter discusses recommendations to support the findings identified in Chapter
Four. The recommendations below were underpinned by scholarly literature centered on the
theoretical framework for this study.
Discussion of Findings
This section discusses findings from the research questions derived from the reflective
self-analysis elicited by each study participant during the interview process. Overall, each
finding divulged a connection to CDS, recognizing the friction amongst intersecting identities
and the power in the social construction of realities based on human knowledge and its impact on
those who do not meet the established normative (Goodley et al., 2019; Rexhepia, 2011). Below,
each finding is detailed in how it connects to the scholarly literature and theoretical framework.
Table 8 provides a summarization of the study outcomes.
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Research Question 1: How Do AAs With Disabilities Perceive Their Employment
Experiences?
The participants’ shared identities unveiled the complexities of navigating the
employment cycle while holding multilayered, minoritized identities. Intersectionality addressed
many insights, namely, how the distinct differences in identity impacted the lived experiences
between persons of color and White persons (Cho et al., 2013).
Finding 1: AAs With a Disability Grapple With Identification Interplay Throughout the
Employment Cycle
Intersectionality is centered on how marginalized identities interact and how the
composition of these identities impact social outcomes (Cho et al., 2013; Crenshaw, 1991). The
participants in this study revealed a conundrum as they found themselves dealing with workplace
matters (police presence, unsubstantiated claims, etc.), sometimes unsure which identity was
under scrutiny. The frequency in which several of the participants identified these negative
encounters suggested the possibility of workplace harassment. The Americans with Disabilities
Act (ADA) of 1990 addresses civil rights laws that prohibit discriminatory practices against
PWDs, ensuring that those classified as disabled are afforded the same rights and opportunities
as those not classified as disabled (ADA Network, 2021). The Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits
discriminatory practices against individual subordinate identities, not including disabilities.
Nevertheless, marginalized groups continue to experience prejudicial practices related to sex,
gender, housing, abilities, and healthcare (Bratter & Gorman, 2011). Shaw et al. (2011) found
that the combined effect of membership in multiple marginalized groups makes claims of
harassment difficult, given there are no legal means of addressing an event as a multidimensional
claimant. Each claim is reliant upon a single factor based on protected categories. Because of
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this, participants expressed the difficulties of the complaint process due to their multi-layered
identity. Despite this, some participants leaned into the complaint process while others gave up.
As a result of this identification interplay, several participants deliberately shifted from their true
selves, adopting a persona to retrofit into their workplace. Finding 2 further discusses the
constraints and compromises made to adjust to sociocultural norms throughout the employment
cycle.
Finding 2: AAs With a Disability Are Bound by Constraints and Compromises of Self Within
the Employment Cycle
Participants discussed the felt need to assimilate to traverse the employment cycle to
dilute stereotypes like the “mad black woman,” “Oreo,” being “too much,” and tokenism.
Assimilation is negotiating one’s identity to conform to the sociocultural norms in a setting. In
this study, participants expressed the need to conform to White sociocultural norms in the
workplace. Cohen and Avanzino (2010) suggested that while PWDs have become more visible,
the reason why they choose assimilation is to partake in the dominant society (for this study, the
“dominant society” is White, non-disabled persons). Cohen and Avanzino (2010) found that
PWDs seemed to assimilate until they could no longer hide their disability and continued this
cycle throughout various employment experiences. In this study, participants who attempted to
assimilate shared the negative stereotypes encountered that induced this felt need to do so.
Kilgore et al. (2020) posited that AA women experienced multiple instances of
discrimination simultaneously. Additionally, Kilgore et al. suggested that the gendered racial
microaggression, “angry black woman,” filtered into the concept of being “too much.” This
stereotype is centered on being “too loud” or “too angry” when speaking, “policing the tongue”
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as the modulation in voice and disagreeing with an idea, projected this stereotype onto AA
women specifically by White female colleagues (Kilgore et al., 2020).
Additionally, the stereotype “Oreo” is used as a metaphor for Black people who aspire to
be White as they feel White on the inside (Hapsari & Soelistyarini, 2015). One participant
discussed being in an unspoken competition with other AA persons as to who can ascertain the
ideal “Oreo” identity in the workplace, seeking validation and acceptance by their White
counterparts. Other participants struggled with the idea of being the “token black.” Tokenism,
relating to employment, is a malicious compliance effort that attempts to diversify the workforce
by heightening the visibility of underrepresented groups (Stroshine & Brandl, 2011). Stroshine
and Brandl (2011) found that minority females experienced the highest levels of tokenism and
that minority males believed that they received fewer opportunities than their White counterparts
despite encountering tokenism in the workplace. Additionally, Stroshine and Brandl suggested
that these instances of tokenism were likely because of polarization and assimilation. As stated
above, some PWDs hide their disability to assimilate. Finding 3 discusses the experiences of the
study participants with disability disclosure in the workplace.
Finding 3: AAs With a Disability Find Disability Disclosure to Be More Harmful Than Good
Most of the participants wrestled with disability disclosure in the workplace during this
study. Experiencing barriers in the workplace like labeling, stigmatization, and such, those who
were hesitant to share their status in the workplace only did so when they felt pressured into
doing so or needed accommodations. Marshall et al. (2020) suggested that PWDs feared adverse
actions in the workplace due to negative assumptions about disability. Furthermore, Marshall et
al. (2020) affirmed that even persons with an unobservable disability were unlikely to disclose as
they did not feel safe doing so. This fear of safety post disability disclosure is not obscure, as
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disclosure of disability has led to documented cases related to hostile workplace encounters for
PWDs (Bishop, 2002; Bishop & Chiu, 2011; McKinney, 2013; McKinney & Swartz, 2021;
Wilton, 2006;).
As this study’s participants affirmed, the issue of the disability is not only [at times] an
internal struggle for the possessor of the disability but a continuous external struggle when
traversing the employment cycle. Dispenza et al. (2018) examined the effects of disability and
sexual orientation disclosure during employment interviews and found that while the applicants
were qualified, the study participants who examined the applications felt that the applicants
either overshared or posed a potential need for accommodations. Dispenza et al. concluded that
the study participants who examined the applications required a further evaluation of the
disability but would rather have an applicant just as qualified as all other applicants without the
potential for accommodations. This unspoken employer concern centered on accommodations
and not the candidate’s qualifications alluded to the suggestive attitude towards PWDs: “more
trouble than it is worth.”
Research Question 1 addressed how AAs with disabilities perceived their employment
experiences. In doing so, three findings emerged: AAs with a disability grappled with
identification interplay throughout the employment cycle, AAs with a disability find disability
disclosure to be more harmful than good, and AAs with a disability are bound by constraints and
compromises of self within the employment cycle.
Research Question 1 revealed the complexity of holding multiple marginalized identities
and how each factor affects the whole, leading to compounded barriers in the employment cycle.
Additionally, because of social constructionism, study participants felt the need to assimilate to
White, ableist, hetero norms to set themselves apart from others, hoping to fit in and advance by
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doing so. Lastly, the need for accommodations is a source of concern for employers but is a more
significant concern for the PWD when the response of an accommodation request is met with
mixed responses. The following section addresses Research Question 2, detailing literature
centered on PWD employability, including compensation and accommodations.
Research Question 2: What Specific Employment Barriers Face AAs With Disabilities,
Both Observable and Unobservable?
Kaye et al. (2011) affirmed that PWDs desire to work but face barriers to employment,
leading to dismal employment rates. Moreover, African Americans are out earned and employed
less than their White counterparts (Kreisman & Rangel, 2015). Discriminatory employment
practices affect AA men while AA women with a disability face income disparity and promotion
bias (Couch & Fairlie, 2010; Miles, 2019). Compounding these consequences for possessing
multiple minoritized identities, the following findings expound on the literature that supports
these concerns.
Finding 1: AAs With a Disability Encounter Mixed Outcomes As It Relates to Employability
and Compensation
Overall, participants expressed few issues related to being employed. However, when
concerns were shared, they were centered on recruitment, the interview process, and
advancement into leadership positions. Araten-Bergman (2016) suggested that hiring managers’
intentions to support the integration of a PWD into the workplace do not often translate into their
actual hiring practices. Additionally, Iwanaga et al. (2021) suggested that while disability
inclusion policies existed in many organizations and included race and gender, they may not
have explicit guidance on the inclusion of PWDs. Further, Iwanaga et al. (2021) found that
recruitment was limited for PWDs due to the lack of knowledge of the recruiter and employer,
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the perception that there is a limited pool of qualified applicants, and the negative attitudes of
coworkers regarding disability.
Recognizing the competitive advantage a diverse workforce has the potential to provide,
recruiters insert diversity cues to intentionally attract AA job seekers (Walker et al., 2012).
Regarding interviews, employers preferred applicants who did not pose the potential need for
accommodations and [sometimes] required supplemental interviews to assess the disability of
candidates (Dispenza et al., 2018). Additionally, Watson et al. (2011) found that pre-interview
discrimination impacted AAs, precluding qualified AA persons from the interview process for
factors such as possessing a “black” name, preferring AAs with Anglicized names that would
assimilate to coalesce with the customer base more effectively for a given organization
(Kirschenman & Neckerman, 1991; Watson et al., 2011). Furthermore, study participants found
it challenging to navigate advancement into leadership positions after onboarding. Galinsky et al.
(2013) examined the implications for leadership selection and found that AAs were more likely
to be selected for masculine leadership roles than their White and Asian counterparts. For AAs
with a disability, this is less likely as PWDs are often overlooked for leadership selection as there
is little urgency to address the lack of representation at this level across organizations (Samosh et
al., 2021).
Lastly, compensation singularly based on gender and race still poses issues to date with
the standing pay gap for each (Rose & Hartmann, 2018; Salter et al., 2020). Persons with a
disability are often paid less than non-disabled persons due to persistent stereotypes despite
comparable qualifications (Shantz et al., 2018). Furthermore, of AAs, AA women received
lower-paying jobs and wages compared to their White counterparts despite achieving higher
levels of education (Loubert, 2012). This finding presented several conundrums for AA PWDs,
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suggesting that employers want some but not all the makings of the individual. The complexity
of living as an AA with a disability proves possible, but not without significant challenges. The
following finding examined literature centered on accommodation for PWDs and the associated
outcomes.
Finding 2: AAs With a Disability Navigate Accommodation Requests With Caution
Study participants disclosed that their experiences regarding accommodation requests
included responses that deterred them from making future requests or made them feel
uncomfortable using the accommodations required to work. Under ADA, employers must
provide accommodations within reason for employed PWD (Shaw et al., 2012). However,
Dispenza et al. (2018) examined disability and sexual orientation employment disclosure and
found that participants identified that they would not hire candidates due to not only too much
personal disclosure but because of the potential of having to provide disability accommodations.
Kaye et al. (2011) examined disability disclosure and its impact on accommodation requests and
received mixed responses as persons with an unobservable disability believed disclosure made it
easier to receive accommodations. Additionally, Jans et al. found that persons with observable
disabilities felt that they would not receive a job if they disclosed upfront and chose to wait until
hired to disclose to request the accommodations required to perform their jobs.
These findings align with the feedback from study participants who cautioned against
requesting accommodations, especially before being hired. When hiring a PWD, unique matters
exist. Once a hiring authority chooses to employ a PWD, they accept the accommodations
required that permit the disabled employee to fulfill their work roles. The need for
accommodations should not bring about an onslaught of negative self-perceptions, emotional
distress, or self-induced pressure to perform (Brown et al., 2018). Accommodations are essential
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for including a PWD in the workplace (Vornholt et al., 2017). The need to take caution when
requesting accommodations due to unspoken organizational concerns does not enable the hired
PWD to perform to standard, nor does it allow for the full integration of PWDs into the
workplace (Kaye et al., 2011; Vornholt et al., 2018).
Research Question 2 addressed the specific employment barriers AAs with disabilities
face, both observable and unobservable. In exploring this research question, two findings were
unearthed that disclosed the complexities of employment-related to recruitment, interviewing,
and advancement into leadership roles. The study found a strong correlation between disability
and race when navigating these milestones in employment. Additionally, the study found that
disability disclosure is like double jeopardy. If the PWD does not divulge their status prior to
hiring, after employment, when it is shared, the PWD can be met with stigmatization and
alienation. Additionally, once disability status is disclosed, accommodation requests do not
become any less easy to receive as coworkers and employers may have negative perceptions
surrounding not only the disability, but the use of accommodations. While these specific barriers
exist within the employment cycle, some factors support the journey of an AA PWD as they
attempt to attain and sustain employment. Research Question 3 explored this topic with literature
that underpins each finding.
Research Question 3: What Critical Factors Contribute to the Success of AAs With
Disabilities in Attaining and Sustaining Employment?
The integration of PWDs into the workplace is dynamic as attitudes from coworkers and
employers surrounding PWDs can be positive or negative, leading to the inclusion or exclusion
of a PWD in the workplace (Vornholt et al., 2018). Despite this and other employment inhibitors,
study participants expressed how they have found success within the employment cycle and the
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critical factors that supported them. The following findings provide insight into the AA PWD
blueprint for success.
Finding 1: AAs With a Disability Who Have Support Can Better Navigate the Employment
Cycle
Baumgärtner et al. (2014) suggested that social support was an essential component of
employment success and that when PWDs have social support access internally and externally to
the workplace, they are more likely to be productive and efficient. Gilson et al. (2018) examined
family perspectives on employment for adults with disabilities and found that while the
workplace and other formal support services are important, family support is critical. Gilson et
al. considered that the combination of familial and community support influenced the likelihood
of employment for a PWD, and that potential work should reflect inclusive (representation of
both PWDs and non-PWDs), individualized (work is congruent with interests), and interactive
(social engagement) opportunities. Warner et al. (2011) investigated the effects of interpersonal
social dynamics on older individuals with multiple disabilities and found that when PWDs
harbored low self-efficacy in the workplace, internal social support proved effective when
improving their autonomy, thus increasing their self-efficacy. The study also found that when
PWDs already possessed high self-efficacy with appropriate internal resources, additional social
support impeded their high self-efficacy (Warner et al., 2011). One could conclude the need for
organizational balance when addressing PWDs and their ability to accomplish work functions
grounding the need for social support in the evidence and not assumptions.
Salami et al. (2021) suggested that AA college students worried about the adverse effects
of microaggressions in future employment and found that social support buffered the effects of
microaggressions for low-achieving students but left high-achieving AA students vulnerable to
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isolation and academic pressure. Even more, Liao et al. (2016) found that a strong connection
among the individual’s ethnic group assisted in minimizing the negative relationship between
racial microaggressions and worry among AA college students regarding future employment.
Davidson et al. (2010) found that AA women benefited from access to formal (workplace,
business, financial) and informal (familial) support and noted family as the vital source of
emotional support. Rudel et al. (2021) suggested that AA men who occupied leadership positions
lacked support and required increased organizational support to combat stress, psychological
risk, and the prohibition of integrating into the workplace culture. Support for the AA male
leader is necessary as they are underrepresented and underpaid than their White counterparts
internal and external to the organization (Obradovic, 2018). Alternatively, for AA men who
remain in low economic status, social support exists in gang affiliation, which provides little
advantage towards positive social support or upward mobility (Young, 2021).
These findings are consistent with the feedback received by interviewees. While
experiences were seemingly challenging, having internal social support and external familial
support improved the AA PWD’s ability to find resources and other support to manage their
disability and the effects of external encounters that negatively impact them. The following
finding examines literature centered on the self-awareness of AA PWDs.
Finding 2: AAs With a Disability Possess Self-Awareness Regarding the Strength in Their
Abilities
Yan et al. (2019) found that AA women with a disability (breast cancer) relied on their
family, culture, identity, and spirituality to address their strengths. Yan et al. (2019) found that
AA women with a disability identified their family as the nucleus of their strength and believed
that being AA and being a woman was synonymous with health, expressing that possessing these
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identities was a strength within themselves. Furthermore, Yan et al. found that AA women with a
disability believed their strength was derived from [G]od, the ultimate decision-maker,
concluding that their cancer was no coincidence but a part of their testimony. Similarly, AA men
who sought strength while persisting in Engineering graduate programs found that they drew
their strength from family, spiritual and faith-based communities, and school social support
enabled their ability to adapt to their strength (Burt et al., 2019).
Lastly, regarding intervention support, Toglia (2011) affirmed that one of the most vital
factors for occupational performance is self-awareness, as it supports a PWD’s self-competence.
Temizkan et al. (2022) examined vocational rehabilitation programs and found that those who
provided group-based intervention regarding occupational self-awareness also increased
occupational self-competence. This finding suggested that group-based support enabled PWDs to
consider their strengths and weaknesses and devise strategies to levy their strengths in the
workplace.
The findings in the literature are consistent with the interviewees’ insights. Several
interviewees found solace in their family and friends for support, reinforcing the idea that their
family was the primary source of their strength. Additionally, as in the literature, for AAs,
nothing was possible without the support of their [G]od and what occurred in their lives was
seemingly a part of divine order. The use of external support services like vocational
rehabilitation provided PWDs with an opportunity to identify or develop the self-awareness
necessary to navigate the employment cycle. The following finding highlights the motivation
held by AAs with a disability throughout the employment cycle.
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Finding 3: AAs With a Disability Are Motivated to Remain Employed Due to the Fulfillment
of Their Job
Work is a considerable part of many people’s lives, yet AAs are less satisfied with their
job than their White counterparts (Mukerjee, 2014). Farinde-Wu & Fitchett (2018) examined AA
female teachers and job satisfaction and found that job satisfaction relates to retention and is
positively correlated to student achievement. Farinde-Wu & Fitchett’s (2018) findings suggest
that AA female teachers have the highest job satisfaction when working in urban, non-chartered
schools that provide support and an organizational climate committed to teaching. While
examining AA male correctional officers, Lambert et al. (2016) found that AA men had lower
job satisfaction than their White counterparts. However, when permitted to provide input into
decision making, clear and concise information was shared, and administrative support was
provided; these all led members to feel a sense of value leading to lower stress and higher job
satisfaction (Lambert et al., 2016).
Akkerman et al. (2018) examined the job satisfaction of people with intellectual
disabilities and determined that fulfilling needs (autonomy, competence, and relatedness) were a
key indicator of job satisfaction. Akkerman et al. (2018) also found that the characteristics of
one’s personality and job satisfaction are contingent upon the type of work, work environment,
and so forth. Additionally, Akkerman et al. (2018) suggested that age was an essential factor as
older employees with intellectual disabilities were less likely to have many requirements
assigned to them, making the held job a better fit for them due to a lack of demand. Moreover,
Sundar et al. (2019) found that job satisfaction may be influenced by personal and organizational
factors irrespective of coworker attitudes, including educational attainment, perceptions
surrounding pay, and supervisor attitudes as all associated with job satisfaction.
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The literature supports this study’s finding that AAs with a disability are motivated to
remain employed due to the fulfillment of their job, as job fulfillment is highly dynamic and
contingent upon multiple factors influencing the individual’s perception and personal definition
of fulfillment. Addressing Research Question 3, the study found that support is not only
important as a candidate-to-employee, but it is vital as a source of strength for AAs with a
disability. The interrelatedness of professional and familial support, self-awareness, and job
fulfillment seemingly provided stability for AAs with a disability navigating the employment
cycle.
Recommendations for Practice
As shown in Table 8, this section discusses recommendations to support the findings
identified in Chapter Four. This section provides context to the following recommendations:
1. Advance AA PWDs into organizational leadership positions
2. Provide a persistent human capital investment through supervisors
3. Shift sociocultural norms on reasonable accommodation
4. Sustained access to employment support programs
The recommendations are underpinned by scholarly literature centered on the theoretical
framework for this study.
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Table 8
Table of Summary: RQs, Key Findings, and Recommendations
Key finding 1 Key finding 2 Key finding 3 Recommendation
RQ 1: How do
African
Americans with
disabilities
perceive their
employment
experiences?
AAs with a
disability
grapple with
identification
interplay
throughout the
employment
cycle
AAs with a
disability find
disability
disclosure to be
more harmful
than good
AAs with a
disability are
bound by
constraints and
compromises of
self within the
employment
cycle
Representation:
Advance and
sustain AA
PWDs in
organizational
leadership
positions
RQ 2: What
specific
employment
barriers face
African
Americans with
disabilities,
both observable
and
unobservable?
AAs with a
disability
encounter
mixed
outcomes as it
relates to
employability
and
compensation
AAs with a
disability
navigate
accessibility
and
accommodation
requests with
caution
Provide a
persistent
human capital
investment
through
supervisors
Shift sociocultural
norms on
reasonable
accommodation
RQ 3: What
critical factors
contribute to the
success of
African
Americans with
disabilities in
attaining and
sustaining
employment?
AAs with a
disability who
have support
can better
navigate the
employment
cycle
AAs with a
disability
possess self-
awareness
regarding the
strength in their
abilities
AAs with a
disability are
motivated to
remain
employed due
to the
fulfillment of
their job
Sustained access
to employment
support
programs
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Recommendation 1: Representation—Advance and Sustain AA PWDs in Organizational
Leadership Positions
This study found that AA PWDs faced issues with advancement in their work. AAs are
scarce among managers and executives within organizations, encountering little chance of
promotion compared to their White counterparts (Miller et al., 2010). Moreover, while research
suggested that AAs were more likely to be selected for masculine leadership roles than their
White and Asian counterparts, AA women and men, existing at the intersection of marginalized
race and gender, find themselves combatting explicit and implicit systemic exclusionary
practices for their race, compounding for AA females (Corneille, et al., 2019). AA PWDs are
less likely to advance into leadership roles as PWDs are often overlooked for leadership selection
(Galinsky et al., 2013; Samosh et al., 2021). The following additives contribute to the
advancement of AA PWDs into leadership positions.
Shift Organizational Perspective on Race, Gender, and Abilities
Organizational culture (OC) is a regulator that influences the norms and values that
employees enculturated to drive workplace performance (Shahzad et al., 2012; Triguero-Sanchez
et al., 2018). Sanders (2017) suggested that OC is assessed by its capacity to create greater
diversity and inclusion, understanding that the process takes effort, time, and imagination to
achieve sustainable results. A culturally responsive leadership can integrate disability-inclusive
practices into organizational diversity frameworks, considering the value-added aspect to aid in
the diminishing of the stigma that has kept disability off the “diversity radar” (Chan et al., 2010;
Gould et al., 2021). By deliberately infusing disability inclusion into the diversity framework,
integrating with gender, race, and other minoritized status, organizations can establish
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recruitment, retainment, and advancement strategies to successfully enhance AA PWD’s career
outcomes (Gould et al., 2021; Moore et al., 2017).
While diversity initiatives commonly include gender and race-related initiatives, there is
still a level of complexity that leaves AA men psychologically and socially at-risk and AA
women simultaneously subjected to racial prejudice and sexism ( Berrey, 2013; Boehm &
Dwertmann, 2015; Farinde et al., 2016; Rudel et al., 2021). Reconceptualizing leadership,
increasing AA PWD representation will take a multi-pronged approach, considering abilities,
gender, and race to continuously increase in areas of growth (AA male and female leaders) while
addressing organizational frameworks to highlight the inclusion of leaders with disabilities.
Accountability
A cultural facet of organizational culture to consider when undergoing organizational
change to shift organizational perspectives is accountability. Accountability includes standards
that hold employees responsible for their workplace behaviors which impact organizational
culture effectiveness (Flamholtz & Randle, 2012; Green, 2012; Pathiranage, 2019). Ontological
accountability is account-giving relationships that consist of interactions in various social
spheres and influences process production and governance between two or more relationship
sources (Dubnick, 2014). Considering ethical accountability, employers have a responsibility to
their employees to inform employees of organizational standards and expectations and protect
employees against behaviors incongruent with the organization’s ethics. While the victim of
bullying, harassment, assault, and so on has the right to make a claim to the appropriate office of
primary responsibility (OPR) for further investigation, peer accountability can aid in the
reduction of poor behaviors in the workplace (Clemmons, 2014). Clemmons (2014) asserted that
when coworkers held the perpetrator accountable, it discouraged continued poor behavior.
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Furthermore, Clemmons suggested that peer accountability can shift the organization’s culture,
validating the issue by speaking up and setting the boundaries on poor behavior.
Board Diversity
Another component that can support a cultural shift in organizational perspectives is the
inclusion of disability-disclosed PWDs on corporate boards, thus expanding board diversity in
hiring, advisory, and such. The inclusion of PWDs on organizational boards provides an
exclusive perspective on access, accommodations, and other inclusive practices unique to PWDs
that are not otherwise attainable (Bellman et al., 2018). While board diversity currently includes
a makeup of males and females of varying backgrounds, the silent “D” in diversity amongst
board members is disability (Williams et al., 2019). This gap in representation leaves the
responsibility of addressing PWD candidates with non-disabled persons who may or may not
have the requisite knowledge surrounding disability and organizational policy, leaning on their
[mis]perceptions to assess the PWD candidate for hiring or advancement (Baker et al., 2018).
Additionally, considering the reluctance towards disability disclosure, Bravo (2018) found that
board diversity influenced the disclosure process. However, disability disclosure to non-disabled
persons proved difficult as it exposed PWDs to further scrutiny based on stigmatization despite
the social construction of this category, leading to constitutive instances of identity emergence
(Evans, 2019). Overall, the lack of scholarly literature on the representation of disabled persons
on hiring, advocacy, and promotion boards highlights the inconsequential attitudes toward the
inclusion of PWDs in decision-making roles.
While attaining a job as an AA PWD is a barrier, employment to sustain and advance is
complex once employed, supported, and customized (Dispenza, 2021). To reduce the felt need
for AA PWDs to assimilate to White professional norms, presenting an internal matter of
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identity, the normalization of AA PWDs in leadership roles is essential to highlight
representation. Organizational perspectives on disability must shift, providing inclusive practices
to employ and promote AA PWDs, dispelling misperceptions on disability, gender, and race.
Additionally, the participation of PWDs on hiring and promotion boards, broadening board
diversity, enables the representation of the largest minoritized group in the United States and
makes disability disclosure more likely. While organizational culture shifts leading to the
representation of AA PWDs in leadership positions are essential, investing in frontline
supervisors is necessary to ensure they have the right capabilities to do their job, supporting their
employees irrespective of background.
Recommendation 2: Provide a Persistent Human Capital Investment Through Supervisors
Supervisors are trusted to interweave employees into the organizational social structure
and uphold and enforce human resource (HR) practices daily (Lapointe & Vandenbaerghe,
2018). The supervisor-employee relationship is fragile as the employee’s confidence in the
supervisor is contingent upon knowledge, trust built over time, and perceived supervisor support,
impacting an employee’s willingness to remain employed at a given organization (Lapointe &
Vandenbaerghe, 2018; Shafiq et al., 2013). The supervisor must understand and effectively
implement HR policies (Straub et al., 2018). The following are areas of consideration to provide
a supervisor-supported workplace culture to retain employees.
Supervisor-Supported Accommodations
Active supervision is vital to the accommodation process as supervisors are generally
responsible for understanding the accommodations process (Kristman et al., 2016). Centralizing
the accommodations process with supervisors streamlines communication and claims
management and provides autonomy for the supervisor to design accommodations that are most
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likely to support their employees (Kristman et al., 2016). Research showed that adequate
supervision led to fewer absences and better employee job well-being for PWDs when
accommodation requests were actioned by considerate leaders (Kristman et al., 2016).
Supervisor support is vital for the returning and continued employment of PWDs (Jansen, et al.,
2021).
Supervisor-Supported Compensation
Persons with a disability have lower pay satisfaction than their able-bodied counterparts
due to the persistent pay gap (Shantz et al., 2018). Compensation is a direct and indirect
contributor to employee commitment, with supervisors being important influencers on
organizational commitment (Shafiq et al., 2013). Pay satisfaction is individualized yet considers
the comparison of pay between other employees. The fairness given by supervisors when
assumptions are set aside and organizational policy is upheld is indicative of moral integrity,
which influences employee job performance and satisfaction (Ruiz-Palomino et al., 2013; Shantz
et al., 2018).
Supervisor-Supported Promotion
Career advancement considers many diverse employee groups, but often not considered
are PWDs (Kulkarni, 2012). For PWDs, social and work-related networks, including supervisors
and coworkers, are crucial to driving career outcomes (Kulkarni, 2012; Samosh, 2021). Also,
supervisors can aid in moderating subjective barriers to the career development of PWDs
prohibiting their advancement (Kulkarni & Gopakumar, 2014). Furthermore, a supervisor’s
tendency toward PWDs can have a positive effect as their attitude and behavior influences
coworkers, creating an inclusive organizational culture (Kulkarni & Lengnick-Hall, 2011).
Finally, initial and sustained support for PWD employees is vital as it impacts coherence in work
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roles, job satisfaction, and salary increase over time (Jokisaari & Nurmi, 2009; Kulkarni &
Lengnick-Hall, 2011).
Recommendation 3: Shift Sociocultural Norms on Reasonable Accommodation
Oxford dictionary (2019) defines inclusion as, “the practice or policy of providing equal
access to opportunities and resources for people who might otherwise be excluded or
marginalized, such as those who have physical or mental disabilities and members of other
minority groups.” By this definition, the continuation of exception by policy continues, drawing
a distinction amongst groups providing benefits to some instead of all. To truly move towards
inclusion, consider a shift in definition to highlight the importance of coalition amongst all as
inclusion should not be provided on the basis of exclusion or marginalization, but should be
provided to all irrespective of difference.
While reasonable accommodation is currently the way in which inclusive workplace
coalition is promoted, to move from inclusive accommodation centered on one group,
highlighting PWD distinction, the ability for all employees to attain workplace accommodations
supports their performance needs to provide the best working conditions for the individual.
Accommodations that are currently considered “reasonable” for a PWD includes, but not limited
to flexibility in work schedule, modifying job tasks, and so on (ADA Network, 2021). The idea
that in order to benefit from resources that better support the employee is seemingly permitted to
PWDs more than non-PWDs continues to perpetuate an “us versus them” narrative instead of
building a coalition across the sociocultural spectrum. The goal is not to provide benefits to one
group over another, but rather to build a culture in which all can equally benefit.
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Recommendation 4: Sustained Access to Employment Support Programs
Support enhances the capacity of a PWD to take advantage of employment opportunities
(Bigby et al., 2019). While family and familial support can support the advantages provided to
PWDs in the employment sector, in this section, external support services are considered with
the supposition that family and familial support occur in tandem. The following section considers
sustained support services, irrespective of career path, to aid in accomplishing PWD career goals.
Career Pathway Support
Career pathway support is an interconnected opportunity that provides PWDs with social
opportunities while attaining academic and technical skills, preparing PWDs for transition into
employment (National Disability Institute, 2021). Funded by the U.S. Rehabilitation Services
Administration, the career pathway program awards grants to state vocational rehabilitation (VR)
services to aid in the improvement of employment outcomes for PWDs by partnering with
education and industry to assist in postsecondary credentialing and to secure competitive
integrated employment in high demand professions (U.S. Rehabilitation Services Administration,
2021). To illustrate, Virginia’s career pathway program noticed that their students, strong
candidates for postsecondary credential training, lacked trade-related academics and training in
soft skills. Understanding the students’ needs, the program collaborated with two educational
institutions to assist students with identifying their career goals and aiding them in transitioning
into the appropriate education and training programs through their local community college.
Career pathway support ensures PWDs have the enhanced skills required to make them
competitive for in-demand employment.
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Postsecondary Education Fulfillment
Postsecondary education (PSE) aims to increase the likelihood of employability (Gilmore
et al., 2001; Migliore & Butterworth, 2009; Wehman & Yasuada, 2005). Attracting and retaining
PWDs in PSE institutions can narrow the education and employment gap between youth with
and without disabilities (Fleming & Fairweather, 2011). The support of PSE faculty and
administrators is necessary as they can provide a positive experience for PWDs by developing a
campus climate that welcomes, supports, and provides full access (Lombardi & Lalor, 2017).
Additionally, administrators generally have a direct impact on the implementation and
interpretation of policy and should include PWDs in their processes for more robust insights into
the impact of current and developing policy on the community (Hope, 2022). Lastly,
administrators should create partnerships with high schools, VR organizations, and possible
employers to build a cohesive process that reinforces transition support to PWDs (Hope, 2022).
Studies show that PSE graduates attained better employment and achieved higher hourly rates
than those who did not complete PSE (Moore & Schelling, 2015). For a PWD, attending college
can make them competitive for employment due to educational attainment and the ability to
build a social network that can create inclusive access to employment (Qian et al., 2018). Lastly,
PSE provides opportunities through community involvement, internships, and volunteer
opportunities that can lead to permanent employment before or after PSE graduation (Qian et al.,
2018).
Recommendations for Future Research
As a result of this study, recommendations for future research include further
examination of the intersectionality between PWDs and other minoritized statuses and the
influence of compounded identity on leadership position advancement and their inclusion in
100
decision-making roles (e.g., hiring and promotion boards). This continued research is essential as
the multi-faceted, minoritized body has limited representation in research, perpetuating a gap as
few studies expound on the additional scrutiny placed on the individual due to living at the
intersection. Specifically, future research would benefit from exploring AAs across the gender
spectrum and AAs with a disability across the gender spectrum and their lived experiences.
Topics on either identity require more attention as they provide insight into how these identities
influence social and politically significant discourse. Lastly, substantial academic research exists
on the frontline supervisor and their importance to the organizational climate. However, little
research exists on the importance of the frontline supervisor’s role in the employment cycle to
support AA PWDs. Understanding the frontline supervisor-AA PWD relationship and the
frontline supervisor’s ability to aid employees of multi-minoritized status may reveal critical
insights into the characteristics that best assist AA PWDs in the workforce. Research
consideration should be given as frontline supervisors are the first to encounter and impact AA
PWD employees through advocacy and social inclusion.
Conclusion
The study explored the lives of seven AAs with a disability who are currently or have
been employed within the last three years and the barriers to employment, the interplay of
identity, and how they attained employment success despite the influences that impacted AAs
with a disability, The key findings included: (a) AAs with a disability grapple with identification
interplay throughout the employment cycle; (b) AAs with a disability are bound by constraints
and compromises of self within the employment cycle; (c) AAs with a disability find disability
disclosure to be more harmful than good; (d) AAs with a disability encounter mixed outcomes as
it relates to employability and compensation negotiations in the employment cycle; (e) AAs with
101
a disability navigate accommodation requests with caution; (f) AAs with a disability who have
support are able to better navigate the employment cycle; (g) AAs with a disability possess self-
awareness regarding the strength in their abilities; and (h) AAs with a disability are motivated to
remain employed due to the fulfillment of their job.
This study suggested that inclusive organizational cultures are just the tip of the iceberg,
highlighting the importance of personal and professional support to aid in disability management
while traversing the employment cycle. This study also suggested the need for representation in
leadership positions and the participation of PWDs in decision-making roles. Furthermore, this
study considers the frontline supervisor central to the inclusion, sustainment, and advancement of
AA PWDs in the workplace. Lastly, this study considered deliberate support services like career
pathway and postsecondary education programs to be vital to the employment success of AA
PWDs.
This study is essential as employment for AA PWDs leads to greater economic security,
an opportunity to utilize their abilities, and actively participate in society. Additionally, the
employment of AA PWDs is significant to address as the transparency of this persistent problem
of existing while AA, disabled, and female encourages a sociocultural resistance towards people
impacted by the remnants of historical context based on ignorance. Lastly, the overlapping of
identities is critical to highlight as they are often treated as mutually exclusive when they pose an
interactive effect that leads to systemic inequality. PWDs are owed the ability to act as full
members of society and not the exception. With continuous community effort, dedicated
research, and advocacy, destabilizing the stigma against PWDs is not a matter of “if” but
“when.”
102
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Appendix A: Background Questionnaire
YES
(Please complete the
next question)
NO
(Stop, you do not
meet the eligibility
for this survey)
Do you consent to the completion of this
background questionnaire as a preliminary
tool to determine your eligibility to
participate in this research study?
Do you identify as African American (Black
American)?
Are you a United States citizen?
Are you 18 years or older?
Do you comprehend written and spoken
American English?
Do you have a disability?
Is that disability observable?
Is that disability unobservable?
Do you possess both observable and
unobservable disabilities?
Have you actively sought to find employment
in the last three years?
131
Appendix B: Interview Details and Questions
Hi, thank you for meeting with me today; I am Jazmin Jones-Ritchey, and I am
conducting research on the barriers to employment for African Americans with Disabilities. This
interview is completely voluntary, and you have the right to discontinue participation at any
time.
The purpose of this study is to underline the effects of disparity in employment
opportunities and treatment throughout the employment cycle and the consequences of such
treatment. Your voluntary participation in this study is greatly appreciated and will provide
insight that is otherwise unable to be captured. With your permission, I would like to conduct a
recorded interview to capture your feedback to your comfort level. Is that okay?
1. How would you describe your experience as someone who possesses multiple
minoritized identities?
2. As an African American with a disability, tell me about your employment
experiences.
2. If you experienced stereotypes and biases in the employment process, how did you
know?
3. Given your identities, what have been some of the challenges that you have faced, if
any, in your employment experiences?
4. What critical factors have contributed to your success in attaining and sustaining
employment, if any?
5. To what extent do you believe you’ve been successful/unsuccessful regarding
6. advancement in employment?
7. Are you concerned about employment? How so?
132
8. How do you believe race, gender, and disability interplay in the employment cycle?
9. What has been your experience with regards to obtaining employment
accommodations?
10. What limiting factors, if any, do you think your disability presents that make you
ineligible for employment opportunities?
11. What support services, if any, have you received in the employment process?
12. What has been your experience negotiating fair compensation?
13. Do you find value in the work that you have done or currently do? How so?
14. How have your strengths developed and supported you throughout the employment
experience?
15. Could you provide an instance in which your strengths broke the stereotype centered
on your race, gender, and abilities and how that experience overturned others
perception of you in the workplace?
Conclusion to the Interview
Thank you for sharing your time and experience with me. The information provided here
today is invaluable and will provide context to an ongoing matter. If you change your mind about
any of the content shared today being included in the study or would like to follow up, please let
me know. Do you do not mind being contacted as needed for a follow up interview? Again,
thank you so much for your time today.
Abstract (if available)
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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Jones-Ritchey, Jazmin
(author)
Core Title
Black disabled lives matter: barriers to employment for African Americans with a disability
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)
Degree Conferral Date
2022-08
Publication Date
06/28/2022
Defense Date
04/28/2022
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
African American,compounded identification,Disability,employment cycle,OAI-PMH Harvest,observable disability,salient identities,unobservable disability
Format
application/pdf
(imt)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Krop, Cathy (
committee chair
), Grant, Derisa (
committee member
), Hinga, Briana (
committee member
)
Creator Email
jazminjo@usc.edu,jazminritchey@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC111352071
Unique identifier
UC111352071
Legacy Identifier
etd-JonesRitch-10795
Document Type
Dissertation
Format
application/pdf (imt)
Rights
Jones-Ritchey, Jazmin
Type
texts
Source
20220706-usctheses-batch-950
(batch),
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Repository Email
cisadmin@lib.usc.edu
Tags
compounded identification
employment cycle
observable disability
salient identities
unobservable disability