University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Expression of Muslim female immigrant students’ religious identity in U.S. higher education

(USC Thesis Other)

Expression of Muslim female immigrant students’ religious identity in U.S. higher education

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content

Expression of Muslim Female Immigrant Students’ Religious Identity
in U.S. Higher Education

Mehraein Mokhberi

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

December 2022

© Copyright by Mehraein Mokhberi 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Mehraein Mokhberi certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Darnell Cole
Courtney L. Malloy
Shafiqa Ahmadi, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022
iv
Abstract
Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, as Cole and Ahmadi (2010) note, Muslim
students’ needs, interests, and challenges in North American universities have been addressed in
a rather unsatisfactory fashion, primarily due to the lack of proper understanding of Muslim
students in higher education. The current dissertation project, therefore, aimed to further
investigate Muslim female immigrant students’ identities (their religious, ethnic/racial, and
gender identities) on campus spaces in United States higher education, hoping to shed light on
their perceptions of self-identity and lived experiences. Using purposive and snowball sampling
methods, nine Muslim female immigrant participants living in the United States composed the
sample of the study. The data were collected from a series of qualitative interviews which aimed
to uncover the participants’ perceptions about their identity, as well as the factors which
contributed to these identities. After analyzing the data, four significant themes emerged:
• differences between the participants’ home countries and the United States
• reported positive and negative experiences
• perceptions of being considered an insider or outsider on the college campuses
• public perceptions about Muslim students in the United States
The findings suggest that the participants were attempting to fit into the world around
them and they constantly navigated their interpersonal relationships.
Keywords: identity; intersectionality; Muslim identity; halal food.

v
Dedication
To my loving parents, my father, Mohammad Ali Mokhberi, my mother, Fereshteh Banazadeh,
for teaching me to work hard and helping me with following my passion. You are shining
examples of strength, patience, and compassion. I am so proud of being your daughter and love
you forever.

To my loving sister, Maryam Mokhberi, for being by my side all these years, for always being
there for me, for being patient with me, for your endless love and kindness. You are always a
source of spirited inspiration. We are in distance but never apart in heart.

To my brave strong son, Khashayar Mokhtari, for being patient with me, for supporting me and
being by my side in the midst of all challenges. Thank you for being such a great son, my son
shine! Never underestimate your worth, your strength, and your ability. Love you forever!

vi
Acknowledgements
I chose to pursue my research on this topic because of my personal experience as an
immigrant Muslim female in the United States. My passion to choose this topic was ignited
because I was born and raised in Iran, a male-dominated society which is established and
regulated by male-dominated discriminatory authorities, was discriminated and oppressed by the
laws of the Iranian government, managed to overcome the subsequent hardships, immigrated to
the United States as a single mother to my son, and successfully overcame these challenges.
I am eternally grateful to this country, the United States, for giving me a home and
allowing me to experience the freedom I never had in my home county. I am blessed to be a
citizen of this country that gave me the opportunity to follow my dreams and grow. Words
cannot express my appreciation and gratitude to my professor and chair of my committee, Dr.
Shafiqa Ahmadi, for her never-ending patience and invaluable feedback. I could not have taken
this path without her generous support, knowledge, and expertise. Furthermore, I am extremely
grateful to my defense committee, Dr. Darnell Cole and Dr. Courtney Malloy, for taking their
precious time to provide me with their guidance and support.
My parents’ continuous support and endless love are behind all my accomplishments. I
am forever grateful to my parents, my son, and my siblings who accompanied me during this
long process, always offering support and love. Words never capture the love and admiration I
feel for them.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 3
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 6
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 7
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 8
Definition of Terms........................................................................................................... 10
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 11
Muslim Immigrant Students in the United States ............................................................. 11
Higher Education, Migration, and Identity ....................................................................... 26
Intersectionality and Identity ............................................................................................ 40
Muslim Dietary Habits ...................................................................................................... 44
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 46
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 50
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 50
Research Design................................................................................................................ 50
Sample, Population, and Setting ....................................................................................... 51
Data Collection and Instrumentation ................................................................................ 52
Data Collection Procedure ................................................................................................ 53
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 54
viii
Ethical Considerations ...................................................................................................... 54
Confidentiality .................................................................................................................. 55
Chapter Four: Results ................................................................................................................... 56
Participants and Participant Characteristics ...................................................................... 57
Findings............................................................................................................................. 61
Differences Between the Participants’ Home Countries and the United States ............... 63
Reported Positive and Negative Experiences of the Participants on their College
Campuses .......................................................................................................................... 66
Lack of People’s Understanding of the Muslims Faith and Traditions ............................ 66
Dietary Restrictions .......................................................................................................... 68
Lack of an Available Prayer Room in Specific Departments ........................................... 69
No Significant Difficulties Faced by the Participants....................................................... 70
Finding a Healthy Balance Between Coursework and Religious Practice ....................... 71
Support From Other Muslim and non-Muslim Students .................................................. 73
Being Considered an Insider or Outsider on the College Campuses ................................ 74
How Muslim Students Are Collectively Perceived in the United States .......................... 75
The Participants’ Methods of Dealing with Negative Perceptions ................................... 76
Summary of Findings ........................................................................................................ 78
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 79
Discussion of Findings ...................................................................................................... 79
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 88
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 89
Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 90
References ..................................................................................................................................... 92
Appendix A: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 102
Appendix B: Information Sheet .................................................................................................. 104
ix
List of Tables
Table 1: The Participants’ Background Information 57
Table 2: Thematic Categories 62

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: The Components of the MRSCC Page 47

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Students who embrace Muslim identities in Western societies including the United States
higher education face a number of challenges in their personal, social, professional, and
academic life. Examples include negative peer interactions due to female Muslim students’
veiling practice or negative peer pressure in the case of male Muslim students. In interfaith,
curricular, and cultural aspects, Muslim students make numerous positive contributions to
American universities, and these contributions often result in the advancement of sciences,
stronger diversity, and cultural richness. Yet, these students lack the faculty, administrative, and
peer support with regard to their personal and academic life to feel comfortable and appreciated
on university campuses and in university administrations across the country. Many American
universities have failed to make the necessary accommodations to ensure that Muslim students
feel safe and comfortable on their campuses (Cole & Ahmadi, 2020). Because there are a
multitude of factors, external and internal which influence these institutions’ ability to support
Muslim students, further research should aim to focus on single factors at a time. As discussed
later in this chapter, the current project hopes to understand Muslim students’ lived experiences
and how such experiences shape their religious identities.
The existing research in the field of higher education draws our attention to the
importance of religious identity and academic involvement in the United States (Nash, 2001).
Specifically, this rise of interest in Islamic communities in the United States has intensified by
events such as “the U.S. terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and arguably, the resultant
growth of Islamophobia and xenophobia that have since become commonplace in American
society” (Haddad, 2001, as cited in Cole & Ahmadi, 2010, p. 122). As a consequence of the
rising trends of Islamophobia, Muslim students’ needs, interests, and challenges in American
2

universities have been addressed in an unsatisfactory manner, mostly due to the lack of
understanding of Muslim students in higher education. Besides, academic institutions are not
well equipped to support these students’ development in higher education (Cole & Ahmadi,
2003). Therefore, American institutions of higher education need to support Muslim
communities by embracing Muslim university students, meeting their needs, and providing them
with suitable facilities and accommodations for their religious, personal, academic, and
professional freedoms. This is especially the case since universities are active participants in the
national and international contexts and thus are affected by circumstances beyond their campuses
and across national borders such as those occurring due to the admission of Islamic students
(Altbach, 2004). These issues underscore the importance of these universities’ support of Muslim
students because this support will have consequences beyond the limits of higher education. This
is why it is imperative that scholars in the field of education study the experiences and
perceptions of Muslim students to shed further light on their struggles within institutions of
higher education in the United States.
Many prejudices and injustices that occur to Muslim students are because of an impaired
understanding of their identities. Therefore, an important measure that American universities can
take in order to fully embrace Muslim students is learning about their identities. Muslim students
are likely to have multiple intertwined identities that cannot be studied as isolated pieces of
identity (Cerbo, 2010). Therefore, the identities of Muslim college students need to be further
studied because this enriched understanding can facilitate better support in various aspects of
their life (e.g., academic and professional). This study explores Muslim students’ religious
identities, self-perceptions, and their experiences in American higher education. It is hoped that,
3

through this exploration, more insights will be provided about how these students communicate
their religious identities on university campuses in the United States.
A relevant theory that can be applied to understanding the religious identities of Muslim
students in the United States is a social-psychology perspective, symbolic interactionism which
emphasizes meaning, interaction, and interpretation of social exchanges in an effort to
understand human behavior (Blumer, 1969; Goffman, 1959; Mead, 1934). The multiple
dimensions of identity model (Abes et al., 2007; Jones & McEwen, 2000) suggests that
individuals have layers of various identity with the most significant personal attributes and
characteristics as the most essential facets. This study aims to gain an understanding of
negotiation of religious identity among Muslim students. This will be achieved by analyzing
interviews with Muslim students at an American institution of higher education, hereafter called
United University, a pseudonym.
Background of the Problem
There are an estimated six million Muslims dispersed throughout the United States, with
concentrations on the two coasts and in the Midwest. This community is home to those
immigrants “who chose to move to the United States for economic, political, and religious
reasons as well as émigrés, asylum seekers, and refugees from over sixty nations manifesting a
variety of ethnic, racial, linguistic, religious, political, tribal, and national identities” (Haddad,
2001, p. 92). Anderson (2020) notes that there are hundreds of thousands of Muslim students
enrolled in American institutions of higher education. Therefore, this community makes up a
large portion of international students in the United States.
The United States was developed as a nation of immigrants. One important reason that
immigrant Muslims move to the United States is that they yearn for a better quality of life and
4

future. One common thought among this group, similar to other immigrant groups, is that the
United States offers better employment opportunities, educational possibilities, and economic
stability. However, many new Muslim people who have immigrated to the United States seeking
the above benefits have not been received with open arms but were marginalized and alienated.
As a consequence, immigrant Muslims may have been looked down upon as aliens who hold
different cultural values, religious practices, and languages. In fact, as Almontaser (2018) also
clarifies, these misperceptions have often portrayed the Muslim community in the United States
as a foreign religious group. At least partially, these misperceptions are rooted in lack of proper
understanding about these students’ identities.
The existing research has identified the various factors which have caused animosity
toward the Muslim community in the United States In particular, after the terrorist September 11,
2001, attacks, the United States witnessed a sharp increase in anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant
hate speech and hate crimes, which left catastrophic effects on the life and security of Muslim
immigrants (Barkdull et al., 2011). These communities have been alienated, discriminated
against, and experienced xenophobia, although it seemed that this surge in anti-Muslim hate
could have been brought under control (Almontaser, 2018). According to Barkdull et al. (2011),
10 years after September 11, a Gallup poll revealed that Muslims were viewed unfavorably by
43% of Americans and, in fact, were twice as likely to be perceived more negatively compared
with Christians, Jews, or Buddhists (Barkdull et al., 2011). Delving into the reasons behind these
misperceptions, Almontaser (2018) discussed that anti-Muslim rhetoric propagated the message
that Muslim communities posed threats to the security of both the United States and the world.
As a result, a large majority of Muslims who are law-abiding American citizens have been
stigmatized because of the actions of real terrorists. Again, through the incorporation of studies
5

that uncover Muslim students’ religious identities, American institutions of higher education can
more effectively combat racism and prejudice on their campuses.
The aforementioned hostility toward Muslims has spread to Muslim students, as well.
Sheridan (2001) maintains that religious discrimination has received insufficient research
attention in the field of religious identity. The available literature points to a clear direction: That
the covert discrimination rate increased by 82.6% and that of the overt discrimination rose by
76.3% in the United States (Sheridan, 2001). In addition, Muslim students’ religion and religious
beliefs are often more strongly highlighted rather than their skills, achievements, and
contributions due to the negative imagery about Muslims in American media. Unfortunately, as
opposed to other students, Muslim students are often portrayed and thus perceived in
stereotypical ways often leading to their perception as a foreign “other” rather than in light of
their academic and professional identities (Almontaser, 2018). These research results stress the
importance of scrutinizing Muslim students’ religious identities and how such identities are
communicated on university campuses.
Furthermore, the existing research also reveals the importance of creating welcoming
campus climates and their influence on the academic achievement and psychological well-being
of students. Specifically, studies have shown that a caring, supportive environment is essential
for women students’ successful educational attainment (Parker, 2008). Nonetheless, finding a
space to belong in for both the Muslim community and the greater student community can be
difficult to achieve. While providing accommodations such as women-only gym hours to special
halal dietary needs can be a struggle for college administrators, it is vital that American colleges
move in this forward-thinking direction. In a study by Taufik (2018), Muslim Indonesian
American students seem very pleased with the support they receive from the college. In another
6

study by Cerbo (2010), Muslim students pointed to the unavailability of sufficient support and
indicated that a dedicated prayer room and women-only gym hours would “be so awesome for
us” (Cerbo, 2010).
Statement of the Problem
The existing research remains insufficient with regard to the exploration of the impact of
the 9/11 terrorist attacks on religious discrimination against Muslim students at American
universities. It cannot be denied that September 11, 2001, has uniquely affected the different
experiences of Muslim students in the United States In fact, Almontaser (2018) notes that, by
2015, there was an upward growth in the rates of Islamophobia and negatively biased media
coverage about Islam, spurred, at least partially, by several national and international terrorist
attacks by Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, as well as political debates during the United States
presidential elections. Almontaser (2018) posits that such events have normalized Islamophobia
in the United States and Europe, and that Muslims in the United States face greater
discrimination, compared with many other religious, social, or ethnic group. Anderson (2020)
emphasizes the increased post-9/11 security and surveillance measures on campuses, along with
the emergence of anti-Muslim feelings among several student and staff groups. According to
Love (2001), limited emphasis on students’ inner values and beliefs in higher education hinders
students’ identities in college. These threats to the well-being of Muslim students in the United
States draws our attention to the insufficient attention paid to their unique needs on university
campuses (Cole & Ahmadi, 2003), thus underscoring the urgency of combating this hate against
Muslim students in the United States and equipping these students with the proper tools to
flourish.
7

The current project also explores the intersectionality of religious identities in United
States institutes of higher education. The importance of intersectionality in studying student
identities has been stressed in the current literature on educational psychology (Carey et al.,
2018; Harris & Leonardo, 2018; Tefera et al., 2018). In fact, several studies have investigated
how the interrelationships among students’ religion, gender, and ethnicity affects their identities,
lived experiences, and the communication of such experience, perceptions, and ultimately,
identities. A specific sub-group which merits further investigation is Muslim female students
within American institutions of higher education. As mentioned above, the intersectionality
among these students’ religion, gender, and ethnicity is an area which needs further qualitative
research. Therefore, this discussion makes it necessary to study Muslim students’ college
religious identities and the communication of such identities.
Purpose of the Study
As Cole and Ahmadi (2003) maintain, the link between religion and identity, and how
this link shapes, influences, and guides students’ behavioral and psychological experiences in
college needs exploring. Lack of such understanding can lead to prejudices in various domains,
such as academic and professional ones. Motivated by this need, the current study conducts
qualitative research to explore and better understand Muslim female immigrant students’
religious identities and the communications of these identities on campus spaces in American
higher education system. The way Muslim students make sense of their religious identities and
the way they communicate their identities with faculty members, peers, and staff in academic
environments will also be explored in this study. These objectives were achieved by interviewing
Muslim students enrolled at United University. In addition, care was taken to address
intersectionality (Carey et al., 2018; Harris & Leonardo, 2018; Nichols & Stahl, 2019; Tefera et
8

al., 2018) in collecting and analyzing data. Previous research has pointed to the benefits of
investigating the interrelated nature of the components of students’ identities; specifically, this
project examined whether and how students’ home countries and any sociocultural factors
affected their religious identities. In an effort to gain insights into how Muslim female immigrant
students perceive and negotiate their identities in American higher education, this seeks to
answer use the following research questions:
1. How do Muslim female immigrant students communicate their religious identities
with faculty, students, and staff at United University?
2. How do Muslim female immigrant students’ lived experiences in their home
countries impact their religious identities?
3. What are Muslim female immigrant students’ perceptions of self-identity?
Significance of the Study
The proposed study was important because it set out to explore how Muslim students
communicate their identities in American higher education institutions and, in doing so, provided
insights for higher education professionals to appropriately support Muslim students in their
campus communities. Although a body of literature supports the notion that religion is a major
component of one’s identity, little empirical evidence exists on the religious identities of Muslim
students in the United States (Cole & Ahmadi, 2010). Although studies, such as Cole and
Ahmadi’s (2010), have explored the differences among Muslim, Jewish, and Christian students’
educational satisfaction and academic performance, the present research added to the body of
literature on Muslim students in higher education with an emphasis on their religious identities.
Moreover, the addition of intersectionality to the investigation of identities (Carey et al., 2018;
9

Harris & Leonardo, 2018; Nichols & Stahl, 2019; Tefera et al., 2018) shed further light on how
Muslim students communicate their religious identities on American college campuses.
According to Cole and Ahmadi (2003), self-concept is one of the major noncognitive
variables that influences students’ academic outcomes. As a result, Muslim students’ education,
in general, has received extensive research attention. However, little evidence exists on Muslim
students’ self-concept and perception of identity. Additionally, because of the increasing number
of Muslim-American students in American higher education system, there has been a growing
scholarly interest to attain a better understanding of Muslim-American college students’
identities (Britto & Amer, 2007). However, most of the existing studies revolve around the entire
Muslim population. Therefore, it is difficult to find research that has examined Muslim
immigrant students. According to Naderi and Vossoughi (2017), outside of urban centers and
more established ethno-religious enclaves in the United States, only a few studies have
empirically explored Muslim students’ religious identities in newer immigrant contexts. In
addition, while research on religious identity among students from ages 12 to 25 has attracted
scholarly attention, research on adults’ religious identity is less common (Topolewska-Siedzik &
Cieciuch, 2019). The present study will, therefore, focus on exploring Muslim female immigrant
students’ religious identities.
The above discussion highlights the necessity of examining Muslim immigrant students’
religious identities within their American institutions of higher education. It should also be noted
that not all Muslim immigrant students in American higher education system are international
students or immigrants (Cole & Ahmadi, 2010). This, therefore, underscores the importance of
investigating these students’ unique background factors in shaping their religious identities. In
order to tap into an under-researched population, this study focused on non-U.S.-born or raised
10

Muslim female immigrant students. In addition, the present research delved more deeply into
how these students’ religious identities are communicated in American higher education system,
hoping to shed light on the various aspects of the university-wide climate and college experience
which can be harnessed to facilitate positive attitudes toward Muslim immigrant students
(Rockenbach et al., 2017).
Definition of Terms
• Identity: The state of being who or what a person is.
• Self-identity: The perception or recognition of one’s characteristics as a particular
individual, especially in relation to specific social, academic, and/or professional
contexts.
• Veiling/hijab: A religious or cultural practice for women in Islam meant to cover their
body, hair, and face.
• Halal: Halal is an Arabic term meaning “permitted,” allowed lawful or licit.
• Haram: Haram means forbidden, according to Islam.

11

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
In this section, the relevant literature is reviewed. This section is divided into several
shorter subsections which discuss the relevant studies done on the topic of the current project.
Muslim Immigrant Students in the United States
Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world (Almontaser, 2018). Today, there are
well over one billion Muslims in the world, with many living in the diaspora in the West; it is
estimated that 15 million live in Europe, and 3 million to 6 million live in other Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development nations. As for the United States, estimates of the
Muslim American population vary widely. Some estimates place the Muslim American
population at 2.6 million, about two-thirds of which comprise first-generation immigrants, while
over a third are United States-born (Mir, 2011). Since this population is quickly growing and
spreading globally, there is an urgent need to study the realities of the diasporic and highly
diverse Muslim population (Sirin & Fine, 2008), especially in the United States.
The present study focuses on the Muslim female immigrant population in the United
States. Although the estimates for the number of Muslims in the United States vary greatly, it is
surmised that the population counts to approximately 3,480,000 in North America while there
are approximately 8 million in the United States. Also, it seems that this number continues to
grow due to both immigration and high birthrates within Muslim communities (Almontaser,
2018; Moor, 2009).
Muslim Americans in general fall into three distinct categories. The first category is the
African Americans who convert into Islam. This group is composed of people who are part of a
political and religious movement founded in the United States in 1930 by Wallace D. Fard
Muhammad with its key figures such as Elijah Muhammad. The second category comprises the
12

Muslim immigrants who come to the United States seeking better lives and opportunities, as well
as benefiting from the more open immigration regulations enacted in 1965 in the United States.
The last category is composed of immigrants’ children, many of whom are young adults
attending high schools and colleges in the United States. This last group is generally deemed as
first generation of Muslim-Americans who grew up or were born in the United States (Mulyadin,
2018).
Since slavery, the Muslim population has increased in both size and social contributions
in the United States. Almontaser (2018) rightfully notes that
American Muslims hold a variety of professional careers in fields such as medicine, law,
finance, and education. Muslim American women are one of the most highly educated
groups, following Jewish American women. Muslim Americans have also earned salaries
that afford them high standards of living. The pursuit of education in the Muslim
American community is above the national average, with over 50% of Muslim
Americans earning college and postgraduate degrees. (p. 17)
These are indications of the contributions that Muslim communities in the United States
offer. In addition, Muslim communities in the United States have advanced their lives
economically. Almontaser states that
Today, like other groups before them, Muslims have become integrated into the
American mosaic: economically, educationally, socially, professionally, and increasingly
politically. Muslims are second to American Jews among faith communities whose
followers are educated. Economically many are equal to non-Muslims in their economic
livelihood. Professionally they span the economic spectrum with a large percentage of
13

physicians, lawyers, engineers, and educators as well as blue-collar positions. (2018, p.
12)
They, therefore, augment the academic and professional expertise within the United
States.
Moreover, Muslim communities enrich the cultural diversity of the United States. These
communities, themselves, are diverse and bring in numerous cultural contributions to the United
States. In fact, Sirin and Fine (2008) mention that
A majority of Muslims migrated to the United States from all over the world,
predominantly from African, Middle Eastern, and South Asian countries as well as from
central and Eastern Europe. Muslims in the United States represent the most diverse
racial and ethnic community of Muslims in the world, with racial, ethnic, and religious
groups from more than one hundred countries. They are not simply Arabs or African
Americans. (p. 32)
They thus add to the cultural richness of the United States.
As reported in Cole and Ahmadi’s (2010) work, 64% of Muslim Americans were born
outside of the United States, in 80 different countries, while 36% were born in the United States.
These statistics indicate that the Muslim communities in the United States bring with them
significant contributions to the societies they are part of. In fact, as reported by Almontaser
(2018),
The American Muslim community is very diverse, ranging from over 80 countries.
Within the American Muslim community, the three largest groups are African
Americans, South Asians, and Arabs. African Americans constitute the largest group,
14

followed by South Asians from the Far East, and Arabs from the 22 Arab League nations,
along with a growing number of Caucasian and Latino Americans. (p. 18)
Adding to the academic and professional expertise the Muslim communities bring to the
United States, Almontaser (2018) notes that
There are large numbers of Muslims in the United States who hold higher education
degrees. Throughout the course of Muslim history in the United States, the role and
contribution of Muslims in the actual field of education has grown, despite the struggles
due to political rhetoric. (p. 18)
This discussion sheds further light on the contributions of Muslim communities to the
United States in a variety of ways, such as in higher education.
Despite their numerous contributions to the United States in various manners and
fashions, Muslim communities have faced a great deal of discrimination. Almontaser (2018)
notes this:
Like many ethnic Catholics and Jews, finding one’s place in the Christian established
American mosaic for Muslim immigrants proved more challenging than expected.
Despite the fact that America was founded and developed as a nation of immigrants, the
new Muslim arrivals were often not embraced, but marginalized. As a result, many
Muslims, like other immigrants before them, were seen as foreigners who didn’t speak
the language and/or had different cultural traditions and practices. In contrast to ethnic
Catholic Europeans who were at least Christian even if not White Anglo-Saxon
Protestants, Muslims practiced what many regarded as a foreign religion with different
beliefs and cultural traditions. (p. 11)
15

These points shed further light on the hardships the Muslim communities in the United
States have experienced/are experiencing, and how these hardships may hinder their growth in
various areas.
Research needs to understand the intricacies of Muslim communities in the United States.
In fact, Muslim Americans are situated at a nexus of political, religious, racial, ethnic, cultural,
and transnational identities. Mir (2014) believes that this nexus can be most helpfully described
as a “third space”—an in-between space awkwardly straddling recognized categories, fitting into
none, thereby suggesting that the Muslim communities in the United States merit further
exploration and recognition. Specifically, Muslim Americans’ religious identities do not fall into
singular theoretical and census categories (Mir, 2014). In a country where many non-Muslim
Americans lack a basic understanding about Islam and mistakenly perceive the United States as a
Christian country (for some, a Judeo-Christian country) with a major Abrahamic religion, as
Almontaser (2018) clarifies, Islam has not been viewed as an Abrahamic faith. However, many
scholars, like some Muslims, have maintained that Islam is indeed an Abrahamic faith, part of a
Judeo-Christian-Islamic tradition. These misunderstandings, unfortunately, can have adverse
effects on the well-being of Muslims in the United States and disenfranchise them with regard to
education and career opportunities.
There are several important events that contribute to the rising rates of bias against
Muslims in the United States. In particular, the aftermath of the attacks of September 11, 2001,
has led to substantial misrepresentations, misunderstandings, and misperceptions about Muslims
(Sirin & Fine, 2008). Muslim-Americans have been painted in a negative light and have
encountered a sense of displacement within the American eye (Zakir et al., 2018). Almontaser
(2018) explains this unfortunate phenomenon:
16

In the aftermath of 9/11, there was backlash and discrimination against Arabs, Muslims,
and South Asians, as well as government legislation, such as the Uniting and
Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and
Obstruct Terrorism (USA PATRIOT) Act that have led to the detention and deportation
of thousands of Muslims under the guise of the “war on terror.” (p. 28)
This is an indication of how Muslims have been inaccurately associated with acts of
terrorism in the eyes of the American people.
The media coverage of the Muslim communities in the United States has not been any
better than the dominant misrepresentations among the American public. In fact, “The coverage
of Islam and Muslims in the years after 9/11 has been continuous, along with the number of
terrorist attacks committed by individuals who identify as Muslim” (Almontaser, 2018, p. 28).
Mir (2014) furthers this discussion and notes that the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the consequences
of this event have inflicted a great deal of damage to the integrity of Muslim communities in the
United States and have perpetuated an unjust link between Muslims and terrorism. In fact, the
American media coverage indicates that “The terrorists’ hatred and violence could be simplified,
defined, and explained briefly” (Mir, 2014, p. 11) by the religion of Islam. The consequential
nature of this negative coverage about Islam has also jeopardized the wellbeing of Muslim
students in the United States.
Almontaser (2018) notes that the anti-Islam and anti-Muslim rhetoric that is propagated
by xenophobes and Islamophobes has spread to various facets of the American life. This has led
to unjustified fear of Islam, Muslims, and the Muslim communities in the United States, thereby
promoting fearmongering among the public. This fearmongering is often associated with very
negative associations between Islam and acts of terrorism. Almontaser goes on by mentioning
17

that, overall, this fearmongering often exaggerates the danger posed by the very few Muslim
extremists to the integrity and security of the United States. As a result, the country has
witnessed demands for monitoring mosques, measures to prevent building mosques, or attempts
at depriving Muslim women from wearing hijab by threatening them. Again, the multitude of
these events has led to the demonization of Muslims in general, and Muslim students in
particular.
Various pieces of legislation have also contributed to this unjustified fear of Muslim and
Muslim communities in the United States. As a prominent example, after ex-president Trump
called for the creation of a nationwide registry for Muslims in the United States, promised
barring Muslims from entering the United States, and finally issued Executive Order No. 13769,
commonly known as the Muslim Travel Ban, in January 2017, Muslims in the United States
were in the spotlight again and drew national attention. Although the original draft of the travel
ban has been rejected in courts, the watered-down version of it was allowed to go into effect by
the United States Supreme Court, further propagating the message that Muslims are indeed an
existential threat to the integrity of the United States, and that Muslims are to be further
stigmatized for political gains (Whitehead et al., 2019). Even though the Ban has been reversed
by President Biden, the stigmatization of the Muslim communities in the United States has
affected the lives of their members.
There also exists a large body of literature on how the 9/11 attacks and their aftermath
have had an impact on school and higher education communities in the United States.
Almontaser (2018) notes that these contexts have received intense attention because they are
home to students, teachers, principals, and relatives of people coming from different racial and
religious backgrounds (Almontaser, 2018). This focus has been even more intense when it comes
18

to Muslims. Whitehead et al. (2019) conducted an extensive document analysis to gain a better
understanding of the experiences of Muslim college students within American higher education
system in the United States South. The authors also sought to study how the experiences of these
students changed after the issuance of the travel ban. This article reported four main themes:
Hostility and hostile contexts for students identifiable as minorities; support or lack thereof from
institutional agents; use of counter stories, measure of resistance, and friendship; and any
particular effects of the ban.
Even though extensive research exists on the adult experiences of Muslims in Western
contexts, the available empirical evidence about immigrant Muslims in the United States is
scarce, and even less attention has been paid to the religious identities of female Muslim students
in the United States (Sirin & Fine, 2008). A study conducted by Sirin and Fine (2008) showed
that Muslim-American young adults reported constant friction between their two identifies of
American and Muslim. Even though they reported smooth integration into the mainstream
culture, this did not mean that they rejected either identity. Rather, these participants showed
strong signs of involvement and engagement within a larger context which they considered with
pluralistic.
Sirin and Fine (2008), moreover, note that many Muslims in the United States, especially
women, have more positive views about various aspects of their lives, compared with their
counterparts who live in Muslim countries, and that these people, women in particular, remain
very concerned about extremism associated with Islam. However, when it comes to the lived
experiences of women Muslims in the United States, there still are numerous dark spots about
their perceptions of religious identity, construction of their religious identity, and their
communication of these identities. In fact, Cole and Ahmadi (2010) draw our attention to the fact
19

that religion and followers of religions have attracted intense attention and interest in the field of
higher education. This sharpened interest, as Cole and Ahmadi clarify, is even more important to
the current generation of students in American higher education system, compared with their
previous counterparts. As discussed earlier, various events and phenomena, such as the 9/11
terrorist attacks and the travel ban, are among the factors which have contributed to this
importance.
As Gao (2018) reports, the existing research findings on Muslim women who attend
American higher education institutions in various cultural contexts embody numerous intricacies
with regard to a paradoxical link among experiences within higher education and religious
identity. As Cole and Ahmadi (2010) mention, the discussion of religious diversity that goes
beyond variables such as race and ethnicity, provides an immensely valuable theoretical
construction to the diversity of university campuses. Cole and Ahmadi continue to assert that
student success has been evaluated through different lenses. For instance, students’ academic
achievements have been investigated by considering academic and demographic variables such
as high school GPA, ethnicity, race, and gender, and an examination of these variables has been
shown to be a determinant of students’ success. Nonetheless, Cole and Ahmadi note that
students’ religious preferences, specifically Islam, have been largely neglected as an important
determinant of academic success because these preferences have not been deemed as a student
characteristic in the available literature.
Overall, as Cole and Ahmadi (2003) note, the effects of college experience on students’
personal, social, and academic growth are an essential component and important objective of
higher education. With regard to Muslim students, however, the existing research indicates that
the cultural discrepancies and prejudices that are rooted in the different religious practices of this
20

group negatively affect Muslim immigrant students’ experiences within American higher
education system. There is also some empirical evidence to substantiate this claim by Cole and
Ahmadi. In a study, Boyer and Sedlacek (1988) identified eight noncognitive variables which
could explain and predict international students’ educational outcomes and the extent of their
success. The variables that the study reported included favorable self-concept, realistic self-
appraisal, aptness when facing racism, orientation toward long-term goals, access to a strong
support network, effective leadership experiences, established community service, and expertise
attained in a specific field of study. Many of these variables, for instance aptness when facing
racism, are intertwined with students’ religious identity and religious practices. This, therefore,
suggests that Muslim students in the United States may be disenfranchised because of their
belonging to a specific religious group, and this affiliation, as a result, can negatively affect their
academic standing. This discussion underscores the importance of disentangling Muslim
students’ religious identities in order to see whether these factors can be determinants of Muslim
students’ academic success.
Relevant to the above discussions is the Reconceptualized Model of Multiple Dimensions
of Identity (RMMDI) proposed by Abes et al. (2007) as a lens through which an understanding
of the religious identities of Muslim college students in the United States can be obtained.
Drawing upon the tenets of the previously developed model (Jones & McEwen, 2000), Abes et
al. (2007) proposed the RMMDI. These researchers state that the previous version of the model
has limitations in focusing on identity components, because it fails to include the cognitive and
interpersonal components, and that these latter components are indeed necessary in providing a
thorough picture of students’ religious identities and the relationship among individuals’ multiple
identities. To overcome this shortcoming, the researchers augmented the model by incorporating
21

the process of meaning-making and regarded meaning-making as an individual capability used
for filtering contextual influences that influence the formation of individuals’ religious, personal,
and social identity.
In addition, from a social-psychological perspective, symbolic interactionism highlights
the importance of meaning, interaction, and interpretation of social exchanges in an effort to
understand human behavior (Blumer, 1969; Goffman, 1959; Mead, 1934). The RMMDI (Abes et
al., 2007; Jones & McEwen, 2000) posits that individuals possess different layers of identity, and
the most significant layers are personal attributes and characteristics. This model adopts a more
holistic and comprehensive approach in exploring students’ identities through the inclusion of
the dynamics of the various contexts in which identity occurs.
Adding to the above theoretical framework about student identity, Mir (2014) delves
more deeply into Muslim women’s religious identity. Mir notes that Muslim women’s identities
are multidimensional, and these dimensions include but not limited to religious, ethnic, racial,
and gendered facets. Mir continues by mentioning Muslim women are in constant struggle to
strike a healthy balance among the various dimensions of their identities, more specifically those
identities that are expected of them in numerous Muslim communities, for instance by their
Muslim peers, and in other communities, for instance on university campuses. Functioning
within these identities for Muslim women, as Mir states, can be burdensome. Specifically, many
responsibilities that are tied to various contexts in which Muslim women operate would
necessitate them to suppress or minimize those features that are specific to their Muslim
identities in order to bring normalcy to Muslim women, especially when they are within non-
Muslim contexts, such as in higher education institutions.
22

The available literature also includes empirical evidence to shed light on Muslim
women’s multidimensional identities and how they handle these dimensions. For example, Mir
(2009) completed an investigation in which United States-born-and-raised Muslim women who
were undergraduate students within American higher education institutions revealed their
construction of gender-specific rhetoric. Mir’s results shed further light on the fact that Muslim
women both revealed identities stereotypical of Muslim women and those that are not
stereotypically associated with Muslim woman. These identities were shown to be distinctive
depending upon the context and changing back and forth into various forms which ranged from
predominant American sociocultural norms to chiefly conservative norms found in Muslim
communities. Analysis of these data showed that these Muslim women altered and alternated
among their various constructed, intertwined, and complex identities. Overall, Mir’s (2009)
research results suggest that undergraduate Muslim women within American higher education
system face difficulties when adapting to the majority sociocultural norms, partially because of
their underdeveloped majority identity, and when adhering to their religious identities. These
results are an indication about the constant struggle Muslim women face when handling their
Muslim and American identities, since these two identities are at times considered an exclusive
binary, thus mutually exclusive.
Al-deen (2019) notes that the research on the examination of young Muslim women and
their religious identity brings to light the numerous challenges of culturally navigating between
two worlds, between being a Muslim and being an American, even though these two identities
can be mutually exclusive. In particular, these struggles that Muslim woman experience often
lead to unresolved tensions between these women and their families. Al-deen goes on to mention
that Muslim women are often the target of stereotypical ethnic, racial, or gendered identities, and
23

that they strive to gain inclusion into the higher education institutions. In a similar vein, Gao
(2018) argues that the extent to which immigrant minorities are able to navigate a hybrid system
comprising their identities, as well as their personal identities, are important indicators of the
success with which Muslim women can actively participate in life events. This is particularly
important in the case of higher education and these women’s struggles to gain acceptance within
university settings.
Several research studies have touched upon the importance of identifying the challenges
of Muslim women in higher education settings. In a study by Speck (1997), Muslim graduate
international students mentioned four challenges they faced in these contexts: (a) University
faculty members’ misguided understanding of Muslim practices may lead to the
misrepresentation of these Muslim women in the classroom; (b) faculty members may draw upon
media and news outlets which introduce bias and prejudice, along with inaccurate perceptions,
about Islam; (c) professors may not be able to effectively hold respectful attitudes toward
specific religious groups in the classroom; and (d) professors may not make an effort to
accommodate students’ religious practices. These findings suggest that professors with whom
Muslim students need to work in academic settings may be misguided about the intricacies of
Islam as a religion and about Muslim communities. As a result of these misunderstandings,
Muslim students, women in particular, may end up becoming disenfranchised within academic
settings.
Moreover, the existing studies reveal that some Muslim women who opt to wear hijab in
academic settings have faced numerous debilitating challenges which have negatively influenced
their academic achievements and social development. Cole and Ahmadi (2003) take veiling as an
example, and how veiling can be synonymous with hijab, a cultural and religious practice
24

particular to Islam. Veiling comes in various shapes and forms and may be a light scarf covering
parts of one’s hair, or a full length jilbab (a coat which is worn over one’s clothes) including a
scarf which covers one’s hair and at times face with the exception of the eyes. These various
forms of veiling represent different styles of hijab and are commonplace in Islam. Cole and
Ahmadi (2003) clarify that, dependent upon an individual’s sociocultural and religious practice,
familial tradition and personal choice, all of these styles of wearing hijab are likely to be found
within the institutions of higher education, for instance, on college campuses. These examples
shed further light on how there exist systematic varieties with regard to hijab within Muslim
communities and how different personal, family, and cultural values are projected by Muslim
women’s choice of clothing, in particular hijab.
As Cole and Ahmadi (2003) discuss, misunderstandings about and misguided behavior
toward Muslims college students may hinder their capacity to achieve success in academia. Cole
and Ahmadi use a research study as an example to illustrate how these misrepresentations and
biased judgments can be detrimental to the success of Muslim students. In this study,
sociocultural differences and consequential bias as apparent in religious practice negatively
influenced Muslim immigrant students’ educational experience. Because of prevalent
misrepresentations and prejudiced behavior toward these students, they often reported a
perceived lack of respect from their professors and academic peers, which then made Muslim
immigrant students’ academic and social integration problematic. Specifically, the choice of
Muslim women regarding hijab was sometimes misperceived and misconstrued. With Muslim
women’s choice of clothing, hijab here, came unfortunate misperceptions and prejudiced views.
These negative views, for instance, included the perception of Muslim women as meek,
oppressed, and ineffective in their English communication, simply because they chose to wear
25

hijab within higher education institutions. These examples shed light on the extent to which
Muslim students’ experiences within institutions of higher education can be shaped by their
choice of clothing and by the resultant misperceptions about their religious identity.
In a similar study, Ameen (2012) reported on an investigation of the variables which
affected Muslim students’ identity expression in academic settings. For instance, Ameen looked
into how social and political climates shaped Muslim American students’ religious identity
expression, hoping to show whether Muslim women who attended college faced difficulties in
sustaining friendships and achieving social acceptance on university campuses. The main hurdles
the study examined were the prevalence of negative stereotypes and lack of awareness about
Muslims and their communities. According to Ameen’s results, one student noted that she
expressed her desire for her classmates to raise their awareness about Islam, her Muslim identity,
and her academic identity. In particular, this student felt disillusioned because she felt like she
needed to carry the burden of introducing herself and her religion to her classmates. These
findings suggest that Muslim students, having to carry the burden of removing prevalent
misrepresentations about Islam, often experience burnout and exhaustion. Moreover, As Ameen
clarified, these students may feel the need to single-handedly introduce their Muslim identities to
their peers and resolve any issues arising from their professors’ and peers’ lack of awareness
about Islam and these students’ religious identities. In particular, these Muslim students strive to
project a normal image of themselves, irrespective of their faith and religious practice. These
endeavors to portray themselves as normal students on a college campus are reported to be
common among both male and female Muslim students, and to be an ongoing struggle for these
students. Again, these research results clearly indicate the hurdles Muslim students need to
navigate within the higher education institutions. In fact, they need to combat their professors’
26

and peers’ lack of education about Islam in order to gain their full acceptance, the lack of which
can be detrimental to the ultimate success of Muslim students in these institutions. This
highlights the importance of exploring the viewpoints of Muslim students in the United States to
shed further light on their experiences regarding religious identity and identity communication.
Higher Education, Migration, and Identity
The previous section discussed how lack of proper understanding about Muslim students’
identities and religious practice may cause irreparable harm to their personal, social, and
academic lives. As mentioned earlier, numerous Muslim students are currently enrolled in
American higher education system. Within this system, their religious identities are expressed
and communicated with those around them. Since 2004, the enrolment of international students
in the United States has significantly increased. A large part of this increase is owed to those
students from the Middle Eastern. More specifically, in the academic year 2008-2009, there were
29,140 Middle Eastern students, and these students comprised an 18% increase from the prior
academic year (Mcdermott-Levy, 2011). As Tummala-Narra and Claudius (2013) note, those
international students who are from various countries tend to experience similar problems, as
opposed to their domestic peers. These international students encounter various challenges, such
as issues regarding immigration and visa status, lack of access to proper financial resources,
navigation of an unfamiliar educational system, new cuisine and eating norms, low English
proficiency, sociolinguistic barriers, personal isolation, and separation from family and friends.
These issues tend to affect specific groups of students more profoundly. For instance, those
international students who are considered racial minorities (e.g., those from Asia, Africa, India,
Latin America, and the Middle East) generally experience more discrimination based on their
perceived skin color and country of origin. Some examples of these discriminations are racial
27

stereotyping and both verbal and physical harassment. In contrast, domestic students and
international students from Europe usually report substantially fewer cases of discrimination.
These negative experiences have been linked to numerous challenges with regard to students’
religious identities, and more specifically, sustaining constructive relationships with both
heritage and mainstream American cultures. As Tummala-Narra and Claudius (2013) state, these
challenges have been empirically associated with higher rates of mental health issues among
these students.
In this section, the relationship between university campuses and Muslim students’
religious identity is discussed. Mir (2014) explains this:
College is popularly visualized as a world of freedom, mobility, and personal maturity.
Yet this supposedly egalitarian community where diverse individuals may come together,
share, and celebrate is not equally hospitable to all student identities; rather, it is a ranked
array of decidedly unequal cliques and coteries. (p. 31)
Cole and Ahmadi (2003) add to these points and note that “The impact of college on
students’ growth, both intellectually and personally, is at the core of student affairs
administration in particular, and of higher education in general” (p. 12). This, therefore, shows
how which Muslim students’ academic life is an indispensable part of their religious identities.
There exists extensive research on how university is generally recognized as a significant
transition period for shaping young people’s identities. As Berzonsky and Kuk explain,
adolescents are encountered with the constant challenge of expressing their sense of self-identity.
In this case, a well-developed and well-navigated identity can enable young adolescents to find
the proper basis for their daily actions, including functioning on college campuses and
interacting with their professors and peers (Berzonsky & Kuk, 2000). These theoretical
28

hypotheses can also be substantiated with empirical evidence. For example, in a study by
Falconer and Taylor (2017), the authors tracked down the experiences and expectations of
students, hoping to shed light on how these students’ identities, attitudes, and viewpoints are
shaped and expressed by means of the education they receive on college campuses. This study
investigated how young queer religious students build and communicate their identities in
relation to those surrounding them, including professors and students. Specifically, this study
aimed to see how these students’ college experiences shaped their identities and defined these
identities when these students interacted with others. The authors stated that their student
participants faced a complex network of hierarchies, conflicts, and exclusions as a result of
taking on various identities on college campuses and institutions of higher education. These
students, nonetheless, embraced the university culture as a whole, specifically as a setting in
which young people were afforded the opportunity to communicate their religious identities and
their academic/professional careers. These studies suggest how college campuses provide a
sociocultural context where students, Muslim students in particular, can have the opportunity to
express their religious identities and become whoever they desire. However, as noted in the
previous section, the injustices and prejudices Muslim students face on college campuses may
thwart the expression of their personal, academic, and professional identities.
Research has also pointed to a clear link between higher education and religion, and how
the former can affect the latter. In particular, being in college is associated with declines in
prayer, and graduating from college is associated with declines in religious belief and certainty
(Schwadel, 2017). As cited by Schwadel (2017), the association between college graduation and
declines in religious belief provides support for the argument that the social, cultural, and
curricular content of higher education is antithetical to traditional religious beliefs. A study by
29

Schwadel (2017) demonstrates how the religious context in adolescence conditions the influence
of education, thereby highlighting the influence higher education on changes in religiosity.
A specific aspect of the relationship between religion and higher education is whether the
former leads to a decline in the latter. Some research in social psychology has been dedicated to
the examination of how people who come from a variety of sociocultural background manage to
live in conjunction with others from different backgrounds peacefully, thereby creating a
pluricentric society. Berry (1998) introduced two research approaches to deal with this
phenomenon. The first approach is acculturation. Berry defines the study of acculturation as the
process in which some cultural aspects are adapted in response to some stimuli as a result of two
or more cultures coming into contact with each other. The process of acculturation can lead to
some degree of psychological change in people who undergo this process. The second research
approach is pertinent to ethnic relations. This approach comprises the understanding of how
individuals internalize, assess, and behave toward one another, both inside and outside ethnic
groups (Berry, 1998).
Schwadel (2017) shows that involvement in higher education can be conducive to
declines in some facets of religiosity (e.g., religious beliefs), but not some others (e.g., religious
practice and importance). These findings, such as those in Schwadel, illustrate the impact of
education on changes in religiosity in some people. Specifically, this effect is more prevalent
among those already less religious as adolescents and/or raised in less strictly religious contexts.
These results also show that students who attend college and move on to graduation are more
strongly linked to both declines and increases in their religiosity. This relationship, however, is
dependent upon the religious context in which these students grow up during their adolescence.
Such contexts are composed of parents’ religious practice and personal adherence to religious
30

traditions during adolescence. Schwadel (2017) also suggests that the relationship between
religious context and changes in one’s religiosity is not necessarily linear. In fact, this
relationship depends on an array of other factors, such as students’ gender, country where higher
education institutions exist, and dominant institutional culture. These discussions point to a clear
direction: Students’ involvement on college campuses and the activities they are typically
engaged with can affect students’ religiosity, religious practice, and religious identity.
The current literature on Muslim students’ experiences on college campuses suggests that
many of them leave their home countries to pursue their higher education dreams. In a study by
Arar et al. (2013), the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development claimed that
the number of students who studied outside their home countries increased by 5% from 2004 to
2007, and in 2007, this number reached 2.7 million. The direction for this movement is usually
from developing countries to more developed ones, from the countries in the East to those in the
West, and from poorer and less industrialized countries to more industrialized and progressive
ones. Specifically, the study by Arar et al. focused on the migration of Palestinian Muslim
women for pursuing their higher education. These students migrated to Hebrew University in
Jerusalem or to Jordanian universities. The results of this study indicated that these women’s
migration from their home country to Israel or Jordan for academic purposes necessitated the
communication of religious identity; in particular, those students in Jordan were part of a pattern
which involved temporary cyclic migration between two safe places, whereas students who
migrated to Jerusalem often went through such experiences as alienation and foreignness. In
either one of these cases, higher education was reported to be an impactful force which altered
migrating women’s lives. These results suggested that higher education empowered these women
to handle and confront their religious identity issues, thus enabling them to reconsider their value
31

system, beliefs, and relationships with others (Arar et al., 2013). This study shows how Muslim
women who migrate to other countries often experience issues related to their religious identities.
The above study was primarily focused on migration of Muslim women for education purposes;
therefore, it can be assumed that, if women migrate to other countries for reasons other than
education, their respective experiences regarding religious identity may be different.
Nonetheless, these results show how Muslim students’ identities can be altered because of the
circumstantial nature of the contexts in which they study.
As mentioned in the previous paragraphs, academia can shape students’ religious
identities and pose challenges to the expression of these identities. In fact, academic contexts
both improve students’ discipline-specific knowledge and greatly influence how students’
religious identities are formed (Oplatka & Tevel, 2006). Mir (2014) notes that identities are
products of social relationships, and these identities necessitate interactions with others within
social contexts. Mir continues to point out that these identities are by no means static and
unchanging. The effects of social interactions on religious identity are not limited to a specific
age. In fact, the existing research suggests that many dynamic changes in religious identity are
actually lifelong processes, even though the common knowledge is that these changes most
commonly occur during adolescence (Topolewska-Siedzik & Cieciuch, 2019). As noted by
Topolewska-Siedzik and Cieciuch (2019), the lifelong process in which religious identities are
molded can help synthesize a mature identity, or in some cases, it can result in role confusion as
a consequence of multiple identities.
Topolewska-Siedzik and Cieciuch explain that some approaches to reflecting on religious
identities are more malleable and improve the chances of attaining a mature identity. However,
some other approaches are considerably less adaptive, and these approaches can lead to conflicts
32

within one’s network of multiple identities. These authors conclude that numerous psychological
outcomes can be explained through increasing the knowledge about these various approaches
that people choose to take when it comes to communicating their religious identities. For
instance, Topolewska-Siedzik and Cieciuch point to the numerous studies which have
highlighted the role of identity in the development of different behaviors, such as individuals’
personal well-being, academic success, psychological issues, and risky behaviors. As this
discussion shows, one’s religious identity is a multifaceted construct which develops in a lifelong
process. There are also numerous variables which can profoundly affect how these religious
identities are expressed, for instance, on college campuses. These findings are applicable to the
discussion of Muslim students and how their religious identities are communicated on university
campuses.
Several theories have been developed to investigate how individuals’ identities are
perceived by self and received by others. As a prominent theory in this regard, social identity
theory postulates that individuals’ self-perception of varies along a continuum, one end being the
perception of self as uniquely specific to the perception of individuals about themselves, and
another being the perception of self as very similar or identical to members who are considered
in-group (Gross et al., 2013). Relevant to this theory is Marcia’s (1966) discussion of identity
types. The four identity types are achievers, moratoriums, foreclosures, and diffusions. The
existing research suggests that students who are categorized as being achieved or foreclosed tend
to be more committed to goal achievement and are more goal-oriented than those in the
moratorium or diffusion categories. In addition, identity achievers have at their disposal
interactional skills that make them more adaptive to various situations as opposed to individuals
in the other three categories, especially identity diffusions. Also, students who belong to the
33

achiever and moratorium categories tend to be mostly more effective and adaptable than those
belonging to the foreclosed or diffused categories (Berzonsky & Kuk, 2000). Relevant to the
present study is the discussion of these identity types. Specifically, we expect some degree of
variation in how female Muslim immigrant students negotiate their religious identities in
American institutions of higher education.
Sirin and Fine (2008) add to the discussion of student identity. They assume that cultural
identities tend to be very dynamic and not fixed. This dynamic nature of identities is even more
obvious when the target group comprises younger individuals who are part of a diaspora. As
noted earlier, migration can have profound effects on people’s religious identity and how these
identities are communicated with others. Generally speaking, cultural identities are considered a
dynamic facet of young individuals’ perception of self, constantly changing in interaction with
other complex facets of these perceptions of self. These other dimensions include gender, skin
color, religiosity, community belonging, passions, fears, material wealth, desires, and aspirations
(Sirin & Fine, 2008). These points again show how identities are very complex constructs and
how there are many factors involved in these processes. In addition, the existing research
indicates that identities are constantly evolving in reaction to individuals’ surroundings.
Similarly, Weiner-Levy (2008) studied the effects of various factors on Muslim women’s
identity. Weiner-Levy concluded that exposure to various cultures, attained knowledge, and daily
practices at universities in Israel influenced the identities of women who belonged to minority
groups. In particular, this study showed that these exposures resulted in changes in the
stereotypically assigned gender roles and increases in academic success among these women.
This article concluded that institutions of higher education tend to propagate dominant ideologies
and offer the type of instruction that caters to the values of the prevailing sociocultural and
34

political discourse. Under such circumstances, as Weiner-Levy argues, identities are not regarded
as static and fixed entities, but dynamic in nature and prone to change in response to the
specificities of various environments.
Several other theories have altered the way identities are communicated and received. For
instance, tenets of postmodern perspective of queer theory have altered the traditional
perspectives about the categories under which identity is defined. These tenets posit that identity
is indeed fluid, and therefore, should be regarded as an entity that is constantly evolving (Abes et
al., 2007). As Mulyadin (2018) and Abes et al. (2007) note, incorporating the process in which
meanings are constructed and how these meanings assist individuals in filtering their
surroundings, sociocultural variation, and contextual differences. These new perspectives
augment the theoretical considerations previously developed by Jones and McEwen (2000).
These theoretical principles have been supplemented with empirical evidence, in particular
regarding Muslim students. For example, Mulyadin (2018) conducted a study aimed at
understanding Muslim Indonesian American college students and their experiences with regard
to identity and religious identity. In this study, the author noted that the identities of the
participating students were influenced by an array of sociocultural and contextual variables.
These variables included such as family relations, the 9/11 terrorist attacks, support from peers
and faculty, and support from higher education institutions. Moreover, this study highlighted the
fact that these students’ identities were multifaceted, thus identifying some such dimensions,
such as gender, social status, religiosity, and cultural variables.
In the previous sections, we discussed how international students’ religious identities, as
well as their academic needs and academic performance, are affected by their experiences in host
countries, such as in the United States. In addition to these academic needs, international
35

students face serious challenges with regard to a new living environment which often seems
daunting to this student body. For example, in an investigation by McDermott-Levy (2011), it
was disclosed that Omani Muslim female immigrant students who were studying nursing in
American higher education institutions reported different perceptions. On the one hand, these
students reported discrimination, were exposed to various ways of thinking and living, and a
strong feeling of being lonely and having to do things alone; on the other, these students
experienced new freedoms and independence in the United States, some things that they had not
previously experienced in their home country of Oman. Overall, the study reported that these
experiences enabled this group of students to mature and develop; their experience of studying in
the United States was reported to beneficial to these women’s responsibility-taking capacities
and stronger awareness about their personal and professional abilities. These results suggest that,
even though many international students in the United States may experience negative feelings,
such as discrimination, not every aspect of their experiences is negative. These points underscore
the importance of further investigating these students’ identities within the context of higher
education in the United States.
As mentioned earlier, the existing research is replete with studies which have highlighted
the negative attitudes toward Muslim students in the United States. Specifically, it might be the
case that these negative perceptions about Muslims among the American public can also affect
the perceptions of those who are involved on university campuses. This link suggests that,
although many such negative perceptions may be held by people outside of college campuses,
those unfavorable attitudes toward Muslim students can easily spread to academic settings.
Therefore, many studies have explored the feasibility of changing these negative attitudes toward
Muslim students. The existing literature on Muslim students’ perceptions and experiences in
36

American higher education system points to numerous challenges that can hinder the
improvement of such negative perceptions held by non-Muslim students, faculty, and staff about
Muslim students’ religious identities (Rockenbach et al., 2017). These research results highlight
the difficult nature of altering these negative attitudes about Muslim students.
In addition, the existing literature includes several different conceptualizations about how
identities are perceived by Muslim immigrant students. Gao (2018) lists several traditional
assumptions that have defined Muslim women who attend universities as people who rebel
against Islamic patriarchy. Gao, however, adds that the more contemporary depictions
substantiate the hypothesis that religious identities are to be perceived as a multifaceted self-
concept, with this multifaceted-ness being valuable when it comes to sociocultural adjustment,
academic achievement, and personal growth (Gao, 2018). Ashmore et al. (2004) refer to
collective identification as the first and most important statement about membership in specific
categories. These authors further define a collective identity as an identity that many people
belonging to the same group share. These groups tend to have some defining features in
common. It is of note that collective identity is not synonymous with some form of exchange
with every member of the group. Rather, membership in this collective identity is a matter of
psychological values. Ashmore et al., therefore, use the term social identity as a reference to the
aforementioned form of identification.
As noted by Ashmore et al. (2004), the definition of social identity is “that part of an
individual’s self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group
together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership.” From a more
sociological perspective, the phrase, social identity, can be defined as defined as “socially
constructed and socially meaningful categories that are accepted by individuals as descriptive of
37

themselves or their group.” Ashmore et al. clarify that referring to an identity as social should not
be aimed at distinguishing it from other means of identification. For instance, some other forms
of identification, such as personal or relational, are also social in essence. Therefore, the term
collective identity is somewhat more commonly used social identity.
Even though the existing literature has clear indications about students’ religious identity,
this attention should be paid to more specific groups of students. A very important category of
students is female graduate students not born in the United States. Gao (2018) discusses the
importance of studying this student group’s identity because these students have been
traditionally perceived as rebels who would then undergo sociocultural adaptations and attempt
to negotiate their religious identities with their peers, professors, and others around them.
Rockenbach et al. (2017) note that there are numerous differences in the religious identities of
Muslim immigrant students and their peers, and that these differences are communicated through
students’ beliefs, values, and practices, thereby leading to inaccurate assumptions and
misperceptions about Muslim immigrant students in the United States. Rockenbach et al. also
point to the dominant racial and ethnic identity differences and how these differences usually
make it even more difficult to study Muslim female students’ identities and intergroup dynamics
between Muslim and non-Muslim immigrant students. Additionally, the salient dynamics
between students of different religious and racial/ethnic identities tend to be influenced by a
number of sociocultural and contextual factors that dominate the atmosphere of higher education
institutions in the United States. These factors include the campus-wide support for diversity,
institutional support for it, and support from peers, faculty, and staff. These factors, in the end,
will have important ramifications with regard to shaping the dynamics between students of
different religions. Also, these results highlight the importance of studying students’ unique
38

backgrounds (usually formed in their home countries) and how these backgrounds affect their
religious identities.
As noted above, the overall campus climate shapes the extent to which Muslim students
can negotiate their religious identities with those around them. However, Dunne et al. (2017)
draw our attention to the fact that we are seeing an increasing acceptance of unsubstantiated
narratives about Muslim students, their religious practice, and importantly, their religious
identity. These misperceptions generally place Muslim students in broad categories by the
creation of stereotypes about Muslims, which then depict Muslim students as potentially
threatening to the well-being of those around them and even the integrity and security of the
United States. Adding empirical evidence to these points, Dunne et al. (2017) investigated the
dominant narratives about young Muslim students in four Muslim-majority countries. The
authors utilized local, staged, and contingent avenues in which these young people had the
opportunity to express and negotiate their religious identities and community belonging. The
authors examined how the narratives used by these young people were different, specifically
focusing on how these Muslim students defined the notion of “other” in their identity
negotiation. The study reported that Muslim students brough up both external and internal
“others” in their narratives. The article also mentioned how the participants’ religion and
religious practice was often utilized as an important determiner of their religious identity and
how religion was a major factor in distinguishing these students from each other. Along with
their religion, gender was found to be another variable that defined these students’ identity. The
other factor that shaped these students’ identity and identity negotiation was their country of
origin, and these nationalities were often co-presented along with other variables, such as
religion. Here, these expressions of identity were found to be significantly gendered. These
39

results show how Muslim students’ identities are composed on different factors, and how
variables, such as gender, nationality, and religion, are important determinants of Muslim
students’ identity. Because of this, the present project investigates the effects of students’
countries of origin, along with the dominant sociocultural considerations in these countries, on
their religious identity and its expression.
In another study aimed at untangling Muslim students’ identities, Ali (2013) shared the
results of a Pew Research report that surveyed more than 1000 participants in 2007, and the
results showed that almost half of the surveyed people identified their religion, Islam, as a
principal factor in identifying themselves. Similar to the above Pew Research, Ali reported that
South Asian American Muslims generally defined themselves as Muslim, and this definition
superseded their ethnic identity. In addition, this article showed that Muslim Arab American
young adults generally opted to use Muslim as a primary form of identifying themselves. These
results show how young Muslim students tend to prioritize their religion over other factors, such
as ethnicity and country of origin when it comes to defining their identities.
There are several other studies aimed at investigating young Muslim students’ religious
identity and identity negotiation. For example, in a study of Pakistani American young adults,
Ghaffar-Kucher (2012) noted that many of the participants tended to prioritize their religion,
Islam, over their race/ethnicity when asked to define their identity. This prioritization was
apparently a byproduct of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, in a way that young Muslim adults tended
to more strongly associate with Islam. On the other hand, Simmons (2008) concluded that many
Muslim people tended to be rather ambivalent about their religious practice after living in
Europe. In fact, these people were still struggling to compromise between their religion and their
nationality, thereby viewing these two entities with a great deal of uncertainty. Haddad (2001)
40

also claimed that Muslims who immigrate to the United States tend to transfer over their national
identity with them, as well as subscription to a variety of sociopolitical ideologies. As Haddad
concluded, these entities and the relationships among them became even more complex when
other variables, such as one’s economic status, came into play. Haddad used the example of
Iranians who remained hostile toward Islam in light of the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Overall,
these results show how Muslims in the United States and other Western countries have to strike a
balance among the various factors which define their identities, and how their national origins
and religious practice may shape each other.
The literature reviewed in this section draws our attention to several important
considerations. First, Muslim students’ identity is a multifaceted entity. This means that, when
studying these identities, one needs to take into account factors, such as religion, nationality,
gender, and social status, to name a few. Second, many Muslim university students in the United
States report harassment that results from a lack of understanding on the side of their peers,
professors, and staff. Third, due to this lack of awareness about Muslim students’ religious
identities, measures need to be taken to minimize the detrimental effects of this problem on
Muslim students. The current proposal, therefore, aims to collect qualitative data from Muslim
students in the United States to shed further light on the processes during which their religious
identities are communicated with those around them in academic contexts.
Intersectionality and Identity
Carey et al. (2018, p. 112) assert that “intersectionality describes the co-relational forces
of how oppressions such as (but not limited to) racism, sexism, and classism interlock, integrate,
and intersect simultaneously within the lives of individuals.” In a similar vein, Nichols and Stahl
(2019) note that “Intersectionality studies are concerned with identifying, discussing and
41

addressing the ways that systems of inequity, including sexism, racism and class bias, intersect to
produce complex relations of power and (dis)advantage” (p. 1255). As noted earlier, the
intersectionality among religion and national origin (Carey et al., 2018; Harris & Leonardo,
2018; Nichols & Stahl, 2019; Tefera et al., 2018) will play a central role in the current study.
Therefore, several studies on the relationship between intersectionality and identity are reviewed
here.
Cole and Espinoza (2009) conducted a longitudinal study of 229 of African American,
Latino, and American Indian students to identify any differences between men and women
participants’ overall performance and satisfaction within institutions of higher education in the
United States. Specifically, the authors set out to explore the possible effect of gender among
these STEM students on their academic performance and satisfaction. The study concluded that
faculty support was an important factor in affecting student success for both men and women.
For women, peer involvement played a positive role in improving their academic performance
and overall satisfaction. Interestingly, however, the authors reported that “socializing with
someone of a different ethnic group negatively affected the academic performance of REM men,
whereas for REM women, attending diversity functions negatively affected their academic
performance” (p. 273). High school GPA had a similar effect on both men and women when it
came to academic performance. The study concluded that the inclusion of support programs can
enhance women’s academic performance and satisfaction. An example was a built-in mentoring
component to further support women. Cole and Espinoza noted that “different strategies for
promoting and developing the academic success and educational satisfaction of REM men and
women in STEM are needed” (p. 275). These results show that, when discussing
42

intersectionality, gender can play an important role in determining college students’ performance
and satisfaction.
In another article, Orsuwan and Cole (2007) investigated whether race/ethnicity had a
role to play in 618 community college students’ experiences. After categorizing students into
five groups of White, Chinese, Japanese, Hawaiian, and Filipino, the authors concluded that such
variables as inclusion and a sense of belonging contributed positively to these students’
experiences. However, race/ethnicity was not found to be an important determiner of students’
satisfaction within the context of this study. However, the authors pointed out that race/ethnicity
plays a considerably more dynamic role in students’ overall satisfaction and collegiate
experiences. Also, other variables such as household income were shown to mediate these
students’ satisfaction. Although this study did not directly conclude that students’ race/ethnicity
plays a role in their college satisfaction, it drew a more comprehensive picture about the intricate
nature of students’ identities. In the present study, immigrant Muslim students will be studied,
while focusing on any differences in their religious identities caused by their countries of origin.
Jones et al. (2002) investigated the experiences and perceptions of ethnic minority
students in a predominantly white college campus. Their data were collected through a series of
focus groups in which 35 students participated. The results showed this:
If student service organizations are ethnically divided without significant interethnic and
interethnic group collaboration, students’ involvement is also likely to be segregated or at
least strained by overburdened individuals who feel obligated to make the campus more
amenable for other students of color. (p. 33)
Also, the studied ethnic minority groups did not strive to address any issues pertaining to
discrimination on their campus. Therefore, the authors concluded that “Communal collaboration
43

was deemed significant not only among the ethnic centers and their student groups but between
the centers and other student service departments across campus” (p. 33). The authors advocated
the inclusion of a cross-cultural center in an attempt to combat prejudices that some other
students held against the minority groups on university campuses. Again, these conclusions bring
to light the importance of further examining students’ experiences and perceptions and how these
variables inform their religious identity.
Other studies have directly focused on the role of intersectionality in identity construction
in educational settings. In a study, Carey et al. (2018) explored the ways in which injustice and
inequality can be addressed through a proper understanding of intersectionality in student
identities. The authors claimed that intersectionality should be aimed at training educators to
minimize the instances of oppression and injustice within educational contexts. It was also
concluded that any lack of proper understanding about intersectionality may lead to
unsatisfactory student performance. The authors also noted that effective changes in policy
should reflect the constant needs of students who are prone to inequality within educational
settings.
Harris and Leonardo (2018) studied intersectionality within a Black Lives Matter
framework, hoping to shed light on the intricacies of gender and ethnicity within educational
settings. Through the analysis of the current literature on legal cases, the authors concluded that
“intersectional analysis maintains its integration of how the compounding effects of social
forces, such as patriarchy and racism, limit the lives of despised or denigrated races and genders
in education, the law, and social life in general” (p. 18). Again, these conclusions are directly
relevant to the current study because this study aims to uncover the lived experiences of Muslim
female students in the United States, hoping to see whether these students experience any cases
44

of injustice or prejudice. Finally, Nichols and Stahl (2019) conducted a systematic literature
review on intersectionality in higher education, aiming to “interrogate how tertiary institutions
manage, cater for, include, exclude and are experienced in ways that produce advantage and
disadvantage” (p. 1255). After reviewing 50 articles, the authors concluded that gender, race,
social class, and sexuality were common subjects in the existing intersectionality literature. In
addition, it was found that variables such as gender and race were often the focus on research
articles which aimed to address and explain the cases of injustice within institutions of higher
education. The current study aimed to understand the effects of religion and national origin when
it comes to immigrant Muslim female students’ religious identities.
Muslim Dietary Habits
The Qur’an, the Islamic holy book, forbids the consumption of alcohol and its derivatives
and regards it as sinful because it may harm the mind and cause societal and familial trouble. A
food that is halal becomes haram if it is prepared with alcohol. Therefore, vanilla extract and
wine vinegar that contain alcohol are excluded from the observant Muslims’ diet. Mannitol and
sorbitol are sugar alcohols, but they are not prohibited because they are sweeteners and are not
intoxicating (Eliasi & Dwyer, 2002).
According to Eliasi and Dwyer (2002), halal is an Arabic term meaning “permitted,
allowed lawful or licit.” Just as Kosher is used in Judaism, halal, when used in relationship to
food or drink, means “permissible for consumption by a Muslim.” Muslims vary in observance
of halal. The orthodox are extremely strict, but others may eat some foods that are not technically
halal. Food is determined to be halal or haram based on how it is obtained, processed, and other
factors. Any food that has the potential to or actually causes a bad effect on the mind, body or
spirit is “haram”: “unauthorized or illicit.” Haram, or illicit foods, include pork and its by-
45

products, meat of animals that are shot or who died of disease and were not slaughtered, animals
slaughtered in a name other than that of Allah, products made with blood, alcohol, and
intoxicating substances. Fish are considered edible. As for shellfish, some Muslims eat it while
others will not. Islamic law stresses cleanliness throughout the Qur’an; eating only halal foods
will keep the faithful clean and pure. Meat that is slaughtered according to the code of Islam is
called “zabihah”, or lawful. If zabihah meat is not available, some Muslims accept meat
slaughtered by “People of the Book” (e.g., Jews and Christians who revere the Bible). The
certification process of halal foods is relatively new in the United States. Certifiers charge food
companies a fee to inspect the plant and to authorize the use of their halal symbol. Other
countries, with larger proportions of Muslims, have halal fast-food chains and a wide variety of
halal-certified foods in the market. American Muslim organizations publish books that list foods
and companies that are halal for those desiring information. Reading the label helps to eliminate
foods made with pork, pork products, alcohol, and other haram ingredients, but the food lists also
include attention to additives (Eliasi & Dwyer, 2002).
There have been an increasing number of Muslim-Americans who restrict themselves to
halal food and beverages (Pipes & Duran, 2002, as cited in Taufik, 2018, p. 40). In a study by
Taufik (2018), the availability of halal food in campus was reported by the participants.
However, some other studies report that Muslim students find it really hard to find halal food on
campus, so they expect universities to diversify their menus to accommodate Muslim students.
As Tummala-Narra and Claudius (2013) maintain, Muslim international students may experience
additional types of acculturative stress, when considering both religious and cultural differences
across cultures of origin and mainstream context and the reception of Muslim international
students in college campuses in the United States. In a qualitative study of acculturation among
46

female Omani nursing students in the United States, the participants reported that Americans
knew little about their religious and cultural practices, and that most Americans were unaware
that Muslim women do not have physical contact with nonrelated men (e.g., shaking hands or
hugging) (McDermott-Levy, 2011, as cited by Tummala-Narra & Claudius, 2013, p. 134). In this
study, some of participants reported that their non-Muslim peers and faculty knew little or
nothing about their religious and cultural practices such as fasting in Ramadan, eating only halal
meat, not hugging, and not drinking alcohol.
Theoretical Framework
The present study will draw upon a few theoretical frameworks. First, it will utilize the
theoretical underpinnings in racial campus climate framework developed by Hurtado et al.
(1999). This framework was developed in order to measure religious and spiritual climate, which
is also applicable to the objectives of the current project. Cole et al. (2020) assume four major
components to this theoretical framework and summarize Hurtado et al.’s “racial/ethnic
diversity-related dimensions” that shape the campus climate: “(a) historical legacy of
exclusion/inclusion, (b) compositional diversity, (c) psychological climate (perceptions and
attitudes of the campus climate and others), and (d) behavioral climate (formal and informal
interactions between groups)” (p. 303). This theoretical framework has been utilized in The
Campus Religious and Spiritual Climate Survey (CRSCS) developed by Bryant et al. (2009).
The current project also draws upon the work of Ahmadi et al. (2019) who extended Hurtado et
al.’ model by adding a fifth component to it, based on Milem et al.’s (005) work. In fact, as Cole
et al. (2020) argue, this fifth component is added to “religious and spiritual campus climate: the
organizational/structural dimension” (p. 303). Therefore, in this project, the major theoretical
tenets are summarized, as stated by Cole et al.:
47

[the conceptual framework utilized here] is minoritized religious and spiritual campus
climate (MRSCC), which is in part based on both the CRSCS and Hurtado et al. (1999)
multidimensional campus climate framework. The MRSCC framework acknowledges
that external and internal forces are affecting the capacity of an institution to
accommodate religious differences and foster a positive, welcoming learning
environment for all students. (p. 303)
In addition, the conceptual grounds develop in the article by Cole et al. (2020) are
utilized in the current project. In doing so, the definitions for the five aforementioned dimensions
are borrowed from Cole et al.:
Dimension 1 implies that religious or faith-based institutions are likely to have a
differential influence when compared to secular institutions. Dimension 2 refers to the
degree of compositional religious diversity within an institution. Dimension 3 consists of
the perceptions and attitudes regarding the MRSCC. Dimension 4 is the informal and
formal inter-religious interactions between individuals and groups. Finally, Dimension 5
is the extent to which the organizational and structural aspects of an institution facilitate
or support religious and spiritual diversity. This organizational and structural dimension
refers to campus policies governing students, faculty, curricula, and allocation of
resources that may or may not support religious and spiritual diversity. (p. 303)
The following diagram used by Cole et al. (2020) will also be referenced in the present
study. Specifically, these authors developed a framework based on the components of the
MRSCC, as presented in Figure 1:

48

Figure 1
The Components of the MRSCC

Note. From “Examining Muslim student experiences with campus insensitivity, coercion, and
negative interworldview engagement,” by D. Cole, S. Ahmadi, & M. E. Sanchez, 2020. Journal
of College and Character, 21(4), 301–314 (https://doi.org/10.1080/2194587X.2020.1822880).

Although extensive research can be found on student development, very few studies have
explored Muslim female immigrant students’ religious identities in the United States. To address
this research gap, the current study aimed to examine how Muslim female immigrant students
49

negotiated their religious identities through their lived college experiences. In the post 9/11
American society, understanding the process of identity expression and maintenance for Muslim
female immigrant students can provide clearer guidelines for higher education professionals and
decision-makers.
This research project added important implications to understanding how religious
identities come into play during social interactions and explorations in and out of the classroom,
as well as on and off university campuses. Although extensive research has been conducted on
the experiences of adult Muslims in Western settings, very little systematic research exists
among non-U.S.-born Muslim immigrant students in the United States (Sirin & Fine, 2008).
Adding these students’ national origin to the equation further muddies the waters, because even
less is known about the experiences of female adults of this population. Therefore, in the present
research, the religious identities of non-U.S.-born Muslim female immigrant students were
examined.
50

Chapter Three: Methodology
Muslim identity is important in the United States, as well as in institutions of higher
education. Therefore, the purpose of this qualitative research was to explore the extent to which
Muslim female immigrant students perceive their religious identities and how they negotiate
these identities in interaction with faculty, students, and staff at United University. This chapter
presents a restatement of research questions, research design, data collection procedure, data
analysis, and participants’ profile.
Research Questions
In an effort to gain insight into how Muslim female immigrant students perceive and
negotiate their identities in American higher education, this study sought to address the following
research questions:
1. How do Muslim female immigrant students communicate their religious identities
with faculty, students, and staff at United University?
2. How do Muslim female immigrant students’ lived experiences in their home
countries impact their religious identities?
3. What are Muslim female immigrant students’ perceptions of self-identity?
Research Design
A qualitative research methodology was used to investigate a meaningful, insightful
understanding of the Muslim female immigrant students in this research project. Qualitative
research design helps gain a deeper understanding of the intersectional experiences and
challenges faced by the Muslim female immigrant students both on campus and off campus
environments. In order to thoroughly represent the experiences of Muslim immigrant students,
interviews were conducted (e.g., in-person, phone, Skype, or Zoom). Conducting these
51

interviews facilitated a deeper understanding of the challenges experienced by Muslim female
immigrant students.
Qualitative research design enables researchers to further understand how participants
make sense of their experiences, how they construct their identities, and what interpretations they
attribute to their lived experiences (Creswell, 2014). Maxwell (2013) notes that the specifics of
research methodologies are contingent upon various aspects of the problem researchers aim to
uncover. The research questions of the current project revolve around understanding Muslim
female immigrant students’ religious identities and identity communication, so the incorporation
of a qualitative research design enabled the researcher to gain meaningful insights into these
students’ lived experiences, perceptions, attitudes, and viewpoints. More specifically, a
qualitative case study approach was appropriate for the current study because this method
captures the experiences, perspectives, and practices of Muslim female immigrant students in
American higher education system. In addition, as Maxwell (2013) notes, the data gleaned in a
qualitative research study can include anything that the researcher observes, hears, or is
otherwise communicated to. The researcher used active listening, observing, and recording to
reflect on how participants act, respond, and think. The researcher is the research instrument in a
qualitative study, and their eyes and ears are the important tools to use to glean data and to make
sense of these data. When planning qualitative research methods, researchers need to ascertain
the validity of formal and informal data-gathering strategies as feasible, ranging from formal
interview questions to casual conversations and incidental observations (Maxwell, 2013).
Sample, Population, and Setting
The researcher recruited Muslim female immigrant students as a purposive sampling
strategy. According to Maxwell (2013), in this strategy, specific settings, persons, or activities
52

are selected deliberately, aiming to provide data that are particularly relevant to the study’s
questions and objectives, and that cannot be collected by other data collection methods
(Maxwell, 2013). Snowball sampling was also utilized in this study. This approach may be
particularly useful in the close-knit Muslim immigrant community, where the participants can be
asked to refer to the researcher other participants who satisfy the sampling criteria of the study.
In the present study, the participants were asked to think of other Muslim female immigrant
students they know, and to invite these friends to participate in the study. Eight Muslim female
immigrant participants living in the United States composed the study sample. In order to collect
data from a wide range of Muslim female immigrant students, the researcher recruited students
from the United States, Middle Eastern and/or Arab ethnicities, African, Persian, and South
Asians. All of the participants attended United University at the time of data collection. United
University is a four-year private university located in the Western Coast of the United States and
is considered a popular destination for many domestic and international students.
Data Collection and Instrumentation
The main data collection instrument for this study was a semi-structured interview. As
Maxwell (2013) notes, interviewing is a valuable way of gaining descriptions and explanations
of actions and events, often the only way for events that have taken place in the past or for
situations that are otherwise inaccessible to researchers. Maxwell adds that interviewing provides
researchers with a unique access to participants’ thoughts, feelings, perceptions, and rationales.
In addition, interviews enable researchers to learn about places they have not been to, the
experiences they have not personally had, and the communities they cannot be part of (Maxwell,
2013).
53

A protocol with a total of 11 main questions was used to interview each participant. The
interview protocol can be found in Appendix A. Specific questions with a semi-structured format
were utilized to seek answers for the main research questions of the study. In order to obtain the
maximum amount of data, the interview questions were utilized to help participants share their
experiences without imposing any limitations. Therefore, open-ended questions were used in the
interviews. The interview questions covered various areas of Muslim female immigrant students’
lives including their religious identities, inter-relations, their relationships with their peers and
faculty, their on-campus and off-campus experiences, and challenges to their religious identities.
At the beginning of the interviews, demographic questions were asked to collect the participants’
background information such as generation in college, race or ethnicity, country of origin, and
religious background.
Data Collection Procedure
Multiple steps were taken prior to the beginning interviews. First, the researcher briefed
the participants on the purposes of the research project and responded to their potential questions
or accommodate their concerns. Second, the researcher asked for the participants’ consent and
agreement to participate in this project’s data collection; the participants kept one copy of the
consent form and sent one copy back to the researcher. Institutional review board (IRB)
requirements were completed with United University prior to the data collection. The
participants were also asked for their permission to audio-record the interviews using a personal
digital device. They were informed that their participation was voluntary, and they may stop the
audio-recording at any time throughout the interview. The interviews lasted 45–60 minutes.
Third, the interviews took place between September 2021 and May 2022. One-on-one, semi-
structured interviews were conducted virtually via Zoom. The participants’ available time and
54

dates were asked via a Doodle invitation and the interviews were booked. Additionally,
reflective field notes were recorded immediately after the interview were finished. The data
obtained from the interviews were later transcribed.
Data Analysis
Keeping this project’s main questions in mind, the researcher transcribed the data. After
the data were transcribed, the researcher analyzed and coded the interview transcripts and read
them very carefully to find out the potential thematic categories. Data coding began with
identification of units, segments, or themes in data that were important and meaningful in any
way (Maxwell, 2013). Utilizing Microsoft Word, the data from transcripts were coded according
to the research questions. Following the process of open coding, each code was provided a
particular meaning to a specific thought, idea, or rationale. Then, the individual codes were
grouped under broader themes based on data labels and broader thematic categories (Creswell,
2014). Furthermore, to create a coding scheme for each interview, a color-coding technique was
utilized to define common themes that were found in the interviews and field notes.
Ethical Considerations
The researcher began the ethical considerations in the data collection procedure and
completely adhered to the ethical protocols. After completing the CITI training, the researcher
completed the IRB training and obtained the IRB approval for this project. In addition, coming
from a Muslim-majority country, I was interested in exploring Muslim immigrant students’
perception of self-identity, college experiences, and the way they saw the relationship with their
educational outcomes. The researcher also attempted to uncover how these students made sense
of their religious identity and the way they believed they approached their education and
interacted with others in their environment.
55

Confidentiality
The interviews were conducted, recorded, and saved confidentially, and the findings were
reported in chapter four anonymously by choosing pseudonyms for the participants. The
interviews were conducted on a personal computer. The interview data were stored on a personal
digital device, analyzed using password-protected personal computers, and stored in password-
protected computer folders. The recordings were saved on a personal hard drive without any
identification cues, such as names or ID numbers. The transcribed data were securely stored
using coding schemes. After the data collection was completed and the data were securely stored,
the original interviews were permanently deleted from the personal computer. Also, only the
researcher and her advisory committee at United University had access to the interview data.

56

Chapter Four: Results
This chapter presents the data collected from eight female immigrant Muslim students to
investigate their religious identities (in relation to their countries of origin) at United University,
with hopes to shed light on their perceptions of self-identity and lived experiences. The
researcher examined Muslim female immigrant students’ perceptions of self-identity, how they
communicated their religious identities on campus, and how their lived experiences informed
their religious identities.
Through the interviews, the researcher was able to gain a deeper understanding of the
Islamic faith, as well as Muslim female immigrant students’ viewpoints of their religious
identities. Through sharing their perspectives and emotions, the participants conveyed their
personal stories. Given their diverse backgrounds, the data revealed both similarities and
differences among these perceptions and opinions on a variety of issues. Facing a wide array of
opportunities during college and freedoms, these women remained deeply connected to their
Islamic faith, always using their values and beliefs to guide their actions. This chapter presents
their sense of self, understanding of any differences between them and others, and the
innumerable complexities of their relationships. Based on what the participants shared, we can
understand the reality of their lived experiences and the negotiation of their religious identities.
This chapter first describes the participants in the study. The findings are highlighted in
subthemes and relevant studies are cited for the purpose of referencing. The findings that
emerged for the data are presented based on each research question. As discussed in the
following sections, the findings showed that practicing Islam and socializing with non-Muslim
students can be difficult for some Muslim female students who want to practice their religion and
follow their tradition. In addition, the results showed that lack of people’s understanding of
57

Muslim faith and traditions, including dietary restrictions and lack of available prayer room in
specific departments, was sometimes exhausting for female Muslim students in this study.
However, the participants did not report any struggle with their perception of self-identity
regarding being Muslim.
Participants and Participant Characteristics
Eight Muslim female immigrants were interviewed for this project. Each participant was
assigned a pseudonym in order to maintain confidentiality. This section provides demographic
information on the participants and self-reported religiosity for them.
Of the eight participants who were interviewed, three were undergraduate students and
five were graduate students. Three of the graduate students took classes outside the main
campus. The other participants including the undergraduate students and two other graduate
students took classes on the main campus. United University is a leading private research
university located in the West Coast of the United States. Temple Campus, which is known as
the main campus, is home to the United College of Journalism and Mass Communication and
many other professional schools. The Health Innovation campus is home to Carey School of
Medicine, School of Dentistry, and two major teaching hospitals and programs in medical fields.
The characteristics of the participants were based on an intake form used prior to the start
of the interviews. All eight participants self-defined as Muslims. The participants were diverse
based on their age, race/ethnicity, academic year, and family collegiate history. Their ages
ranged from 20-28. Five of them were graduate students with the age range of 24 to 28 years old,
three of them were 24, one of them was 27, and one of them was 28. Three participants were
undergraduate students with the age range of 20 to 23, one participant was 20, one participant
was 21, and one participant was 23. The participants’ parents’ educational backgrounds varied
58

from college graduate to PhD, most holding bachelor’s and master’s degrees. As for their ethnic
backgrounds, the participants reported their countries of origin as Morocco, the UAE, Saudi
Arabia, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Bangladesh, and Turkey. The dates they came to the United States
varied from 2000 to 2022; one in 2000, one in 2009 and the rest from 2014 to 2022. On a scale
of 1 to 10, their self-reported religiosity was reported from 5 (somewhat religious) to 10 (very
religious), one was 5 (somewhat religious), and the rest of them were from 7 (moderately
religious) to 10 (very religious). Table 1 reports the participants’ characteristics.

Table 1
The Participants’ Background Information
Name Age Program
level
Parents’
educational
background
Country of
origin
Date of
immigration
Self-reported
religiosity (1
to 10)
Fatima 21 Bachelor’s Both parents:
College
Morocco 2018 Moderately
religious (8)
Anood 24 Master’s Mother: Master’s
Father: High
school
The UAE 2022 Moderately
religious (7)
Arshmah 23 Bachelor’s Mother: Master’s
Father:
Bachelor’s
Pakistan 2009 Somewhat
religious (5)
Bayan 27 PhD Mother: Master’s
Father: High
school
Saudi
Arabia
2000 Moderately
religious (7)

Ghadeer 24 Master’s Mother: Master’s
Father: Some
school
The UAE 2022 Mostly
religious (8)
Mukhayo 28 Master’s Mother:
Bachelor’s
Father:
Bachelor’s
Uzbekistan
raised in
South
Korea
2017 Very religious
(10)

Saeima 20 Bachelor’s Mother: Master’s
Father: Master’s
Bangladesh 2014 Very religious
(10)
Zeynep 27

Master’s Mother:
Bachelor’s
Father: PhD
Turkey 2021 Mostly
religious (8)
59

At the time of data collection, Fatima was 21 years old, an undergraduate student
originally from Morocco. Her mother received a bachelor’s degree, and her father earned an
associate degree. Her family lived in the United States from 1998 but moved back to live in
Morocco in 2002. Fatima was born in the United States, grew up in Morocco, and moved back to
the United States by herself in 2018 when she was 15 years old. She considered her degree of
religiosity as 8 on a scale of 1 to 10. It should be noted that almost all Moroccans follow Islam,
and a large majority are Sunni Muslims, belonging to the Maliki school of Islamic jurisprudence.
Other minority religions include Christianity, Judaism, and Bahaism (Original Travel, n.d.).
At the time of data collection, Anood was a 24-year-old graduate student who came to the
United States on a student visa. She is from the United Arab Emirates (the UAE) and came to the
United States in 2022 with her sister who is also an international student. Her family lived in the
UAE. Her father had a high school diploma, and her mother had a master’s degree. On a scale of
1 to 10, she reported her religiosity as 7: “I am kinda religious. I pray five times a day and I fast
in Ramadan.” The UAE constitution designates Islam as the official religion. Of the total
population (both citizen and noncitizen), the 2005 census found 76% to be Muslim, 9%
Christian, and 15% from other religious groups comprising mainly Hindu and Buddhist, and with
a small percentage that include Parsis, Baha’is, Druze, Sikhs, and Jews. The Pew Research
Center estimated that in 2010, 76.9% of the total population of the UAE were Muslims, 12.6%
Christians, 6.6% Hindus, 2% Buddhists, with the remaining belonging to other faith traditions
(United States Department of State, 2018).
Arshmah was a 23-year-old undergraduate student, who moved to the United States when
she was 10 years old. She is from Pakistan and immigrated to the United States with her family
in 2009. According to the 2017 Census, Muslims make up 96.2% of Pakistan’s population,
60

Hindus (1.6%), Christians (1.59%), Scheduled Castes (0.25%), Ahmadis (0.22%), and 0.07% for
other minorities (Fuchs & Fuchs, 2020). Arshmah’s mother had a master’s degree, and her father
had a bachelor’s degree. She considered herself to be somewhat religious, a rating of 5: “Not too
religious, somewhere in the middle. … Like I don’t pray regularly or anything, but I am very
spiritual and like to follow Islam.”
Bayan was 27-year-old. Her parents both had graduate degrees. She was born in Saudi
Arabia and immigrated to the United States with her family in 2000 when she was 6 years old.
Saudi Arabia has more than 30 million inhabitants, and roughly 93% of them are Muslim,
according to Pew Research Center data (Pew Research Center, 2018). On a scale of 1 to 10,
Bayan’s self-reported religiosity score was 6.
Ghadeer was 24 years old and is from the UAE, the same country as Anood. She came to
the United States on a student visa in 2022. Her mother held a master’s degree, and her father
had a high school diploma. On a scale of 1 to 10, her self-reported religiosity was 8. She claimed
that she was mostly religious. She lived 3 minutes from the campus and took her classes on this
campus.
Mukhayo was a 28-year-old graduate student. She was working toward her master’s
degree in law and came to the United States in 2017 for the first time. Her mother had a
bachelor’s degree, and so did her father. Her family used to live in South Korea, but they are
originally from Uzbekistan. According to the United States Government estimates, 88% of the
population of Uzbekistan are Muslims, while the Ministry of Foreign Affairs estimates that 96%
of the population is Muslim (United States Department of State, 2020). This is what Mukhayo
stated about her religiosity: “I am conservative. I try to choose my religion if it comes to choose
between my religion and desire. … I am trying to be 10 but I am between 8 and 9.”
61

Saeima was a 20-year-old undergraduate student from Bangladesh and immigrated to the
United States with her family in 2014. Both her mother and father had a master’s degree. The
majority of the Bangladeshi population identifies as Muslim (89.1%), while the second largest
religious group is Hinduism (10.0%). A remaining 0.9% of the population identifies with some
other religion, including Buddhism and Christianity (Cultural Atlas, 2022). Saeima went to high
school and some of the middle school in the United States. Here is what she asserted about her
religiosity: “Ideally, I like to be 10 out of 10 but I don’t think I am there. I am like 7. … There is
always room for improvement.”
Zeynep was a 27 graduate student who came to the United States in 2021. She is from
Turkey and her family lived in Turkey. The United States Government estimates the total
population of Turkey to be 81.3 million (July 2018 estimate). According to the Turkish
Government, 99% of the population are Muslims, approximately 77.5% of which are Hanafi
Sunnis (United States Department of State, 2018). Zeynep visited the United States a few times
when she was a child. Her mother held a bachelor’s degree, and her father had a PhD. In
response to the question about her religiosity, she stated the following: “I am 8. I am religious
and try to do all my obligatory fulfillments.”
Findings
The qualitative data provided the opportunity to identify certain patterns and themes that
appeared frequently in the interview data. A constant comparative method was utilized to
analyze each set of transcripts by comparing codes, categorizing comments, and analyzing
tentative emergent themes. To understand the deeper meanings in the data, it was important to
compare and contrast the common points and issues raised by the participants about their
religious practices and traditions, social interactions, and managing differences. In addition, key
62

statements which described the meanings attributed to self and interactions with others emerged
with some consistency to describe the development and negotiation of the participants’ religious
identities. After compiling the initial coding themes, the final categories were developed based
upon the interpretation of the data. By examining the transcripts and using recursive coding
methods, any similarities among the participants’ comments were identified. In particular, certain
themes and patterns appeared frequently, and the data were reduced into several major
categories. As a result, commonalities among the participants in their religious identities, social
interactions, and self-perceptions became more apparent.
The analysis of the data resulted in four major themes that will be presented in this
chapter. Subthemes related to all eight essential themes also emerged. While the subthemes are
distinct enough to stand alone, many of them are overlapping, interconnected, and influential on
one another. The themes and subthemes provide the framework for the presentation of the data.
Summarizing each data set, representative quotes are presented in the participants own voices to
explain and enhance the essential themes.
Table 2 depicts four major themes and their subsequent subthemes that help answer the
first research question of the study: How do Muslim female immigrant students communicate
their religious identities with faculty, students, and staff at United University?

63

Table 2
Thematic Categories
Major themes Subthemes
Differences between the participants’ home
countries and the United States.

Reported positive and negative experiences • Lack of people’s understanding of
Muslims faith and traditions
• Dietary restrictions
o Food and alcohol
restrictions
• Lack of available prayer room in
specific departments
• No significant difficulties
• Finding a healthy balance between
coursework and religious rituals
• Support from other Muslim and
non-Muslim students
Insider or outsider on the college campuses
How Muslim students are perceived in the
United States

Differences Between the Participants’ Home Countries and the United States
Based on the data analysis, the reported advantages of the participants’ home countries
included the following: (a) The availability of halal food options in their home countries. For
example, Saeima said, “There's a lot of food options in my country. Everything is halal there.”
(b) the availability of religious accommodations in their home courtiers. Saeima stated the
64

following: “Like in my home country, almost 20 days off during Ramadan, but it’s not going to
be the same case here.” (c) the availability of facilities for Muslim rituals in their home countries,
which Fatima explained as how hearing azan, the call for prayer, in her home country was
helping her follow her religious practices. She said, “There, you know how we have Azan? We
have it back home. When it’s the time to pray, you can hear the prayer call in public, [but
generally not in the United States].”
The reported sociocultural support received in their home countries was an essential
factor in defining the participants’ religious identities, as Fatima explained, “Everyone is pretty
much Muslim, so they understand [my needs]. You don’t have to explain yourself to anyone for
doing anything because everyone does pretty much the same thing.” Arshmah agreed and said,
“In terms of sticking with your values and traditions and all that, it would be nice to be back
home.” This means that, in the United States, there might be negative attention paid to the
participants’ appearance and names. Fatima shared her frustration about people who
mispronounce her name and explained the following:
They always mispronounce my name. I don’t know if they do it on purpose or what
because I never had this issue before. So, one time someone told me my name is very
difficult to pronounce, [but] I’m so proud of my name.
Arshmah went on to provide more details about her name and how it usually gives rise to
misperceptions about who she is:
My name is a big sign, so, every time someone hears my name in the United States,
something clicks in their head. … People mispronounced my name. … Maybe even on
purpose.
65

Ghadeer addressed the misperceptions about the participants due to their appearance and
clothing. She explained, “I try to dress modestly, but like we don’t have to like sometimes,
sometimes like I’ll wear the headscarf and sometimes not, and I can sometimes like I see how
this effects how people [negatively] perceive me.”
The participants also reported several advantages of living in the United States over their
home countries. Anood addressed the freedom associated with living in the United States and
said the following: “Back home, we kind of have these traditional clothes, so we need to wear
the headscarf. … It’ more open minded here. … It’s like we get to express ourselves freely.”
Ghadeer agreed and stated this: “Here in United States, like obviously they don’t care [about
religion]. It’s a secular government. So, this is going to be like, uh, the big difference.” Zeynep a
graduate student from Turkey shared her feeling of being discriminated against in her hometown
and how she felt very liberated in the United States. She explained the following:
In Turkey, back in the day, this is not an issue anymore but back in the day, Muslim
women with Hijab were not able to go to the college or school at all. They have to
remove Hijab to go to school. That wasn’t the case when I was going to college in Turkey
but the stigma that Hijab is not seen very educated and when I started working, I felt like
some people were looking down on me because of this stigma and especially like if you
are wearing headscarf. It is hard for you to get a job at certain places, and I was a lawyer,
and I was competent, but there is still a little bit of discrimination by the public, and it is
challenging. … I feel very liberated in the United States.
The participants also addressed the perceived diversity of religion and ethnicity in the
United States. For example, Anood said, “Back home, you hear like the sounds of prayer, like
everywhere. … But here like I mean obviously like people are from very different religions. It’s
66

more like secular.” Mukhayo added this: “Some of them [Americans are] Catholics. Some are
agnostics. We learn from each other.”
Overall, the availability of halal food options, religious accommodations, and facilities
for Muslim rituals in Muslim’s home countries were reported as the advantages of living in their
home countries compared to the United States. Also, the participants did not have to explain
themselves to anyone with regard to following Muslim values and traditions. Therefore, they
reported receiving sociocultural support in their home countries as an advantage compared to the
United States. On the other hand, the participants touched upon some advantages of living in the
United States. over their home countries. For example, they brought up having certain freedoms
in their choice of clothing, as opposed to the restrictions of what to wear in their home countries,
and diversity of religion and ethnicity in the United States.
Reported Positive and Negative Experiences of the Participants on their College Campuses
Lack of People’s Understanding of the Muslims Faith and Traditions
Five out of the eight female students reported difficulties on their college campus spaces
regarding practicing their religious beliefs. They pointed out that some people lacked an
understanding of the Muslim faith and traditions. For example, Bayan, a 27-year-old PhD student
who immigrated to the United States with her family in 2000 shared some challenges she had
experienced when practicing her religion on campus spaces. Bayan stated that these difficulties
ere due to difficulties in social events whenever there was alcohol and drinking involved. Bayan
provided the following explanation:
In the context of social events, with drinking and stuff, when I was trying to get to know
my cohort, it is just very weird when I say I don’t drink alcohol. … I feel like there are
people who understand and respect it but there are people who don’t understand and for
67

example say okay how about beer? Having to explain to people all the time is very
exhausting and so I feel like in social context more, it’s been hard, and people make it
hard and I feel like constantly questioned.
Comparing American campus spaces with her home country campus spaces, she added,
“It is much easier to practice (your religion) in your home country because no one is questioning
you, it’s norm.”
Similarly, Arshmah who was a 23-year-old undergraduate student from Pakistan shared
her frustration in having to explain her reasons for not consuming alcohol as part of her religious
identity. She mentioned the following:
Uhm yes, I have to say when it comes to social outings sometimes. … There’s a lot of
you know alcohol involved, so there’s a little bit of pressure to drink or you know there is
people like eating meat that I can’t eat and it’s kinda awkward sometimes, there is that
need to explain that I am Muslim, I don’t eat this and I don’t drink this or what not, so
yeah I don’t like to tell people all the time … If they don’t ask for the reason, it’s fine but
most of the time, they are like oh why don’t you do this? Why don’t you do that? And
that’s when it gets a little bit challenging to have to keep explaining over and over, it’s
frustrating. … I think having to explain it I’m uncomfortable as well because I’m putting
myself out there.
According to the findings, the participants faced challenges in social events and
gatherings due to lack of understanding about the Muslim faith and traditions. They also felt
pressured by people’s questions about their eating and drinking habits and restrictions. They
reported finding it easier to practice their religion in their home country because of stronger
institutional support.
68

Dietary Restrictions
Because of their certain dietary restrictions, the participants reported lack of halal meal
options as another challenge that they faced at United University. For instance, Arshmah asserted
the following:
Meal options at United University are not halal. So, it can be really hard to find food and
you have to make a little bit of sacrifices, versus back home it was already assumed that
meals that you are getting are going to be halal. Here you have to ask for them and it is
hard to get out of your way to get what you need.
She also wondered if the university would diversify the menus to cater to her dietary
needs and stated the following:
I expect them to diversify the menu on campus a little bit and even the food that you have
to buy from the area that all the foods are. To diversity the menu and having halal options
would be nice without students having to go up to the restaurant itself and say, do you
have any chicken that is halal? Because obviously the answers goanna be no.
Fatima, who was a 22-year-old undergraduate student from Morocco who immigrated to
the United States by herself in 2018, when she was 18 years old, agreed with Arshmah. She
stated that the main challenge she continuously faced on her college campus was lack of halal
food options. She explained this issue:
I don’t eat like normal given meat, right? First of all, there aren’t many options to have
halal food. That’s the first thing. At least one hahal option would be nice without students
having to go up to like the restaurant itself.
Saeima, a 20-year-old undergraduate student from Bangladesh and who immigrated to
the United States with her family in 2014, asserted the following:
69

For me the main thing is food restriction. So, I’ve recently started only eating halal food.
… It’s like very limited options, so I usually just have to do vegetarian [and] that’s the
main challenge. … There is one place [where] they have Kosher.
In addition to the lack of halal food options, the participants reported that there was a lack
of understanding about halal options for Muslim students at United University. For example,
Arshmah stated this: “Sometimes, I have to explain to my friends why I don’t eat meat. I don’t
like to tell people all the time, but like they will ask for a reason.” Fatima agreed and said that it
would be good if the university had halal options. Fatima also explained that she wished non-
Muslims to have more knowledge about Muslim traditions and culture, including dietary
restrictions. She explained these points in the following excerpt:
People sometimes don’t get it that Muslim people don’t eat non-halal foods, and they’re
like oh what’s halal? too many questions and I like to avoid the questions, I rather just
say I’m vegetarian.
Lack of halal food options as well as lack of understanding about halal options for
Muslim students are among the challenges the participants face. They feel the pressure that they
have to explain to their friends why they do not eat non-halal meat and alcoholic drinks.
Lack of an Available Prayer Room in Specific Departments
The participants also reported a lack of available prayer rooms in their specific
departments. It should be noted that there is only one prayer room for Muslim students on the
main campus. The prayer room is located in the Religious Center where Muslim students can
pray. However, this room is far from some schools, so this may not be convenient for graduate
students who are on the other campuses. Therefore, the participants wished that there was a
prayer room in the more parts of the campus, as well as within those schools that are far from the
70

prayer room located in the Religious Center. Bayan whose classes met at a location far from the
Religious Center had the following to say
It’s pretty hard on campus. I’m on WIC campus and there are really no spots to pray. I
work in lab on the West side. There are wellness rooms and I sometimes use them but
having no dedicated space like they do [at the religious center], makes it very hard.
Mukhayo, a 28-year-old graduate student who was born and raised in Uzbekistan, came
to the United States on a student visa in 2017. She considered herself as a conservative person
and stated that, when it came to choosing between her desire and her religion, she chose her
religion. She stressed that her classmates and professors were very supportive of her praying at
the school. She added that while she appreciated this support from the Law School community,
this school is far from the Religious Center where she would feel comfortable having a private
space to pray. She said the following: “I would appreciate it if they had a prayer room for law
students as well in the building, since like prayer room is far away. That Muslim prayer room is
like far away from law school.”
Overall, the findings here suggest that the insufficient number of prayer rooms on the
university campus was one of the challenges the female Muslim students in this study faced. As
the time of data collection, there was only one prayer room on the main campus, this room was
far from some of the participants’ departments. Therefore, the participants wished that there
would be more prayer rooms in more parts of the campus.
No Significant Difficulties Faced by the Participants
Some of the participants reported no significant difficulties in practicing their religious
beliefs. In fact, six of them reported having access to the necessary accommodations for Muslim
students’ religious practices. When asked if they faced possible difficulties when praying on the
71

campus, Fatima explained this: “No, not really. I like the prayer space. They have everything, I
like it, they have what to wear and everything.” Bayan agreed by saying this: “There is a prayer
room which is the most important thing during the day.” Anood also stated that she had not faced
any difficulties in practicing her religion on the campus. She explained this: “Thankfully, I’m in
my apartment with my twin sister only, so like I can feel like free to pray or do whatever I want
and also there’s like a prayer room on campus, it’s very convenient.” Saeima discussed living in
an inclusive and welcoming context and stated the following: “I mean, California in general is a
liberal state and I think United University has a good mix of both opinions, so I have never faced
any issues on campus.” Zeynep agreed and asserted this: “I’ve been made to feel like I have it
easier here in LA because almost everyone is a minority.”
Finding a Healthy Balance Between Coursework and Religious Practice
For many of the participants, prayer times and class times often overlapped. Therefore,
the participants also reported facing difficulty finding a healthy balance between coursework and
religious practice. For example, Arshmah explained the following: “It can be definitely difficult
to pray as much or be able to recite the Qu’ran just like finding time. … I usually have to just
skip my prayers.” Ghadeer was a 24-year-old graduate student who was on a student visa and
came to the United States in January 2022. She is from the UAE where her family lived at the
time of data collection. She added the following:
I think it’s not been that difficult but like in terms of you know like scheduling your
classes around prayer times because it’s like I try to pray five times a day but sometimes
like I have a class that’s like at night, it overlaps with the time of prayer, and I cannot
pray on time.
72

After reflecting on the difficulties that the participants faced on their campus, they
provided concrete examples of a lack understanding about the religion of Islam, Muslim
traditions and culture, as well as Muslim-specific religious accommodations such as dietary
needs, prayer space, and a balance between their class schedules and religious practice. Some of
the participants reported a lack of strong community among Muslim students on their college
campus. For example, Fatima said that she did not interact with many non-Muslim students
unless it was for schoolwork or going to a café. She asserted the following:
I expected people to be more open-minded, but I don’t feel like I will be treated the same,
so I keep things [to] myself. I can tell how their behavior changes towards me.
Unfortunately, I just realized you cannot fully have full social interaction with non-
Muslim people. … Not to the deepest level, unless you find someone who’s really, really
understanding.
Nevertheless, the participants reported some degree of satisfaction and positive
experiences on their campus spaces with regard to their religious practice. For instance, Fatima
addressed non-Muslims’ understanding of the Muslim faith and traditions and stated the
following: “I had a teacher before, and he said like Ramadan Mubarak, and then people who are
not Muslim, most of them started saying Ramadan Mubarak.” Anood stated that having strong
ties among Muslim students on college campuses is essential and said the following:
The Muslim Student Organization here in the university. sometimes do these hiking
activities and stuff, and I feel like it’s really nice to connect with these fellow Muslim
students from time to time. It feels more like home, you know.
Anood also praised the strong support provided by the colleges by saying this: “I feel like
the environment here at United University so far has been as I expect, like it’s been very
73

welcoming. And I was able to go to many events and make new friends, you know.” Arshmah
reported a similar perception: “At United university, there’s clubs I was able to meet more
Muslim.”
The participants also faced difficulty finding a healthy balance between their coursework
schedule and religious practice. They sometimes had to skip their prayer because they prayer
time and class time tended to overlap. The participants also reported a lack understanding about
the religion of Islam which included misperceptions such as unsatisfactory accommodations like
dietary needs, prayer space, and a balance between prayers times and class times. However, the
participants reported some positive experiences on their campus spaces, as well such as non-
Muslims’ understanding of Muslim traditions and having strong ties among Muslim students.
Support From Other Muslim and non-Muslim Students
Mukhayo claimed that she received strong support from her classmates: “my non-Muslim
friends, I mean classmates, they are so supportive when I pray.” Similarly, Zeynep felt welcomed
by her peers and stated that, while there were differences between her and her non-Muslim
friends, she felt that these differences were quite normal. She added the following: “I can wear
my headscarf and it’s completely normal, and no one gives me weird looks for it, it’s been great
especially comparing to Turkey.” Fatima stated that 70% of her friends at the university were
Muslims, and she found them through the MSN and MENASA, two Muslim students
associations on the United University campus. She mentioned the following: “I made friends
through MSU, the Muslim community. … That’s the only way I made Muslim friends.” Bayan
agreed and said the following: “Initially when we first came to campus, we found out about this
Muslim Student Union. So, we went to their first event, and that’s where we met some people
and they made us more comfortable.”
74

Overall, some of the participants in this study stated that while there were differences
between them and their non-Muslim friends, they were not bothered by these differences. Also,
Muslim students’ associations were reported to be very helpful, especially in helping the
participants with meeting other Muslim students and making friends with them.
Being Considered an Insider or Outsider on the College Campuses
When discussing whether they felt like an insider or an outsider, the participants touched
on the issue of wearing or not wearing hijab and how it contributed to how the participants’
appearance was perceived on the campus. For example, Anood said the following: “Maybe part
of the reason is I don’t wear hijab [now], like I’m not identifiable as a Muslim.” She added this:
“Last time when I was in the United States, like the last two times, I was wearing my hijab, and I
did get some judgments from people.” Arshmah, stated that the diversity on her college campus
had helped her feel like an insider: “I feel like the campus is very diverse and inclusive, so I do
feel like the insider.” Anood agreed and highlighted the diversity within her friend circle: “Yeah,
I do have a couple of non-Muslim classmates and a group of Indians friends, and I don’t think
there is any [prejudice]. … Uh, like I wouldn’t say that I treat them differently [or they treat me
differently].”
However, when addressing the negative attention that made the participants feel like an
outsider, Fatima asserted the following:
You feel the attention [and] I try to avoid [it]. … People sometimes ask about religion,
and you have to tell them you are Muslim, but if they don’t, I just don’t tell them that I’m
a Muslim. … Sometimes you know they change their perception about you.
Similarly, Ghadeer said the following: “I think in terms of being a foreigner or
international, you will always feel like you’re an outsider like irrespective of our religion.”
75

Zeynep shared that she felt more of an outsider because she was a married graduate student. She
provided the following explanation:
I don’t feel much of an insider because I feel like the insiders are usually undergrads
because those are living the real college experience and, in my case, I also feel like an
outsider, because I’m one of the few people that is married so I can’t participate in single
people activities like parties or birthdays.
While the diversity on the participants’ campus helped some of them to feel like an
insider, some others reported feeling like an outsider. However, none of the participants reported
being an outsider due to being Muslim. In fact, some participants reported being an outsider due
to being a foreigner or international, regardless of being Muslim. One participant also reported
the feeling of an outsider due to being a married graduate student.
How Muslim Students Are Collectively Perceived in the United States
Several of the participants stressed the importance of improved education for the
American public about Muslims and Islam. For example, Fatima discussed the general education
about Islam among the United States public in the following: “Many associate Islam with
extremism. Obviously, that is not the case.” Moreover, she stated that education about
pronouncing Muslim names correctly is important: “Maybe my name is complicated for people
to pronounce. … Like every time I tell someone my name, it is like none of them have heard it.”
Similarly, Saeima mentioned the importance of educating the United States public about the
status of women in Muslim countries:
My family, especially like the women, oftentimes had more property than their husband
or more education. … The assumption is that, as if, like you know, my family is
76

uneducated like the assumption is that my family is allocated and I’m the first person
coming to college.
Regarding better accommodations by her university, Zeynep reportedly expected United
University to provide more accommodations for Muslim students in terms of dietary options. She
provided the following explanation:
In school in general one of my biggest issues is food, I can’t find much vegan options.
There are many schools that have halal options, that would be great. In terms of dietary
reasons, I wish there would be more things that would accommodate for Muslim
students.
Overall, the participants reported the need for improved education among the American
public about Muslims and Islam. The dominant false perceptions which associate Islam with
extremism highlighted the importance of improved education about Islam, education about
pronouncing Muslim names, better understanding of Muslim values and traditions, and the
necessary accommodations.
The Participants’ Methods of Dealing with Negative Perceptions
In dealing with negative public perceptions, some of the participants avoided answering
questions about their religion. For example, regarding halal food, Fatima said the following: “I
just say. … I don’t eat meat and that’s it. … I don’t tell them [anything more].” She added that
she sometimes felt uncomfortable about sharing that she was a Muslim. This way, she avoided
having to explain her religious practice in a follow-up conversation about her faith and rituals.
She stated the following: “You have to explain yourself a lot to the society. … And also, not to
mention that when people hear you are Muslim, they think you are probably from a third-world
country.” She continued by saying this: “I don’t feel comfortable talking about my religion. Even
77

in Ramadan that is coming soon, and I will fast, I am not going to be full energy, but I am not
sure if they understand and expect that.”
The findings suggest that there was a lack of proper understanding about the participants’
Muslim identity. Ghadeer explained the following: “Here … people are very cautious when they
deal with me like they’re scared of saying something that’s going to be offensive. … Most
people just rather not talk to me at all.” The participants were also careful with their conduct in
social interactions. Arshmah explained the following to discuss her conduct in such situations:
There’s a lot of uncertainty out there, like in every situation, so I think I feel like I have to
be in control and responsible for my own actions. To make sure like nothing ever
happens that could be discriminatory or anything like that.
Maintaining physical distance with those from the opposite gender was yet another aspect
that the participating Muslim women had to keep in mind when interacting with others. Fatima
asserted the following: “Sometimes I feel like not doing that [hugging male friends], but you
know they don’t know. … It’s kind of awkward.”
Overall, some participants had to change the way they dressed in order to blend in and
smooth out their social interactions. Arshmah provided the following explanation: “My friend
wanted to show more skin or something, and then I was going to the gym all dressed up with like
a full sleeve shirt … It could get a little bit awkward in that situation too.” Ghadeer agreed and
said this: “I sometimes don’t wear hijab. For me like I don’t want to draw any attention to me,
like I want to blend in.”
In order to avoid negative public perceptions, the participants highlighted the pressure of
either having to extensively explain themselves to the public or avoiding answering questions
altogether. Lack of proper understanding about their Muslim identity also caused the participants
78

to be very careful in their conduct when having social interactions. Due to the existence of a lot
of uncertainty about Muslims and Islam, the participants needed to be cautious, so that their
actions were not perceived as discriminatory. They sometimes even had to change the way they
dressed in order to blend in when having social interactions with others.
Summary of Findings
This chapter presented the findings based on the data collected for this study. This was
followed by a detailed analysis and discussion of the answers to the research questions based on
how these questions had been established in the literature presented here. It is clear that the
female Muslim immigrant students who participated in the study faced several challenges on
their American university campus. It is also clear that American education system including the
university should provide Muslim female immigrant students with more accommodations and
educate the general students body, faculty, and staff about the culture and traditions of Islam.
The participants also reported differences between their home counties and the United States. For
example, lack of understanding about the Muslim faith, traditions, and dietary restrictions, as
well as an insufficient number of prayer rooms on campus spaces were instances of the
participants’ negative experiences which require more religious accommodations and improved
education among the American public and in campus spaces.
79

Chapter Five: Discussion
University experiences are crucial for shaping students’ religious identities, especially as
this time is often described as a space of transformation for young students (D’Emilio, 1992;
McDermott, 2010). The purpose of this study was to understand how Muslim female immigrant
students navigate social interactions and negotiate their perceptions of self as college students.
The research questions guiding the investigation were focused on how these students negotiated
their religious identities and socialized on campus spaces in American higher education system.
To best understand the participants’ lived college experiences, it was ideal to explore their
personal backgrounds, ongoing experiences, their views about themselves and others, and other
contextual elements that had the potential to influence their religious identity and the negotiation
of these identities. After the participants shared their stories, this project sought to make sense of
how they described the influence of their social interactions in and out of the classroom during
their college matriculation. Qualitative data analysis revealed four themes related to the
participants’ religious identities and their college experiences.
This chapter presents an overview of the study’s relevant findings and their link to the
research questions and the available literature on the religious identity of Muslim female
immigrant students. After the discussion of the findings, the implications for practice are
provided while focusing on the impact of multicultural campus awareness and student
engagement on Muslim female immigrant students’ religious identity and identity negotiation.
The final section offers practical recommendation and future research directions.
Discussion of Findings
Although Muslim students originate from different countries with unique cultural and
linguistic traditions, a common religious tradition, Islam, and common perceptions of these
80

students as foreign or racially different can lead to these students’ shared experience as being
perceived as minoritized (Sirin & Fine, 2008, as cited in Tummala-Narra & Claudius, 2013). The
findings in the current project illustrate the similarities and differences among Muslim female
immigrant students’ perceptions of their college experiences and religious identities, and provide
a number of new perspectives and understandings of the nature of the religious identity of
Muslim female immigrant students. After thoroughly analyzing the data, four significant themes
emerged: (a) differences between the participants’ home countries and the United States; (b)
reported positive and negative experiences; (c) perceptions of being considered an insider or
outsider on the college campuses; (d) public perceptions about Muslim students in the United
States. The findings suggest that the participants were attempting to fit into the world around
them and they constantly navigated their interpersonal relationships. The participating Muslim
female immigrant students used a religious interpretative lens to make meaning of their
interactions with others and a sense of belonging; yet interestingly, these Muslim female
immigrant students used their individualized lens in order to understand the world around them
and on their American college campus.
The first finding that emerged from the data was the reported differences between the
participants’ home countries and the United States. In fact, most participants reported several
advantages associated with living in their home countries compared to the United States. These
advantages included the availability of halal food options, availability of religious
accommodations, availability of facilities for Muslim rituals, and availability of sociocultural
support in their home countries. On the other hand, some participants reported having more
freedoms in the United States compared to their home countries. One participant from Turkey,
for example, reported that she felt very liberated in the United States and experienced certain
81

freedoms, including having the freedom to wear Hijab without being discriminated against,
unlike her own hometown in Turkey. Also, four participants mentioned experiencing the
freedoms associated with living in the United States, as they had the freedom to wear what they
desired, whereas back home, they had to wear traditional clothes and a headscarf. Therefore,
some of the Muslim student participants seemed to experience more freedoms in the US, as they
were not forced to make certain decisions that would be imposed on them by their families or
society in their home country. In a similar vein, Mcdermott-Levy (2011) maintained that
studying in the United States allowed the women to experience the world without the security
and insulation of their families. These women learned to make independent judgments about
people.
The second theme that emerged from the data was the participants’ reported positive and
negative experiences on their college campuses. This finding was supported by the literature
such as the work by Eliasi and Dwyer (2002), Cole and Ahmadi, (2003) and Wedding et al.,
(2009) as cited in Tummala-Narra and Claudius (2013). The majority of the participants in the
current project reported a lack of understanding about the Muslim faith and traditions. These
Muslim female immigrant students experienced difficulties in social events whenever there was
alcohol and drinking involved. According to Islam, alcohol is haram or forbidden. Furthermore,
since Muslims only eat halal food, some of the participants experienced frustration by being
constantly questioned by non-Muslim students about why they consume certain foods and why
they avoid eating non-halal meat.
The participants also reported a lack of strong community among Muslim students on
college campuses and stated that they could not have full social interactions with non-Muslims,
unless they found someone who is really understanding of their religious identity, faith and
82

religious practices. This finding is in contract with some studies in the literature. For example, in
a study by Taufik (2018), Muslim Indonesian American students seemed very pleased with the
support they receive from their college.
The undergraduate students in the current study were generally satisfied with the
availability of a prayer room on their campus. However, graduate students whose school was far
from the prayer room reported difficulty in practicing their religion. Graduate students whose
schools were far from the main campus reported a lack of available prayer rooms in their specific
departments or schools which sometimes caused them to skip their daily prayers. They stated
that they would appreciate having access to a prayer room for graduate students in all the
buildings. Also, since Muslims pray five times a day, the participants’ prayer times sometime
overlapped with their class schedule, so they found it difficult to organize their classes around
prayer times. Similarly, in a study by Cerbo (2010), Muslim female students indicated that a
dedicated prayer room and women-only gym hours would be great additions to their university
campus.
Muslim students may also need to deal with a lack of familiarity with or respect for their
religious practices or even face anti-Muslim sentiments on ctheir ollege campuses (Cole &
Ahmadi, 2003; Wedding et al., 2009 as cited in Tummala-Narra and Claudius, 2013, p. 134).
While the students in this study encountered some conflicts while embodying multiple identities
in spaces in American higher education, many also welcomed the diverse culture of their
university. As noted by Berzonsky et al. (2013), there are reliable stylistic differences in the
social-cognitive strategies individuals use to construct, preserve, and/or reconstruct a sense of
identity. While the current study shows differences among the participants’ viewpoints and self-
concepts, it also points to more similarities than differences in terms of the participants’
83

reflections and interpretation of them in their social interactions and college experiences in the
United States. Furthermore, as the participating Muslim female immigrant students had different
social interactions and college experiences, their religious identity impacted their psychological
functioning over time. As participants were trying to create dynamic relationships with their
peers, they were confronted with ethnic, cultural and religious challenges at the same time. They
made different choices and interacted with their peers in culturally similar and dissimilar ways.
The second theme also reflects several positive experiences reported by the participants
about their college campuses. Although the participants faced some challenges on their campus
spaces, they also reported some instances of positive experiences such as non-Muslims’
understanding of the Muslim faith and traditions, welcoming environment, and strong support
from Muslim Student Organization clubs on their campus. Some of the participants also found it
very convenient to perform their prayers in the prayer room which is located on the main
campus. Similar studies have shown that a caring and supportive environment is essential for
women students’ successful educational attainment (Parker, 2008). In a research study on
Muslim Omani students in the United States, Mcdermott-Levy (2011) concluded that most
Americans did not pay much attention to Muslim women’s activities which afforded these
women a sense of freedom that they did not experience in Oman. These women found out that
they could go out publicly without a companion and no one would comment on the activities in
which they participated. To them, it was exciting to engage in playful activities such as wearing
hats in public. In Oman, it is not acceptable for women to participate in activities in public that
might draw attention to them.
Furthermore, the second theme stressed the importance of the facilities that can help
Muslim students build communities both inside and outside of their college campuses.
84

Specifically, the Muslim female immigrant undergraduate students of this study found MSN and
MENASA to be very helpful in finding Muslim friends. However, two graduate students
expressed their unwillingness to attend the events held by those centers, since most of the
members were undergraduate students. As institutions work to ensure that their students have
positive learning experiences, the role of the institution’s own culture as a means of explaining
student behavior is often overlooked. In fact, student accomplishments are impacted by the
culture of the institutions they attend as the learning environment created by the institutions’
cultures has a strong impact on students’ confidence and their academic performance (Neff &
Underwood, 1990, as cited in Parker, 2008).
The third identified theme reports on the Muslim students’ experiences of being an
insider or outsider on the college campus. On the one hand, some of the participants felt like
being an outsider on their college campus. They stated that they could not participate in activities
like parties or birthdays because there was alcohol and non-halal meat involved. Therefore, they
had to come up with several strategies to hide the real behind their lack of participation, because
the perception of people towards them might have changed if they had realized these students’
real intentions. Similarly, Tummala-Narra and Claudius (2013) found that Muslim international
students may experience additional types of acculturative stress, when considering both religious
and cultural differences across cultures of origin and mainstream context and the reception of
Muslim international students in college campuses in the United States. In a study by Tummala-
Narra and Claudius (2013), the participants reported that Americans knew little about their
religious and cultural practices, and that most Americans were unaware that Muslim women do
not have physical contact with nonrelated men. On the other hand, some of the participants in the
85

current project expressed feeling like an insider due to the welcoming and diverse campus
environment.
The fourth theme in the data demonstrated how Muslim students were perceived in the
United States. by the general public, including the perceptions toward the participants by others
on the college campuses. This theme also reported on the differences and similarities among the
participants’ perceptions regarding their religious identities and negotiation of these identities on
college campuses. For example, needing to explain one’s religious beliefs to non-Muslims, as
well as maintaining physical distance with those from the opposite gender, were instances of the
challenges caused by others. On the other hand, lack of self-esteem and fasting during Ramadan
were instances of challenges caused by the participants’ own religious practice.
The fourth theme also reported a need for change in the dominant perceptions toward
Muslim students in the United States. For example, four participants stated that they expected
improved education and awareness among the American public about Muslim people. One
participant stated that many American people associate Islam with extremism, which obviously
is not the case. Therefore, the participants preferred general education about Islam to be
improved among the American public. One participant also expressed her expectation about
raising people’s awareness about pronouncing Muslim names correctly. Furthermore, the
participants voiced their expectation of the university to provide more accommodations for
Muslim students in terms of dietary options. In a study by Mcdermott-Levy (2011), there were
two reports in which the Omani women who wore hijab felt personally threatened by an
American. Both instances involved the women in a public off-campus setting. The Omani
women had never heard negative sentiments about Muslims before, and this instance made them
feel afraid and uncomfortable. They blamed the American media for not providing an accurate
86

representation of Muslims, Muslim practices, and the Arab world by only reporting negative
things about Muslims and “ladies who cover.”
Furthermore, the fourth theme discussed the difficulties faced by the participants outside
their college campuses. As Almontaser (2018) maintain, Muslim students are often portrayed and
thus perceived in stereotypical ways often leading to their perception as a foreign “other” rather
than in light of their academic and professional identities. Similarly, the participants of the
current study reported misperceptions about them simply because of their appearance, clothing,
or name. Also, the involvement of non-halal foods and/or alcoholic drinks in parties and
gatherings was another aspect of life in the United States that they felt pressured about.
Therefore, most of them were not willing to have much interaction with non-Muslim people off-
campus. One participant also reported constraints in her place of living.
Overall, some Muslim female immigrant students in this study stated that they felt more
comfortable practicing their religion in their home country. However, one participant who was
born and raised in Turkey stated that Muslim women had more freedom in terms of wearing
hijab and going to mosque in the United States compared to her home country. Based on what
she mentioned, hijab was not allowed in their country in the past and women were forced to take
off their hijab. However, this was not the case in the United States, which had afforded her more
freedoms. Although people are allowed to wear Hijab in Turkey nowadays, this participant
maintained that the stigma still exists, and some people were looking down on her for wearing
hijab in her hometown. She expressed that she had found it challenging and felt discriminated
against in her home country, whereas she did not feel this way in the United States at all. Also,
there were no allocated places for women in the mosques in this participant’s home country,
whereas such allocated spaces can be found in mosques or university prayers rooms in the
87

United States. In a study by Mcdermott-Levy (2011), one Muslim woman reported that she
enjoyed the independence and freedom of not being “over-protected.” Life in the United States
was described as “easy” because the women did not need to wait to be accompanied by a
companion, and public transportation was widely accessible (Mcdermott-Levy, 2011).
The current study mainly drew upon the MRSCC conceptual framework developed by
Cole et al. (2020). The MRSCC framework acknowledges that external and internal forces are
affecting the capacity of an institution to accommodate religious differences and foster a
positive, welcoming learning environment for all students. The degree of compositional religious
diversity within an institution is discussed in the Dimension 2 of the MRSCC framework (Cole
et al., 2020). As this study reveals, religious diversity among students influences how they
experience campus spaces. According to Cole et al. (2020), Dimension 3 consists of the
perceptions and attitudes regarding the MRSCC. Dimension 4 is the informal and formal inter-
religious interactions among individuals and groups. The participants of this study reported
positive and negative experiences caused by their informal interactions with their non-Muslim
friends, as well as formal interactions with faculty and staff. The extent to which the
organizational and structural aspects of an institution facilitate or support religious and spiritual
diversity is discussed in Dimension 5. The organizational dimension refers to campus policies, as
well as allocation of resources that may or may not support religious and spiritual diversity. As
the present study reveals, the participating female Muslim students reported negative experiences
due to the lack of halal foods on their campus, as well as how their appearance, may impact their
interactions. This study also demonstrated the participating female Muslim students’
dissatisfaction about not being able to follow their prayer practices due to the overlap of their
classes with the prayer time, which can be resolved by adjusting schedules.
88

Implications for Practice
This study reveals how the MRSCC’s 5 dimensions can be used to support Muslim
female immigrant students. In particular, MRSCC’s Dimensions 3, 4, and 5 can be utilized by
institutions of higher education in supporting Muslim students in general, and Muslim female
immigrants in particular. Dimension 3 consists of the perceptions and attitudes, and the majority
of the participant in this study had experienced both positive and negative experiences which
institutions of higher education in the United States should address. Dimension 4 of the MRSCC
is the informal and formal inter-religious interactions among individuals and groups, and this
was illustrated by the participants’ interactions inside and outside of the Muslim community.
Finally, Dimension 5 is the extent to which the organizational and structural aspects of an
institution facilitate or support religious and spiritual diversity. This organizational and structural
dimension refers to campus policies governing students, faculty, curricula, and allocation of
resources that may or may not support religious and spiritual diversity. Almost all of the
participants in the present study expressed their wish that university would have more
accommodations for Muslim students in terms of dietary options. They expected the university to
provide more halal food options to accommodate Muslim students. Considering the high number
of Muslim immigrant students in the United States, the campus climate is expected to be more
welcoming, and providing Muslim students with a safe place is vital for the healthy development
of Muslim immigrant female students.
The participants in this study reported that they sometimes preferred to hide their
religious identity because they felt being questioned excessively. This shows that colleges must
do more to educate faculty, staff, and students about Muslim traditions and norms. This can
include general education about Islam, education about pronouncing Muslim names correctly,
89

education about the status of women in Muslim countries, education about the housing system,
and education about practical constraints in one’s place of living.
Future Research
The general focus of this research was on exploring non-United States-born Muslim
female immigrant students’ identities in American higher education system. These participants
were different countries of origin and various ages. In addition, this study examined how these
students negotiated and socialized within academic contexts and what their perception of self-
identity was. The study objectives were achieved by investigating the lived experiences of these
Muslim female immigrant students regarding their religious identities in American higher
education system.
The current study has several limitations that should be taken into consideration and
interpretation of the findings. First, all of the participants were selected from a private university
that has higher tuition rates compared to public universities. Therefore, the participants in this
study were able to afford the tuition and were probably from middle to upper-middle class
families. Therefore, the findings of this study might not effectively describe Muslim female
immigrant students enrolled in other institutions. Therefore, it is important for readers to be
cautious in considering the transferability of this study’s findings to lower socioeconomic status
students. In addition, this study’s focus was on Muslim female immigrant women who have not
completed their degrees yet, so Muslim female immigrant women who have graduated from
universities might have different experiences.
With this study’s being on Muslim female immigrant students, several areas warrant
attention. Future research should include studies with more various methodologies to explore
how the campus climate can provide more accommodations for Muslim students in terms of
90

dietary options. Future studies could also investigate how to educate the college campus
population, as part of the American society, about Muslim cultures, norms, and traditions. Some
of the participants in this study also felt like the other people’s perception towards them changed
after they shared their true religious identities with them. Such feelings usually led these
participants to feel either like an insider or an outsider. Therefore, a future study which explore
the (in)congruency of Muslim students’ perceptions within a larger student body can provide
valuable insights in this area of research.
Conclusions
This study was designed to present a better understanding about Muslim female
immigrant students’ college experiences on campus spaces in American higher education system.
It also aimed to explore how these Muslim students negotiated their identities on their college
campuses and, in doing so, provided insights for higher education professionals to appropriately
support Muslim students in their campus communities. By identifying the elements of
institutional culture, which may be associated with Muslim female students’ religious identity
expression and perceptions of their college experiences, and by revealing the negative and
positive aspects these elements have on Muslim female students’ perceptions, schools of higher
education may profit from this study and its results. By learning more about Muslim students’
viewpoints and reflections, American colleges can develop and implement new accommodations
and policies in serving their students better. It is thus hoped that an increased understanding of
these elements may lead to the development of novel policies and procedures that would increase
Muslim women’s higher education satisfaction and academic attainment, accordingly. With
structures in place, effective education and campus systems can be developed, and the interplay
91

between the campus structures and systems can produce a campus-wide culture which can
effectively embrace the needs and religious identities of Muslim female immigrant students.
92

References
Abes, Jones, S. R., & McEwen, M. K. (2007). Reconceptualizing the Model of Multiple
Dimensions of Identity: The Role of Meaning-Making Capacity in the Construction of
Multiple Identities. Journal of College Student Development, 48(1), 1–22.
https://doi.org/10.1353/csd.2007.0000
Ahmadi, S., Cole, D., & Lee, B. (2019). Engaging religious minority students. In S. J. Quaye, S.
R. Harper, & S. L. Pendakur (Eds.), Student engagement in higher education: Theoretical
perspectives and practical approaches for diverse populations (pp. 190–211). Routledge.
Al-deen. (2019). Agency in action: young Muslim women and negotiating higher education in
Australia. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 40(5), 598–613.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2019.1576120
Ali AI. (2013). A threat enfleshed: Muslim college students situate their identities amidst
portrayals of Muslim violence and terror. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in
Education, 27(10), 1243–1261. https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2013.820860
Almontaser, D. (2018). Leading while Muslim: The experiences of American Muslim principals
after 9/11. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Altbach, P. G. (2004). Globalisation and the university: Myths and realities in an unequal
world. Tertiary Education and Management, 10(1), 3–25.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13583883.2004.9967114
Ameen, U. (2012). Social and political climates’ influence on Muslim American students’
intersectional identity (Order No. 1521572). Available from ProQuest Dissertations &
Theses Global; Publicly Available Content Database.
93

https://utk.idm.oclc.org/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/dissertations-theses/social-
political-climates-influence-on-muslim/docview/1223498280/se-2.
Anderson, D. L. (2020). Muslim international students in the United States: A phenomenological
inquiry into the experience of identities. Journal of International Students, 10(2), 320–
338. https://doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i2.965
Arar, K., Masry-Harzalla, A., & Haj-Yehia, K. (2013). Higher education for Palestinian Muslim
female students in Israel and Jordan: Migration and identity formation. Cambridge
Journal of Education, 43(1), 51–67. https://doi.org/10.1080/0305764X.2012.749391
Ashmore, R. D., Deaux, K., & McLaughlin-Volpe, T. (2004). An organizing framework for
collective identity: Articulation and significance of multidimensionality. Psychological
Bulletin, 130, 80–114. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.130.1.80
Barkdull, C., Khaja, K., Queiro-Tajalli, I., Swart, A., Cunningham, D., & Dennis, S. (2011).
Experiences of Muslims in four Western countries Post-9/11. Affilia, 26(2), 139–153.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0886109911405491
Berry, J. W. (1998). Intercultural relations in plural societies. Canadian Psychology, 40, 12–21.
https://doi.org/10.1037/h0086823
Berzonsky, M. D., & Kuk, L. S. (2000). Identity status, identity processing style, and the
transition to university. Journal of Adolescent Research, 15 (1), 81–98.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558400151005
Berzonsky, M.D., Soenens, B., Luyckx, K., Smits I., Papini D. R., & Goossens L. (2013).
Development and validation of the revised Identity Style Inventory (ISI-5): Factor
structure, reliability, and validity. Psychological Assessment, 25(3), 893–904.
https://doi.org/10.1037/a0032642
94

Blumer, H. (1969). Fashion: From class differentiation to collective selection. The Sociological
Quarterly, 10(3), 275–291. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1969.tb01292.x
Bryant, A. N., Wickliffe, K., Mayhew, M. J., & Behringer, L. B. (2009). Developing an
assessment of college students’ spiritual experiences: The collegiate religious and
spiritual climate survey. Journal of College and Character, 10(6), 1–10.
https://doi.org/10.2202/1940-1639.1452
Carey, R. L., Yee, L. S., & DeMatthews, D. (2018). Power, penalty, and critical praxis:
Employing intersectionality in educator practices to achieve school equity. The
Educational Forum, 82(1), 111–130. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131725.2018.1381793
Cerbo, T. (2010). Muslim undergraduate women: A phenomenological inquiry into the lived
experience of identity development [Unpublished doctoral dissertation]. North Carolina
State University.
Cole, D., & Ahmadi, S. (2003). Perspectives and experiences of Muslim women who veil on
college campuses. Journal of College Student Development, 44(1), 47–66.
https://doi.org/10.1353/csd.2003.0002
Cole, D., & Ahmadi, S. (2010). Reconsidering campus diversity: An examination of Muslim
students’ experiences. The Journal of Higher Education, 81(2), 121–139.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00221546.2010.11779045
Cole, D., & Ahmadi, S. (2020). Islamophobia in higher education. Stylus Publishing, LLC.
Cole, D., Ahmadi, S., & Sanchez, M. E. (2020). Examining Muslim student experiences with
campus insensitivity, coercion, and negative interworldview engagement. Journal of
College and Character, 21(4), 301–314.
https://doi.org/10.1080/2194587X.2020.1822880
95

Cole, D. G., & Espinoza, A. (2009). When gender is considered: Racial ethnic minority students
in STEM majors. Journal of Women and Minorities in Science and Engineering, 15(3),
263–277. https://doi.org/10.1615/JWomenMinorScienEng.v15.i3.50
Creswell, J. W. (2014). A concise introduction to mixed methods research. Sage Publications.
Cultura Atlas (2022). https://culturalatlas.sbs.com.au/bangladeshi-culture/bangladeshi-culture-
religion.
Dunne M., Durrani N., Fincham K., & Crossouard B. (2017). Troubling Muslim youth identities
nation, religion, gender (1
st
ed.). Palgrave Macmillan.
Eliasi J. R., & Dwyer J. T. (2002). Kosher and halal: Religious observances affecting dietary
intakes. Journal of the American Dietetic Association, 102(7), 911–913.
https://doi.org/10.1016/S0002-8223(02)90203-8
Falconer, E., & Taylor, Y. (2017). Negotiating queer and religious identities in higher education:
Queering ‘progression’ in the ‘university experience’. British Journal of Sociology of
Education, 38(6), 782–797. https://doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2016.1182008
Fowler, J. W. (1981). Stages of faith: The psychology of human development and the quest for
meaning. Harper & Row.
Fuchs, M. M., & Fuchs, S. W. (2020). Religious minorities in Pakistan: Identities, citizenship
and social belonging, south Asia. Journal of South Asian Studies, 43(1), 52–67.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2020.1695075
Gao, F. (2018). Being ‘religious and cultural rebels’ or being ‘cultural hybrids’? The role of
identity capital in Muslim female university students’ self-construction. Gender and
Education, 30(8), 1032–1047. https://doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2017.1296112
96

Ghaffar-Kucher, A. (2012). The religification of Pakistani-American youth. American
Educational Research Journal, 49(1), 30–52. https://doi.org/10.3102/0002831211414858
Goffman, E. (1959). The moral career of the mental patient. Psychiatry, 22(2), 123–142.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00332747.1959.11023166
Gross, Z., Davies, L., Diab, A. K. (2013). Gender, religion and education in a chaotic
postmodern world (1
st
ed.). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5270-2
Haddad, Y. Y. (2001). Muslims in U.S. politics: Recognized and integrated, or seduced and
abandoned? SAIS Review, 21(2), 91–102. https://doi.org/10.1353/sais.2001.0041
Harris, A., & Leonardo, Z. (2018). Intersectionality, race-gender subordination, and education.
Review of Research in Education, 42(1), 1–27.
https://doi.org/10.3102/0091732X18759071
Hurtado, S., Milem, J., Clayton-Pedersen, A., & Allen, W. (1999). Enacting diverse learning
environments: Improving the climate for racial/ethnic diversity in higher education.
ERIC Digest.
Jones, L., Castellanos, J., & Cole, D. (2002). Examining the ethnic minority student experience
at predominantly White institutions: A case study. Journal of Hispanic Higher
Education, 1(1), 19–39. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192702001001003
Jones, S. R., & McEwen, M. K. (2000). A conceptual model of multiple dimensions of
identity. Journal of college student development, 41(4), 405–414.
International Religious Freedom Report (2018). United States Department of State. Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. https://www.state.gov/reports/2018-report-on-
international-religious-freedom/united-arab-emirates/.
97

Love, P. G. (2001). Spirituality and student development: Theoretical connections. New
Directions for Student Services, 95(1), 145–159. https://doi.org/10.1002/ss.18
Marcia, J. (1966). Development and validation of ego-identity status. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 3(5), 551–558. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0023281
Maxwell, J. A. (2013). Qualitative research design: An interactive approach (3
rd
ed.). Sage
Publications.
Mcdermott-Levy, R. (2011). Going alone: The lived experience of female Arab-Muslim nursing
students living and studying in the United States. Nursing Outlook, 59(5), 266–277.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.outlook.2011.02.006
Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self and society (Vol. 111). University of Chicago Press.
Milem, J. F., Chang, M. J., & Antonio, A. L. (2005). Making diversity work on campus: A
research-based perspective. Association American Colleges and Universities.
Mir, S. (2009). Not too “college-like,” not too normal: American Muslim undergraduate
women’s gendered discourses. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 40(3), 237–256.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1492.2009.01043.x
Mir, S. (2011). “Just to make sure people know I was born here”: Muslim women constructing
American selves. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education: PART 1:
Being Muslim: Education and Identities in Late Modern Multicultural Societies PART 2:
Theorising and Researching Policy Enactment in Schools, 32(4), 547–563.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2011.601552
Mir, S. (2014). Muslim American women on campus: Undergraduate social life and identity.
University of North Carolina Press.
98

Moore, J. R. (2009). Why religious education matters: The role of Islam in multicultural
education. Multicultural Perspectives, 11(3), 139–145.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15210960903116563
Mulyadin, T. (2018). Identity development among Muslim Indonesian-American college
students: A phenomenological study. IRJE (Indonesian Research Journal in Education),
2(1), 32–50.
Naderi, P., & Vossoughi N. (2017). Full veil ahead: The nexus of stigma, religious salience, and
collective self-esteem in the moral careers of young Muslim-American women. Michigan
Sociological Review, 31, 106–134.
Nash, K. (2001). The ‘cultural turn’ in social theory: Towards a theory of cultural
politics. Sociology, 35(1), 77–92. https://doi.org/10.1177/0038038501035001006
Nichols, S., & Stahl, G. (2019). Intersectionality in higher education research: A systematic
literature review. Higher Education Research & Development, 38(6), 1255–1268.
https://doi.org/10.1080/07294360.2019.1638348
Oplatka, I., & Tevel, T. (2006). Liberalization and revitalization: The choice and meaning of
higher education among Israeli female students in mid-life. Adult Education Quarterly,
571, 62–84. https://doi.org/10.1177/0741713606292153
Original Travel. (n.d.). https://www.originaltravel.co.uk/travel-guide/morocco/culture.
Orsuwan, M., & Cole, D. (2007). The moderating effects of race/ethnicity on the experience of
Asian American and Pacific Islander community college students. Asian American Policy
Review, 16, 61–85.
Parker, C. A. (2008). The possible impact of elements of institutional culture on women
students’ higher education attainment in Hawaii. Published online.
99

Pew Research Center (2018). https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/04/12/5-facts-about-
religion-in-saudi-
arabia/#:~:text=1%20Saudi%20Arabia%20has%20a,most%20Saudi%20Muslims%20are
%20Sunni.
Rockenbach, A. N., Mayhew, M. J., Bowman, N. A., Morin, S. M., & Riggers-Piehl, T. (2017).
An examination of non-Muslim college students’ attitudes toward Muslims. The Journal
of Higher Education, 88(4), 479–504. https://doi.org/10.1080/00221546.2016.1272329
Sheridan, L. P. (2016). Islamophobia pre– and post–September 11th, 2001. Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, 21(3), 317–336. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260505282885
Schwadel, P. (2017). The positives and negatives of higher education: How the religious context
in adolescence moderates the effects of education on changes in religiosity. Journal for
the Scientific Study of Religion, 56(4), 869–885. https://doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12486
Simmons, G. (2008). From Muslims in America to American Muslims. Journal of Islamic Law
& Culture, 10(3), 254–282. https://doi.org/10.1080/15288170802481145
Sirin, S. R., & Fine, M. (2008). Muslim American youth: Understanding hyphenated identities
through multiple methods. New York University Press.
Speck, B. W. (1997). Respect for religious differences: The case of Muslim students. New
Directions for Teaching and Learning, 70, 39–46. https://doi.org/10.1002/tl.7004
Taufik, M., (2018). Identity development among Muslim Indonesian-American college students:
A phenomenological study. IRJE (Indonesian Research Journal in Education), 2(1), 32–
50.
100

Tefera, A. A., Powers, J. M., & Fischman, G. E. (2018). Intersectionality in education: A
conceptual aspiration and research imperative. Review of Research in Education, 42(1),
vii–xvii. https://doi.org/10.3102/0091732X18768504
Topolewska-Siedzik, E., & Cieciuch, J. (2019). Modes of personal identity formation: A
preliminary picture from the lifespan perspective. Personality and Individual Differences,
138, 237–242. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2018.09.041
Tummala-Narra, P., & Claudius, M. (2013). A qualitative examination of Muslim graduate
international students’ experiences in the United States. International Perspectives in
Psychology: Research, Practice, Consultation, 2(2), 132–147.
https://doi.org/10.1037/ipp0000003
United States Department of State. (2018). International Religious Freedom Report for 2018.
Office of International Religious Freedom.
United States Department of State. (2020). International Religious Freedom Report for 2020.
Office of International Religious Freedom.
Weiner-Levy N. (2008). Universities as a meeting point with new academic knowledge, society
and culture: Cognitive and emotional transitions during higher education. Cambridge
Journal of Education, 38(4), 497–512. https://doi.org/10.1080/03057640802484740
Whitehead, M., Smith, M., Williams, B., & Mcdaniel, B. (2019). A document analysis
examining the experiences of Muslim college students at a public university in the U.S.
South. College Student Affairs Journal, 37(2), 199–213.
https://doi.org/10.1353/csj.2019.0015
101

Zakir, N., Waters, H. S., Levy, S, Waters, E., Robinson, J., & Ferguson, D. (2018). Mentoring
experiences among Muslim college students: The impact of rejection sensitivity and
attachment [Unpublished doctoral dissertation]. Stony Brook University.

102

Appendix A: Interview Protocol
1. What is your age? What is your family’s college background? When did you
immigrate to the United States? How about your family?
2. What is your religion? How religious, if at all, are you? If you are religious, what
difficulties, if any, have you faced in being able to practice your religion on campus?
3. What does it mean to you to be Muslim in your life outside of school? For example,
do you live in a neighborhood with other Muslims? Are most of your friends outside
of school Muslim?
4. Do you usually feel like an outsider or insider on your college campus? Have you run
into anyone telling you it is not okay or who has given you a hard time for being
religious?
5. Probe: If so, what kind of challenges do you experience for practicing your religion
on campus spaces?
6. How much of your friend group at school is Muslim? How did you find your friend
group here at school? For example, did you seek out a Muslim student group?
7. What, if anything, have you found to be different here in the United States as a
Muslim student than in your home country? In what ways, if any, do people treat you
differently than they did at home? What is it like for you to be a religious minority?
What ways, if any, does it lead to you being treated differently than other students?
8. Probe: If yes, would you explain that?
9. Have you ever had any professor and/or classmate who went out of their way to help
you? How, if at all, do you think your religion played a role in that experience?
103

10. Have you ever felt treated unfairly by a professor or classmate because of your
religion (unless that person knew your religion and treated you that way in relation to
religion)?
11. Think about the way you interact with non-Muslim women on campus. Tell me about
how you spend time with them. Think about a recent experience and describe it to
me. How, if at all, is your experience here as a Muslim female student different from
what you expected?
12. Overall, how do you make sense of your religious identity in relation to the dominant
religion/culture of the United States?
13. Is there anything that we have not talked about that we should have for me to
understand your experiences as a Muslim female student here at this university?

104

Appendix B: Information Sheet
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Version Date: March 24, 2022 – Information Sheet Page 1 of 2
UPIRB# UP-21-01063
INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
STUDY TITLE: Muslim Female Immigrant Students’ Identity Formation in U.S. Higher
Education
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Mehraein Mokhberi
FACULTY ADVISOR: Dr. Shafiqa Ahmadi
You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.
PURPOSE
In an effort to gain insights into how Muslim female immigrant students perceive and negotiate
their identities in U.S. higher education, this seeks to answer use the following research
questions:
• How do Muslim female immigrant students communicate their identities (their religious,
ethnic/racial, and gender identities) on campus spaces in American higher education?
• How do Muslim female immigrant students’ lived experiences inform their identities in
American higher education?
• What are Muslim female immigrant students’ perceptions of self-identity?
105

You are invited to take part in this study because you are a Muslim female immigrant student
who is currently enrolled at USC.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
You will also be asked for your permission to audio-record the interviews using a personal
digital device. You will also be informed that you can stop the audio-recording at any time
throughout the interview. You are also asked to read and sign the consent forms already provided
to you, keep one copy for you, and send one copy back to the researcher. Utilizing the interview
protocol, the interviews will begin after your agreement to complete the consent forms. The
interview will last about 45-60 minutes and you can stop the interview at any time. One-on-one
semi-structured interviews will be conducted in-person, on the phone, or virtually via Zoom or
Skype. Your name will not be used in any way that would be personally identifiable.
Pseudonyms (false names) that you choose at the beginning of the interview session will be used.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive $25 visa gift card for your time. You do not have to answer all the questions in
order to receive the card. The card will be given to you when you complete the interview
questionnaire.
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Version Date: March 24, 2022 – Information Sheet Page 2 of 2
UPIRB# UP-21-01063
CONFIDENTIALITY
The interviews will be conducted confidentially, and the findings will be reported anonymously
by choosing pseudonyms for you. The interviews will be conducted at a private location, on a
106

personal phone, or on a personal computer. For in-person interviews, a location in a public
location will be utilized. The interview data will also be stored on a personal digital device,
analyzed using password-protected personal computers, and stored in locked file cabinets. The
recordings will be saved on a personal hard drive without any identification cues, such as names
or ID numbers. The transcribed data will be securely stored using coding schemes. After the data
collection is completed and the data are securely stored, the original interviews will be
permanently deleted from the personal computers. The process will take between one-to-two
months. Also, only the researcher and her advisory committee at USC will have access to the
interview data.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Mehraein Mokhberi via phone at 213-
821-3041 or email at mmokhber@usc.edu.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.
Date: ________________
Participant Name: ____________________________________
Participant Signature: _________________________________

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, as Cole and Ahmadi (2010) note, Muslim students’ needs, interests, and challenges in North American universities have been addressed in a rather unsatisfactory fashion, primarily due to the lack of proper understanding of Muslim students in higher education. The current dissertation project, therefore, aimed to further investigate Muslim female immigrant students’ identities (their religious, ethnic/racial, and gender identities) on campus spaces in United States higher education, hoping to shed light on their perceptions of self-identity and lived experiences. Using purposive and snowball sampling methods, nine Muslim female immigrant participants living in the United States composed the sample of the study. The data were collected from a series of qualitative interviews which aimed to uncover the participants’ perceptions about their identity, as well as the factors which contributed to these identities. After analyzing the data, four significant themes emerged:
• differences between the participants’ home countries and the United States
• reported positive and negative experiences
• perceptions of being considered an insider or outsider on the college campuses
• public perceptions about Muslim students in the United States
The findings suggest that the participants were attempting to fit into the world around them and they constantly navigated their interpersonal relationships.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Diversity for whom? Institutional requisite for combating Islamophobia and the racialization of Muslim college students

PDF

Persistence of first-generation Latinx engineering students: developing a better understanding of STEM classroom experiences and faculty interactions

PDF

Balancing students' free speech rights with maintaining safe spaces and inclusive campus environments

PDF

Educators, experiences, and environment: exploring Doctor of Physical Therapy student perceived influences on professional identity formation

PDF

International student perceptions of threat in U.S. higher education

PDF

Innovative social support systems and the recruitment and retention of international students in U.S. higher education

PDF

Navigating transitions: experiences of female students from refugee backgrounds in higher education

PDF

Preparing student affairs administrators to support college students of color with mental health needs

PDF

Understanding the perceptions of Latine undocumented students' sense of belonging in higher education

PDF

Perceptions of inequality: racism, ethnic identity and student development for a master of education degree

PDF

Religious educational needs of Muslim Americans

PDF

Enumerating Black identity in higher education

PDF

CalWORKs’ role in increasing success among immigrant students

PDF

A legacy of resilience: the experiences of African-American female attorneys: a case study

PDF

Sense of belonging in college religious organizations

PDF

Whiteness: a narrative analysis on student affairs professionals, race, identity, and multicultural competency

PDF

Perceptions of college students with ADHD and their learning strategies

PDF

The Jim Crow scratch in the record of U.S. public administration: an explorative study using Bronfenbrenner's ecological model

PDF

Working-class social identity and sense of belonging in higher education: a mixed-methods study

PDF

Evaluating the effectiveness of global residence in improving resident cultural intelligence

Asset Metadata

Creator Mokhberi, Mehraein (author)

Core Title Expression of Muslim female immigrant students’ religious identity in U.S. higher education

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership

Degree Conferral Date 2022-12

Publication Date 12/14/2022

Defense Date 07/26/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag halal food,identity,intersectionality,Muslim identity,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Ahmadi, Shafiqa (committee chair), Cole, Darnell (committee member), Malloy, Courtney L. (committee member)

Creator Email mehr_mokhbery@yahoo.com,mmokhber@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC112620746

Unique identifier UC112620746

Identifier etd-MokhberiMe-11367.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-MokhberiMe-11367

Document Type Thesis

Format theses (aat)

Rights Mokhberi, Mehraein

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20221214-usctheses-batch-996 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu