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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Social capital, institutional agency, low-status, urban youth, and empowerment: an investigation of School on Wheels, Inc.

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Social capital, institutional agency, low-status, urban youth, and empowerment: an investigation of School on Wheels, Inc.

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SOCIAL CAPITAL; INSTITUTIONAL AGENCY; LOW-STATUS, URBAN
YOUTH; AND EMPOWERMENT:
AN INVESTIGATION OF SCHOOOL ON WHEELS, INC.
by
Monica Miller

____________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2007

Copyright 2007 Monica Miller

ii

DEDICATION
This is dedicated to my parents, who sacrificed to provide me with an excellent
education. This is also dedicated to the staff of School on Wheels, Inc. and the
children that they serve.
iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my committee for taking the time to provide insightful
guidance during this endeavor. In addition, I would like to extend a special thanks to
my chair, Dr. Kim Hirabayashi, for her continuous support throughout this process.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii

ABSTRACT vi

CHAPTER ONE
Introduction to the Study 1
Introduction 1
Background of the Problem 1
Statement of the Problem 7
Purpose of the Study 9
Research Questions 10
Significance of the Study 11
Limitations and Delimitations 14
Definition of Terms 18
Conclusion 20

CHAPTER TWO 21
Introduction 21
Theories of Social Capital 24
Summary of Social Capital Theory 46
Empowerment Theory 48
Homelessness 52
Conclusion 57

CHAPTER THREE 61
Methodology 61
Introduction 61
Research Questions 62
Research Design 63
Case Study Approach 65
Mixed Method Approach 66
Sample & Population 71
Instrumentation 76
Data Collection 81
Data Analysis 84
Summary & Conclusion 86

v

CHAPTER FOUR 89
Analysis 89
Introduction 89
Research Question One 89
Research Question Two 103
Research Question Three 112
Conclusion 120

CHAPTER FIVE 122
Introduction 122
Discussion 123
Implications 142
Recommendations 149
Limitations 153
Conclusion 156

REFERENCES 159

APPENDICES 163
Appendix A 163
Appendix B 168
Appendix B1 170
Appendix C 173
Appendix C1 177
Appendix C2 178
Appendix D 183
Appendix E 187
Appendix F 189

vi

ABSTRACT

Scholars, educators, and social scientists have been interested in identifying
the underlying programmatic mechanisms that exist within effective youth
intervention programs and understanding the role that caring, non-familial adults
occupy in the lives of low-status, urban youth who access youth intervention
programs (Stanton-Salazar, Vasquez & Mehan, 2000; Stanton-Salazar, 2001;
Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003). Over the years, this population of researchers has
found that there are major differences between how upper, middle, and low-status
youth are reared and socialized. In particular, they have found that youths access to
forms of social capital and institutional support varies drastically based on their
social status. Youth of upper statuses have access to forms of social capital and
support that are unavailable to low-status, urban youth. To combat these differences,
there has been an emergence of youth intervention programs in urban areas. These
programs and those that work within the programs (i.e., program leaders) strive to
provide low-status, urban youth with some of the resources, support, and
opportunities that are available to youth of higher statuses.
Using a theoretical framework guided by theories of social capital (Stanton-
Salazar, 2003), empowerment theory (Gutierrez & Lewis, 1999), and social network
analysis (Stanton-Salazar, 2003; Lin, 2004), this study has been developed to
investigate the dynamics of program leaders social networks. Specifically, the study
focuses on revealing information about the social composition and structure of
program leaders social networks; how program leaders use their social networks to
vii

access and mobilize forms of social capital on behalf of low-status, urban youth; and
how program leaders empower low-status, urban youth. Overall, the main
intellectual agenda of this study is an examination of a specific youth intervention
program, School on Wheels, Inc., as a vehicle for articulating theoretically, through
an overarching social capital framework, some of the key underlying programmatic
mechanisms that seem to support the academic achievement, human development,
resiliency of youth, and empowerment of low-status, urban youth who are growing
up in racially segregated, low-income, and complex urban ecologies.
1
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction to the study
Introduction
For some time, scholars, educators, and social scientists have been interested
in identifying the underlying programmatic mechanisms that exist within effective
youth intervention programs and understanding the role that caring, non-familial
adults occupy in the lives of low-status, urban youth who attend intervention
programs. In addition, there has also been interest in identifying and analyzing how
caring, non-familial adults forge effective social relationships with youth and how
these relationships impact the overall human development (i.e., social,
psychological, and cognitive development) of youth (Kahne & Bailey, 1999;
Maeroff, 1999; Stanton-Salazar et. al, 2000; Stanton-Salazar, 2001; Stanton-Salazar
& Spina, 2003). These researchers have taken on the task of studying how caring
adults provide youth program participants access to resources, the effectiveness of
youth intervention programs, and if such programs are empowering to low-status,
urban youth.
Background of the Problem
This area of research is of importance because through empirical and
theoretical studies it has been found that the social networks of low-status, urban
youth are significantly lacking social resources and forms of support in comparison
to those of middle and upper class youth (Lareau, 2003; Stanton-Salazar & Spina,
2003; Stanton-Salazar, 2001, 2003). These deficiencies begin at the macro level
2
(i.e., communities and schools in low-income, urban communities), trickle down to
the meso (i.e., status of parents, lack of access to resources), and resonate at the
micro level (i.e., limited social networks of youth). Stanton-Salazar (2001) has
asserted that schools, families, and communities are institutional sites that are
impacted, affected, and organized in relation to patterns of social stratification that
are apparent in society. Social stratification is defined as a process that arranges
individuals into a hierarchal group system; their placement in the system is based on
individuals worth and utility to the society in which they reside (Coll et al., 1996).
Stanton- Salazar has also stated that places like low-income, urban schools are sites
of social stratification and have the potential to become breeding grounds for the
deleterious effects of social inequities (i.e., classism, racism, and prejudice) that can
affect low-status youth and their social networks. He has continued to refer to the
limitations of low-status people when he has written about the limited pool of
effective resources and eligible agents (Stanton-Salazar, 2001, p. 21; see also
Cochran, 1990) that exists in low-income communities. These missing elements
negatively influence the development of minority youth because there is a lack of
effective resources and institutional support accessible to low-status, urban youth
(Stanton-Salazar, 2001). In addition, Cochran (1990) has discussed how low-status
parents networks are influenced by their life circumstances; thus, the resources of
parents networks may suffice at one stage in their childs development, but may be
insufficient to meet the childs needs at later stages of development.
3
On the other hand, middle class youth are reared in environments that
stimulate what Lareau has called concerted cultivation (Lareau, 2003, p. 2).
Lareau has discussed how middle-class parents take an active role in guiding the
development of their children. They strive to ensure the development of self-
confidence in their children by placing them in a wide range of organized activities
and engaging in discussions with them that prompt exchanges in funds of
knowledge (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000, p. 220) - funds of knowledge being the
exchange of information based on peoples various cultural experiences school
culture, institutional culture, home culture, etc. As a result of the developmental
techniques that middle-class parents employ when raising their children, middle-
class children learn how to navigate their way through institutional settings. Lareau
has stated that these youth develop a sense of entitlement (p. 2). As a result of
their vast experiences, youth gain knowledge and become more autonomous. They
use acquired knowledge to question adults and converse with them as equals. In
addition, at an early age, youth learn how institutions operate and how to interact in
institutional settings. This sense of entitlement can also be viewed as a form of
empowerment because youth become empowered with skills that help them
understand and maneuver through institutional settings, which can be potentially
produce increased personal prosperity.
In contrast, she has asserted that working class and poor parents do not rely
on concerted cultivation when raising their children; instead, these parents facilitate
natural growth (Lareau, 2003, p. 3). In working class and poor families, the
4
children are more apt to have control over their leisure activities. Rather than being
enrolled in structured activities, working class and poor children, at their leisure,
often engage in play with other children in their neighborhoods (Lareau, 2003). In
addition, working class and poor parents enforce a distinct boundary between parent
and child roles in the familial network. These parents develop environments where
they sternly direct their childrens actions; they have no interest in hearing their
childrens ideas of feelings. Although this environment does provide working-class
and poor children with socialization, it fails to empower them with skills that will
assist them in navigating and interacting in institutional settings. Working class and
poor families home cultures are disharmonious with the culture of institutional
settings; thus, parents rear children in environments that distant them from
institutional experiences (Lareau, 2003). In conclusion, these types of environments
fail to prepare children for life in institutional settings and empower them with skills
to manipulate successfully through such settings.
According to Lareau (2003), parents of working class and poor children view
the role of parenting in a different way than middle class parents. Working class and
poor parents place emphasis on providing the basic necessities to their children
housing, food, medical care, clothing, and making sure that their children attend
school. Although these basic necessities might be easy for middle-class parents to
provide to their children, many working class and poor parents experience
difficulties providing these basic necessities to their children. Working class and
poor parents tend to experience greater financial hardships in comparison to middle
5
class parents, which makes it difficult for working class and poor parents to provide
resources to their children. Thus, many working class and poor parents equate good
parenting with solely being a provider (i.e., providing children with necessities); they
fail to be concerned with the concerted cultivation of their children (Lareau, 2003).
Working class and poor children that are reared in environments that
stimulate natural growth tend to have autonomy over their daily experiences (Lareau,
2003). They initiate activities, have long periods of leisure time, and interact with
their kin. They also understand that there is a clear distinction between adults and
children. Overall, working class and poor children have more child-like experiences,
which they possess control over. Middle class children are unable to partake in
child-like experiences such as having the freedom to initiate activities and spending
long periods of time engaged in non-structured activities (Lareau, 2003). However,
middle-class children do gain important institutional socialization advantages. As a
result of concerted cultivation, middle class children acquire skills that they can
potentially use throughout life. Thus, Lareau (2003) has stated that the main
differences between how middle class and working class and poor parents rear their
children exists in the different socialization practices used and resources gained from
the varying socialization experiences.
Hence, when low-status youth are reared in an environment that fails to
provide them with varying social experiences and skills, their limited socialization
can hinder their human development and, in turn, their social progress. Their social
networks lack individuals who can provide them with appropriate forms of support
6
and resource that will prepare them for social experiences in institutional settings. In
fact, the social network can operate as a mechanism of oppression that critical
sociologists argue is deeply rooted in the mainstream social structure (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997, 2001; Bourdieu, 1977).
Stanton-Salazar (2001) has discussed how low-status youth are affected by
being reared in environments that fail to provide adequate socialization experiences.
He has stated that social networks that provide youth with limited social experiences
and fail to cultivate nourishing environments hinder the human development of
youth. When parents rear youth in a social network that fails to cultivate their
development and aid them in reaching their full human potential, the social network
can be an oppressive mechanism that manufactures despair. Further, the term that
Stanton-Salazar (2001) has used to describe this experience is alienated
embeddedness.
Stanton-Salazar (2001) has discussed alienated embeddedness as an
experience that occurs when youth are embedded in a social network that alienates
them from receiving socialization experiences that will enhance their human
development and social practices. Instead of a social network that empowers low-
status youth in the context of racially and class-stratified society (e.g., institutional
settings), the developmental network becomes a manifestation of the various social
ills that exists within the youths low-status environment ills that are rooted in the
brutal system of social stratification (Bourdieu, 1977; Bowles & Gintis, 1967; Willis,
1981). Thus, by being embedded in a poor social network, youth lack access to a
7
pool of resourceful individuals that can provide them with support and resources
(i.e., social capital). Without access to resourceful, caring individuals (i.e.,
institutional agents) who will cultivate engaging learning environments, youth
become embedded in environments that promote and enforce social inequities
(Stanton-Salazar, 2001).
Statement of the Problem
What is missing from the fore-mentioned research is a focus on how program
personnel, who work in youth intervention programs, assume the role set of
institutional agent. Further, the research has failed to mention how program
personnel mobilize their personal resources on behalf of youth participants to
provide them access to empowering forms of social capital. The institutional agents
role has been discussed in past research studies, but these studies have failed to
directly state how institutional agents mobilize resources on behalf of low-status,
urban youth. Past literature has also failed to make a direct connection between the
work of institutional agents and youths access to forms of social capital.
Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2003) have stated that individuals and institutions
that influence the socialization processes of affluent and middle-class youth function
to ensure that advantageous resources and opportunities are readily available to
youth. These adults take steps to ensure that affluent and middle-class youth are
prepared to become successful and prosperous adults. In contrast, adults who
participate in the development of low-status, urban youth must enact the role set of
institutional agent in order to influence the socialization of youth and defend youth
8
from ecological perils, at-risk behaviors, and forms of isolation that exist in low-
income, urban communities (Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003). These agents and
institutions provide youth with access to resources and opportunities, but due to
mainstream social ideologies and norms, there is a gap that exists between the
quality and quantity of resources that are provided to youth; this gap is based on
status and socio-economic level. This social gap exists of constraints and societal
forces that prevent youth from accessing vital forms of social capital: institutional
resources and support that are accessible through relationships with resourceful,
supportive adults (institutional agents) which can be mobilized by youth to increase
the probability of success in a purposive action (Stanton-Salazar, 2004, 2006).
Stanton-Salazar et al. (2000) have stated that well-positioned institutional agents
possess the power to transfer forms of institutional support to youth that are
embedded in social networks and forge supportive relationships with agents (i.e.,
forms of social support that function to facilitate youths progress through social
systems such as schools). Since agents are placed in positions of power, they have
access to varying resources within their institution and other institutions.
Institutional agents activate this power when they utilize their positioning in the
institutional structure to access resources on behalf of youth.
Even though the fore-mentioned scholars have provided a comprehensive
definition of the term institutional agent and overview of the how the agent functions
within the framework of an institutional setting, they have failed to discuss exactly
what the agent does in order to transfer forms of social support. In fact, Stanton-
9
Salazar et al. (2000) stated that prior research has failed to present a framework that
illustrates the instrumental social capital generating- relationship between low-
status youth and those program leaders who assume the complex role set of
institutional agent.
Purpose of the Study
Prior research informs the purpose and motivation for this study. As
previously mentioned, there has been a strong focus placed on studying how caring,
adults (i.e., institutional agents) provide youth program participants access to
resources. There has also been focus on reviewing the effectiveness of youth
intervention programs and identifying the contextual conditions of effective youth
intervention programs.
For the purpose of this study, the social networks of program leaders and how
they mobilize resources and forms of support (i.e., social capital) on behalf of low-
status youth participants will be used as the main units of analysis. This study will
also focus on identifying how program leaders transmit social capital resources that
result in youth displaying a sense of empowerment.
Research instruments will be used to identify how program leaders utilize
their connections with low, mid, and high status network members to gain resources
for youth participants. Thus, research instruments will also be used to perform an
analysis of each agents social network web. The analysis of the social network web
will provide information on the social composition and structure of the institutional
agents social networks. Furthermore, the analysis of the social network web will
10
also function to identify factors that facilitate and constrain program leaders access
and utilization of resources on behalf of program agenda and children served by the
organizations. In conclusion, this analysis will trace how program leaders become
resourceful figures in youth intervention programs.
By focusing on the social network of the institutional agent, the upcoming
research will provide an in depth look at the dynamics of the agents role in youth
intervention programs. Typically, past studies have used the youth intervention
program or program participants as the unit of analysis (Kahne & Bailey, 1999;
Maeroff, 1999; Stanton-Salazar, Vasquez & Mehan, 2000; Stanton-Salazar, 2001;
Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003). The shift towards using the institutional agents
social network, as the unit of analysis, will provide this study with a lens to learn
how caring, adults influence the lives of low-status, urban youth who reside in
deleterious ecological environments; specifically, how such agents navigate their
social networks to provide youth various forms of social capital and empowerment.
Research Questions
The research questions that guide this dissertation are as follows:
1) What are the main characteristics, structural features, and social composition of the
social resource networks of those program people (i.e., institutional agents) who
coordinate and run youth intervention programs?
2) What are some of those factors that facilitate or constrain the program leaders
ability to access and utilize resources (i.e., information, social contacts, network
11
members, etc.) on behalf of program agenda and children served by the
organization?
3) How do program leaders empower youth participants?
Significance of the study
Research has shown that many children who are reared in deleterious
ecological environments lack a social network that can provide them resources and
forms of support (i.e., social capital) (Lareau, 2003; Maeroff, 1999, Stanton-Salazar
et. al, 2000; Stanton-Salazar, 2001; Stanton-Salazar and Spina, 2003). Stanton-
Salazar (2001) has discussed how these types of deleterious ecological environments
manufacture despair. In his work, he has discussed how low-status youth exist in a
stratified social system that provides limited access to caring, individuals that can
provide them assistance and social capital resources. Stanton-Salazar and Spina
(2003) have referred to these caring, adults as institutional agents agents that can
provide low-status youth resource and knowledge that they can use to navigate
various social settings.
Cochran (1990) has discussed how caring, non-kin individuals provide
children (and parents) access to new information and social behaviors. These new
resourceful individuals often come from different social environments than youth, so
the information and resources that the institutional agents share with youth becomes
highly valuable. The information provides youth knowledge about social settings
outside of their limited social contexts. Thus, youth become exposed to a wider
spectrum of resources and support; these resources come from the institutional
12
agents social network web. Since institutional agents can potentially provide youth
with a wealth of resources, the social network becomes a mechanism that transmits
social capital.
Cochran (1990) has discussed how the development of children and parents
(and individuals in general) can be affected by ones social network. He has stated
that people are embedded in social networks and institutional settings, and in these
environments, people become socialized with others. From these socialization
experiences, people exchange information, social behaviors, and social practices.
Thus, these experiences heavily influence the development and social capital level of
individuals.
As research has shown, the social network is a mechanism that can establish
and transmit social capital. Thus, this study will focus on how program leaders
utilize their social networks to access resources and forms of support for low-status,
urban youth. Specifically, this study will focus on program leaders that work at one
specific youth intervention program - School on Wheels, Inc. This study will
investigate the social network of four program leaders who work at School on
Wheels. The research instruments that will be used in this study have been designed
to gain information on the social composition and structure of the program leaders
social networks. The instruments have also been designed to identify factors that
facilitate and constrain each program leaders access to social capital resources.
Lastly, the research instruments also function to gain information on how program
leaders empower low-status, urban youth. Overall, the research design that informs
13
this study is focused on reviewing the dynamics of program leaders social networks,
how agents utilize and access their networks on behalf of youth participants, and
how agents transmit social capital and empowering resources to children.
School on Wheels, Inc. School on Wheels Inc. is a non-profit organization
located on Skid Row in downtown Los Angeles; Skid Row is an area in downtown
Los Angeles that is home to thousands of homeless people. School on Wheels
(SOW) provides services to the population of homeless children that reside in
shelters, motels/hotels, and on the streets of Skid Row. The mission of SOW is to
enhance the educational opportunities of homeless children from kindergarten
through twelfth grade. In 1993, this mission began when Agnes Stevens, a retired
teacher, repeatedly witnessed homeless children wandering the streets of Santa
Monica; Stevens felt compelled to help the children, so she began teaching them in
the park and encouraging them to stay in school. Thus, what began as a good deed to
help several children has now grown and transformed into an organization that
provides essential educational resources to homeless children throughout Southern
California, Santa Barbara and Ventura County. Stevens has also inspired the
development of School on Wheels Projects in other states there are other chapters
in Indiana and Massachusetts.
Through the School on Wheels in California, Stevens and her staff provide
thousands of youth (and their parents) with numerous educational services,
resources, and support: one on one tutoring, locating school records, assistance with
school enrollment, after school program, and summer program at the Downtown
14
Learning Center (located on Skid Row). The research for this study will focus on
School on Wheels, Inc in Southern California. Participants of this study work with
homeless children in Downtown Los Angeles, West Los Angeles, Mid City, Santa
Monica, Venice, Hollywood, South Los Angeles, Compton, Inglewood, Highland
Park, Silverlake, and Glendale.
Limitations and Delimitations
As with any study, there are certain concerns that are associated with
conducting research. In research, these concerns are referred to as limitations and
delimitations. An immediate issue of concern is internal validity. Internal validity
has been defined as whether a researcher is studying what they have initially set out
to study (Patton, 2002). To avoid such limitations, it is imperative that researchers
triangulate their research (obtain data from multiple sources). By collecting data
from multiple sources, the validity of the data is strengthened because it is gathered
from various channels. Other limitations that are of concern to this study are the
possibility of researcher bias, that data is being collected through purposeful
sampling rather than random sampling, and the study is focused on one youth
intervention program. To lessen these limitation issues, the study will utilize survey
instruments that have been used in past research studies, either notes will be taken
during interviews or interviews will be taped and transcribed (the data from one
interview will be summarized and paraphrased the Name Interpreting Interview)
and triangulation will be performed throughout the data collection process.
15
This study is part of a larger project that consists of nine researchers and a
principal investigator who are all studying the same phenomena. For the purpose of
this project, all researchers will be using four data collection instruments: the name
generator, position generator, resource generator, and organization affiliation
questionnaire (see Chapter 3 & Appendices: A, B, C, & D). By using four data
collection instruments, each set of data can be supported by data collected from the
other three instruments. Using multiple instruments, triangulation will be achieved
in this study.
The other type of concern that is found in research studies is called a
delimitation - delimitation refers to issues of generalizability and issues of external
validity. These concerns have to do with the ability to replicate the study in a new
setting using a different set of participants (Creswell, 2003). In this study, the main
instrument, the name generator, is a survey instrument that has been used in past
research studies. The history of the instrument partially decreases delimitation
concerns because the instrument is a research tool that has been utilized in other
research studies. The possibility of delimitation is also lessened using triangulation
because research is conducted through multiple methods (i.e., surveys and
interviews). The multiple methods are used in order to make sure that findings are
valid and reliable. Thus, triangulation is a research feature that has the potential to
lessen delimitation concerns.
16
To further prevent delimitations, the researcher will utilize a 4-dimensional
typology that will permit the simultaneous use of two theoretical perspectives of
social capital theory. The following dimensions consist of:
1) Social Mediums The social ties that exists between members of
the social network, and how the social network acts as a catalyst
and conduit for the social ties/relationships within the network.
2) Properties of the social mediums This dimension focuses on the
characteristics of the social network and ties. Its function is to
describe the strength of social ties/ relationships and identify
characteristics of the social structure that promote social capital
utility such as social closure, bridging, and weak ties.
3) Resources and forms of empowering support Availability, access,
and significance of resources are based on the members social
standing and position in the social network, quantity of social ties,
and the strength of social ties that the member possesses with other
members in the network.
4) Social structure (macro) Individuals possession and strength
(level of power) of each dimension is linked to where they are
situated within the social hierarchy. Those people that exist at
upper levels of the social hierarchy possess resourceful social ties
(social mediums) and access to significance resources. Thus, an
individuals social standing within the social structure (fourth
17
dimension) will determine the strength and significance of social
mediums, properties of social mediums, and access to resources
and forms of empowering support (the first three dimensions).
The 4-dimensional typology is being utilized for four reasons. It provides a
framework for understanding the main concepts that are presented and discussed in
the normative and resource models of social capital. Thus, making it easier to
compare and contrasts features of the two social capital theories. The typology also
functions to provide an in depth perspective of the institutional agents existence in
the social network. Specifically, the typology will provide a framework that focuses
on the social capital utility of the institutional agents social network, which is
accomplished by studying the fore-mentioned dimensions.
Next, the typology is beneficial in assisting with the development of research
protocol and data analysis. The typology identifies pertinent dimensions of social
capital. By identifying these dimensions, prior to conducting research, the researcher
is able to enter the field with a framework that guides data collection. As data is
collected, the typology will aid the researcher in identifying patterns and themes in
this study and will also be of use when all researchers from the research project
gather to analyze data across studies. In conclusion, the typology is a framework
that provides a means of assessing the social network experiences of those people
who are in positions of power (in this study, institutional agents who work in youth
intervention programs). Institutional agents social positioning enable them to draw
upon their social capital and social capital of others (those who they have strong
18
social ties with) in order to provide forms of social capital (resources) to low-status,
urban youth who participate in youth intervention programs.
Lastly, it is also important to note that a key point of this study is not to offer
conclusive data on the population of program leaders and staff people; however, the
study functions to provide initiatory clues that will be useful in conducting future
research on this topic. This study, in conjunction with the larger project, will be
investigating how program leaders mobilize resources, social ties, and social capital
on behalf of low-status youth program participants.
Definition of Terms
Throughout this dissertation, terms that are critical to this research study will
be presented. The following are several of those terms.
Empowerment. Empowerment is an ongoing social action process by which
individuals, communities, and organizations that lack an equitable share of power
and valuable resources, gain increased access to resources, along with a simultaneous
increase in funds of knowledge. These gains result in individuals possessing greater
control over their lives, which leads to improved equity and life opportunities
(Hughey & Peterson, 2004; Wilkinson, 1998; Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000).
Institutional agent. Institutional agents have been defined as adults who
initiate caring, supportive relationships with youth and provide youth access to
resources. They also utilize their positioning in a social system to negotiate and
provide provisions and opportunities for youth (Stanton-Salazar, et al., 2000).
Institutional agents volume of social capital is dependant on the number of network
19
connections that they can effectively mobilize and on the level of capital that they
possess through their various relationships (Bourdieu, 1986). Lastly, their power and
position allows them not only to access resources but also enables them to
manipulate social forces to develop resource-rich, social networks for youth in
segregated, low-income, urban communities that determine who will succeed and
who will not (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000; Stanton-Salazar, 2004).
Social Capital. Stanton-Salazar (2004, 2006) has defined social capital as
institutional resources and support that are accessible through relationships with
resourceful, supportive adults (institutional agents) which can be mobilized by youth
to increase the probability of success in a purposive action. Thus, social capital is
accessed when individuals invest in social relationships and become embedded in
social networks that provide institutional support and access to resources (Stanton-
Salazar et al., 2000).
Youth intervention program. Youth intervention programs have been
developed to combat the existence of failing schools and poverty-stricken, low-
income communities. Cities and organizations have created youth intervention
programs to provide youth healthy learning and developmental environments. The
main function of a youth intervention program is to interrupt and modify observed
behavior that is identified as being possibly detrimental to the development of youth;
it is used as a means of altering high-risks behaviors - for example, involvement in
gangs, violent behavior, or failing grades (Los Angeles Community Development
Department, 2006).
20
Conclusion
This dissertation has begun with an overview of past research and a statement
that informs the purpose of this study. Chapter 2 provides an overview of literature
related to the subject areas that are discussed in this dissertation: social capital
theory, empowerment, and homelessness. The review will serve as a foundation for
this study. The reviewed literature will provide a framework that informs the
presented research questions and research protocol of this study. Chapter 3 contains
details on the methodological approach of the study. This chapter reviews the
theoretical rationale that informs the mixed-method methodological approach. The
chapter also includes descriptions of all instruments that are employed during each
phase of research. In Chapter 4, each research question is restated and answered
through data analysis. Lastly, in chapter 5, the dissertation concludes with a
discussion on the significance of the findings that were presented in Chapter 4. This
chapter also includes recommendations for future study. The dissertation ends with a
restatement of the purpose of the study, provides a brief overview of the significant
findings, and implications for youth practicioners and organizations.

21
CHAPTER 2
Literature review
Introduction
Numerous scholars (Kahne & Bailey, 1999; Maeroff, 1999; & Stanton-
Salazar, 2001) have conducted theoretical and empirical studies that present research
on how the dynamic relationships between non-familial adults, who occupy positions
of power in an institution, and low-status, urban youth result in youths access to
forms of social capital. This body of research has utilized varying social capital
theories as an overarching framework to demonstrate how non-familial adults (i.e.
institutional agents) create environments within youth programs that are empowering
to low-status youth. Specifically, by promoting youths access to key forms of social
and institutional support, in the context of relationships and networks that are
devoted to the development and educational success of these youth
Social capital theory research also includes information on the transformation
many youth experience as a result of gaining access to social capital resources.
However, this transformation is rarely discussed in its entirety. Authors such as
Maeroff (1999), Kahne and Bailey (1999), and Stanton-Salazar (2001) discuss the
empowering effects of access and use of social capital (i.e., low-status, urban youth
possess similar levels of social capital to middle and upper class youth, increased
opportunities for social and academic development, and youth learn how to decode
the system) but often fail to actually use the term empowerment. The term
empowerment provides an understanding on the utility and power of resources
22
gained from effectively utilizing forms of social capital. Empowerment is an
ongoing social action process by which individuals, communities, and organizations
that lack an equitable share of power and valuable resources gain increased access to
resources, along with a simultaneous increase in funds of knowledge. These gains
result in individuals possessing greater control over their lives, which leads to
improved equity and life opportunities (Cochran, 1990; Hughey & Peterson, 2004;
Wilkinson, 1998; Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000).
Hence, over the years, there has been a focus on identifying the underlying
programmatic mechanisms in place within youth intervention programs that develop
pathways for low-status, urban youth to access forms of social capital, along with an
unequivocal interest in understanding the role institutional agents occupy in youths
human and academic development and obtainment of differing forms of social
capital. In addition, there has also been a focus on understanding how youth access
and use forms of social capital as sources of empowerment to maneuver through
school and other areas of their lives (Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003; Kahne &
Bailey; Maeroff, 1999; & Coll et al., 1996).
This study focuses on identifying the main characteristics, structural features,
and social composition of the social resource networks of those program people
(i.e., institutional agents) who coordinate and run youth intervention programs and of
the youth intervention program, itself. This study also seeks to identify the factors
that influence program personnels ability to enact the role of institutional agent and
probes to identify whether or not program personnel consider themselves as sources
23
of institutional support and social capital. There is also a distinct focus on
identifying whom institutional agents access and what methods they use in order to
gain resources from social network members. Furthermore, the study will analyze
the social networks of institutional agents who work at youth intervention programs
to identify how their social network, along with its contextual factor, result in low-
status, urban youth receiving access to form of social capital. Lastly, this study
utilizes the institutional agent as a unit of analysis to identify those people who are
key in creating environments and developing pathways for youth to readily access
forms of social capital that, if used effectively, will result in youth gaining sources of
empowerment.
In the following chapter, I will provide a succinct overview of the two
theories of social capital: the normative framework (Durkheim, Putnam, and
Coleman) and resource model (Bourdieu, Nan Lin, and Stanton-Salazar). After a
historical overview of social capital theory, I will analyze studies that review youth
intervention programs that have used either Coleman or Bourdieus views on social
capital to implement a social capital theoretical framework that guides the objectives
and curriculum of the program. In addition, there will be a review of empowerment
literature and the relationship between low-status, urban youths social capital gains
resulting in possible attainment of an empowering life skill set that prepares them for
their life course (Coll et al., 1996). As this analysis is performed, there will also be a
focus on how institutional agents mobilize social ties to develop pathways for low-
status, urban youth, who are active participants in youth intervention programs, to
24
access forms of social capital. This will be done by reviewing studies, journal
articles, and books written by scholars in the fields of education, sociology, and
psychology, who have previously researched the importance of effective youth
programs and healthy formation of adult-youth relationships in influencing the
human, academic, and social capital development of low-status, urban youth.
Theories of Social Capital
Marxs Classical Theory of Capital
Before delving into an explanation of social capital, it is important to
understand the origins of the word capital. In Building a Network Theory of
Social Capital, Nan Lin (1999) begins with an introduction of Marxs
conceptualization of capital. Lin asserts that Marx perceived capital as surplus
value (p. 28) that stemmed from the production and consumption process. This
value belonged to the dominant class (bourgeoisie) because they controlled the
production process. The dominant class invested in the social structure, directed the
production of norms and goods within the structure, and reaped all benefits (Lin,
1999). As the investor, director, and recipients, the dominant class was allowed to
preserve their position and power in society, while simultaneously dictating the
existence and social standing of those that made up lower classes. Thus, it is
understood why Lin states that the two key elements of Marxs capital are: surplus
value and investment. Surplus value provides monetary gains and investment
empowers the dominant class to lead and guide societal processes, from
establishment of norms to production of goods, which in turn results in returns (for
25
the dominant class) in all arenas of society (Lin, 1999). Lin refers to Marxs theory
of capital as the classical theory of capital (p. 29).
Normative Model of Social Capital
Durkheims classical model. The normative framework emphasizes the
teaching of values, cognitive dispositions, and the enforcement of norms (Stanton-
Salazar, 2003). Based on the classical roots of social capital, Durkheim situates this
model within the theory of social integration and endorsement of group rituals
(Portes, 1998). In this model, givers believe in exchanging gifts with those persons
that exist in a common social network. The givers concern with the exchange is not
based on methods of repayment rather that the exchange transpires between members
of the same social network (Portes, 1998). By conducting transactions solely in the
structure of the network, the givers returns may not come from the recipient, but
instead the giver may collect repayment from the collective in the form of social
status, recognition, or acceptance. Secondly, the giver need not leave the social
network in order to receive payment on debts because the collective guarantees the
repayment of debts (Portes, 1998).
Colemans social capital. The scholarship of James Coleman presents
another example of the normative model that is widely used. Coleman (1988)
discusses social capital in the creation of human capital social relations with people
that facilitate action resulting in changes within the individual. Coleman also defines
social capital by its function, rather than structure - the idea of function being the
ability of social network members to utilize the social structure as a resource to
26
ascertain interests; social capital lies in the structure of relationships that exists
between people (Coleman, 1988).
Coleman (1988) also asserts that social capital takes three forms: 1) social
trust, 2) information channels, and 3) norms and sanctions. Social trust is dependent
on the elements of trustworthiness and environment, which entails reciprocity
between members of a social network (Coleman, 1988). If Meg gives something to
Danny, she then trusts Danny to reciprocate when it is required. Thus, Meg develops
an expectation and obligation of Danny, and he becomes indebted to Meg (Coleman,
1988). Social trust is an important element of this reciprocal exchange; this element
helps to stimulate a successful exchange. The second form of social capital is the
exchange of information in social relations. These information channels are
important means of transferring information that stimulates action in the social
network (Coleman, 1988). Colemans last form of social capital is norms and
effective sanctions. The establishment of social norms guides the social network by
a certain set of standards and enforces the importance of collectivity. By adhering to
social norms, the individual forgoes self-interest and acts in the best interest of the
familial social network. Norms and sanctions function to strengthen the collective
because each individual works towards reinforcing the ideals that support the
framework of the collective - this collective dedication and investment results in
shared resources and benefits amongst group members while preserving group
solidarity (Coleman, 1988).
27
In order for members of the social network to reap the full benefits of social
norms, Coleman (1988) states that the collective must enforce closure of the social
network. Closure refers to members of a group working solely with those that are in
their immediate circle. Closure results in interdependence amongst group members
that strengthens social relationships in the social network. This group solidarity
results in members of the social network isolating themselves from others in order to
preserve the we-ness of the collective. A high level of closure produces a network
that embraces social trust, information channels, and social norms, which is an
advantage of social capital (Lin, 1999). These forms of social capital guide the
existence of the social network and relationships between group members. The
social trust creates an environment where reciprocity can flourish, information
channels allow clear lines of communication amongst all members of the collective,
and social norms force group member to become accountable to themselves and each
other (Coleman, 1988). Social trust also establishes a foundation for group members
to buy-in and preserve group solidarity (closure). Group members practice strong
pathways of communication and enforced social norms because of the high levels of
social trust that resonates within the social network. The element of social trust
creates a safe environment where group members feel at ease and confident about the
unconditional nature of the social relationships between group members. Lastly,
closure preserves communal values (Coleman, 1988), ensures the mobilization of
community resources, and enhances group members individual opportunities by
investing in the collective (Lin, 1999). By enacting closure, the members of the
28
group forgo individualism for group progress. Instead of group members working
towards individual advancement, group members work towards achieving group
accomplishments that then results in individuals prospering as part of the collective.
Application of The Normative Model of Social Capital Theory
Scholars and researchers have used Colemans social capital theory to review
youth intervention programs and guide the development of programs. Mareoff
(2000) used Colemans social capital theory as a framework to guide her descriptive
and empirical research of various enhancement programs (Maeroff, 2000, p. 6)
programs that build social capital for students in need and confront the many factors
that block students academic achievement. From her research on enhancement
programs, she identified four characteristics that provided students in need (i.e., low-
status, urban youth) with parallel forms of social capital available to children whose
families possess greater opportunities due to higher socioeconomic status (i.e.,
middle class and upper class, affluent youth). These characteristics are: sense of
connectedness, sense of well-being, sense of academic initiative, and sense of
knowing (Maeroff, 1999).
A sense of connectedness refers to students relationship with the entity of
school (for the purpose of this study the entity is a youth intervention program). It is
important that youth possess a connection with the school; they need to place
personal value and investment in school/youth intervention program in order for
relationships to prosper and grow (Maeroff, 1999). The sense of well-being focuses
on students overall existence; it is concerned with students psychological and
29
physical health. This sense stresses the importance of essential factors that affect
students developmental processes and, in turn, that will later affect their capacity to
become successful students (Mareoff, 1999). Next, is the sense of academic
initiative that focuses on the need to motivate youth towards sustaining academic
achievements. Lastly, the sense of knowing teaches students about how to
understand and control their own funds of knowledge (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000,
p. 220). In essence, it is this sense that provides them with awareness on how to
cultivate the other senses, life experiences, and personal knowledge to understand the
world at large (Maeroff, 1999).
In another study, Kahne and Bailey (1999) present findings from a two-and-
a-half year qualitative, descriptive study that reviewed two I Have a Dream
(IHAD) programs in Chicago, Illinois in order to review the role of social capital.
The purpose of the study was to examine programmatic mechanisms that were
responsible for the success of the two IHAD programs and understand how the
programs utilized such mechanisms to provide support and resources for youth
development (Kahne & Bailey, 1999). Colemans normative model of social capital
theory guided the theoretical framework of the two IHAD programs. The analysis of
these two case studies focused on various forms of social capital (i.e. social trust,
social networks, and social norms) that were used to establish a supportive
environment for inner-city youth.
The goal of the I Have a Dream program was for youth to access personal
and financial support offered by the program to graduate from high school and gain
30
knowledge that would prepare them for entrance into college or the workforce
(Kahne & Bailey, 1999). The program provided academic, social, and financial
resources to 6th grade classes (Kahne & Bailey, 1999). A local wealthy family
randomly chose and sponsored students, from each participating class, for the
duration of their educational careers (6th through 12th grade). The IHAD project
director hired a project coordinator to work with the students, along with volunteers
and Americorps members, to provide support to the students in the program (Kahne
& Bailey, 1999). The adults (i.e., institutional agents) that worked directly with the
youth strived to form long-lasting relationships that relied heavily on establishing a
high level of trust with youth members (Kahne & Bailey, 1999). Throughout the
program, youth participants had access to a wide range of services tutoring,
mentoring, job placement assistance, counseling, etc. If students remained in the
program from 6th through 12th grade, they received educational assistance in the
form of college scholarships (Kahne & Bailey, 1999).
From the data collected at the two case study sites, the authors found that
social trust was an important factor in building long-lasting relationships between
youth and institutional agents (Kahne & Bailey, 1999). Once youth felt a sense of
trust with the program coordinator, staff members, and sponsors (institutional agents
of the program), youth forged imperative social ties which resulted in them
becoming embedded in the social network, seeking support from the network, and
abiding by the social norms of the IHAD program. Through long-lasting trusting
relationships with institutional agents, youth became comfortable in the social
31
network of the IHAD program. Their high level of trust motivated them to utilize
program resources, which led to accessing various forms of social capital. In
essence, the social trust facilitated access to program benefits and other areas of
social capital (Kahne & Bailey, 1999).
While it is beneficial to identify the positive themes that emerge from the
research of Maeroff (1999) and Kahne and Bailey (1999), it is also equally important
to note youth intervention flaws that were revealed in the findings. With the IHAD
program, the authors discussed whether the program countered the role of parents.
The research showed that the IHAD program models and objectives implied
numerous assumptions about lives of children serviced by the program. Thus, IHAD
provided services that resulted in potential overlap between IHAD program
resources and youth participants familial network resources. Due to the familial
type characteristics of the IHAD program, it became very important to take into
consideration how an intervention like the IHAD program could restructure the
parents role in guiding their childs development (Kahne & Bailey, 1999).
When staff and sponsors of the two case study sites decided to switch the
youths schools from public to parochial, this change in schools signified an
additional design issue of the IHAD programmatic model. This change
demonstrated that the initial forms of social capital social trust, social network, and
social norms that were provided by the two IHAD programs were not enough to
assist the youth in meeting the program goals to graduate from high school and
gain knowledge that would prepare them for entrance into college or the workforce.
32
It was determined that the program failed to consider the deprived state of public
schools in the inner-city, and the affects that inadequate public schools had on the
educational experiences of inner-city youth (Kahne & Bailey, 1999). Thus,
illustrating the importance of addressing macro (social structure), meso
(community), and micro (individual) problems when designing youth intervention
programs that provide youth access to forms of social capital (Stanton-Salazar,
2001). Furthermore, it is equally important to that in order for a youth intervention
program to be effective, it must employ effective institutional agents who work
towards creating a highly integrative environment where youth participants can
assimilate norms and values that lead to resiliency (i.e., emerging out of deleterious
environments to ascertain goals and achieve success) and perhaps, in the case of
IHAD, school achievement.
The Resource Model of Social Capital
Bourdieus theory of social capital. Pierre Bourdieu (1986) wrote about
three forms of capital: economic, cultural, and social capital. He stated that the
accumulation of capital was based on labor, took time to acquire, was reproducible,
and could produce profits. As a result of capitals conversion abilities, its
chameleon-like qualities allow it to exist in different forms of capital (economic,
cultural, and social) and throughout vast spaces in society. These convertible
properties also enable forms of social capital to infiltrate and exist within numerous
areas of a social structure. Its conversion abilities allow varying forms of capital to
dictate the allocation of power within a social structure (Bourdieu, 1986). In other
33
wards, capital has the capabilities to exist in multiple forms and work coherently.
Bourdieu explained economic capital as equating to financial possessions (money)
and cultural capital as exiting in three forms: embodied state (in the character of
mind and body), objectified state (cultural goods), and institutionalized state (e.g.
educational qualifications; Dika & Singh, 2002).
Bourdieu (1986) was the first to explain the theory of social capital as access
to institutional resources. He was the first to present a systematic analysis of social
capital, which he defined as the combination of actual or potential resources that
come from ones connection to institutionalized relationships within a resourceful
network. This membership in the group provides participants with the support of the
collectively owned capital. Thus, the amount of capital possessed by an individual
depends on the size of the network and relationships the individual can effectively
mobilize (social ties) and on the level of capital (economic, cultural or symbolic)
possessed by those that the individual has connections too. In turn, social capital
never functions independently because of its dependence on the social network and
relationships between individuals who are members of the group (Bourdieu, 1986;
Dika & Singh, 2002).
Portes (1998) states that Bourdieu focuses on how the individual gains
benefits from participating in social networks, and he also places emphasis on the
strategic makeup of the social network that produces such benefits and resources.
According to Portes (1998), Bourdieu states that social networks are built on group
members buy-in and connectedness to group relations. Social networks must be
34
constructed through individuals embeddedness in social network and investment in
social relationships (Stanton-Salazar, 2004), which, in turn, will make the network
plentiful and a source of resourceful benefits (Portes, 1998). Hence, Bourdieus
social capital consists of two elements: (1) the social relationships that allow
individuals to access resources possessed by the network, and (2) the quantity and
quality of such resources (Dika & Singh, 2002; Portes, 1998).
Bourdieus (1986) conceptualization of social capital is also rooted in the
theories of social reproduction and symbolic power (Dika & Singh, 2002). Social
reproduction theory provides an explanation and reasoning on how societal
institutions reproduce social relationships and attitudes that are needed to maintain
class relations in a capitalist social system (MacLeod, 1987; Stanton-Salazar, 2004).
In stating this, Bourdieu (1986) thus provides a structural perspective in identifying
the dominant class reproduction as the key factor in explaining social capital, which
is represented by recognizing 1) the size of the network and 2) the amount of capital
possessed by group members. This representation is viable only when the network
enacts closure and all members sustain strong and reciprocal social relationships.
Thus, Bourdieu envisions social capital as the investment of individuals in a social
network engaging in reciprocal relationships to reproduce group solidarity and
preserve groups position and power (as cited in Lin, 1999).
To accompany this model of social capital, there is the understanding that
social capital is rooted in the realm of economic capital, which dictates the control of
societys key material sources, the conversion of resources into forms of wealth,
35
power, and social influence, and, lastly, the imbalanced allocation of capital to
certain groups of individuals (Stanton-Salazar, 2004). Regardless of its form, the
existence of capital within social systems and institutional settings embodies a
particular aura that distinguishes those who possess capital and those who do not; it
also exemplifies a particular process oriented towards continually shielding and
reproducing unequal relations (Stanton-Salazar, 2004).
Nan Lins Theory of Social Capital. Nan Lin (1999) has an evolving
definition of social capital. Over the course of his evolving definition, Lin makes
explicit that social capital are those resources linked to social positions that exists in
the upper levels of the social hierarchy. This emphasis is demonstrated in his
discussions on how the concept of social capital is rooted in social networks and
social ties and must be measured according to its roots. Lins social resources theory
has proposed that access to and use of resources embedded in social networks can
result to more desirable socioeconomic statuses. Thus, his theory states that peoples
positions in the hierarchal structure - the strength of their social positions, and the
strength of social ties that people forge based on their positions - influence access to
and use of resources (Lin, 1999).
Lins first definition of social capital focuses on why investment in social
relations will result in outcomes of actions: investment in social relations with
expected returns (Lin, 1999, p. 30) expected returns beings forms of resources.
His explanation of the first definition consists of four points: 1) how embedded
resources in social networks facilitates the transfer of information, 2) social
36
relationships within network may exert influence on institutional agents, who occupy
a critical role in the decision-making process, 3) individuals social ties may be
determined by the institution or institutional agents as proof of the individuals social
credentials, which may influence the individuals level of social capital
accessibility to resources and relationships in social network, and 4) social
relationships are expected to reinforce ones social worth and value in network and
beyond (Lin, 1999). Thus, the key elements of the first definition are information,
influence, social credentials, and reinforcements. Nan-Lin (1999) states that this
explanation of social capital may explain why social capital works in instrumental
and expressive actions that fail to be accounted for by other forms of capital such as
economic and human capital. Information, influence, social credentials, and
reinforcements are forces that are present in instrumental action (action where the
return/outcome is an increase in individual resources) and expressive action (action
where the return/outcome is the maintaining of resources).
Even though Lins scholarship is rooted in the resource model of social
capital theory, he makes distinctions on both perspectives of social capital theory.
He classifies the resource model of social capital theory as a relational model
because of its focus on the individuals personal relationship with social network
(embeddedness in network) and importance of social networks structure being
founded and supported by strong relationships that will provide access to social
capital (Lin, 1999). As for Colemans perspective of social capital theory, Lin
classifies it as a societal-group model of social capital theory. He states that the
37
focus of this social capital perspective exists at the group level. This perspective of
social capital theory discusses how certain populations develop and maintain social
capital as a collective asset, and how this collective asset functions to enhance group
members life opportunities (Lin, 1999). This perspective of social capital bridges a
connection between individuals social capital acquisition as a result of membership
in a collective and how this embeddedness in collective produces social capital
returns (access to resources and forms of support) that can lead to enhancement of
individuals life opportunities; this enhancement (change) process can also be
viewed as a source of empowerment (see Empowerment section of literature review).
These varying perspectives on social capital theory suggest that social capital
is grounded in social networks and relationships and must be measured according to
its roots, which resulted in Lins second definition of social capital resources
embedded in a social structure which are accessed and/or mobilized in purposive
actions (Lin, 1999, p. 35). With this revised definition, Lin presents three key
elements that connect structure and action: embeddedness of resources in social
structure, individuals accessibility to resources, and individuals use of social
resources in purposive actions. Furthermore, this definition proposes that access to
and use of resources are partially determined by ones positioning in a hierarchal
structure and connection to social ties, which means that an individuals existence in
a resource-rich social network can result in higher socioeconomic status (Lin, 1999).
To further distinguish critical terms and their function in social capital theory,
Lin (1999) sharpened his definition to: investment in social relations by
38
individuals through which they gain access to embedded resources to enhance
expected returns of instrumental or expressive actions (p. 39). In this definition, the
three critical elements are: 1) investment in social relationships, 2) access to
embedded resources, and 3) returns of actions. This definition distinctly identifies
social relationships, embedded resources, and returns as forms of social capital.
Also, unlike Lins previous definitions, this definition includes the concept of
returns. Returns in instrumental action are economic, political, and social returns,
and each type of return produces additional capital - economic refers to monetary
gains (wealth), political is higher positioning in a hierarchal structure (power), and
social return is reflected ones reputation (social standing) (Lin, 1999). The phrase
returns of expressive action means that social capital is used to consolidate and
prevent loss of resources. The main point in expressive returns is to access and
mobilize network members, who control and share embedded resources, so that they
can preserve and protect the collectives existing resources (Lin, 1999). This
characteristic is also seen in Bourdieu and Colemans perspectives of social capital
theory in the concept of closure. Closure is apparent in social networks that rely
solely on the social ties and resources of its members. When closure is enforced in a
social network, it results in a group of people that abide by social norms that
emphasize community and group solidarity and mobilize network resources to
further advance the collective (Lin, 1999). However, Lin refrains from using the
term closure because he feels that closure is not necessary to effectively or fully
utilize all aspects of social capital. Lin states that it is important to form bridges in
39
social networks in order to facilitate information and influence channels. He further
asserts that to focus solely on the concept of closure, in regards to the utility of social
capital, overlooks the possibility of accessing social bridges, structural holes, or
weaker social ties. According to Lin (1999), closure is a concept that is applicable to
certain instances. Thus, for a privileged population, it would be beneficial to have a
closed network to preserve, maintain, and reproduce resources. However, for
obtaining resources not currently possessed, accessing people outside the network
(forging bridges) could be more useful when trying to access forms of social capital.
Hence, the utility of closure, in a given situation, is based on the circumstances of the
situation and desired outcomes of those network members that are directing the
situation (Lin, 1999).
To further explain the functioning of social capital theory, Lin (1999) also
reviewed patterns and determinants of three areas of social capital, which are also
featured in the concept of closure: collective assets, mobilized resources, and
accessible resources. These social forces are responsible for the (differential)
distribution of resources; thus, being determinants of who exists in upper, middle,
and lower classes of society. Such forces are ingrained in the societal social
structure and are underlying social forces that fuel social stratification.
Stanton-Salazars conceptual framework of social capital theory. The work
of Stanton-Salazar situates the concept of social stratification in his body of research
on social capital theory. However, as a departure point for his conceptual framework
of social capital theory, Stanton-Salazar uses the scholarship of Bourdieu and Lin as
40
a foundation to support his scholarly quests in the area of social capital theory. As
Stanton-Salazar utilizes their scholarship on social capital theory, he also makes
significant contribution to this body of knowledge by developing an evolving
conceptual framework on the resource model of social capital theory. Stanton-
Salazar (2004, 2006) borrows from Lins (1999) definition of social capital and
modifies it to state that Social capital is institutional resources and support that are
accessible through relationships with resourceful, supportive adults (institutional
agents) which can be mobilized by youth to increase the probability of success in a
purposive action.
Stanton-Salazar (1997) developed a social capital framework to study the
socialization of minority populations and identified intrinsic mechanisms of
mainstream social systems that are responsible for the challenges low-status and
minority children face in accumulating social capital (Dika & Singh, 2002). During
Stanton-Salazars study of the school and kin support networks of U.S Mexican
youth, he further developed his conceptual framework (Stanton-Salazar, 2001). His
conceptual framework highlighted how stratification and counterstratification forces
affect youth who are embedded in a social network (Dika & Singh, 2002). Since
low-status, urban youth are unable to access forms of social capital from their
immediate surroundings, like that of affluent youth; social capital becomes a crucial
asset that is obtained from programs that serve the research has shown that youth
obtain social capital from youth intervention programs (Kahne & Bailey, 1999;
Maeroff, 1999; Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003). As a result of social inequities (i.e.,
41
social stratification) that comprise the backbone of our societys social structure,
there is an imbalanced distribution of position and power that results in forms of
social capital being instantaneously embedded in the social networks and social
relationships of affluent youth (Stanton-Salazar, 2001, 2003), while, in contrast, low-
status, urban youth are reliant on resources that are available through their limited
kinship networks (Cochran, 1990).
To counter the effects of social stratification, there are instances when
collectives (e.g., community, school, institutional agents, parents, and youth)
mobilize to form resourceful networks that support youth throughout their
development (Stanton-Salazar, 2001). These counterstratification efforts combat the
explicit and implicit social forces that compress on the psyche of low-status minority
youth. This countering against the mainstream social structure and negative forces
takes commitment and dedication on the part of institutional agents and youth.
Without institutional agents, who activate their position and power, to create access
to forms of social capital through youth intervention programs, many low-status,
urban youth would lack the opportunity to rise from their poverty-stricken
surroundings and access resources similar to those that support the effective human
development and academic success of affluent youth (Kahne & Bailey, 1999;
Maeroff, 1999; Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003).
Application of The Resource Model of Social Capital Theory to Youth and Education
In contrast, Bourdieus (1986) resource model of social capital theory places
emphasis on the structure rather than function. In his scholarship, Bourdieu asserts
42
that social capital originates when individuals situate themselves in a social network
that is resource-rich and based on a social class hierarchy system. Further,
individuals are rarely allowed admittance into classes, outside of their own; unless
they can demonstrate that they share more or less similar economic, social, and
cultural capital. Additionally, Bourdieu viewed social capital as cumulative, had the
ability to produce profits, could be converted into other forms of capital, and was
capable of reproducing itself in identical or expanded form (Stanton-Salazar et al.,
2000). Thus, social relationships (or social ties) represent a type of capital that has
the capacity to be converted into valuable institutional support, which the individual
previously lacked access too. In a social network, an individual has an opportunity
to gain access to resources (various forms of capital) from all strong social
relationships, as well as, through institutional support and resources provided by the
network itself. Lin (1999) refers to this conversion as instrumental action, where the
return is gained resources that were not initially possessed by the individual. This
example highlights how individuals (institutional agents), who are situated in youths
social networks and accessed by youth, can impact youths ability to obtain goals
such as the successful completion of high school and going to college (Stanton-
Salazar et al., 2000).
Research by Stanton-Salazar, Vasquez, and Mehan (2000) provide analysis of
two programs whose frameworks are in aligning with the resource model of social
capital. The authors present findings from two youth programs, La Clasa Magica
and Advancement Via Individual Determination (AVID), that illustrates how strong
43
relationships between youth and institutional agents result in youth gaining access to
resources and acquiring funds of knowledge (forms of social capital).
La Clasa Magica. La Clasa Magica was an after school program specifically
developed to provide additional educational support to Spanish-English bilingual
elementary age children. La Clasa Magica was located on the grounds of a Catholic
Mission church and received funding from the University of San Diego at California
(UCSD). A significant portion of the staffing at La Clasa Magica consisted of
undergraduate students from UCSD who enrolled in child development courses. To
record their experiences, the students wrote extensive field notes. Other data
collection methods used by the undergraduate students and research staff included
taking field notes, as well as, reviewing audio and video recordings of encounters
between youth and undergraduates (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000).
La Clasa Magica was founded on the theoretical notion that combining play
and educational activities created supportive environments that were free of
hierarchal tug of wars between participants. In order to achieve this type of
environment, the authors point to the concept of implicit socialization. Implicit
socialization is the process of skills and knowledge being tacitly transmitted during
problem solving moments that occur in the midst of adult and student interactions.
As a result of this implicit socialization, children and the undergraduate students
(institutional agents) can equally contribute to solving activity-related problems (i.e.,
trying to make it to the next level in a game) (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000). The
implicit socialization created environments where youth and institutional agents
44
could exchange funds of knowledge through play. In the midst of these exchanges,
undergraduates inadvertently, through social interaction, began to share cultural and
social knowledge about education, technology, and society. As a result, youth begin
to gain forms of resources, support, and knowledge (i.e., gaining access to social
capital). During activities, youth and institutional agents occupied equitable roles as
they performed problem-solving tasks. Youth and the undergraduates worked
effectively together. The balance that existed in this relationship came from
individuals utilizing clear and open lines of communication, which resulted in
exchanges of knowledge (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000).
Advancement Via Individual Determination Program. The Advancement Via
Individual Determination (AVID) program recruits high school students who have
displayed academic potential based on standardized test. Even though their school
grades are average, their standardized tests scores demonstrate the extent of their
academic abilities. To assist students with reaching their full academic potential, the
students are placed in college preparatory classes with high achieving students
(Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000). In this academic focused environment, they are
provided social supports, such as tutors and a special class, to provide them with the
tools that are needed to succeed. Students are required to attend an AVID class one
period a day throughout the duration of the school year. In this class, students learn
a special method of note taking, test preparation, vocabulary building, and college
application process assistance. In addition to the academic centered skills students
45
learn, AVID also teaches students conflict resolution skills that are useful for school
and beyond (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000).
Through explicit instruction, AVID teachers instruct students in techniques
that aid them in reaching success within school and beyond (i.e., form of social
capital) thus, research states that explicit socialization are occurrences when
important problem solving and learning strategies are identified and stated as key
components in the interaction (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000). These strategies are
similar to those strategies that affluent and middle school students implicitly learn at
home (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000). Borrowing from Bourdieus (1986)
terminology, AVID gives low-status, urban students cultural capital at school that
economically advantaged students gain at home from their parents and immediate
surroundings.
As a result of the resources and funds of knowledge available through AVID,
the AVID instructor occupies an important role. Their strategic placement in the
hierarchical social structure of the school enables them to act as a bridge between
high school and outside forces (i.e., colleges) to ensure the academic success of their
students. They are able to act as institutional agents by using their position and
power to distribute knowledge to students and negotiate on behalf of the students.
These instructors are institutional agents that impact the personal, social, and
academic development of their students as they provide the AVID social supports to
their students (i.e., forms of social capital) (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000)
46
The authors focused on the concepts of implicit and explicit socialization
processes and how these socialization processes led to youth gaining access to
resources and funds of knowledge. The authors also discussed the importance of
using gained knowledge as a resource for decoding the system (i.e., gaining
additional forms of social capital). Stanton-Salazar (2000) stated that knowing how
to decode the system was an essential asset for individuals who working towards
achieving success (p. 238). To decode the system, one needs the knowledge base to
understand the implicit and explicit rules that are governing various social systems.
Research has also stated that the children of the dominant group begin gaining
knowledge about social rules during their early socialization experiences in the home
and community (social capital). However, through neither implicit nor explicit
socialization (lack of social capital), minority children are not exposed to these social
rules. Instead they come to school rich in cultural resources, which make them
skillful decoders in their personal cultural domains, but not in mainstream systems
(e.g., the school system) (Stanton-Salazar et al., 2000).
Summary of Social Capital Theory
In conclusion, there are two overarching theories of social capital: the
normative and resource model. Coleman (1988) states that social capital is defined
by its function not structure. In his work, he further states that social capital is
grounded in three forms: 1) social trust, 2) information channels, and 3) social
norms. These three forms of social capital promote the common good over the self-
interest of the individual. In contrast, Bourdieus (1986) resource model of social
47
capital emphasizes the structure rather function. In his scholarship, he asserts that
social capital comes from investment in a social network that is resource-rich. Once
network participants are invested in the social network and embedded in social
relationships, they heighten their accessibility to other network participants web of
resources. He also states that social network resources are of higher utility when the
network is closed to outsiders (Dika & Singh, 2002).
Coleman and Bourdieu both emphasize the importance of individuals being a
part of a social network and how the group solidarity (closure) of the network results
in the availability and accessibility of social capital amongst group members (Dika &
Singh, 2002). However, Coleman places an emphasis on closure as a tool that
maintains and enhances social trust, information channels, and social norms. These
social capital forces ensure the ability of group members to effectively mobilize
network resources (Lin, 1999). Coleman also discusses the concept of
intergenerational closure parents are familiar with the parents of their childrens
peers (Dika & Singh, 2002). In contrast, Bourdieu emphasizes the concept of
closure in relationship to social reproduction theory. This application of closure
focuses on the ability of the dominant class to reproduce group solidarity and
preserve the groups position. Thus, an apparent distinction between the two is
Bourdieus vision of a classist society. The normative and resource model of social
capital theory differ in that the distinction between resources and the ability to gain
them in the social structure is made explicit in Bourdieu (1986) but vague in
Coleman (Dika & Singh, 2002).
48
Empowerment Theory
For quite some time empowerment theory has been used as a theoretical
framework to analyze the outcomes of intervention programs. However, the
application of empowerment theory as a theoretical framework to study intervention
programs has taken place in a realm separate from that of social capital theory.
According to McWhirter (1991), empowerment has often been stated as a goal of
counseling interventions. By definition, empowerment is an ongoing social action
process by which individuals, communities, and organizations that lack an equitable
share of power and valuable resources, gain increased access to resources, along with
a simultaneous increase in funds of knowledge. These gains result in individuals
possessing greater control over their lives, which leads to improved equity and life
opportunities (Hughes & Peterson, 2004; Wilkinson, 1998; Stanton-Salazar et al.,
2000). Research has also stated that once individuals become empowered that they
will come to understand how power is distributed within society. With this
understanding, research states that individuals will recognize how they and their
communities are affected by the distribution of power. Lastly, research has also
stated that empowerment helps individuals recognize and understand how they have
come to occupy their social standing in society.
Gutierrez (1988) has studied empowerment in Chicano communities and
through her research has identified three cognitive elements of the empowered
individual. The first element is group identification, which is the ability to identify
with experiences of the collective. She identified the second element as stratum
49
consciousness. In identifying this element of empowerment, Gutierrez relied heavily
on the scholarship of Paulo Freire as she developed this aspect of empowerment.
Stratum consciousness is the process by which individuals recognize the status and
power of groups that exist in society. The final term was self and collective efficacy;
this was stated as believing that one can make change in ones life as an individual or
as a member of a group.
When empowerment theory is applied to the context of youth intervention
programs, it has been found that caring adults play a key role in the empowerment of
youth (Messias, Fore, McLaughlin & Para-Medina, 2005). However, the literature
fails to explain or present a coherent definition of the relationship between the best
practices of caring adults, empowerment processes implemented, and youth
empowerment outcomes. Thus, current theoretical models of youth empowerment
present the importance of caring adults involvement in youth development, but have
failed to directly define the roles of adults in this process. Further, the few studies
that discuss adult roles in youth empowerment have been projects where the
researchers have been active participants in creating and implementing the program
(Messias et al., 2005).
Due to this gap in the research, Messias et al. (2005) performed a research
study on the roles of adults in youth empowerment programs. The researchers
studied the perspectives and experiences of adults who were working in community-
based youth empowerment programs; specifically, they studied adult leaders who
worked in tobacco youth intervention programs that served youth ages 12 to 19.
50
Adult leaders were used as the unit of analysis, and the researchers employed the
following methodological procedures for data collection: interviews, field
observations, and group discussion with program leaders. From the study, the
researchers found that the roles of caring adults in youth empowerment programs
were multifaceted. The researchers organized their complex findings into six
categories. They found that adult leaders made youth their priority, set high
expectations for youth, established and provided examples of trusting social
relationships, maintained a balance between adult control and democratic
environment, used adult influence to foster growth in youth, and they established
relationships between all parties that were invested in youth program (i.e., youth,
parents, volunteers) and other community-based organizations.
The research from the Messias et al. (2005) study shows that there is vast
amount to learn about the roles of caring, adults who work in youth programs. While
this study has provided information on the tasks that adult leaders enact in youth
empowerment programs, it must be noted that this research was performed in the
context of a tobacco youth intervention program, which has varying goals and
purposes in comparison to a school-based youth intervention program. Additionally,
it is important to state that these findings placed focus on adults tasks and actions,
but failed to make a direct correlation between these actions and youth
empowerment. In addition, the findings failed to discuss how caring adults (i.e.,
institutional agents) help youth use social capital resources as a source of
empowerment. Finally, the researchers failed to define empowerment or state what
51
indicators were used to judge the achievement of youth empowerment. These
shortcomings of past research present gaps that are apparent in empowerment
scholarship, which thus informs the need to perform this study.
In relation to this study, empowerment theory is being included to aid in
answering the research questions. In particular, the research question that asks: How
do program leaders empower youth participants? Based on the empowerment
scholarship, the research has shown that an anticipated outcome of counseling
intervention programs is empowerment (McWhirter, 1991). In many ways,
counseling programs are similar to youth intervention programs in that both
programs are attempting to intervene and modify a negative behavior.
In studying empowerment theory in relation to social capital theory, it is first
important to look specifically at how institutional agents create situations to make
social capital accessible to youth how do they communicate with others about
youth, do institutional agents ask for assistance, or do people in their social networks
offer help? The institutional agents methods reveal how social capital becomes
available to youth. Next, it is important to study how institutional agents assist youth
in using their social capital as they navigate through various social structures. It is
noble of institutional agents to aid youth in accessing social capital, but to coach
youth in how to use social capital, as a tool of empowerment is a whole other task.
Thus, empowerment theory becomes a crucial element in explaining the outcome of
intervention programs, as well as, being important in providing information on how
the concept of empowerment affects the lives of low-status, urban youth.
52
Homelessness
Overview of the problem
Homelessness is an immense problem in the United States; multinational
comparisons have stated that the United States may have the highest lifetime
prevalence of homelessness amongst developed countries estimates ranging as high
as 7-8% among adults (12-15 million people) (Haber & Toro, 2004). Despite public
and media concern and federal funding through the McKinney Act ($1.5 billion
annual budget for services helping homeless people) homelessness continues to
plague cities throughout the United States (Haber & Toro, 2004).
According to Haber and Toro (2004), the homeless population is comprised
of three identifiable subgroups: adults without children (primarily men), families that
consist of young women with children, and adolescents who are on their own,
without adult supervision. Regardless of the population subgroup, homeless people
tend to come from poor, urban, and particular ethnic minority backgrounds (i.e.,
African-American and Latino). Of those persons that are homeless, research has
stated that mothers with young children comprise 14-43% of homeless persons.
Further, mothers with young children are the most rapidly increasing segment of the
homeless population (Haber & Toro, 2004). African-Americans and Latinos have
the highest incidence among families that are homeless, especially, in urban settings
where family shelters are located. Research has also stated that homeless families
tend to live in shelters, not on the streets (Haber & Toro, 2004). As a result of living
in shelters, most families lack a paternal figure because many shelters prohibit men
53
and/or place limits on the family size (Haber & Toro, 2004). For the purpose of this
study, there will be a focus on the population of children who reside in either shelters
or motels with their families (i.e., primarily mothers with children who are between
the ages of 5 and 13); these families live on a homeless strip of streets in downtown
Los Angeles known as Skid Row.
Homeless youth. Children who are homeless are often embedded within a
family; thus, homelessness among children can be correlated with the personal,
social, and economic situation of their parents, as children cannot be held responsible
for their parents personal mishaps and inability to secure housing for the family
(Haber & Toro, 2004). Research has stated that homelessness is a social
phenomenon consisting of interactions between the individual and his/her social
context (Haber & Toro, 2004).
Being homeless may place a great deal of stress on parents, deterring them
from parenting resources and forms of support, which in turn can have an adverse
affect on children. Thus, children who experience homelessness are at a higher risk
for numerous problems, including poor health, lack of coordination, behavioral
problems, educational delays, and poor school performance (Haber & Toro, 2004).
Effects of homelessness on child development. Research states that a
relationship exists between poverty, family income, economic hardship, and child
development; furthermore, the research confirms that there is a positive association
between family income and how a child progresses through developmental stages
(Haber & Toro, 2004). This body of research is applicable to a discussion of
54
homelessness for two reasons: 1) the majority of children from homeless families
come from a poverty-stricken background, and 2) homelessness can be viewed as
being highly correlated with poverty and residential instability; poverty and
residential instability being determinants of income-level and social class. Thus,
these factors help to demonstrate the relationship that exists between homelessness
and poverty/family income. In turn, if a person is identified as homeless then the
term poverty can also be used to describe their circumstances. On a poverty scale,
homelessness exists in the extremely high poverty range (Haber & Toro, 2004).
From a psychological theoretical perspective, research has stated that poverty
places parents under stress, which affects their parenting abilities and makes them
significantly less capable of stimulating their childs positive child development
(Haber & Toro, 2004). According to economic theory, it has been suggested that a
combination of the parents biological attributes and the resources they have readily
available to support the childs development (e.g., materials, quality schools, and
medical care) can promote positive child outcomes (Haber & Toro, 2004). While
these two viewpoints address different mechanisms that affect child development,
both perspectives are valid. Research has shown that the first perspective family
stress was a predictor of child behavior problems, and the latter perspective -
parental investment was a predictor of cognitive/academic achievement outcomes
in children (Haber & Toro, 2004). These theories provide a glimpse into the
ecological affect that children experience growing up in extreme poverty-stricken
situation such as homelessness. The effects of living in a homeless setting influence
55
the emotional, social, psychological, and human development of the child. Such
experiences also resonate within the psyche of the child.
Skid Row. In 2005, a group of skid row youth, Youth Coalition X, designed
and conducted a study under the direction of the United Coalition East Prevention
Project, a social service agency that works with youth that live on skid row. The
study was entitled Toxic Playground: Growing up in Skid Row. The study
documented the harsh realties that skid row youth experience each day.
The study stated that every city had a skid row, but that Los Angeles had
the largest skid row in the nation. Skid Row, in downtown Los Angeles, is
comprised of a long strip of streets that are crammed with thousands of homeless
people. The study stated that the people that live on skid row were drug addicts, the
mentally ill, veterans, parolees, families, and children. The study also stated that
many Skid Row residents slept in tents or on the sidewalk, leaning against fences
doing drugs, and stumbling down the street in a drug-induced fog. There were also
people that walked aimlessly up and down skid row and surrounding streets to pass
by time, until they were allowed admittance into a shelter.
A study performed by the University of Southern California entitled Crisis on
the Streets: Homeless Women and Children in Skid Row (2003) stated that children
were the fastest growing group in skid row. Over one decade (1990 2000), the
number of children living on skid row increased from 1 percent to 15 percent of the
population. The study, Toxic Playground, stated that in the Skid Row area, there
were more than 11,000 adults and children who resided within 55 square blocks. Of
56
these 11,000 people, some slept on streets and others lived in shelters, missions, or
motels. As a result of the close sleeping quarters that people shared on skid row, the
research stated that it was not uncommon for children to become influenced into
drug use, drug dealing, and prostitution (United Coalition East Prevention Project,
2005).
Toxic Playground also stated that children that lived on skid row grew up
witnessing happenings that no person should have to see lewd activities, drug
transactions, crimes, violence, and people that were high or drunk. In addition, there
was a high prevalence of people being addicted to drugs, alcohol, and tobacco; along
with a high incidence of persons infected with sexually transmitted diseases, such as
HIV and AIDS. There were also a high number of persons that suffered from severe
mental health problems, including depression and schizophrenia. Toxic Playground
stated that there were additional health risks that plagued skid row: tuberculosis,
hepatitis, bed bugs, and malnutrition. In the midst of these numerous health risks,
youth gained limited access to medical and dental health services (United Coalition
East Prevention Project, 2005).
According to the study Toxic Playground (2005), there were barely any
efforts being made to address the needs of youth who lived on skid row. Even
though there were more than 30 service providers located in the skid row area,
research showed that programs for youth were scarce. Due to the rarity of youth
programs and service providers for homeless children, this dissertation has chosen to
focus on Schools on Wheels, Inc, an organization that is dedicated to providing
57
educational opportunities to homeless children from kindergarten through twelfth
grade. School on Wheels provides educational assistance to homeless children that
live in the Skid Row area, as well as, homeless children that live throughout Los
Angeles and Ventura counties.
Conclusion
The purpose of the literature review has been to provide a critical analysis of
the empirical and theoretical literature that is available on social capital theory, along
with a brief glimpse at the scholarship on empowerment theory and homelessness.
This chapter has provided theoretical perspectives of scholars, educators, social
scientists, and researchers. The research presented in this chapter has provided
background knowledge on each area and has functioned to demonstrate how these
theories and social issue function in society. Furthermore, the scholarship has shown
how social capital theory, empowerment theory, and homelessness are situated in the
socialization experiences of individuals.
The reviewed literature has presented research findings that discuss how
individuals navigate their social networks to access social capital resources on behalf
of low-status, urban youth. The research has also shown how institutional agents
transmit forms of social capital to youth. Stanton-Salazar, Vasquez, and Mehan
(2000) have stated that institutional agents possess power and position that enable
them to distribute, enact, and call upon others to provide access to forms of social
capital for low-status, urban youth. Thus, in this study, there will be a focus on
58
identifying how program leaders navigate and utilize their social networks to access
social capital resources on behalf of low-status, urban youth.
The review of empowerment theory has provided background knowledge on
the theoretical perspectives of empowerment theory. According to research,
empowerment is an anticipated outcome of intervention programs (Stanton-Salazar
et al., 2000; Hughey & Peterson, 2004), but the reviewed research has failed to
directly state this as an outcome. The research has also failed to state a direct
connection between youth intervention program processes and youth becoming
empowered individuals. Rather researchers (Kahne & Bailey, 1999; Maeroff, 1999;
Stanton-Salazar et. al., 2000; Stanton-Salazar; 2000, 2001) have listed empowering
outcomes from youth intervention programs such as that youth acquired funds of
knowledge that help them to understand the social structure of the school and social
structures of other settings (e.g., decoding the system), gained learning tools and
resources that help them to become self-regulated learners (which is useful in school
and beyond), and utilized intervention program resources for academic and social
advancement (acquired knowledge has the potential to change life course).
However, the research has never stated that a youth intervention program has
resulted in youth experiencing a sense of empowerment.
In comparison to past studies, this study is utilizing empowerment theory to
identify how program leaders empower low-status, urban youth. This dissertation
will employ empowerment theory as a lens to understand the processes and methods
that result in youth experiencing a sense of empowerment. However, this study will
59
use empowerment theory to assist with demonstrating a relationship between the
purposeful action of institutional agent and youth outcomes.
The literature review has also functioned to provide an overview of the
scholarship available on the social issue of homelessness. The literature review has
presented information on the severity of homelessness in society; specifically,
focusing on the effects of homelessness on children situated within homeless
families. In addition, the literature has also offered a framework for understanding
the social affects that poverty (i.e., homelessness) has on children. The research has
stated that socioeconomic factors such as family income and poverty heavily
influence child development. The effects of poverty on youth are vast: parents
inability to secure stable housing, parents level of stress which influences quality
of parenting skills, and parents lack of access to resources to promote their childs
development (Haber & Toro, 2004).
In reviewing the areas of social capital theory, empowerment theory, and
homelessness, the literature review has provided an overview of previous areas of
study, which included past methodological processes that were devised, data
collection procedures employed, findings that were discovered, conclusions that
revealed themes and patterns across the research, and implications for further areas
of study. This body of knowledge then functions as a guide in framing research
questions, and it also serves as a point of reference for formulating new
methodological processes for this investigation.
60
The research conducted by academics, theorists, sociologists, and
psychologists function as a means of evidence to support the framework of this
study. The scholarship has shown how individuals use their social networks to
access social capital resources. Thus, this study is being performed to gain
knowledge on how program leaders access their social networks to access social
capital resources on behalf of low-status, urban youth and how the transmission of
resources (to youth) result in youth experiencing a sense of empowerment. The
information presented in the literature review functions to support the premise of the
study and will be utilized, in Chapter 5, to support, clarify, or refute findings from
this study. In conclusion, the literature review warrants the importance of
performing this study.

61
CHAPTER 3
Methodology
Introduction
This chapter details the methodological approach of this study. The chapter
begins with a restatement of the primary and secondary research questions that guide
this study. Following the stated research questions is an overview of the research
design. The research design details the three sets of methodological processes that
are used in this qualitative mixed-methods study: 1) measurement of social networks
which discusses data collection instruments to be used; 2) qualitative interview
methods provides an overview of the questionnaire instrument; and 3)
ethnographic interview methods this section details the type of questions that will
be asked principally during the final phase of data collection. These overviews lead
directly into a summary of data collection approaches that inform the structure of this
study the case study approach, deductive analytical approach, and inductive
analytical approach.
The case study approach was used to gather data on program personnel; in
particular, data that revealed information on the context of the program, program
personnels ability to enact the role set of institutional agent, and about the social
networks of program personnel (i.e., their social capital). In conducting the
present study, the deductive approach is theory driven; a carefully selected
theoretical framework guided this study and collected data was analyzed based on
this framework. In this study, the theoretical framework was guided by theories of
62
social capital (Stanton-Salazar, 2004), empowerment theory (Gutierrez & Lewis,
1999), concept of social network analysis (Lin; Stanton-Salazar, 2004), and on
[theme-generating] qualitative analysis and ethnographic data analysis (Miles &
Huberman, 1994; Spradley, 1979; Quantz, 1992). This study also embraced an
inductive analytical approach. An inductive analytical approach goes from data to
theory; findings emerge from the data that direct the researcher to a theoretical
framework (Patton, 2002).
This chapter also provides a detailed overview of the program that was
studied and service providers that were interviewed. The instruments and research
protocol that were used to generate data on service providers is presented. Lastly,
the data analysis section provides an overview on how data was analyzed, coded, and
presented to illustrate patterns and themes in the findings. To conclude this chapter,
the summary and conclusion demonstrates the connection between the research
questions, theoretical frameworks, mixed methodological approach, instrumentation,
and data analysis procedures.
Research Questions

The research questions that guided this dissertation are as follows:
1) What are the main characteristics, structural features, and social composition of the
social resource networks of those program people (i.e., institutional agents) who
coordinate and run the youth intervention program?
63
2) What are some of those factors that facilitate or constrain the program leaders
ability to access and utilize resources (i.e., information, social contacts, network
members, etc.) on behalf of self, students, program associates, and program agenda?
3) How do program leaders empower youth participants?
Research Design
First set Measurement of social networks

This study utilized a mixed methods qualitative approach, which also
included the use of ethnographic interview questions. This study required the
utilization of four sets of methodological procedures. The first set focused on
measurements of social networks and originates from the field of social network
analysis (Flap, Snjiders, Volker, Van Der Gaag, 2003). There were three
instruments, which researchers used in previous studies, used to formulate
independent descriptive profiles of the social and resource networks of program
leaders. Of the two primary instruments (Van Der Gaag, et al., 2003), this study
depended most upon the oldest method, which is known as the name
generator/interpreter approach (McCallister and Fischer, 1978). However, it was
the most time consuming of the three instruments because it was used to map the
individuals ego-centered social network. The name generator maps the ego-
centered network as a starting point for a subsequent social resource inventory the
name interpretation questions. In using the name generator/interpreter approach, the
instruments, collaboratively, can yield detailed and informative social capital
information (Van Der Gaag, et al., 2003).
64
For the purposes of triangulation, this study employed two other
measurements of social capital, which were developed by network analysts the
position and resource generator. Researchers originally developed these instruments
for thousands of people to self-administer. Researchers have used the position
generator to collect access-focused data (Lin and Dumin, 1986 as cited in
Measurement of individual social capital pages, 2003). This instrument consisted of
a list of occupational job positions and took a considerably shorter period of time to
administer, in comparison to the name generator. Out of the three generators, this
instrument was used most often to measure an individuals social capital
(Measurement of individual social capital pages, 2003). Lastly, the resource
generator resembled the structure of the position generator, in that, it too consisted of
a list of items, could be administered quickly, and administered with ease.
Second set Semi-structured instrument
The second methodological process was a semi-structured instrument that
inquires about the service providers organizational affiliations (see Appendix D).
This instrument was adopted from Baker (2000) [pg. 40, Worksheet 2.3].
Third set Qualitative interview methods
Following the work of Stanton-Salazar (1995, 2001), the use of the name
generator instrument was supported by a quasi-standardized set of qualitative
questions that explored, in some detail, each of the relationships that were identified
by the name generator network questionnaire. This instrument was - the name
interpretation questions.
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Fourth Set Ethnographic interview model
The final methodological process utilized in this study was comprised of
ethnographic interview questions (Spradley, 1979). These questions were used to
fully explore those complex factors that facilitated or constrained the (1) program
leaders access and mobilization of resources [on behalf of self, students, program
colleagues, and program agenda], and (2) those factors that influenced the ability of
the program person to assume the role set of institutional agent. Once again, this
approach was drawn from the work of Stanton-Salazar (2001).
Case Study Approach
In this study, the case study approach was used as a method to gather data on
program personnel, not on the students in the program. Additionally, the foci of this
case study included (a) the role of the program context, (b) and the role of each
program leaders capacity to function as an institutional agent and ability to
mobilize forms of social capital.
The case study approach focuses on depth rather than breadth because the
research comes from qualitative methods and focuses on a small, purposeful sample
of individuals. Hence, the qualitative methods produce data that is rich in details
(Patton, 2002). Furthermore, the case study approach permits the researcher to delve
deep into the context of the program and the program personnels social milieu.
Thus, demonstrating their inclination to assume the role set of institutional agent, the
complexities of assuming this role set, and their notions of the programs theory of
change. [Based on the scholarship of Weiss (1975), the term theory of change is
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used to describe the assumptions that explain the steps that lead to the long-term
goals of a program, and the relationship between program processes/activities and
outcomes that occur during each step of the goal-achieving process.]
Theoretical rationale for mixed-method methodological approach
Deductive analytical approach
Several theoretical frameworks guided this study. Each theoretical
framework used correlates with a certain aspect of this study. A significant part of
the study was developed based on the perspective of critical ethnography (Quantz
1992), which aims to understand, analyze, pose questions, and affect the
sociopolitical and economic realties that shape our life (Freire 1985) (Stanton-
Salazar & Spina, 2003, p. 237). The critical ethnographer approaches a study with
his/her methods grounded in theory and theory is demonstrated in methods.
Furthermore, the critical ethnographer recognizes that the act of data collection is
related to production of knowledge and that this knowledge is produced in the midst
of power relations (Quantz, 1992). Thus, the critical ethnographer enters the field
with a certain amount of political and social clarity about each situation that they
approach. This research on program leaders, as potential institutional agents, builds
on theoretical and empirical scholarship on the challenges that minority youth face as
they grow up in a racialized and class-stratified society (Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Research performed by Stanton-Salazar & Spina (2003) on informal mentors, as well
as, descriptive, empirical works that have demonstrated the powerful role of teachers
and program leaders (for teachers - Ladson-Billings, 1995, 2001; for intervention
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programs Maeroff, 1999; McLaughlin, Irby & Langham, 2001). Thus, this study
accepts the challenges of critical ethnography and utilizes this research technique
to reveal the hidden structures of various worlds which makeup the social universe,
but also to reveal and help produce the processes by which persons may ensure the
transformation of such structures (Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003).
Using the theories of social capital and empowerment [from the field of
critical social work (Gutierrez & Lewis)], and the employment of the social network
analysis (Lin; Stanton-Salazar, 2004), the researcher used these analytical-tool kits to
interpret how the program works, why the program is or is not effective, how
program personnel enact the role set of institutional agent, and how program
personnel use their social networks to access and mobilize forms of social capital on
behalf of low-status, urban youth. To assist with this analysis, the researcher
implemented the 4-dimensional typology of social capital (Stanton-Salazar, 2006).
The purpose of the typology was to contrast the two main camps of social capital
theory. In using this 4-dimensional typology, the present study relies heavily on the
critical social resource model of social capital - with its focus on privileged access
to institutional resources. However, the researcher also wanted to be prepared for
data that emerged (inductive) that required the use of the normative model to
interpret findings (e.g., how program leaders establish strong group identity among
students in the program). The 4-dimensional typology consists of the following
dimensions: 1) Social mediums social ties; 2) Properties of the social network
characteristics of the social network and ties; 3) Resources and forms of empowering
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support characteristics of resources in relationship to members social position and
strength of relationships with in network; and 4) Social structure the characteristics
(power and resources) that are associated with an individuals social standing in
structure.
In reviewing the dimensions of the 4-dimensional typology, it is overtly
obvious that there is a definitive focus on the social networks of program personnel.
This emphasis is demonstrated because program personnel, their social networks,
colleagues of the program, and the social capital of colleagues represent a significant
presence in the human and academic development in the lives of those youth who
attend effective youth intervention programs.
As a critical qualitative project, the underlying purpose of this study was not
to produce solely a familiar emic viewpoint of culture of a youth intervention
program, but to present a new and insightful perspective on how countervailing
forces play themselves out in the lives of low-status, urban youth; specifically, under
the composition and social dynamics entailed in the support and resource networks
of youth intervention program personnel (i.e., program personnels access to forms
of social capital and capacity to enact the role set of institutional agent). Thus, the
intent of this study was to utilize an analytical framework that would hopefully
provide a means for demonstrating how some set of countervailing processes
moderated or mitigated the impact of harsh ecological conditions that many low-
status, urban youth are forced to experience as a result of their social positions within
society. Furthermore, this statement supports the main intellectual agenda for this
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study, which is the examination of a youth intervention program as a vehicle for
articulating theoretically, through an overarching social capital framework, some of
the key underlying programmatic mechanisms that seem to support the human
development, academic achievement, resiliency, and empowering character of low-
status, urban youth growing up in racially segregated, deleterious, complex,
ecologies.
Inductive analytical approach
As previously mentioned, an inductive approach involves going from data to
theory especially when theoretical frameworks are available or adequate to interpret
what is going on. Through the researchers analysis of the data, findings emerge
from the data that direct the researcher to a theoretical framework. This theoretical
framework functions as a means for making sense of patterns, themes, or
commonalties that emerge from the data. Thus, in an inductive analytical approach,
theory acts as the glue that gels all of the pieces of the puzzle together; data is
generated and then supported by a theoretical framework (Strauss & Corbin, 1998).
Since this study used both an inductive and deductive approach, the inductive
piece was essential because the theoretical frameworks in this study would be unable
to anticipate many of the complexities that the researcher planned to draw out from
the program personnel interviewed in this study. In particular, those complexities
that were related to how program personnel conceive of the youth intervention
program, the mobilization of forms of social capital, and their enactment of the
multi-dimensional role set of institutional agent. From an anthropological
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perspective, the complexities associated with the mobilization of forms of social
capital (i.e., resources) is not merely a matter of individual psychology or social
background, but are processes that are often cultural and collectively within the
context of the program. Researchers interested in understanding these processes
[processes driving the mobilization of resources within a youth intervention
program] could use an inductive approach to discover how program personnel make
use of complex meaning systems to demonstrate behavior that is aligned with
program norms and to understand themselves, others, and the world (Spradley,
1995).
Lastly, from a symbolic interactionist perspective, data is not simply waiting
to be discovered by the researcher. Rather, rich data is produced in the symbolic
work of social interaction (Rock, 1979). In ethnography, data comes as a result of
immersion into culture and perceiving culture from the perspective of those being
studied. Thus, data collection, in ethnography, comes from taking on the mindset,
persona, language, and culture of those individuals who are being studied (Spradley,
1995). In conclusion, the symbolic interactionist perspective can also be utilized as a
lens to analyze the social interactions of program personnel; specifically, their
interactions with network members as they access forms of social capital on behalf
of low-status, urban youth, and this perspective can also be used as a tool to analyze
program personnels interactions with those youth. In each case, there is emphasis
placed on analyzing the social connections of the program personnel.
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Sample and Population
Research for this study will be conducted at the non-profit organization
School on Wheels, Inc. In 1993, Agnes Stevens, a retired teacher, noticed the
number of homeless children wandering the streets of Santa Monica and became
compelled to help them. She began to teach these children in the park and educate
them on the importance of staying in school. As a result of her experiences, Stevens
conceptualized an organization that would provide educational resources for
homeless children School on Wheels.
The mission of School on Wheels is the enhancement of educational
opportunities for homeless children from kindergarten through twelfth grade
(Schools on Wheels, Inc., 2006). The main goal of the program is to decrease the
educational gaps of these children and offer them the opportunity to obtain the
highest level of education possible. To fulfill their mission and goal, School on
Wheels (SOW) offers the following resources: help in finding lost school records,
assistance with school enrollment, providing parents with guidance on educational
mattes for their children, school supplies and backpacks, tutoring services, and after
school/summer program for children (Schools on Wheels, Inc., 2006).
School on Wheels provides services to homeless children throughout
Southern California, including Los Angeles and Ventura Counties. There are also
two other chapters in Indiana and Massachusetts that were established by people who
were inspired by Stevens Southern California Chapter. For the purpose of this
dissertation, there will be a sole focus on the Downtown Learning Center located in
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Downtown Los Angeles. This location is responsible for filtering out resources
throughout the city, acts as a storage facility for donations, serves as the offices for
six staff people, and houses the after school/summer programs.
Before introducing the participants of this study, I, the researcher, must
disclose that I have a prior relationship with this organization. During the summer of
2006, I was contracted by School on Wheels to work in a consultant capacity. SOW
contracted my services to develop and implement a summer program for the
Downtown Learning Center; I worked with the program from June 2006 August
2006.
The participants of this study will include four staff people that work at the
Downtown Learning Center: the Team Leader, two Regional Coordinators, and the
Downtown Learning Center Coordinator. It is also important to state that for
confidentiality purposes the names of the service providers have been changed to
fictional names.
Team Leader
Mark was the Team Leader at School on Wheels, Inc. He possessed an
extensive background in education and experience working with homeless youth.
He graduated from Penn State with a B.A. degree in Elementary Education. He
taught at a non-profit school for homeless children in Santa Cruz, California, and at
an Early Child Education Center for children affected or infected by HIV in Chicago,
Illinois.
73
As the Team Leader, Mark oversaw the daily operations (and staff) of the
Downtown Learning Center (DLC) and managed a geographic region of School on
Wheels. His responsibilities included managing the staff at the Downtown location;
recruiting and supporting volunteers, tutors, and coordinators; expanding SOW
programs in homeless locations (e.g., motels, shelters, and foster homes); increasing
awareness of SOW mission and goals; and performing fundraising presentations.
Regional Coordinator
Jody and Amber worked as Regional Coordinators at School on Wheels Inc.
Jody did not possess a background in education or working with homeless
individuals; instead, her background was in history. She graduated from University
of California, Los Angeles with a B.A. degree in History. Prior to working at School
on Wheels, Jody worked mostly in corporate settings. In one of her past positions,
she worked in the exhibits and public programs at the Natural History Museum in
Los Angeles, California.
Amber graduated from California State University, Dominguez Hills (Cal
State Dominguez) with a B.S. degree in Health Sciences. She began working on a
Masters degree in Sociology at Cal State Dominguez, but transferred to the Business
Finance and Economics program to complete a 2-year program to obtain her M.B.A.
degree. While Amber did not possess a great deal of experience in youth educational
settings, she did have a vast amount of experience in working with homeless
individuals. She worked as a Director of a shelter on Skid Row; the shelter was a
womens resource center that unfortunately closed due to lack of funding. Amber
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also worked as an Emergency Team Member at the Los Angeles Homeless Services
Authority. Her job duties included coordinating the placement of homeless women
in shelters.
Jody and Amber were each assigned a specific geographic region to oversee
(e.g., Downtown Los Angeles/Skid Row, Santa Monica, or Hollywood). Their tasks
included recruiting and supporting volunteers; expanding SOW programs; increasing
SOW awareness; and seeking out fundraising opportunities. In detail, Regional
Coordinators responsibilities included, but were not limited to the following:
researching region to identify where homeless children are located; developing
efforts to recruit volunteers; work with shelter coordinator to match tutors with
children; providing supplies to coordinators, tutors, and students; act as a shelter
coordinator if there was not one present (staying in communication with tutors), and
identifying organizations that could make charitable donations to the organization.
Downtown Learning Center Coordinator
Diana worked as the Downtown Learning Coordinator. She graduated from
University of California, Berkeley with B.A. degree in Mass Communications.
Diana possessed work experience in education. Prior to working at School on
Wheels, Diana performed a year of service as an Americorps Vista member. Diana
worked as a Program Director for an education program in Whittier, California.
Diana worked directly with the parents and students, who lived in the Skid
Row area, and provided administrative support to the DLC staff. Her responsibilities
included, but were not limited to the following: conducting intake interview with
75
parents, processing parent paperwork so that they can receive SOW resources,
assisting parents with locating students records and enrolling children in school,
acting as a liaison between Los Angeles Unified School District and School on
Wheels, contacting various service providers, overseeing after school programming
at the DLC, and providing administrative support for DLC.
These job summaries only provide a brief glimpse into the range of work that
each staff person performed on a daily basis. There were times when their job duties
fluctuated because a situation arose where they had to offer support and assistance to
a fellow colleague. Since the Downtown Learning Center served as offices for six
staff people, as well as, the after school/summer programs, all staff persons usually
spent a small percentage of their job time working with the students tutoring a
student, assisting with snack, addressing a behavioral issue, or taking a break from
their work to have a bit of fun with the students.
School on Wheels, Inc. was chosen for this study because of its dedication to
serving a population of children that is so often not addressed in the educational
arena homeless children. Along with the resources and support that the program
offered to homeless children, the social structure of the organization had amazing
social dynamics that embraced teamwork. Program personnel realized that it took a
collaborative effort to enact change in the lives of homeless children. They worked
together and supported each other throughout their struggles to fulfill the mission
and goals of the organization. The people were invested and dedicated to the work
that they performed. Agnes Stevens and her staff did more than simply enhance the
76
educational opportunities of homeless children; they affected the human
development and academic achievement of every child that came in contact with
School on Wheels.
Instrumentation
The principal instrumentation for this study included three instruments
commonly used by researchers to gather data on the social network of service
providers. The three instruments that were used: the name, position, and resource
generator. These instruments provided information on the individuals measure and
access to forms of social capital and support resources by looking at the agents
social network and social relationships that existed within his/her social milieu.
The instruments
Name generator. The name generator was the oldest of the three
measurements (McCallister and Fischer, 1978 as cited in Flap et al., 2003). The
name generator was administered to gain a complete picture of the institutional
agents ego-centered social network. This instrument was time-consuming and took
up to two hours to administer.
For the purposes of this study, the name generator instrument contained 56
items that were divided into 14 categories, which equated to 4 questions per
category. The 14 categories of support represented areas that were apparent in the
social structure of the program, resources of the program, or potential resources and
forms of support that homeless children might seek from program personnel. These
14 categories were developed in relation to the design and function of the youth
77
intervention program being studied. In developing the categories, the researcher
took into consideration the social structure of the program; programmatic processes;
resources offered by the program; culture of the program; population served by the
program; and mission and goals of the program. The researcher also took into
consideration sources of institutional support for the children in the program and for
other coordinators. In some cases, the data might state that several agents acted in
tandem to mobilize resources for the children/program. By reviewing these aspects
of the program, 14 categories of support were developed. The categories are listed in
Table 1.
Table 1
14 Categories of Support
1. Educational Opportunities 8. Social Services
2. Social Development and Support 9. Financial Information and
Support
3. Medical Health and Wellness
Support
10. Leadership
4. Psychological and Emotional
Support
11. Career, Internships, and
Employment Opportunities Support
5. Legal Assistance 12. Marketing/ Public Relations
6. Law Enforcement Support 13. Funding Opportunities
7. Community People 14. Sponsorship/Donations

The questions that fall under each category of support inquire about 1) who
the service provider accesses when they need assistance with this area of support, 2)
78
who they have accessed with in the last year, 3) if there is anyone out of the ordinary
that they might access for help in this area, and 4) if he/she (the service provider) has
ever provided the resource or support. The fourth question is highly significant
because, in an underlying manner, it touches upon the program personnels ability to
enact the role set of institutional agent. If service providers answered yes to this
fourth question in any of the categories, then their answer served as evidence that
they function as institutional agents sources of institutional support (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997). Collectively, the questions provided the researcher an opportunity to
explore program personnels orientation for mobilizing resources and how they
engaged in social negotiation to gain resources on behalf of self, program colleagues,
program agenda, and low-status, urban youth (see Appendix A for Name Generator).
Position generator. The second instrument employed in the study was the
position generator. The origin of this instrument is rooted in Lins (2001) social
resource and capital theories. Social resource theory is founded on the notion that
valued resources are often based on wealth, power, and status. Thus, social capital is
measured by the amount and type of assets of others with whom an individual
possesses social ties too. The position generator was designed to measure the access
to resources useful in instrumental actions. Instrumental action is defined as one of
two types of returns to social capital; it is the acquiring of resources that were not
originally possessed by the individual (Lin, 2001).
The administration of the position generator was easy and economical; it can
be systematically adjusted for different populations. In this study, the position
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generator instrument was used to measure the institutional agents access to network
members occupational resources. The instrument functioned to identify the
occupation of the network member and their relationship to the institutional agent
(i.e., family, friend, or acquaintance). By identifying these variables, the researcher
identified the position and power of social network members, as well as, the level of
social ties between the institutional agent and network members. The position
generator also functioned to provide the researcher information about the social and
cultural worlds program personnel participated in. Furthermore, it is believed that
networks members who hold a high occupational status control more resources
(Measurement of individual social capital pages, 2003). Thus, the instruments
function was based on the belief that occupational status is a reliable indicator of
social resources (see Appendix B for Position Generator).
Resource generator. The resource generator, along with the name generator,
was used for purposes of triangulation and to gain a more holistic and
multidimensional view of the social resource network. In structure, it is similar to
the position generator; however, this instrument refers to accessed resources rather
than occupational status. It also differs from the position generator in that it refers to
resources useful in expressive action instead of in instrumental action (Flap et al.,
2003). In expressive action, the social capital return is the maintaining of possessed
social resources (Lin, 2001). Thus, the data collected with this instrument can be
labeled as resources useful in expressive action.
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With this instrument, the service provider was asked a series of 20 questions
in order to identify the role of the social tie by which the resources are accessed (i.e.,
family, friend, or acquaintance). This instrument could also be administered quickly
and result in valid and easily interpretable representations of social capital (see
Appendix C for Resource Generator).
Follow-up Instruments
Organizational affiliation questionnaire. This was a semi-structured
instrument that inquired about the service providers organizational affiliations. The
questionnaire inquired about the type of affiliation (e.g., professional, religious,
sport, etc.), if the service provider was actively involved, and the name of the
organization (see Appendix D for Organization Affiliation Questionnaire).
Name interpreting interview questions (semi-structured). These interview
questions were probing questions that were a follow-up to the name generator
instrument. These questions inquired about those people that the service provider
named as provider of a resource or form of support. The interview questions
generated additional data on the nature of the social relationship between service
provider and network member. It was anticipated that the data generated from this
interview would prepare the researcher for the subsequent ethnographic interview,
which would be more unstructured and conversational with extensive probing and,
the researcher, would make references back to the follow-up interview on those
named in the name generator instrument (see Appendix E for Name Interpreting
Interview Questions).
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Ethnographic interview questions. The final meeting between the researcher
and service provider consisted of an ethnographic interview. In returning back to the
deductive and inductive analytical approaches, the function of an ethnographic
interview is to allow the researcher to probe further into all areas that were discussed
and generated through the use of the previously stated data collection instruments.
From a deductive approach, one set of the ethnographic questions was rooted in
theories of social capital, empowerment theory, and reflected upon the concept of
social network analysis. The inductive questions were not necessarily aligned to any
theory. Instead, the researcher strove to get the service provider to explain their
motivations and challenges based on their cultural meanings, views, and personal
experiences with the programs theory of change.
Some questions asked during this interview focused on how they view their
social position within the program; what it means to them to act as an institutional
agent on behalf of low-status, urban youth; how they mobilize resources using their
social ties; what these relationships mean to them; and the challenges that they
experience when they do enact the role set of institutional agent (e.g., acting as a
form of institutional support, mobilizing resources and forms of support) (see
Appendix F for Ethnographic Interview Questions).
Data Collection
Data was collected in four phases from each service provider that participated
in this study. They are detailed in the following section.

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Phase one
The first meeting functioned as a means for the researcher to establish a
rapport with the service provider. The researcher took notes and recorded the
interview (with a digital voice recorder). These introductory questions were
followed by several ethnographic questions that asked about the mission/goals of the
program and inquired about the service providers job role in the program. These
questions provided the researcher with a general understanding about the mechanics
of the program and the service providers social positioning within the program. The
duration of the first meeting was around 30 minutes.
Phase two
In the second meeting, the researcher administered four instruments: name
generator, position generator, resource generator, and an organizational affiliation
questionnaire. This meeting was also recorded with a voice recorder. The name
generator was co-administered; the researcher asked the service provider questions
that were listed within the 14 categories of support, and recorded generated data on
the name generating instrument sheet. The position and resource generators, along
with the organizational affiliation instrument, were questionnaires that could be self-
administered. The service providers recorded their answers on the generator
instruments. The duration of the second meeting was close to 2 hours.
Phase three
The researcher administered a semi-structured, open-ended questionnaire
with twelve items (Name interpretation questions) that posed questions about
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network members who the service provider identified as key people who provided
resources and forms of support (from the network generator). During this interview,
the researcher focused solely on interviewing the service provider. The interview
was recorded with a digital voice recorder, so that the data could be reviewed later;
however, the data was not transcribed. Instead, the researcher paraphrased and
summarized the recorded session.
During this interview, the researcher posed additional questions that were not
listed on the questionnaire. Additional questions were posed based on service
providers responses to the initial items listed on the interview script. The duration
of the third meeting was 1 hour.
Phase four
The researcher performed an ethnographic interview during the fourth and
final meeting. At this point, the researcher reviewed data generated from the
generators and the name-interpreting interview. From this data, the researcher
gained an overview of the service providers social network. Thus, this interview
functioned as a follow-up to the initial ethnographic interview that took place during
the first meeting and to the data that was collected during phases one, two, and three.
The researcher recorded this interview with a digital voice recorder (to be transcribed
later), in order to carefully review the data generated from the open-ended questions.
By using ethnographic questions, the researcher sought to generate data on how each
service provider viewed the programs theory of change; how they enacted the role
set of institutional agent based on this theory; how program personnel made use of
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complex meaning systems to guide their behavior; and how each service provider
accessed and mobilized resources and forms of support on behalf of self, students,
program colleagues, and program agenda. At this stage in the data collection, it was
important that the researcher ask probing questions to generate data on the
underlying meanings that existed within the service providers environments and
cultures (Spradley, 1979). The final meeting was 1 hour and 30 minutes.
Data Analysis
Qualitative and some quantitative data were generated from analyzing
information collected from the generators and interviews. After administering the
generators, the information was analyzed and organized into categories. Patterns
amongst the data were identified and frequency counts were performed to identify
those people that were key in providing access to social resources. The researcher
used the data from the generators to modify and create questions for the ethnographic
interview, so that the researcher could have questions that were relevant to the data
collected from the generators.
The researcher reviewed taped interviews to summarize data from meeting
two and three, transcribed the ethnographic interview portion of meeting one, and
transcribed all of meeting four. This was done to prepare for data analysis. Next, the
researcher read the summarized and transcribed data in order to process the
information and to reflect on its meaning. Due to the nature of the data that was
collected, this was an important step in the data analysis process (Creswell, 2003).
As previously stated, the researcher anticipated that the ethnographic and name-
85
interpreting interviews would yield detailed, personal accounts on how each service
provider utilized their social relationships within their networks to mobilize forms of
social capital and support for self, program colleagues, program agenda, and low-
status, urban youth and how these forms of social capital were transferable to sources
of empowerment for youth.
To make sense of all data that was generated, it was important for the
researcher to mull over the data, so that it could be organized and coded (Creswell,
2003). The coding process was the third step in data analysis. The researcher
grouped findings into categories and labeled each category using terms that were
generated by participants. This coding process aided the researcher in identifying
themes across research findings, which was the fourth step in data analysis
(Creswell, 2003). These themes emerged as the major findings in the research. The
themes were supported by personal accounts and evidence that could be extracted
from the findings. In addition, the 4-dimensional typology [social mediums,
properties of the social mediums, resources and forms of empowering support, and
social structure] aided the researcher in identifying patterns and themes in this study
and became useful when all researchers from the research project gathered to analyze
data across studies.
In the next step of analysis, it was important for the researcher to present the
themes in a comprehensive manner. For this study, the researcher categorized data
and themes by using tables and graphic organizers. The final step of data analysis
occurred when the researcher provided an interpretation of the data. In this study,
86
the researcher had the opportunity to provide an interpretation of the data that was
theoretical sound (deductive) an interpretation supported by the theories of social
capital, empowerment theory, and the concept of social network analysis, or
inductive in using these methods, the researcher anticipated that findings would
emerge from the data that would direct the researcher to a theoretical framework, or
the interpretation might embrace both analytical approaches.
Summary & Conclusion

Past research studies have failed to address factors that have been raised in
this study. Due to the mixed methodological approach of this study, these factors
were able to be addressed. Such factors as interpreting how program personnel
enacted the role set of institutional agent, and how program personnel used their
social networks to access and mobilize forms of social capital on behalf of low-
status, urban youth, and how program personnel helped low-status, urban youth use
forms of social capital as sources of empowerment.
The mixed methodological approach of this study allowed for an open-ended
research experience. The study embraced a true ethnographic design, in that the key
element of the entire methodological process was that the researcher conducted
research that was grounded in the culture of the program context. The study began
with the researcher entering the field as a critical ethnographer; an ethnographer who
possessed political and social clarity about the context of the program and population
served by the program. As a critical ethnographer, the researcher was prepared to
discover how program personnel made constant use of complex meaning systems
87
(norms and sanctions of the program) to guide their behavior, as well as, embracing
the theory of change that guided the social structure and mechanics of the
organization (and youth intervention program).
This critical ethnographic approach also informed the data collection
processes that were in place within the study. As previously mentioned, the data
collection processes were comprised of the case study approach, deductive analytical
approach, and inductive analytical approach. Each process was unique in nature, but
could also work in conjunction with one another to provide an in depth interpretation
of how service providers used their social networks to mobilize forms of social
capital for low-status, urban youth. Through the usage of the case study approach,
the researcher was enabled to focus on the program context and how program
personnel functioned as institutional agents within this context; the deductive
approach provided a rationale for the theoretical frameworks that guided this study
[theories of social capital, empowerment theory, and the concept of social network
analysis]; and the inductive approach accounted for unexpected findings that would
emerge from the data findings that would direct the researcher to a different
interpretation or direction of the theoretical framework of the study.
These approaches generated data using three sets of methodological
processes: measurement of social networks, qualitative interview, and ethnographic
interview. The instruments that made up these processes were focused on generating
data on the social networks of the service providers. In particular, who the service
providers accessed for resources and support, how often they accessed each person,
88
what resources the accessed person provided, the nature of the relationship between
the service provider and person who was accessed, and if the service provider
(him/herself) was a provider of resource or support. These inquires produced data on
how program personnel enacted the role set of institutional agent, how program
personnel used their social networks to access and mobilize forms of social capital
on behalf of low-status, urban youth, and how program personnel helped low-status,
urban youth use forms of social capital as sources of empowerment. Such data will
be analyzed using a series of processes including the 4-dimensional typology of
social capital: social mediums, properties of the social mediums, resources and forms
of empowering support, and social structure.
The overarching purpose of the detailed and relational nature of the
components that comprised this study [the theoretical frameworks, analytical
approaches, methodological processes, research protocol, and means for data
analysis] was to ensure that the methodology supports the main intellectual agenda
of this study. The main intellectual agenda of this study is the examination of a
youth intervention program as a vehicle for articulating theoretically, through an
overarching social capital framework, some of the key underlying programmatic
mechanisms that seem to support the human development, academic achievement,
resiliency, and empowering character of low-status, urban youth growing up in
racially segregated, deleterious, complex, urban ecologies.

89
CHAPTER 4
Analysis
Introduction
In this section, each research question is presented and answered. As
answers to the questions are presented, the data is analyzed to support those answers.
The data is analyzed through various methods. Quantitative data taken from the
generators is presented in tables and discussed, and quotes from interviews are
presented and analyzed. There are two units of analysis instituted as the data is
analyzed throughout the chapter. The data is analyzed on an individual and
organizational level. The individual data analysis provides an in depth look at the
social networks of each service provider, while the data analysis of the organization
provides a glimpse into the social composition and operation of the organizations
social network. When the data is reviewed across the organization, themes and
patterns that exist within the data are identified and discussed. Thus, many of the
findings that are presented in this chapter are organized according to themes and
patterns.
Research Question One: What are the main characteristics, structural features, and
social composition of the social resource networks of those program people (i.e.,
institutional agents) who coordinate and run the youth intervention program?
The following table (Table 2) has been included to provide an overview of the
organizations staff people that will be discussed in this chapter. The staff people
have been organized according to their social position within the organization
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beginning with the highest position and ending with the lowest social position. The
service providers occupy the last three tiers of the organizational chart.
Table 2
Hierarchal order of School on Wheels employees
Position Duncan SEI Score
High level The Founder 85
Chief Operating Officer 81
Team Leader, Mark 68
Regional Coordinators, Jody & Amber 66
Low level Downtown Learning Center Coordinator, Diana 41

To further delineate each staff persons social position, his or her Socio-
economic Index (SEI) score was identified using the Duncan SEI Scores Index
1970 Census of Population. The staff peoples SEI scores were as follows: The
Founder was 85 (High Status, Chief Operating Officer was 81 (High Status), Mark
was 68 (Mid-Status); Jody was 66 (Mid-Status); Amber was 66 (Mid-Status); and
Diana was 41 (Low-status). Due to the absence of all the service providers job
positions on the Duncan Index, all the scores were configured using special
formulas. The average of two to three job positions that entailed similar job duties
was used to figure out the service providers Duncan SEI scores.
The founder was the only staff person that was given the score of similar
position on the Duncan Scale. The founder was given the score of entrepreneur (85).
The Chief Operating Officers score was configured using the score of accountant
(77) and entrepreneur (85). The Chief Operating Officers final score was 81. To
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calculate Marks score, the following scores were used: 72 (school administrator) +
64 (social worker) + 67 (recreation worker). The scores were added and divided by
3, which resulted in the score for Marks position: the score for Team Leader was 68
(mid status). To figure out Jody and Ambers Duncan scores, the following scores
were used: 64 (social worker) + 67 (recreation worker). The score for Regional
Coordinator was 66 (mid status). Lastly, the scores for social worker (64) and
childcare worker (28) were used to calculate Dianas score. The score for
Downtown Learning Center Coordinator was 41 (low-status).
Demographic information. Demographic data taken from the name generator
provided important information about the characteristics of the service providers
social networks. The service providers social networks tended to be mostly
comprised of individuals from a similar ethnic background, with an exception of one
service provider Diana. The table (Table 3) below shows the ethnic breakdown of
the service providers social networks.
Table 3
Ethnic Breakdown of Service providers Social Networks
(Data taken from Name Generator)
Marks Social
Network
Jodys Social
Network
Ambers Social
Network
Dianas
Social
Network
Organizations
Social
Network
Caucasian 15/18 (83%) 5/7 (71%) 2/16 (13%) 7/11 (64%) 26/52 (56%)
African-
American
2/18 (11%) 1/7 (14%) 13/16 (81%) 2/11 (18%) 18/52 (35%)
Latino 1/18 (6%) 1/7 (14%) 0 2/11 (18%) 4/52 (8%)
Asian 0 0 1/16 (6%) 0 1/52 (2%)
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Mark identified himself as Caucasian and 83% of his social network was
Caucasian. Jody identified herself as Caucasian and 71% of her network was
Caucasian. Amber identified herself as African-American and 81% of her network
was African-American. Diana identified herself as Latina and 64% of her social
network was Caucasian. Collectively, the organizations social network was
comprised mostly of Caucasian and African American network members (see Table
4).
Even though the organization served a homeless population that was largely
comprised of African-American and Latino people, the organizations social network
was comprised of a high percentage of Caucasian (56%) and African-American
(35%), and a small percentage of Latinos (8%) and Asians (2%).
The ethnic composition of the organizations social network could be related
to the ethnic breakdown of the employees that worked at the organization: Mark was
Caucasian, Jody was Caucasian, Amber was African-American, and Diana was
Latina. Thus, 50% of service providers in this study were Caucasian, 25% of service
providers were African-American, and 25% of service providers were Latino. These
percentages were similar to the organizations social network based on ethnicity
breakdown. The two categories that were correlated are Caucasian and African-
American. The organizations social network was 56% Caucasian and 50% of
service providers were Caucasian. The organizations social network was 35%
African-American and 25% of service providers were African-American.
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Another characteristic of the service providers social networks was the
gender composition of their networks. The following table shows the gender
breakdown of the service providers networks.
Table 4
Gender Breakdown of Service providers Social Networks
(Data taken from Name Generator)
Marks
Network
Jodys
Network
Ambers
Network
Dianas
Network
Organization
Female
Network
Members
9/18 (50%) 6/7 (86%) 13/16 (81%) 7/11 (64%) 35/52 (67%)
Male Network
Members
9/18 (50%) 1/7 (14%) 3/16 (19%) 4/11 (36%) 17/52 (33%)

As shown in the Table 4, the female service providers networks were
primarily comprised of females: Jodys network was 86% female, Ambers network
was 81% female, and Dianas network was 64% female. In contrast, Marks
network was equally divided between male (50%) and female (50%).
The high incidence of female network members that was seen in Jody and
Dianas networks was attributed to them listing their work colleagues as network
members. Jody listed the following female, work colleagues: the Founder, Chief
Operating Officer, Diana, Amber, which was 4 out of the 6 women that were in her
network. Diana listed the Founder, Chief Operating Officer, Amber, Jody, and two
additional School on Wheels employees, which counted for 6 out of the 7 women in
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her network. Amber listed one work related female colleague, and the remaining
female network members were acquaintances and friends.
Service providers seek support from one another. An important structural
feature of the service providers social network was that fellow work colleagues
were mentioned as network members. The service providers were found to seek
support from one another and from other work colleagues. According to the name
generator, there were three names that emerged as major providers of support for the
service providers: Mark, Founder, and the Chief Operating Officer (see Table 5
below).
Table 5
Organizational members accessed most often
(Data taken from the name generator)
Marks Social
Network
Jodys Social
Network
Ambers Social
Network
Dianas Social
Network
1) The Founder
2) Chief Operating
Officer

1) The Founder
2) Mark
1) Mark
2) Jody

1) The Founder
2) Mark

Service providers frequently listed the names that are in the Table 5 as major
sources of support and persons to access for resources. It was concluded that they
were frequently mentioned because of their high social positions within the
organization (see Table 2). As a result of their job positions and vast knowledge
base, Mark, the Founder, and the Chief Operating Officer functioned as key
resources for the organization. They were able to provide resourceful information to
others.
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Network size. An important structural feature of the service providers social
networks was the size of the network. The network size displayed how many
network members that the service providers had access too, which also revealed the
potential level of social capital that could be accessed. Thus, if the network size was
high, then it was concluded that the service providers network was potentially a
high source of social capital. Marks network size was 18; Ambers network size
was 16; and Dianas network size was 11; Jodys network size was 7.
External organizational network members. The service providers type of
organizational network members heavily influenced the kind of resources and
support that the service provider received from his/her network members. When the
data from the name generator was reviewed, some service providers were found to
seek a high percentage of their resources and support from external organizational
network members, while others sought support from internal organizational network
members. A high percentage of external organizational members resulted in service
providers gaining resources and support that the organization could not provide. It
also resulted in service providers being able to increase their social networks by
making additional contacts through external network members. This social network
growth can be defined as a social network web, which is discussed later in this
section.
Mark and Amber were found to have a high percentage of external
organizational network members, while Jody and Dianas had low percentages of
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external network members. The following table (Table 6) provides each service
providers percentage of intra and external organizational network members.
Table 6

Service providers intra & external organizational network members
(Data taken from Name Generator)
Marks Social
Network
Jodys Social
Network
Ambers Social
Network
Dianas Social
Network
Ratio &
percentage of
intra-
organizational
network members
5/18 (28%) 5/7 (71%) 2/16 (13%) 8/11 (73%)
Ratio &
percentage of
external
organizational
network members
13/18 (72%) 2/7 (29%) 14/16 (88%) 3/11 (27%)

Out of Marks 18 network members, it was found that 13 (72%) were
external organizational network members. It was possible that the high percentage
of external organizational members was related to Marks external organizational job
duties. Marks position as Team Leader required him to recruit tutors, perform
public speaking engagements, and work with various community and social service
providers outside of the organization; social service providers being shelter managers
and employees, social workers, case managers, and Los Angeles Unified School
District employees.
Jody and Amber held Regional Coordinator positions, and their duties included
recruiting volunteer tutors and overseeing the placement of those tutors. Ambers
active presence in her regions resulted in her making connections with numerous
community people, which was shown by her network size (16). Out of all the
service providers, Amber had the second largest network size. It was also found that
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Ambers social network consisted of 88% external organizational members (14
network members). In comparison, Jody social network size was 7 and 29% were
external organizational members (2 network members).
Ambers social network differed from both Mark and Jodys because she had a
high number of uniplex relationships in her social network; uniplex meaning that she
accessed social network members for only one source of support (Ambers network
size was 16, and she had 9 uniplex relationships).
The quantity of uniplex relationships was found to be connected to Ambers
activeness in the community. She constantly met people that were active in various
organizations and groups. Her involvement in the community seemed to influence
her social network size. As a result of having 16 network members, Amber was able
to exercise selectivity when choosing whom to access for resources and forms of
support. Her large network enabled her to assess her needs, review network
members and their areas of expertise, and then choose an adequate match based on
assessment procedures.
Diana worked primarily with the parents and students of the Downtown
Learning Center (DLC). She also communicated with service providers such as
social workers and Los Angeles Unified School District employees regarding the
children who attended the program at the DLC. Unlike the other employees, Dianas
job did not involve spending a lot of time in the field. She did not have to perform
public speaking engagements, nor recruit tutors. The data showed that Dianas
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social network was made up of 73% intra-organizational members and 27% external
organizational members.
The Founder. The data showed that the Founder was a fundamental
component of each service providers social network. Over the years, the founder
had established a resourceful social network to support the growth and effectiveness
of her organization. Due to the founders possession of resourceful contacts, the data
found that she, in turn, became a key network member to three of the service
providers: Mark, Jody, and Diana.
Jody spoke about the employees access to the founders contacts. She
referred to some of the founders contacts as the organizations group of experts
(personal interview, February 12, 2007). Specifically, she said:
Friends of School on Wheels. Other people outside of the initial organization
that we can tap into. Friends offPeople that the Founder has known for
years, or through a board member.It isnt anything official.
(personal interview, February 12, 2007)

Thus, the service providers were able to seek resources and support from the
founders network members. This further supported the notion that the staff people
actively sought support from one another. By being able to access a fellow staff
persons network members, the service providers drastically increased their social
networks. They may have failed to list each person on the generators, but, as seen in
Jodys quote, they mentioned additional network members during the interview
portion of the study. This increasing of the social network was found to result in
service providers possessing social network webs. Social networks webs will be
further discussed in research question #2.
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Status of network members. Another important characteristic of the service
providers social networks were that they possessed network members of varying
status levels. By having network members with different status levels, the service
providers were able to access resources of varying financial value on large, middle,
and small scales. They had people that occupied high-level positions at corporations
(high status), and they also had network members that worked as service providers
such as social workers (low-status). Thus, when the percentages were compared
across the generators, the scores showed that the organization possessed a socio-
economically diverse social network. Based on findings from the name generator,
the table (Table 7) below shows the status breakdown of each service providers
network. The status level of network members was configured using the Duncan
SEI scale: The score for high status was 75 and higher; mid status was 74 to 60; and
low-status was 59 and below.
Table 7
High, Mid, & Low-status Totals
(Data taken from name, position, & resource generators)
Marks Social
Network
Jodys Social
Network
Ambers Social
Network
Dianas Social
Network
High Status
Name Generator
(people named)
6/18 = 33% 3/7 = 43% 8/16 = 50% 3/11 = 27%
Position Generator
(social positions)
8/19 = 42% 5/12 = 42% 18/67 = 27% 3/25 = 12%

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Table 7, Continued

Resource Generator
(resourceful people)
56/132 = 42% 23/42 = 55% 22/92 = 24% 12/46 = 26%
High Status
Averages
44% 51% 27% 22%
Mid Status
Name Generator
(people named)
9/18 = 50%

2/7 = 29% 7/16 = 44% 8/11 = 73%
Position Generator
(social positions)
9/19 = 47% 3/12 = 25% 29/67 = 43% 15/25 = 60%
Resource Generator
(resourceful people)
36/132 = 27% 6/42 = 14% 44/92 = 48% 23/46 = 50%
Mid Status
Averages
32% 18% 46% 56%
Low-status
Name Generator
(people named)
3/18 = 17% 2/7 = 29% 1/16 = 6% 0/11 = 0
Position Generator
(social positions)
2/19 = 11% 4/12 = 33% 25/67 = 37% 7/25 = 28%
Resource Generator
(resourceful people)
40/132 = 30% 13/42 = 31% 26/92 = 28% 11/46 = 24%
Low-status
Averages
27% 19% 30% 22%

The data from Table 7 shows that Jody and Mark had the highest percentage
of high status contacts: Jody had 51%, and Mark had 44%. Even though Jody
occupied a mid-status position, she had more high status network members than
Mark, who held a high-status position. Diana, who occupied a low-status social
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position, possessed the most mid status network members. Diana had the greatest
percentage of mid status network members (73%).
Before discussing the position and resource generators, there is special
coding that must be explained. The service providers were able to mark 10+, which
signified 10 or more. However, the position and resource percentages are based
solely on the numbers listed. The or more has been dropped when doing
calculations because there is no way to determine a numerical value for 10+. The
status breakdowns of the service providers network based on data from the position
and resource generator are listed in the Table 7.
The position generator asked service providers if they knew people who held
certain social positions. When reviewing data from the position generators, Mark
and Jody were found to have networks with the highest percentage of high status
contacts: Mark had 42%, and Jody had 42%. Diana was found to have more mid
status contacts (60%) in comparison to high status contacts (12%).
The resource generator asked service providers if they knew people who
possessed certain resources. Jody and Mark had the highest percentage of high
status network members: Jody had 55%, and Mark had 42%. Amber and Diana had
the highest percentages of mid status network members: Diana had 50%, and Amber
had 48%.
The varying status levels of the service providers social networks displayed
that the service providers networks were socio-economically diverse. When the
service providers data was compiled, it showed that the organizations social
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network was also fairly diverse. The table (Table 8) below provides the status
breakdown of the organizations social network (based on the compiled data from
the service providers).
Table 8
High, Middle, & Low-status Totals for all Generators
Name Generator Position Generator Resource Generator
High Status 20/52 = 38% 34/123 = 28% 113/312 = 35%
Mid Status 26/52 = 50% 51/123 = 41% 109/312 = 39%
Low-status 6/52 = 24% 38/123 = 31% 90/312 = 29%

Based on the data from all of the generators, the organization had the highest
percentage of mid status network members. The name generator data showed 50%
mid status network members; the position generator listed 41% mid status members;
and the resource generator listed 39% mid status members. According to the name
and resource generator, the second highest category of network members was high
status: name generator had 38% high status; and resource generator had 36% high
status. The data from the position generator stated that the organizations second
highest status category of network members was low-status (31%). The name and
resource generator results listed the third status category as low-status: name had
24% and resource had 29%. The position generator had high status as the third
status category with 28% network members.

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Summary
This section has served to identify and discuss the main characteristics,
structural features, and social composition of the service providers social resource
networks. The data has shown that service providers networks tended to resemble
the gender and ethnic characteristics of the service providers. The size of the service
providers social networks was also found to be a significant characteristic. This
structural feature displayed the quantity of network members that could be accessed
for resources and support, which also informed the amount of resources that the
service provider had access too.
Another important feature of the service providers social networks was that
they possessed network members that occupied high, mid, and low-status social
positions. By possessing network members with different status levels, the service
providers were able to access a variety of resources that ranged from simple to
complex, small to large, and low-cost to highly costly. The findings showed that the
service providers had social networks that were socio-economically diverse, which
resulted in the organization having a socio-economically diverse network.
Research Question Two: What are some of the factors that facilitate or constrain the
program leaders ability to access and utilize resources (i.e., information, social
contacts, network members, etc.) on behalf of program agenda and children served
by the organization?
104
Facilitating Factors
Expansive organizational network. The data from the generators and
interviews revealed that the service providers had large and diverse social networks.
The research instruments allowed them to discuss network members in different
ways. They named people whom they had accessed or could potentially access in
the name generator. With the position and resource generators, they listed people
they knew who occupied specific social positions and possessed certain resources.
When the data from all the generators was compiled and reviewed, the data showed
that the service providers had large social networks. Thus, the service providers
were found to discuss a portion of their social network with each of the generators
that were administered.
The generators also revealed that the service providers possessed network
members that occupied high, mid, and low-status social positions. This variation
within their social networks allowed them to potentially access a vast variety of
resources and contacts. Access and utilization of potential resources was based on
the quantity and quality of resources that their social network members possessed.
The size and variety of network members resulted in service providers social
networks transcending into social network webs, in that, service providers knew
people that were resourceful, and in some instances, those people had additional
contacts. In other wards, the service providers networks were comprised of
resourceful people that could either directly provide resources or put them in contact
with others that could provide resources or support.
105
In the previous research question, there was a discussion about how Jody and
other employees had access to the founders contacts. The service providers first
accessed the founder and then the founder connected them with her contacts. Thus,
Jodys social network, along with the other service providers social networks, began
to broaden beyond the people that they mentioned because they had access to the
founders contacts. Even though Jody did not state that she frequently accessed
these people, she did state that the contacts were there if any of the employees
needed to access them. Thus, all of the service providers social networks began to
take on a web-like structure that consisted of different levels. The network members
that were on the first tier of the web were direct contacts that the service provider
listed as network members, while the following tiers began to be consisted of people
that the service provider was referred too by others or met in social settings (i.e.,
social contacts). This web-like structure social network web was found to be the
structure of all of the service providers social networks.
Another example of the formation of a social network web was displayed in
Marks social network. When Mark was asked, whom he sought for support and
resources - he commented, I meet a lot of people through other people (personal
interview, March 14, 2007). Specifically, Mark recalled a particular networking
situation:
When I first started, it was all about going to meetings. There was an
AmeriCorps Organization down here called Hope for Homelessthat set up
meetings with all kinds of agencies down here and the principals of schools,
and so I made a lot of connections that way. And through those connections, I
made more connections about different organizations and got in touch with
resources that we work with.so it is really a lot of word of mouth and the
106
community meetings. (personal interview, March 14, 2007)

The data showed that service providers made connections with new people by
accessing their network members and their colleagues network members. Service
providers were also found to meet people when attending social meetings and events.
Since the service providers performed active networking that resulted in the constant
acquire of social contacts, the data showed that the social structure of their networks
consisted of different strata and ties that resulted in social network webs.
By sharing contacts, the service providers were able to drastically increase
their individual social networks, and, in turn, service providers influenced their
access and ability to utilize resources. Their social network grew to social network
webs, which provided them with the ability to exercise selectivity when choosing
whom to access for resources.
Due to the service providers collectively mobilizing their social network
members, they created an immense organizational social network. The
organizations social network was a diverse network with network members of
varying ethnicities, gender, social position, and status. The organizations expansive
network provided the service providers with a large pool of network members to
access for resources and support.
Work environment that encourages communication. It was noted that a major
factor that facilitated access and utilization of resources amongst the service
providers was the open information channels that existed between the employees.
The service providers created and sustained an environment that encouraged open
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communication amongst employees. They exchanged ideas, contacts, and resources
with one another. When Mark was asked about his relationship with the Founder of
the organization, he said, I feel like we are very open and honest with each other.
We are friends, as well as, work colleagues (personal interview, February 12, 2007).
As in any organization, the employees commented on instances when people
had different views on situations. However, in the end, the employees expressed that
they were able to openly discuss different opinions with one another in a respectful
and professional manner. Those service providers that commented on having a
difference in views with their colleagues stated that the conversations always ended
on a positive note. When Jody was asked is she had ever experienced a
disagreement with Mark, she commented, we always talk out, so there are never
any hard feelings or anything like that. We always discuss everything (personal
interview, January 29, 2007).
The open communication channels resulted in employees gaining and sharing
resources (e.g., network members) that benefited the organization and children
served by the organization. Further, the excellent communication channels amongst
employees were found to strengthen bonds between employees, encouraged
camaraderie amongst employees, and created an environment that supported the best
interest of the collective.
Constraining Factors
Public school system. The function of public schools is to provide all
children with a free education. Public schools can potentially provide children with
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numerous educational resources. As previously mentioned, Diana and Mark were in
contact with schools that the youth participants attended; they also had contact with
specific employees in Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) such as the
Director of the LAUSD Homeless Unit.
While Mark did speak highly of the principal and vice principal at the local
elementary school, he still expressed frustration with the public school systems
overall inability to provide sufficient resources to homeless children. Specifically,
he discussed the public school systems inability to provide adequate monies to
support homeless children in their schools. Even though the local elementary school
had a good staff, they still lacked pertinent materials to properly educate and support
the population of children that attended the school.
The school has 420 kids in it and 380 are homeless.the classes are too
big, and they dont have enough money for resources. They are always
scrapping to get supplies themselves for the kids.
(personal interview, March 14, 2007)

The public schools lack of appropriate resources, in turn, affected the service
providers access to educational resources for youth participants. The service
providers inability to access materials directly from the school resulted in them
having to go outside of the public school system to gain educational materials to
support the educational enhancement of youth participants. By having to go outside
of the schools to obtain resources, the materials that were used to provide
educational support to youth participants differed between the classroom and School
on Wheels program. Thus, there was the possibility that concepts were being taught
109
to children using different teaching and learning strategies, which could result in
children failing to understand educational concepts.
Lack of public knowledge on homelessness. Research has shown that
homelessness is a social phenomenon involving the relationship between the
individual in his or her social context (Haber & Toro, 2004). However,
homelessness among children has been found to be the direct result of their parents
personal, social, and economic situation, because children cannot be expected to
obtain housing for their families (Haber & Toro, 2004). As a result, children that are
embedded in homeless families are innocent victims because they are unable to
escape their situations. Furthermore, research has shown how the phenomena of
homelessness negatively impacts the personal, social, emotional, and cognitive
development of homeless children (Haber & Toro, 2004)
The phenomenon of homelessness was found to inhibit the service providers
access and utilization of resources. Even though homelessness amongst families and
children was found to be a social issue that plagued cities throughout the United
States, the service providers still experienced difficulties convincing people that
homelessness was a high priority issue. Mark and Amber spoke about going out to
the community to perform public speaking engagements to discuss the issue of
homelessness and work that the organization performed. Amber discussed her
personal struggles with trying to educate people, from her regions, about the
phenomena of homelessness, so that she could, in turn, be able to access resources
and support:
110
The whole phenomena of homelessness, trying to present that as a high level
issue in a community where there is gangs and drugs and all the other things
that affect the community negatively here you come with another
problemconvincing people that this is a priority in the community, getting
across the long-term ramifications of not addressing these issues while kids
are young. (personal interview, February 12, 2007)

These types of experiences hindered the service providers access to resources for
the program and youth participants. Thus, when going into the field to speak, their
speeches had to serve a dual purpose they had to educate people about the social
phenomena of homelessness and introduce them to the School on Wheels
organization.
Losing track of children. Research showed that homeless families were a
transient population and families tended to make numerous housing moves. The
constant moving also resulted in homeless children having high school mobility
rates, which was found to impact educational outcomes. Homeless children were
found to experience poor educational performance and academic failure (Haber &
Toro, 2004).
Homeless families that enrolled their children in the School on Wheels
program were found to also move around frequently, which resulted in the
organization constantly losing track of children. This affected the organization in
several ways. The organization was also unable to perform critical research on the
utility of the programs services. The data showed that the organization was unable
to quantifiably assess the effectiveness of its services or volunteers. This inability to
properly assess the effectiveness of the program constrained the organizations
access to certain types of funding resources because many companies and
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foundations that provided grants required statistical and longitudinal information on
the effectiveness of a programs services.
Further, the absence of a tracking system prevented the organization from
identifying whether services had a long-term impact on the social, emotional, and
cognitive development of homeless children they served. The organization was
unable to identify specific resources teaching methods, activities, learning tools
utilized during the one on one tutoring sessions that were effective and beneficial to
homeless children. In conclusion, the organization and employees relied on
anecdotal accounts to review the effectiveness of organizations services and impact
of services on children.
Summary
This research question has functioned to identify facilitating and constraining
factors. There were several facilitating factors that were discussed. The data showed
that service providers utilized each other and shared contacts. The service providers
cultivated an environment that promoted collaboration and camaraderie. They
constantly communicated with one another to share and exchange ideas, resources,
and contacts. These type of collaborative work practices resulted in the service
providers networks evolving into social network webs.
The service providers extensive social network webs led to the organization
having a vast social network web. The formation of the social network web resulted
in service providers having network members of varying social positions and status
levels, which influenced the quantity and quality of resources and support that was
112
accessible. Lastly, the service providers were found to seek support from one
another, as well as, from other staff people. This interdependency between work
colleagues also resulted in service providers social networks transforming into
social network webs because they were able to readily access the network members
of their colleagues.
There were several constraining factors that were discussed. The first was
the public school system and its inability to effectively support the educational
needs of homeless children. The second constraining factor was the lack of public
knowledge on homelessness. Even though homelessness had a history of being a
huge social issue, the service providers still experienced difficulty convincing people
that homelessness was a worthy issue that needed to be addressed. The final
constraining factor that was mentioned was how School on Wheels lost track of
children. Due to losing track of children, the organization possessed no data on
organizations services. The organization was unable to correlate specific services
and instructional strategies with developmental improvements. Thus, the
organization was unable to provide concrete data on whether the organizations
services were effective.
Research Question Three: How do program leaders empower youth participants?
Research has stated that empowerment is an ongoing social action process by
which individuals, communities, and organizations that lack an equitable share of
power and valuable resources, gain increase access to resources and an increase in
fund of knowledge. When empowerment theory is applied to the context of youth
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intervention programs, it has been found that caring adults play a key role in the
empowerment of youth (Messiahs, Fore, McLaughlin & Para-Medina, 2005). In this
study, the data has shown that the service providers provided youth participants with
access to resources and forms of support that resulted in children experiencing a
transformation that has been identified as a sense of empowerment.
Service providers social networks. As previously mentioned, the
organizations social network contained a vast amount of resourceful, network
members that were accessible by all staff people. By collectively mobilizing
network members, the service providers, along with other staff people, were able to
access a large pool of contacts and selectively choose whom to access for resources
and support.
Due to the nature of their work, the service providers met new people on a
regular basis. The data showed that the service providers acquired new contacts as
they performed various job duties. The Team Leader and Regional Coordinators
tended to make new contacts in the field as they recruited tutors or performed public
speaking engagements, while the Downtown Learning Coordinator acquired new
network members as she called various social service and youth related agencies on
behalf of youth participants. Thus, as the service providers acquired new contacts,
the organization gained new social contacts too.
The organizations collective contacts included people that were of high, mid,
and low-status. In addition, the data showed that the organizations social network
consisted of contacts from various fields. The quantity and variation of network
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members resulted in the organization having a social network web. This social
network web provided staff people with access to a wide array of resources and
support.
The data showed that the organizations network members provided valuable
resources that were intricate to the daily operations of School on Wheels. Some of
the resources included computers, school supplies, books, and snack. These
resources, along with others, helped the organization and employees work towards
providing homeless children with services, resources, and support.
Empowerment through educational resources. The organization assisted
parents in locating their childs school records and with school enrollment. This was
found to be an important organizational resource because numerous children were
being transitioned back into a school setting. By being enrolled in school, the
children were being placed in an environment where they could potentially gain vast
educational and social resources. These resources could potentially create a positive
impact on their personal, social, emotional, and cognitive development. Thus, the
children were being placed in an environment that could potentially promote and
stimulate the acquisition of empowering knowledge and skills. However, the
organization realized that they needed to further support youth participants
educational advancements because of the high rate of school mobility that homeless
children experienced. Thus, to further provide educational support, the organization
offered youth participants one-on-one tutoring sessions.
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An integral resource that the organization provided to homeless children to
help with their educational success in school was school supplies. Service providers
stated that the organization received countless donations of school supplies
including: backpacks, paper, pens, pencils, calculators, notepads, and pencil boxes.
Each child that participated in the School of Wheels program received access to
these resources. In addition, the organization also helped children get free school
uniforms and bus tokens tokens were used to provide children transportation to
school. These resources were valuable because they provided children with the basic
educational materials that are needed in order to be active learners. Without basic
school supplies, the children would be unable to perform certain in-class learning
tasks and homework assignments. Basic school supplies pencils, pens, paper,
backpacks are instruments that children need in order to perform most school
assignments. These basic tools allow students to practice concepts that they have
learned, so that they can, in turn, begin to acquire concepts through repeated practice.
Individual tutoring sessions. The individual tutoring sessions provided
homeless children with attention and support from caring adults. The service
providers commented that the child and tutor underwent empowering social,
emotional, and mental transformations. Thus, the organization (i.e. service
providers) worked intensely towards developing a tutoring program that functioned
to provide children with a sense of empowerment.
The service providers worked diligently to obtain a good pool of tutors to
match with the children. They actively recruited tutors throughout the year using a
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variety of methods posting online, speaking at community events, and asking their
network members to spread the word about the organizations need for tutors. When
people expressed interest in becoming a volunteer tutor, the service providers
instructed them on the steps that they needed to complete to become considered to
work as a tutor with the organization.
The organizations staff instituted a tutor application process that allowed
them to carefully review tutor applicants and identify whether applicants were a
good match with the vision and mission of the organization. The tutor application
process included several steps. First, the applicants needed to complete and submit
two personal references. Next, they had to be fingerprinted and undergo a
background check. If the applicants passed the first two steps, they were invited to
attend a 2-hour orientation. The orientation was the final step in the application
process. The service providers realized the importance of these tutoring orientations,
so they invested a great deal of effort and time into developing orientations. The
orientations served as a resource that provided tutors with guidance on how to work
with homeless children. The service providers educated and advised the tutor
volunteers on best practices to use when working with their tutees. The service
providers shared knowledge that would guide and inform the instructional and social
methods that the tutors would use with their children. Thus, the service providers
had the intent of using the tutors as mechanisms by which to empower the children.
Empower in the sense that the tutors would utilize best practices, which were
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provided by the service providers, to stimulate change in the child social,
emotional, and educational changes.
Each service provider spoke about the transformations that occurred within
the child, as well as, in the tutor too. Diana felt that the one-on-one time with the
tutors helped the children accomplish more; she also had noticed how much the
children enjoyed the attention from spending one-on-one time with tutors. She
shared personal accounts of children displaying attachment to their tutors; I think
that they like to know that someone cares about them. As soon as the tutor comes in,
they start climbing the tutor Hes my tutor, hes my tutor (personal interview,
February 12, 2007).
Mark also spoke about the attachment that occurred between tutor and child.
He commented that, in most cases, the tutor loved meeting with a child and usually
ended up getting emotionally attached to the child. Mark noticed that over time
children formed a bond with their tutors, and as a result of the bond, children
underwent a transformational experience. Specifically, their self-esteem increased
and children began to take an interest in schoolwork. These changes were associated
with the children having a positive adult role model in their lives. Children were
able to interact with their tutors on a regular basis, and during the interactions tutors
were nurturing and provided children with positive reinforcement. The child is able
to have a caring individual sit with them and coach them through their homework
lessons. Ultimately, children are getting attention from someone who genuinely
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cares about them and their future. Mark shared his thoughts on the impact that the
one-on-one tutoring had on the child:
They come in and their tutor is here, they are excited to get started with their
work. It creates a love for learning because it associates that positive attention
with the work that they are doing, and the idea is that down the line that
continues. (personal interview, March 14, 2007)

When service providers were asked if they felt that the one-on-one tutoring
resulted in the children experiencing a sense of empowerment, all service providers
said yes. Jody said that the experiences give them more confidence in school,
socially, and with what they can achieve - You see that relationship building, you
see the friendship building and that trust build each week (personal interview,
February 12, 2007).
Amber also commented on the impact children experienced from the one-on-
one. She stated that good matches between tutor and child have the ability to make a
profound impact (personal interview, February 12, 2007) on the child. When
asked if she felt that the relationship empowered the child, she responded:
Totally empowered, totally empowered.I like to speak of the emotional
development and personal identity development because I feel that the kids
have a personal identity of being homeless, so I really like to connect them
with people that can talk to them about this being a condition rather than
identifying it with who they are as people.
(personal interview, February 12, 2007).

The service providers invested themselves in cultivating a tutoring program
that enlightened the tutors and children. The tutor applicants underwent a thorough
application process and received training that prepared them to understand how to
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work with homeless children. The service providers empowered the tutors with
knowledge and materials, so that the tutors could, in turn, empower the children.
Summary
The answer to this research question began with brief review of
empowerment theory. Once again, empowerment is a social action process that
allows those that lack an equitable share of power and resources an opportunity to
gain increased access to resources and knowledge. Previous research has shown that
caring adults are an active force in the empowerment of youth. In this study, the data
showed that there were three ways that program leaders empowered youth
participants.
First, the findings revealed that service providers possessed networks with
resourceful network members. The service providers collectively mobilized their
resourceful networks, which resulted in the organization having a vast resourceful
social network that was accessible by all employees. Second, the organization
provided youth participants with numerous educational resources. The organization
assisted parents with enrolling their children in school and provided children with
school supplies. These educational resources placed children in learning
environments and equipped them with tools that helped them become active learners.
To further support the educational enhancement, the organization offered children
individualized tutoring sessions. The tutoring sessions were also identified as a
method that program leaders used to empower homeless children. The service
providers used multiple methods to recruit a good pool of tutors. They also carefully
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reviewed tutor applicants and provided tutor trainings to educate tutors on best
practices to use when working with homeless children.
Conclusion
The purpose of this chapter has been to answer the research questions that
have guided this study. The answers to each research question was presented and
supported by statistical data and excerpts from interview transcriptions. The findings
have revealed information about the various elements of the service providers social
networks. The findings also presented information on how service providers utilized
their networks to access and utilize resources for the program and youth participants.
Lastly, the findings showed how the organizations overall social network worked
towards providing empowering resources to youth participants.
The service providers worked as an efficient collective unit to produce and
provide youth participants with valuable services. In order to effectively provide
services, the service providers shared ideas, resources, and contacts. This
collaborative effort resulted in employees being able to mobilize resources to
perform their work duties, which, in turn, resulted in children receiving services
services that had the potential to create a positive impact on childrens social,
psychological, and cognitive development. Such services were identified as
educational resources and individualized tutoring sessions. The data showed that
these services were pertinent assets to the educational enhancement of the children
because the services equipped them with learning tools and knowledge. Specifically,
the data showed that the individualized tutoring sessions created immediate changes
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in the persona of a child. In many instances, the findings revealed that children had
transformational experiences (i.e., social, emotional, and educational) over the
course of the tutoring sessions. These transformational experiences were identified
as a sense of empowerment.
All of the fore-mentioned information was discussed and analyzed
throughout the chapter. The analysis included carefully reviewing the data using two
units of analysis (service provider and organizational level). The units of analysis
were used as a lens to quantify the data, tabulate the data, and identify patterns and
themes in the data. At this point in the analysis, there was a vast amount of
information that emerged from the data. Through analysis, the data transformed
from a vast amount of disconnected information into knowledge. The knowledge
revealed pertinent information about the composition, function, and operation of the
service providers and organizations social networks and how they used those
networks to access and utilize resources on behalf of the programs agenda and youth
participants.
Thus, this chapter has functioned to present the findings of the research
questions. The following chapter will be used to discuss the significance of the
findings. This will be accomplished by returning to the theories and scholarly works
that were discussed in Chapter 2. In Chapter 5, the theories, scholarly works, and
findings from previous studies will converge to provide a lucid understanding of the
research findings.

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CHAPTER 5
Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the significance of the findings that
were presented in Chapter 4. In the previous chapter, the data was analyzed using
two units of analysis the individual and organization. First, the service providers
social networks were analyzed on an individual basis, and then the data was
compiled to reveal the composition of the organizations social network. Next,
analysis was performed on the organizations social network. During this analysis,
pertinent network characteristics and operational features were identified.
Each stage of analysis yielded critical information about the service
providers social networks, and when the information was collectively reviewed, it
presented pertinent findings about the organizations network too. Once the data was
compiled and analyzed further, the findings revealed patterns and themes. These
patterns and themes were presented when answering the three research questions that
have directed this study. Thus, the function of this chapter is to take the information
that was presented in Chapter 4 and correlate the findings with the literature that was
reviewed in Chapter 2.
Chapter 5 will provide information that builds upon the analysis performed in
Chapter 4. Each finding that emerged from the data analysis will be addressed by
discussing the significance of the finding. The literature will be used to support
statements and conclusions that were presented when identifying patterns and themes
across the research study. Further, the previously reviewed literature will be used as
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a lens to perform further analysis of the research findings significance of the
findings.
By returning back to the literature that was reviewed in Chapter 2, the
significance of the findings will be discussed using the research and knowledge of
theorists and scholars who have conducted research in the areas of social capital,
sociology, youth intervention programs, empowerment, and homelessness. Thus, the
significance of the findings will be presented by will drawing upon the prior research
and theoretical perspectives of scholars. This connection is being established, so that
the research findings that were presented in Chapter 4 can be justified and supported
by the work of experienced scholars and theorists.
After the significance of the research findings has been presented, there will
be a section that provides recommendations for future study. In particular, this
section will discuss questions that emerged during the analysis of the findings,
questions that could not be answered by research study. In conclusion, the chapter
will provide closure to this research study, while simultaneously stating the need for
additional research to be performed in the areas of social capital, social network
analysis, and in the field of homelessness.
Discussion
Characteristics, Structural Features, and Social Composition of the Social Resource
Networks of Service providers
When reviewing the data from the name generator, a consistency that was
found to exist across three of the service providers social networks was that the
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majority of network members were of the same ethnicity as the service provider.
When the organizations social network was reviewed, the data, from the name
generator, showed that the network was comprised of a high percentage of Caucasian
(56%) and African-American (35%) network members. This was of significance
because the organization served a homeless population that consisted of mostly
African-American and Latino people. Thus, the organizations social network did
not accurately reflect the population that it served.
These finding are significant for several reasons. Since the organizations
social network was comprised of mostly Caucasian and African-American network
members, then the service providers individual networks were comprised mostly of
these ethnicities. The service providers, along with the other staff people, mobilized
their network members to create the organizations social network. Thus, the ethnic
composition of organizations social network did correlate with the ethnic
composition of the organizations staff (see Table 3).
Based on the data, it appeared that the service providers possessed and
actively gained network members that were of a similar ethnic background. This
means that the service providers, individual networks were not that diverse. The
service providers sought resources and support from individuals that were a similar
ethnicity. However, when their networks were reviewed collectively, the
organizations social network was diverse.
The service providers spoke about the resources and support that they gained
from the organizations social network in a positive manner. The service providers
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never discussed the ethnic background of network members or stated that it
influenced the quantity or quality of resources and support that the organization
received. The service providers spoke highly about the donations that the
organizations received. Depending on the donation (i.e., resource), they were used at
the Downtown Learning Center or by a volunteer tutor that worked at a
shelter/motel. The service providers spoke highly about the organizations social
network and how the network assisted them with providing resources and support to
the youth participants. Specifically, Jody commented,
We have such a great, strong team in place, in our organization.I think that
combined with our volunteers and all of our donations; it really helps keep
our program running and helps us achieve what we have to achieve. So, I
really think that we are making a difference even on the educational, but on
the support side to these kids (personal interview, February 12, 2007

This pattern of the service providers obtaining network members with
characteristics similar to themselves was also seen in the discussion on gender and
status level of network members. These findings are significant because it provides
information about the social structure and composition of the service providers
social networks. The data has shown that the service providers tended to possess
network members that were of similar ethnic background, gender, and status. Thus,
the service providers tended to form relationships with people whom they shared
similarities. Based on the data, these similarities seemed to act as bridge for service
providers to create relationships. The commonalities acted as connector between
service provider and contact. Thus, providing a foundation by which to forge and
build a social relationship.
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The data showed that Jody, Amber, and Diana all possessed social networks
that were primarily comprised of females (see Table 4). Most of the service
providers collective contacts (i.e., the organizations contacts) held middle status
positions (50%) (see Table 8). Their network members mid status positions
correlated with the service providers middle status social positions, except for
Dianas status, which was categorized as low.
The percentage of middle status network members was noted because it
appeared that overall the service providers tended to access resources from those
people that worked in similar and complementary fields to themselves. This network
characteristic was found to be the result of service providers accessing service
providers on behalf of children. The commonality between service providers and
service providers was the youth participants. The data showed that some service
providers functioned as important resources to the service providers. As a result of
this interaction between service provider and service provider, certain service
providers often became a frequent resource to the service provider. In certain
instances, service providers were added to a service providers social network, which
also meant that providers were added to the organizations social network.
Interdependence amongst network members. Another characteristic of the
service providers social networks was that the service providers sought support and
resources from one another. The data from the name generator showed that the
service providers listed many of their work colleagues as network members. The
interview data showed that service providers discussed how they exchanged and
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shared information with their colleagues. Collectively, the generator and interview
data revealed that the service providers cultivated a work environment that
promoted interdependence and collaboration amongst the employees at the
organization.
This interdependence amongst service providers resulted in the service
providers being able to collectively mobilize their social networks. As a result, the
organizations social network consisted of a vast amount of resourceful, network
members that all staff people were able to access. If service providers and staff
people had chosen to work more independently and isolate their resources, then the
organization and youth participants would have suffered. The service providers
would have only been able to access their individual networks, which were not
diverse. The service providers would have only been able to access a small quantity
and selection of resources and support. Thus, the organization and youth participants
benefited greatly from the service providers mobilizing their resources.
This type of interdependency that was found to exist amongst the service
providers has been discussed in the literature of James Coleman. Coleman (1998)
has discussed social capital as the ability of network members to utilize the social
structure of the network to obtain resources. He has stated that in order for network
members to fully gain benefits from the network that the members must enact
closure of the network. Closure is the process of network members accessing and
utilizing those that are in their immediate social circle. As a result, from this
process, there becomes a high level of interdependence amongst network members.
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This interdependence further results in network members establishing strong
relationships that foster the transmittal of support and resources.
Coleman (1998) has also stated that one of the forms that social capital takes
is social trust. Social trust is reliant on trustworthiness and environment, which
includes reciprocity between social network members. In order for a reciprocal
exchange to be successful, it must be founded on social trust (Coleman, 1988). For
instance, if member one provides something to member two, member one must trust
that member two will reciprocate at the appropriate time.
The service providers cultivated an environment that enforced social trust.
The service providers exchanged knowledge, resources, and contacts with one
another. As a result of utilizing and accessing forms of support and resources from
their colleagues, each service provider began to bolster their level of social capital.
Service providers began to increase their knowledge and acquire additional resources
by seeking support from their colleagues. Thus, the service providers drastically
increased their personal social networks and the organizations social network.
Lastly, the acquisition of social capital aided the service providers in accessing and
utilizing resources on behalf of program agenda and youth participants.
Social composition of the network. The social composition of the network
was discussed in terms of the network size, the formation of social network webs,
and large number of external organizational network members. The size of the
social network web was of significance because it dictated the number of social
network members that the service providers were able to actively seek support and
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assistance from. If a service provider possessed a large network web, it showed that
his/her network was potentially a large source of social capital. Further, the service
providers large network webs increased the size of the organizations social network
web. As a result of having access to a large social network web, the service provider
was able to be highly selective when matching his/her needs with resourceful
network members. By being able to make good matches between needs and person
to access for resources, service providers were able to gain timely access to the exact
resources that were desired.
Service providers were able to assess their needs did they need materials,
something for an event, a resource for a particular child and review the
organizations network members to locate the best individual who could provide the
resource. If service providers were unable to locate a network member that could
provide the exact resource, they were able to select a person who they felt could best
direct them on how to secure the resource. Additionally, if service providers desired,
they were able to access multiple network members for a particular resource. Due
the quantity and variation of network members, service providers were able to use
various techniques to secure resources on behalf of youth participants.
The data from the name generator showed that the service providers with
larger networks had a high percentage of external organizational network members.
Service providers that possessed a high percentage of external organization network
members were those persons that were highly active in the field attending
meetings, performing presentations, and making media appearances. Mark
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possessed the greatest network size with eighteen members; Amber also had a large
network size of sixteen members (see Table 3). By having numerous network
members, it provided service providers a larger pool of contacts to access and utilize
for resources.
The data showed that larger networks provided service providers the
opportunity to be selective in choosing whom they accessed for help. Based on the
data from the name generator, Ambers social network size was 16 and consisted of
over 50% of the relationships being uniplex relationships - a uniplex relationship
being a person that is accessed for only one source of support. Ambers network
consisted of 56% uniplex relationships. It was found that a large network allowed
the service provider to have selectivity when choosing whom to access for resources.
Thus, larger networks were important because they provided the service providers
with more options, which equated to greater resources accessed on behalf of youth
participants. In various situations, the service provider was able to appropriately
match her needs with an accurate resourceful network member. Mark was also
found to have a large network size (Network size=18), in comparison to his
colleagues (see Table 3) with a high percentage of uniplex relationships (50%).
Thus, he too was able to be highly selective when matching his needs with a
resourceful network member.
Previous research has stated that actual or potential resources come from
ones connection to institutionalized relationships within a resourceful network
(Bourdieu, 1986). Furthermore, the amount of capital possessed by an individual is
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based on the size of the social network and relationships the individual can
effectively mobilize and on the level of capital possessed by those that the individual
has connections too (e.g., through the social network web) (Bourdieu, 1986; Dika &
Singh, 2002).
The data showed that there were certain factors that could determine the
potential social capital level of an individuals social network. These determining
factors were the social network size, strength of relationship with network members,
and status level of network members. In this study, the data showed that each one of
the fore-mentioned determinants immerged as important characteristics of the service
providers social networks. The data showed that these characteristics affected the
composition and operation of the service providers social network webs. The
network size stated the quantity of network members that the service provider could
access. The strength of the service providers relationship with a network member
informed the likelihood of the service provider accessing the member and actually
acquiring the resource. Lastly, the status level of a network member often influenced
the network members ability to provide a resource and the quality of resource that
was provided.
The service providers mobilized these social networks to create a resourceful,
organizational network that could be utilized to create positive change in the lives of
thousands of homeless children. Since the service providers and staff people
collectively mobilized their resources, they were able to utilize the fore-mentioned
determinants when reviewing the organizations social network to obtain resources.
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Service providers reviewed the organizations network members (quantity of
network members), determined the nature of the organizations relationship with the
network member (strength of relationship), and analyzed the network members
social position (status of network member). The service providers performed these
actions in order to make an effective and appropriate selection when choosing whom
to access for support and resources on behalf of youth participants.
Exchange of information. Across the organization, it seemed that a major
factor that facilitated access and mobilization of resources was the open
communication pathways that existed between the employees. The service providers
cultivated a work environment that encouraged the constant exchange of
information. As previously mentioned, the data from the name generator showed
that service providers mentioned several of their colleagues as network members.
Service providers discussed how they accessed their colleagues for resources.
Jody discussed how she often spoke with Amber about the various situations
that she encountered when performing her job tasks. She said that she discussed
certain issues with Amber because they occupied the same position, so she felt that
they had parallel experiences. Jody also said that sharing experiences with her co-
workers resulted in them exchanging ideas and information. These types of
exchanges resulted in service providers increasing their knowledge base, while
simultaneously gaining resourceful information that they could use to enhance their
work experiences.
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Coleman (1988) has stated that the establishment and use of open information
channels is an essential feature for the transference of social capital in a social
network. He has also asserted that information channels were important means of
transferring information that generate action in the social network. By service
providers having effective information channels, it was found that service providers
were able to engage in exchanging funds of knowledge (Stanton-Salazar et al.,
2000, p. 220) with co-workers. This exchange was found to result in information
being transferred and problems being discussed.
Service providers commented that there were times when employees
disagreed with one another. However, the disagreements were also an example of
open communication channels because the disagreements allowed the service
providers to exchange knowledge with another. The disagreements were beneficial
because they too encouraged dialogue between employees. Service providers said
that relationships were not affected when they disagreed with their colleagues on an
issue because they knew that any disagreements would be talked out and each
persons opinion would be respected.
In conclusion, the data has showed that the open communication channels
that existed amongst employees created a work place where everyone felt
comfortable with sharing their views and commenting on the views of others.
Regardless of the how the information was exchanged, the open communication
channels resulted in the service providers creating and sustaining an environment
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that promoted the transmittal of social capital amongst the employees at their
organization.
Low-status youth participants
Service providers discussed varying factors that constrained their access,
utilization, and mobilization of resources. The factors ranged from the public school
systems inability to provide appropriate resources to properly support the education
of homeless children to the publics lack of knowledge on homelessness. The
constraining factors that were presented in the previous chapter were directly related
to the social position and condition of homeless people. There are major differences
between the social conditions of those that occupy low and high positions.
Furthermore, it is also important to note that population that is being
discussed in this study is of extreme low-status. Homeless people are a transient
population that experiences a high level of poverty. Thus, there are even greater
differences between the social conditions of homeless and privileged people. There
are also differences between those people that make up the low-status tier. People
that experience homelessness are of low-status, but they occupy the very bottom tier
of the low-status. It is these social differences that impeded the service providers as
they attempted to access resources on behalf of low-status, youth participants.
Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2003) have discussed how youth who grow up in
privileged communities experience greater benefits than those youth that are reared
in low-status communities. Privileged youth benefit from having many participants
and institutions (e.g., public schools) that support their socialization by providing
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resources and opportunities that help to prepare youth for adult positions of influence
and power. In contrast, individuals and institutions function to potentially defend
low-status youth from ecological dangers and forms of segregation (Stanton-Salazar
& Spina, 2003). Thus, institutions, like public schools, function to support the
educational advancement of privileged youth. However, for low-status areas, public
schools merely work towards helping low-status youth exist in their social condition.
This imbalance of social experiences based on status later impacts youths access to
forms of support and social capital resources, which, in turn, means that the
imbalance also affects the work of those people that barter and negotiate access to
social capital resources on behalf and for low-status youth.
Stanton-Salazar (2001, 2003) has discussed the challenges that people of
lower classes face when accessing social capital resources. He has stated that there
are social inequities (i.e., social stratification forces) that comprise the backbone of
societys social structure. As a result of social stratification, there is an imbalance of
position and power that results in forms of social capital not being accessible in the
social networks and social relationships of low-status people (Stanton-Salazar, 2001,
2003). Thus, this relates back to the constraining factors that were previously
discussed - the public school systems inability to provide adequate resources to
homeless youth and the lack of knowledge that the public has on the issue of
homelessness.
The fore-mentioned constraining factors are related to the social position and
condition of homeless people. As a result of homeless peoples low-status positions
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and poor living conditions, they occupy a realm of the social strata that is barely
visible to the public sector. Due to homeless peoples poverty-stricken social
environments, they have minimal access to social capital resources and forms of
support. Without access to social capital resources, it becomes highly difficult for
homeless people to create change in their social position and condition. Thus, their
dismal situations make the service providers work difficult because the service
providers have to convince people that the social issue of homelessness (i.e., a low-
status issue) is an important and urgent issue that deserves urgent attention.
Lack of Economic Capital
As previously stated, homeless people are a transient population. Due to
constant moving, it is difficult for homeless individuals to become invested in
community, work, or school environments. Homeless families and individuals
experience a sporadic way of living that prevents individuals from being able to
attain various forms of capital. Most importantly, homeless individuals experience
difficulty in attaining and sustaining economic capital. As a result of being
extremely poverty-stricken, economic capital is a difficult asset for homeless people
to possess. Due to their way of life, it is highly difficult for them to secure steady
employment, possess a stable living environment, sustain healthy relationships with
others, and place their children in appropriate learning environments (for long
periods of time).
Even though most homeless individuals lack tangible financial assets,
economic capital can still evolve from having social connections and resources,
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which they fail to possess. Bourdieu has stated that individuals can gain economic
capital from social capital. Individuals have the ability to increase their cultural
capital through their social contacts or by being associated with certain organizations
and entities that provide social resources (Portes, 1998). In the end, possession of
these forms of capital will eventually lead to possessing economic capital (Portes,
1998).
Transformational changes
As previously stated, minimal access to social capital resources makes it
highly difficult for changes to transpire in the lives of the homeless people. The
findings showed that the service providers understood the importance of creating an
environment that promoted and stimulated change within homeless children. The
findings also showed that the service providers provided educational resources to
youth participants; the service providers commented that these educational resources
resulted in many of the children experiencing a sense of empowerment. In many
situations, homeless children entered School on Wheels without being enrolled in
school. Further, due to their families constant moving around, many children had
spent short amounts of time in numerous schools. After signing up for School on
Wheels services, the childrens educational experiences began to shift. Their school
records were located and the Downtown Learning Center Coordinator helped with
enrolling children in school. Lastly, the children were provided educational
materials for school and a tutor, so that they could receive further educational
support as they re-entered a school environment.
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The service providers spoke in great detail about how the individualized
tutoring sessions resulted in transformational changes in the child. Service providers
spoke about the changes in childrens self-esteem, confidence, and study habits.
Overall, the impact from the tutor-child relationship was stated to positively
influence the childs psychological, social, and academic development. Over time, it
was found that the tutors and children became emotionally attached to one another.
The established relationship between tutor and child resulted in an investment in the
tutoring process and a commitment to accomplishing tutoring session goals.
The tutoring sessions were found to be an essential resource that provided
empowering experiences for children. Service providers discussed the changes that
they observed in the children. They spoke about the how the children displayed
greater confidence and a genuine desire to learn. The service providers spoke about
how the children were able to experience what it was like to have someone care
about them and want to spend one on one time with them - one on one time where
the child and their needs were the focus of the interaction.
According to Lareau (2003), working class and poor parents do not view their
childs social lives as highly important. As a result, children are reared in an
environment where they accept their parents lack of interest. This treatment is often
internalized and children grow up believing that they are not special or worthy of
receiving attention from people (Lareau, 2003). Further, Lareau (2003) has also
stated that the lack of quality resources can have immediate and overwhelming
effects on poor children. Thus, the individualized tutoring sessions may have
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countered the negative social experiences that the children experienced as a result of
their social status and living conditions. The individualized tutoring sessions
functioned to promote and stimulate positive, transformational changes in the child.
Empowerment
Empowerment has been stated to be an ongoing social process experienced
by individuals, communities, and organizations that lack an equitable share of power
and valuable resources. The sense of empowerment has been found to come from
increased access to resources, along with a concurrent gain in funds of knowledge
(McWhirter, 1991). These gained resources have been shown to result in individuals
possessing greater control over their lives, which leads to improved equity and life
opportunities (Hughes & Peterson, 2004; Wilkinson, 1998; Stanton-Salazar et al.,
2000).
Service providers believed that the tutors and children experienced
transformational changes after several tutoring sessions. Service providers discussed
how the tutors became very emotionally attached to the children, and the children
also became attached to their tutors. Service providers also said that they observed
the children take more of an interest in doing work when they met with their tutors.
Service providers also observed that children experienced increases in their self-
esteem and confidence. The support and resources from the individualized tutoring
were found to provide children with an increased sense of self-worth. Additionally,
the service providers stated that they observed many children experience a social,
emotional, and academic transformation that resulted in an empowered child.
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Each service provider discussed the major changes that children under went
once they began having individualized tutoring sessions. The service providers
observed how the tutors and children formed emotional attachments over the course
of their tutoring sessions. These emotional attachments were built on social trust.
Jody discussed how she observed childrens trust evolve over the course of tutoring
sessions. She said that the relationship, friendship, and trust grew each week, which
then affected the development of the child. She said that she observed children
display increases in self-esteem, self-worth, and an interest in doing schoolwork.
Thus, the relationships that children forged with their tutors resulted in empowering
transformations of the children.
Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2003) have discussed how the presence of one
caring adult can have an empowering effect on the development of youth who are
experiencing difficulties in their lives. Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2003) have
argued that urban, low-income youth often acquire resilient characteristics that help
them exist in deleterious, ecological environments, from supportive, resourceful
adults. This acquired sense of resiliency empowers youth with strategies that help
them navigate through varying situations. Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2003) have
also stated that the most resilient youth are those that have formed relationships with
supportive adults. However, when low-status, youth are denied the benefits of these
relationships, children are left without the support and resources from a supportive
adult figure. The lack of interaction and resources results in a child that remains in
the same emotional and psychosocial state. Without the connection to a caring adult,
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low-status youth are unable to become empowered with knowledge and resources
that assist them with navigating through their harsh, ecological environments. Thus,
the mere presence of one caring individual has the potential to create change in the
life of a child who is experiencing a tumultuous period in his/her development.
Consistency of tutoring sessions
Service providers continuously commented on how they observed positive,
transformational changes in many youth participants. In many instances, service
providers discussed, through anecdotal accounts, that they observed youth
participants experience a sense of empowerment. However, in response to the
service providers anecdotal accounts, it is important to pose the question that asks
how beneficial is the youth intervention program if youth participants fail to receive
continuous resources over long periods of time?
Due to the inconsistent living conditions of homeless individuals, the
duration and frequency of individualized tutoring sessions ranged amongst the
children. Some children received services from School on Wheels for one day, while
others remained enrolled for several months or even years. Thus, it was difficult for
service providers to know how long children would attend the School on Wheels
program. Further, due to the inconsistent attendance of children and constant
gaining and losing of youth participants, it was impossible for service providers to
perform an adequate assessment on the relationship between the transformational
changes of children (that they observed) and childrens experiences from tutoring
sessions and other SOW programming. Lastly, due to the organizations inability to
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track children after leaving SOW, it was impossible to assess if the youth
intervention program produced long-term affects on the child.
Implications
The collective
The results of this study have introduced critical information that should be
reviewed by other outreach organizations that work with youth and low-status, urban
youth. First, this research showed how service providers worked as a collective to
cultivate an environment that encouraged communication and camaraderie. By
creating an environment that supported the sharing and exchanging of information,
the service providers increased their access to knowledge and resources. The service
providers also increased the utility of the organizations services and resources. As
the service providers increased their knowledge base and social networks, they also
increased the organizations social network and social capital level.
The service providers mobilized their resources and created a vast
organizational network that consisted of resourceful network members. This
mobilization of network members resulted in the service providers social networks
and the organizations social network being transformed into a social network web.
The adding of social contacts has been discussed and identified as the formation of a
social network web. Furthermore, the data showed that the quantity of network
members and placement of the members in the social network web dictated the
networks potential resource level.
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Coleman (1988) has stated that it is beneficial to work as a collective when
trying to effectively transfer social capital to members of the social network. He has
stated that an investment in common interests function to strengthen the collective
because each individual strives to reinforce the ideals that support the framework of
the collective. In addition, the collectives dedication and investment has been found
to result in shared resources and benefits amongst group members while preserving
group solidarity (Coleman, 1988).
This body of research can serve as a reference for other youth outreach
organizations that want to learn how to establish a work environment that promotes a
collective work ethic that will benefit the programs and services offered by the
organization. The service providers created and sustained a work environment that
encouraged staff people to seek support and assistance from their colleagues. They
also mobilized their social networks so that all staff people could access a larger pool
of resources and network members.
These findings also demonstrate the type of work that is being performed by
service providers in the field of homelessness. To make a continual impact with high
quality work, it is necessary for service providers to share and discuss, with other
organizations, the type of work that they are performing within their organizations.
When service providers work independently, they are only able to rely on their
individual social network and resources. However, if they were to work as a
collective, they would be able to access members of the collectives, communal
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social network, along with accessing the collectives resources and forms of support
(i.e., social capital).
Lastly, while working as a collective is beneficial to the organization, it is
also important to identify the resources that each individual brings to the collective.
This review of resources is suggested in order to trace the emergence and departure
of contacts/resources as employees enter and depart the organization. Further, it is
beneficial to identify how the organization is affected from losing and gaining
resources, contacts, and employees if the Founder of an organization were to
depart, would all of his/her resources leave and how would this impact the
organization? Thus, it is important to review the resources and contacts that each
staff person contributes to the collective, as well as, identifying whether the contact
is connected to the organization because of the staff person or because they are
invested in the cause of the organization. By identifying the motivation of why
contacts become involved with an organization, service providers can work towards
cultivating relationships with social contacts that will result in contacts making a
long-term investment in the organization regardless of which staff person enters or
departs.
Caring adults
The research has discussed several resources that the School on Wheels
provided to youth participants. Specifically, caring adults (i.e., tutors) were
identified as one of the educational resources that were provided to youth
participants. The data showed that the relationship between tutor and youth
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participants resulted in observed transformational changes in the tutor and child. The
service providers mostly discussed the transformational changes that took place in
the child; they spoke of how they believed children experienced increases in self-
esteem, confidence, and interest in doing their schoolwork. These findings are
beneficial to other youth outreach programs and to the body of research.
Youth outreach organizations are able to review the function and operational
methods of the tutoring programs, so they can learn how School on Wheels program
services created transformational changes in the youth participants they served. The
findings are also important because the learned information can be added to the body
of research that exists on caring adults who work with low-status, urban youth. As
previously mentioned, research by Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2003) showed how
the presence of one caring adult can have an empowering effect on low-status, urban
youth who are experiencing chaotic periods in their development. Like the fore-
mentioned research study, this study has also shown how caring adults are powerful
tools that can create change in the social, psychological, and cognitive development
of low-status, urban youth. Thus, this research and its findings are added to the body
of scholarship on adult agents and low-status, urban children.
While this research can be added to the fore-mentioned body of scholarship,
it also can be situated in the body of scholarship on homeless youth. This research
does discuss the relationship between caring adults and low-status youth, but
homeless youth are a specific population of low-status youth. Homeless youth fall in
a separate category with in low-status. Homeless people tend to experience an
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extreme state of poverty, which results in them not only being labeled as low-status,
but they become labeled as poverty-stricken.
Homeless people are a transient population that constantly moves around,
which results in children constantly relocating schools or not being enrolled in
school at all. Homeless people live in environments where children witness drug
use, violence, and crime. They live on the street, shelters, or in motels. As a result
of being reared in these types of environments, homeless youth experience social
conditions that influence their social, psychological, and cognitive development in
ways that vary from other low-status populations. Thus, this research has delved into
studying the relationships between caring adults and youth who live in extreme states
of poverty.
Social connectedness
In the previous chapter, there was a discussion on the challenges homeless
individuals endure in their quests to attain and sustain economic capital. Due to their
high level of poverty and unbalanced life structure, homeless individuals experience
difficulties in possessing economic capital. It is important to reiterate that economic
capital be gained from ones social connectedness with contacts and organizations
(Portes, 1998). Thus, economic capital is not solely associated with the figure of
ones bank account. Economic capital can evolve from human capital (knowledge
base), social capital (social relations), and cultural capital (gains from involvement in
community) (Portes, 1998). However, without appropriate resources to cultivate
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these various forms of capital, homeless individuals remain stagnant in the realm of
poverty.
In relation to this study, it is difficult to discuss the existence and longevity of
empowering experiences amongst homeless youth when their social positioning
places them in the extremely, high poverty strata of society. Thus, one wonders how
empowering homeless youth intervention programs are for children that lack
economic capital. Without economic capital, youth and their families are unable to
secure a stable home environment that will further cultivate and support the
empowering, social capital resources that youth participants gain from intervention
programs.
To yield change in the lives of homeless individuals, it is necessary for
homeless adults, youth, and families to be able to access social services that will
provide them with resources that assist them in attaining and sustaining human,
social, and cultural capital. As these areas of capital are cultivated, economic capital
can become a byproduct of their progress in these areas. By providing rehabilitation
services and support in the areas of drug addiction, education, work programs, and
family planning, homeless individuals can undergo transformational changes that
have the potential to influence their life choices and experiences.
Program Evaluation
As mentioned in Chapter 4, a constraining factor of the School on Wheels
organization was that they had yet to develop a process to measure the effectiveness
or outcomes of their program. Without a measurement system in place, the
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organization had relied solely on observational methods and anecdotal accounts to
assess the programs effectiveness. Thus, the program leaders were unable to
identify what worked and what did not work. In addition, the program leaders were
unable to correlate methods with outcomes.
As practitioners develop youth programs, it is recommended that they either
work with a research consultant or create a research protocol that will assess and
evaluate the organizations programs and services. Furthermore, it is imperative that
practitioners ensure that research instruments are appropriately designed to measure
effectiveness and to identify youth outcomes. Additionally, as a measurement
system is implemented it is also recommended that research be conducted using
several methods to achieve triangulation. Triangulation will help to ensure that the
research findings are reliable and valid.
The findings from this study can provide valuable information on the
practices being instituted when working with homeless children. These practices can
provide insights to others in the field. The findings demonstrate organizational and
program practices that could be further reviewed, assessed, modified, and
implemented on a larger scale. This research has identified the valuable operational
methods and social capital resources of one youth intervention program. These
identified methods and resources have been reviewed, analyzed, and aligned with
research from previous studies to validate their utility.

149
Recommendations for future study
The tutor-child relationship

This study has extensively discussed one specific resource that School on
Wheels has provided to homeless children individualized tutoring sessions. The
data has shown that the individualized tutoring sessions affected the children. The
service providers spoke about the transformational changes that they noticed in the
children. They discussed how the children experienced social, emotional, and
academic developmental changes. After working with tutors over a period of time,
children were noted to have increased levels of confidence and interest in completing
academic tasks. Service providers stated that these changes resulted in children
experiencing a sense of empowerment.
In order to identify the specific forms of support that tutors provided to
children, it recommended that further research be conducted on the affects of caring
relationships on low-status, urban youth. This research study focused solely on
gathering data from the program leaders; however, to accurately understand the
dynamics of the tutor-child relationship, it is suggested the research be conducted
directly on the tutor and child. By interviewing the tutors and children, the data
comes directly from the source. Thus, the data would be direct personal accounts
rather than observed data from a person that is outside of the tutor-child relationship
(i.e., program leaders).
The data showed that tutors provided immense levels of social capital to
children (e.g., sense of empowerment). Thus, it is of absolute necessity for further
150
research to be conducted on identifying and isolating the specific forms of tutor-
provided support and resources that result in the empowerment of homeless children.
Furthermore, it is also of extreme importance to identify how children are impacted
by the individualized tutoring sessions. Lastly, it is equally important to spend a
sufficient amount of time conducting research on how the tutors are impacted by the
tutor-child relationship. To completely understand the tutor-child relationship, it is
important to conduct research using two units of analysis - the tutor and child.
Additionally, it is also recommended that research be conducted on how to
standardize academic supports that are provided to homeless youth. By identifying
methods and practices that were utilized in the individualized sessions, there is a
possibility that future research can provide a means for presenting a way to
standardize practices so that a larger population of homeless children can receive the
services. In turn, School on Wheels could effectively affect a larger quantity of
homeless children, and their practices could be duplicated across similar
organizations that work with homeless children.
Intrinsic motivational practices
The service providers spoke about how they observed youth participants
experience increases in self-efficacy and self-determination. Self-efficacy is defined
as when an individual has competence in their ability to perform an activity
successfully; and self-determination is when an individual has a sense of autonomy
in regards to the things that they do and course that his or her life takes (Ormrod,
2002). On several accounts, the service providers discussed how they observed
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children displaying higher self-esteem and confidence, as well as, showing more
interest in their schoolwork. These characteristics are highly aligned with the
concepts of self-efficacy and self-determination, which also makes them aligned with
the concept of intrinsic motivation. Thus, it is recommended that future research
explore the existence of motivation in the tutor-child relationship. Even though
motivation has not been discussed in this study, there have been references made to
concepts that are correlated with motivation. Further, if intrinsic motivation is a
strategy that is identified in the tutor-child relationship, then the motivational
practices can be standardized and duplicated for other youth outreach organizations
to utilize and replicate.
Tracking system
The data also showed that School on Wheels did not have a tracking system
in place to track children that received services from the program. It is
recommended that a longitudinal study be performed to gage the impact and affects
of the organizations provided resources and forms of support (i.e., social capital), It
is also recommended that the longitudinal study focus on tracking children that
receive one on one tutoring services, for at least 3 months, from School on Wheels.
The children should be assessed prior to the first tutoring session, at intervals
throughout the tutoring process, at the final tutoring session, and monitored for at
least a year after leaving the program. The assessments should focus on
developmental skills that were impacted by the individualized tutoring sessions-
social, emotional, and academic development skills.
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Teamwork
This study has shown how one youth organization relied on teamwork to
fulfill the mission and goals of the organization. When staff people created an
environment that encouraged collectiveness, the focus remained on the work of the
collective. A collective work environment removed the competitive stigma from the
work process because staff people were not working against each other, but they
worked together to achieve common goals. Thus, it is recommended that research be
conducted on how collective work practices can facilitate program leaders abilities
to access social capital resources on behalf of low-status, urban youth. By studying
this area further, other organizations can learn about the benefits and challenges that
come from encouraging collective work practices. Further, organizations can
determine if instituting these practices would enhance work productivity, which
would also equate to an increase in resources for youth participants.
Public Policy
Currently, there fails to be much focus on resolving the issue of homelessness
amongst all individuals: adults (men and women), youth, and families. There have
some beginning strides taken to acknowledge the existence of the problem social
services available areas where homelessness is prevalent, shelters, McKinney Act,
Homeless Liaisons at School Districts, etc. however, thus far, these resources have
meagerly made limited progress over the years, that is progress towards completely
alleviating the problem of homelessness. Homelessness is not a one-dimensional
problem, there are many core issues within this social phenomenon. In relation to
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this study, families and youth lack various types of capital economic, human,
cultural, and social. Since homeless individuals lack capital, they are unable to rise
from extreme poverty.
It is recommended that future research delve into understanding the
complexities of the homelessness issue in relation to each specific homeless
population - adults, youth, and families. For the purposes of this study, it is
recommended that public officials and entities begin to identify the needs of
homeless individuals and react by providing rehabilitation services, access to health
services, educational resources for youth, access to affordable housing options, and
more. It is important that these resources are developed, implemented, distributed,
and assessed using effective methods and ethical practices. By providing a means
for homeless individuals to ascertain holistic life resources, they gain access to
empowering, life opportunities. Furthermore, by creating additional opportunities
and resources for the homeless population, there is potential for mass media to
capture social changes and, in turn, broadcast it to society, so that people can become
educated and possibly involved in alleviating the issue of homelessness.
Limitations
The generators
The generators were used to identify the social composition and structure of
the service providers social networks. However, there were inconsistencies across
the generators. The figures that were produced from the position and resource
generator were much higher in comparison to the name generator. With the position
154
generator, the service providers wrote how many people they knew who held a
particular position. The resource generator instructed the service providers to write
the number of people they knew who possessed certain resources. On the name
generator, the service providers were asked to list the names of those people in their
social networks. The data showed that all of the service providers marked high
numbers on the position and resource generator, but service providers listed low
numbers of people in comparison to the high numbers listed on the other generators.
This inconsistency shows how the data collected from the generators is not in
alignment. The function of the generators was to produce succinct information about
the service providers social networks; however, the service providers portrayed their
social networks differently based on the generator that they completed.
Thus, the question that arises from this imbalance is could the order in which
the instruments were administered have affected how the service providers
answered items on the generators? The name generator was given first, the position
generator followed, and the resource generator was administered last. Perhaps, if the
resource and generator were administered first, then the service providers would
have had an opportunity to think about the people in their networks, network
members positions, and potential resources that network members held.
Observational accounts
As previously mentioned, this study has utilized observed accounts from
program leaders that described the tutor-child relationship and its effects on the
child. Thus, the data came from a source that was outside of the tutor-child
155
relationship, and the data was based mostly on observations rather than on personal
accounts from the tutors and children. This is a limitation because the observational
data is subjective information that is based on interpretation of the observer.
Social status

Status was discussed throughout this research study. Status was one of the
main descriptors that led the tabulation of the quantitative data. Social status was a
descriptor for the social composition and structure of the social network. It revealed
what type of people existed in the social networks of the service providers. Status
was also a predictor of potential social capital resource level of the service providers
social network webs.
Throughout the study, status was discussed from two different perspectives.
At certain times, status was discussed in the context of the work place. In these
instances, an individuals job status or job positioning was discussed. Job status was
based on where the individual was situated in the job hierarchy at his/her place of
employment. In contrast, there were also discussions about status in terms of where
an individual was situated in society social status.
The distribution of status throughout the research study was based on SEI
scores, and SEI scores were based solely on job status. It was possible to have a low
job status, but a high social status. People could occupy a low position at their job,
but possess high financial security and investments. In addition, individuals could
possess social status based on their sur name, but may have limited access to the
familys money. While the individual may not have possessed economic riches,
156
the individual could still have possessed access to high status resources and contacts
based on their name (i.e., social position based on lineage).
Since these types of situations were not taken into consideration, the design
of the SEI coding procedures and survey instruments need to be updated. Items on
the instruments could yield responses that were based either on the service providers
social status or job status. Further, the SEI scores were from the Duncan SEI scores
Index 1970 Census of Population. This coding device was used because it was the
most current document available. However, the scores were configured over 30
years ago during a different era when the economy, job positions, and job
descriptions were different. Thus, the SEI score is not an accurate descriptor for
status level in terms of discussing the function and operation of the social network
web.
Conclusion
The purpose of this research study was to understand how program leaders
utilized their social networks to access social capital for homeless children.
Specifically, the study has focused on identifying the main characteristics of the
program leaders social networks; learning how program leaders access and utilize
their social networks on behalf of program agenda and low-status, urban youth; and
understanding how program leaders empower children with social capital. The study
presented a wealth of data that provided information on each of the fore-mentioned
areas. The study showed that the service providers worked as a collective and
mobilized their social capital resources for the benefit of the organization (i.e., the
157
collective). By mobilizing resources, the service providers established an
organizational network that consisted of network members of varying genders,
ethnicities, and status.
This research study has shown how an organization can benefit from staff
people collectively mobilizing their resources. When the service providers, along
with the other staff people, mobilized their social networks, their individual social
networks were transformed into social network webs. Each staff person gained their
colleagues network members and resources associated with those members. This
collective mobilization also greatly affected the organizations social network. The
organizations social network drastically changed because the quantity and variation
of network members grew abundantly. The organizations social network was also
transformed into a grand social network web that contain resourceful, network
members that could be accessed by all staff people. Thus, the staff people had access
to a large pool of network members who were potential sources of social capital.
In this study, the service providers remained focused on accessing resources
and forms of support on behalf of homeless youth. The needs of the youth
participants guided and fueled the work that the service providers performed.
Service providers obtained resources and developed services that they hoped would
influence the educational opportunities of homeless children. However, they also
provided support and resources to also affect the overall human development of
homeless children too.
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This research study has shown that the processes involved in program leaders
accessing their social networks and providing youth participants social capital
resources is an extensive process that involves numerous factors. In order for any
organization to standardize a process that can be duplicated and replicated across
youth-outreach organization, additional research is required on identifying the
processes involved in creating effective empowering programming for low-status,
urban youth.
This study can serve as a frame of reference for other outreach organizations
as they work towards helping a similar population of youth. The utility of this
research has been validated as it has been correlated with sound theoretical
perspectives and supported by previous research. Thus, these findings have the
potential to empower youth-related organizations with pertinent knowledge on how
program leaders access and utilize social networks to create change in the lives of
low-status, urban youth. In conclusion, the research has shown the potential social
capital that they can provide to low-status, urban youth. When organizations and
staff people can truly understand how social networks function and more
importantly, how they function effectively, they can become empowered with
knowledge that will enable them to successfully navigate social networks to access
and utilize social capital resources on behalf of the organizations and youth
participants that they serve.
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163
Appendix A: Name Generator

1. Educational Opportunities:
• If you need information or assistance regarding an educational
concern for one of your youth program participants, who are the main
people that you would call for help?
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

2. Social Development and Support:
• If you have a student who has experienced difficulties socializing
with others, who are the main people that you would call to assist you
in accessing mentorship or social supports for youth program
participants?
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

3. Medical Health and Wellness Support:
• If one of your students has a medical or dental need that you feel is
not being addressed by the school or his/her family, who can you call
with confidence to assist you in getting the services that the student
needs.
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

4. Psychological and Emotional Support:
• If one of your students was experiencing psychological or emotional
crises, who are the main people that you would call to assist you in
dealing with the crisis?
164
Appendix A: Name Generator, Continued

• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

5. Legal Assistance:
• If one of your students has legal issues or questions, who are the main
people that you would access to gain resources that would help your
student in dealing with their legal matters?
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

6. Law Enforcement Support:
• If one of your students needs assistance with specific law enforcement
concerns, who are the people you would most likely call upon or refer
to for assistance?
• In the past year, which of these people have you actually called upon
or referred someone to for assistance?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

7. Community People:
• If you need information on the community or assistance with
arranging activities in the community, who are the main people that
you would call for assistance with this situation?
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?

165
Appendix A: Name Generator, Continued

• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

8. Social Services:
• If one of your students need assistance with arranging social services,
who are the main people that you would call to help you with
handling this matter?
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

9. Financial Information and Support:
• If one of your students needs information or assistance regarding
financial matters, who are the main people that you would call to help
you with this matter?
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

10. Leadership
• If one of your students needs assistance and/or information from a
person in a leadership position (e.g., Principal, Superintendent,
government official, etc.), who are the main people that you would
call upon for assistance in figuring out how to help your student
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

166
Appendix A: Name Generator, Continued

11. Career, Internships, and Employment Opportunities Support:
• If one of your program participants needs assistance or information
regarding career, internship, or employment opportunities, who are
the people you would most likely call upon or refer to for assistance?
• In the past year, which of these persons have you actually contacted
and/or referred to receive assistance?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
years?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

12. Marketing/Public Relations:
• If you are trying to gain media coverage for the program, who are the
main people that you call for help?
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

13. Funding Opportunities
• If you are trying to gain funding for the program, who are the main
people that you call for help?
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?
• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

14. Sponsorship/Donations
• If you are trying to gain sponsorship or donations for an activity, who
are the main people that you call for help?
• In the past year, which of these people have you accessed for help?

167
Appendix A: Name Generator, Continued

• Is there anyone who you would not normally rely upon for this type of
assistance, but who actually did help you in this way during the past
year?
• Have you ever been in a position where you either directly provided
this resource to one of your students, or directly provided this
resource to one of your program colleagues?

168
Appendix B: Position Generator

Same Workplace = Someone employed by the same institution/organization. At a
minimum, someone that you have regular small talk or share opinions with (e.g.,
faculty member, campus administrator)

Different Workplace = Someone not employed by the same institution/ organization,
but that you attend meetings within a professional context (e.g., conferences,
professional development) and have regular small talk or share opinions with.

Colleague or
Acquaintance
Job/Function Family Friend
Same
Work
place
Different
Work
place
None
1. Physician
2. Teacher, K-12
3. Welfare Service
Worker

4. Public Relations Agent
5. Social Worker
6. Former Member of
Armed Services

7. School Administrator,
Elementary &
Secondary School

8. Deliveryman
9. Bank Officer &
Financial Manger

10. Vocational or
Education Counselor

11. Plumber
12. School Administrator,
College

13. Cleaning Person
14. Real Estate Agent
15. Lawyer
16. Electrician

169
Appendix B: Position Generator, Continued

Colleague or
Acquaintance
Job/Function Family Friend
Same
Work
place
Different
Work
place
None
17. Computer Programmer
18. College Professor
19. Architect
20. Librarian
21. Receptionist
22. Psychologist
23. Adult Education
Teacher

24. Nurse
25. Urban & Regional
Planner

26. Construction Laborer
27. Statistician
28. Official of lodges,
societies, & union

29. Waiter
30. Accountant

170
Appendix B1: The Development of the Position Generator

The positions listed in the generator are divided into three categories: high, middle,
and low-status. The categories were developed using the Socioeconomic Index
Scores for Major Occupation Groups (Duncans SEI revised versions: Weighted
Prestige, Education, Income) and by the U.S. Bureau of Census, 1970 Census of
Population Classified Index of Industries and Occupations. Scores that are 75 or
higher on the Duncan Scale signify high-status, 74 down to 53 signify middle-status,
and 52 and below signify low-status. For this instrument, the range of the middle
status is being altered to 74 down to 60. The 59 down to 53 range (lower middle
class) is being omitted, so that the instrument includes positions with higher SEI
scores (This omission is a built in bias). Thus, 52 and below will remain low-status.
The status breakdown is as follows:

75 & Higher = High Status; 74 60 = Mid Status; 52 & below = Low-status

Prior to each group of positions (high, medium, and low), there is a legend that
details how the positions within each stratum, of the generator, were chosen. See the
Legends A, B, and C in the position generator below.

Also, in the generator, the positions are listed in a pattern, so that the statuses are
staggered throughout the generator. The pattern has three stages and within each
stage there are six items.
The pattern is as follows:

1) Stage One (Numbers 1 through 6): #1 = High Status (HS), #2 = Middle
Status (MS), and #3 = Low-status (LS). The pattern repeats for numbers 4
through 6.
2) Stage Two (Numbers 7 through 12): #7 = MS, #8 = LS, #9 = HS. The second
stage of the pattern continues for numbers 10 through 12.
3) Stage Three (Numbers 13 through 18): #13 = LS, #14 = MS, #15 = HS. The
third stage of the pattern continues for numbers 16 through 18.

1a) Stage One repeats (Numbers 19 through 24): #19 = HS, #20 = MS,
and #21 = LS. The first stage of the pattern repeats for numbers 22 through
24.
2a) Stage Two repeats (Numbers 25 through 30): #25 = MS, #26 = LS,
and #27 = HS. The second stage of the pattern repeats for numbers 28
through 30.

171
Appendix B1: The Development of the Position Generator, Continued

Job/Function Score H M L Related Education
Related
Legend A for 1-10

High Status = 10 items
7 items related to running
of youth intervention
program, 3 non-related
7 related items = 5 in
education, 2 non-
education

1. Physician 92 X No
2. Public Relations Agent 82 X Yes
3. Bank Officers &
Financial Manager
80 X No
4. School Administrator,
College
78 X Yes E
5. Lawyer 92 X Yes E
6. College Professor 84 X Yes E
7. Architect 85 X No
8. Psychologist 81 X Yes E
9. Statistician 81 X Yes E
10. Accountant 77 X Yes
Legend B for 11-20

Mid-Status = 10 items
8 items related to running
of yip, 2 non-related
8 related items = 5 in
education, 3 non-
education

11. Teacher, K-12 62 X Yes E
12. Social Worker 64 X Yes
13. School Administrator,
Elementary & Secondary
school
72 X Yes E
14. Vocational & Education
Counselor
65 X Yes E
15. Real estate agent 62 X No
172
Appendix B1: The Development of the Position Generator, Continued

16. Computer Programmer 62 X Yes
17. Librarian 60 X Yes E
18. Adult Education Teacher 61 X Yes E
19. Urban & Regional
Planner
65 X Yes
20. Officials of lodges,
societies, and unions
60 X No
Legend C for 21-30

Low-Status = 10 items
6 items that you
anticipate everyone will
choose, 4 working class
positions

21. Welfare service worker 11 X
22. Former member of the
armed forces
-4 X
23. Deliveryman 31 X
24. Plumber 13 X
25. Cleaning person 8 X
26. Electrician 44 X
27. Receptionist 44 X
28. Nurse 44 X
29. Construction laborer 7 X
30. Waiter 16 X

173
Appendix C: Resource Generator
Same Workplace = Someone employed by the same institution/organization. At a
minimum, someone that you have regular small talk or share opinions with (e.g.,
faculty member, campus administrator)

Different Workplace = Someone not employed by the same institution/ organization,
but that you attend meetings within a professional context (e.g., conferences,
professional development) and have regular small talk or share opinions with.
Colleague or
Acquaintance
I. Do you know
anyone who
No Family Friend
Same
Work
place
Different
Work
place
Yourself
II. Are you
someone who
(is)
*** ****** ****** ****** *****
1. is a
philanthropist,
specifically,
makes charitable
donations to non-
profit
organizations?

2. ...works as an
administrator at
an elementary or
secondary
school?

3. who is
licensed to do
plumbing and
household
repairs?

4. teaches in a
university [holds
a Doctorate
degree and
teaches courses
related to child
welfare and/or
education)?

174
Appendix C: Resource Generator, Continued

5. knows how to
advocate for
children with
special needs?

6. who is a
member of a
trade union?

7. knows about
human resources
related
information?

8. knows how to
prepare a wide
range of food
(extremely good
at cooking)?

9. is a successful
small business
owner 10
employees or
more?

10. who has
knowledge about
the juvenile court
system?

11. who is self-
employed artist
(writer,
photographer,
poet)?

12. has knowledge
about financial
matters (wealth
management,
investments)?

13. who can give
advice on
physical fitness
and nutrition
(e.g., trainer,
nutritionist)?

175
Appendix C: Resource Generator, Continued

14. has
successfully
secured a grant?

15. knows about
how local
bureaucracies
work, and how to
work
bureaucracies
(e.g., city hall;
school district,
school board;
state assembly,
etc.)

16. knows about
community
resources for
youth?

17 knows about
how the social
services and
welfare system
operates?

18. can arrange
media coverage
(e.g., news
reporter or editor
(print or
broadcast)?

19. has traveled to
a foreign country
for leisure or
business (e.g.,
Europe; not
returning to visit
relatives in
Mexico)?

176
Appendix C: Resource Generator, Continued

20. is a
community
activist
(involved in
civic affairs)?

21. knows how to
shop for bargains
at retail stores,
swap meets, and
closeout sales?

22. holds political
office [or has
held political
office in the
recent past]?

23. who works in
information
technology (e.g.,
computer/softwar
e specialist

24. is a talented
artist (e.g.,
painter, muralist,
poet,
performance
artist, writer

25. makes a living
in the fine arts
(e.g., symphony,
professional
dance company,
playwright,
visual
artist/theater)

177
Appendix C1: The Development of the Resource Generator

There are thirteen categories that are present in the resource generator. These
categories are listed below. Those categories with out a definition are easily defined
through the wording in the title. Several categorical titles include the term funds of
knowledge. According to Stanton-Salazar et al. (2000), this term is defined as
information that is gained through interaction with others and through action itself.
This type of knowledge is unique in that it results in action; the individual is
empowered with a stream of information that aids them in flourishing in situations
that are presented before them.

1. Economic Capital = Financial worth
2. Human/ Cultural Capital = Education, degrees one holds
3. Cultural Capital = Knowledge of cultural norms, language, rituals;
possession of cultural goods
4. Economic/Business/ Entrepreneur World = Active participant in this arena
5. Law & Government Funds of Knowledge
6. News Media
7. Local/ State &/or National Politics and Civic Affairs = Active participant
in this arena
8. Special Talents = Heighten performance ability
9. Funds of Knowledge related directly to running Youth/Student
Intervention Program
10. Knowledge & Resources = Practical knowledge
11. Law & Government Funds of Knowledge
12. Technical Knowledge of Electronic and Computer Technology
13. Craftsmanship

178
Appendix C2: The Development of the Resource Generator Part II

The resources listed in the generator are divided into three categories: high, middle,
and low-status. The categories were developed using the Socioeconomic Index
Scores for Major Occupation Groups (Duncans SEI revised versions: Weighted
Prestige, Education, Income) and by U.S. Bureau of Census, 1970 Census of
Population Classified Index of Industries and Occupations. Resources with scores
that are 75 or higher on the Duncan Scale signify high-status, 74 down to 53 signify
middle-status, and 52 and below signify low-status. For this instrument, the range of
the middle status is being altered to 74 down to 60. The 59 down to 53 range (lower
middle class) is being omitted, so that the instrument includes positions with higher
SEI scores (This omission is a built in bias). Thus, 52 and below will remain low-
status. The status breakdown is as follows:

75 & Higher = High Status; 74 60 = Mid Status; 52 & below = Low-status

In addition to classifying the resources by status, they are also divided by categories
(See the category column).

Prior to each group of resources (high, medium, and low), there is a legend that
details how the resources within each stratum, of the generator, were chosen. See the
Legends D, E, and F
in the resource generator below.

Also, in the generator, the resources are listed in a pattern, so that the statuses are
staggered throughout the generator. The pattern has three stages and within each
stage there are six items.
The pattern is as follows:

4) Stage One (Numbers 1 through 6): #1 = High Status (HS), #2 = Middle
Status (MS), and #3 = Low-status (LS). The pattern repeats for numbers 4
through 6.
5) Stage Two (Numbers 7 through 12): #7 = MS, #8 = LS, #9 = HS. The second
stage of the pattern continues for numbers 10 through 12.
6) Stage Three (Numbers 13 through 18): #13 = LS, #14 = MS, #15 = HS. The
third stage of the pattern continues for numbers 16 through 18.

1a) Stage One repeats (Numbers 19 through 24): #19 = HS, #20 = MS, and #21 =
LS. The first stage of the pattern repeats for numbers 22 through 24. Since
there are 25 items, the last item (#25) is HS.

179
Appendix C2: The Development of the Resource Generator Part II, Continued

I. Do you know
anyone who
Category H M L Related
Legend D for 1-9

High Status = 9 items
6 items related to
running of yip, 3 non-
related

1. is a philanthropist,
specifically, makes
charitable donations
to non-profit
organizations?
Economic Capital X Yes
2. teaches in a
university [holds a
Doctorate degree and
teaches courses
related to child
welfare and/or
education)?
Human/
Cultural Capital
X Yes
3. is a successful
small business owner
10 employees or
more?

Economic/
Business/ Entrepreneur
World
X Yes
4. has knowledge
about financial
matters (wealth
management,
investments)?
Economic/
Business/ Entrepreneur
World
X Yes
5. knows about how
local bureaucracies
work, and how to
work bureaucracies
(e.g., city hall; school
district, school board;
state assembly, etc.)
Law & Government
Funds of Knowledge
X Yes

180
Appendix C2: The Development of the Resource Generator Part II, Continued

6. can arrange media
coverage (e.g., news
reporter or editor
(print or broadcast)?
News Media X Yes
7. has traveled to a
foreign country for
leisure or business
(e.g., Europe; not
returning to visit
relatives in Mexico)?
Cultural Capital X No
8. holds political
office [or has held
political office in the
recent past]?
Local/State &/or
National Politics and
Civic Affairs
X No
9. makes a living in
the fine arts (e.g.,
symphony,
professional dance
company, playwright,
visual artist/theater)
Special Talents X No
Legend E for 10-18
Mid-Status = 8 items
6 items related to
running of yip, 2 non-
related

10. ...works as an
administrator at an
elementary or
secondary school?
Human/ Cultural
Capital
X Yes
11. knows how to
advocate for children
with special needs?
Funds of Knowledge
directly related to
running youth/student
intervention program
X Yes
12. knows about
human resources
related information?
Knowledge &
Resources
X Yes
13. who has
knowledge about the
juvenile court
system?
Law & Government
Funds of Knowledge
X Yes

181
Appendix C2: The Development of the Resource Generator Part II, Continued

14. has successfully
secured a grant?
Funds of Knowledge
directly related to
running youth/student
intervention program
X Yes
15. knows about how
the social services
and welfare system
operates?
Funds of Knowledge
directly related to
running youth/student
intervention program
X Yes
16. is a community
activist (involved in
civic affairs)?
Local/State &/or
National politics and
civic affairs
X No
17. who works in
information
technology (e.g.,
computer/software
specialist)
Technical knowledge
of electronic and
computer technology
X No
Legend F for 21-30

Low-Status = 10
items
6 items that you
anticipate everyone
will choose, 4
working class
positions

18. who is licensed to
do plumbing and
household repairs?
Craftsmanship X Yes
19. who is a member
of a trade union?
Craftsmanship X Yes
20. knows how to
prepare a wide range
of food (extremely
good at cooking)?
Craftsmanship X Yes
21. who is self-
employed artist
(writer, photographer,
poet)?
Special Talents X Yes

182
Appendix C2: The Development of the Resource Generator Part II, Continued

22. who can give
advice on physical
fitness and nutrition
(e.g., trainer,
nutritionist)?
Special Talents X Yes
23. knows about
community resources
for youth?
Knowledge &
Resources
X Yes
24. knows how to shop
for bargains at retail
stores, swap meets,
closeout sales?
Knowledge &
Resources
X Yes
25. is a talented
artist (e.g., painter,
muralist, poet,
performance artist,
writer
Special Talents X Yes

183
Appendix D: Organizational Affiliation Questionnaire

Instructions for interviewer: 1) Provide copy to service provider.

Script: I am interested in your current involvement in professional organizations. Specifically, name the three most important
professional organizations that you are currently involved in. By current involvement, I mean attendance at least once a year at
meetings held by a group and has face-to-face interactions.

Type of Affiliation
(A thru F)
Actively
Involved?
(Yes or No)
Name(s)
A
Professional Association

1.______

2.______

3.______

1._____________________________________________________

2._____________________________________________________

3._____________________________________________________

184
Appendix D: Organizational Affiliation Questionnaire, Continued

Type of Affiliation
(A thru F)
Actively
Involved?
(Yes or No)
Name(s)
C
Political Party or
Organization (e.g., Black
Caucus neither Republican or
Democrat)

1.______

2.______

3.______

1._____________________________________________________

2._____________________________________________________

3._____________________________________________________

185
Appendix D: Organizational Affiliation Questionnaire, Continued

D
Church or Religious
Organization

1.______

2.______

3.______

1._____________________________________________________

2._____________________________________________________

3._____________________________________________________

Type of Affiliation
(A thru F)
Actively
Involved?
(Yes or No)
Name(s)
E
Charitable or Philanthropic
Organization

1.______

2.______

3.______

1._____________________________________________________

2._____________________________________________________

3._____________________________________________________

186
Appendix D: Organizational Affiliation Questionnaire, Continued

F
Sports Club or Recreation
Organization

1.______

2.______

3.______

1._____________________________________________________

2._____________________________________________________

3._____________________________________________________

187
Appendix E: Name Interpreting Interview Questions

Interviewer: Read the following questions to the service provider for each individual
identified in the Name Generator. No copy should be given to the service provider.
Principal questions do not include probe or follow-up questions, but you may ask
them.

Script: This is a meeting where I will need to tape record our conversation. Is
that ok?

1. Lets talk about your relationship with________. When did you first meet,
and how were you acquainted?
a. Is this person an immigrant to the United States?_____
b. If so, how old were they when they first settled in the United States?____
c. (If applicable) Do you know if one or both of their parents settled in the
United States?_____; if so, from what country or countries?______
d. (If not an immigrant) Do you know what part of the country this person is
originally from?_______

2. How often do you get together or have personal conversations with_______?

3. (Applicable for alters indicated as sources of multiple forms of support) You
indicated that _____ was a source of support for (name the different types of
supports), do you ever feel uncomfortable about asking_______ for help for
any of the sources of support you indicated them as a resource for? (explain
the circumstances)

4. Has any event occurred in the context of this relationship that has either
improved the relationship, or made it more complicated or conflicted? (If
yes, explain the circumstances).

5. (Applicable for providers of three or more types of support) It appears
that_____ is an important source of support for you
a. How would you describe your relationship with________

b. Tell me about the last time______ helped you. Describe the situation that
you needed help with.

c. How did you feel about the support he/she gave you?

d. Did the support or assistance actually fulfill your needs? Why or why
not?

188
Appendix E: Name Interpreting Interview Questions, Continued

e. Would you turn to them again for the same type of help in a similar
situation? Why or why not?

f. Has ______ ever asked you for assistance with an issue or problem?
i.If so, what kind of help?
ii.If not, why do you suppose they did not ask you for help?

g. Have you ever been upset at, or had disagreements with _______?
i.If yes, explain.
ii. How did you resolve your differences?

6. (Applicable when the service provider acted as a source of support for people
named in the Name Generator). I would like for us to talk about how you
were a source of support for _______.
a. Can you elaborate on one or two instances in which you acted as a source of
support? (Identify the type of support that the service provider provided.)
b. What was the outcome?

189
Appendix F: Ethnographic Interview Questions

Preface session with the following information:

Today, I will be recording our session. If there are any questions that may be
unclear, please dont hesitate to ask me to clarify anything.

[Researcher will ask certain question to particular service providers. Questions
will correlate with each service providers job role/function in order to generate
rich data.]

a. Describe the vision/mission of this program. (e.g., mission,
processes, structure).
i. Do you agree or disagree with either vision/mission? Why?
ii. Do the students you serve influence your mission? Why?

b. Over the course of our interviews, I have asked you about your job
and role within the School on Wheels organization. In the work that
you perform, do you ever feel that you have a higher purpose in this
program?
i. What circumstances/factors help you to carry out your
purpose?
ii. What circumstances/factors prevent you from achieving this
purpose?

c. What do you do to encourage partnerships and collaboration between
program and corporations, institutions, and/or community-based
organizations?

d. Are you involved in the tutor recruitment process?
i. What methods do you use to recruit them?
ii. What factors are taken into consideration as you match tutors
with children?
iii. What is the retention rate of tutors? (monthly, annually)

e. What do you do to:
i. Recruit students and get them to become invested in the
program?
ii. Help students overcome barriers or obstacles to success?
iii. Help students develop essential skills that generate academic
and social developmental success?

f. What have you noticed to be the outcome of one on one tutoring for
the tutor? For the child?

190
Appendix F: Ethnographic Interview Questions, Continued

i. Do you feel that the children become empowered either
academically or socially- from the tutoring sessions?

g. Do you witness changes in the tutor and children at the Downtown
Learning Center?
i. What are those changes that you notice in the tutors?
ii. What are the changes that you notice in the children?
iii. Do you feel that the children become empowered either
academically or socially from attending the after school
program at the Downtown Learning Center?

h. Do you seek out opportunities for students to advance themselves
academically or socially? Describe how

i. Do you use anyone in your social network (job-related) of contacts to
achieve this? Describe a condition or situation in which you do so
i. What type of information, resource, or opportunity where you
attempting to convey?
ii. Characterize your relationship with this contact?
1. How long have you known each other?
2. How often do you interact with him or her?
3. How many times has this person helped you in your
efforts to convey essential information, resources, and
opportunities to students?
iii. Have you ever used the influence of anyone in your personal
network to provide resources for your students?
• Characterize your relationship with this person.
a. How long have you know each other?
b. How often do you interact with this person?
c. How many times has this person helped you?

j. What do you do to:
i. Ensure that students effectively utilize acquired resources?
ii. Help students utilize acquired skills and resources as sources
of empowerment?

k. What are some of the factors that either facilitate or constrain your
access and mobilization of resources on behalf of students?

l. What are some of the factors that either facilitate or constrain your
access and mobilization of resources on behalf of self, program
associates, and program agenda?

191

Appendix F: Ethnographic Interview Questions, Continued

m. How are funds allocated to and distributed in the context of this
program?
i. What is your relationship with the person in charge of budget
allocations?

n. Does the program have norms and sanctions (i.e., guiding
principles/rules)?
i. With students?
ii. With program staff/other influential participants?
iii. If so, how are they enforced?
iv. Also, how are they are assessed for effectiveness?

o. Describe the types of activities your program conducts for youth.
i. Do you have sponsors that support particular activities?
ii. If so, who are they, and what activities do they support?
iii. How did you/the program secure this support?
iv. What is the time length of the support, or do you have to re-
apply each year to continue receiving the support?

p. Have any theories or philosophies guided the development of this
program or the programming that is offered?
i. What was your reasoning for offering those resources
provided by the program?
ii. How do you ensure that the program design matches the
requirements students need to advance themselves
academically and socially?
iii. How do you assess the effectiveness of your entire program?
(track any of the children?)

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Scholars, educators, and social scientists have been interested in identifying the underlying programmatic mechanisms that exist within effective youth intervention programs and understanding the role that caring, non-familial adults occupy in the lives of low-status, urban youth who access youth intervention programs (Stanton-Salazar, Vasquez & Mehan, 2000

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