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Racial/ethnic identity socialization as a method of fostering positive racial/ethnic identity in adoptees

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Racial/ethnic identity socialization as a method of fostering positive racial/ethnic identity in adoptees

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Content RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY SOCIALIZATION AS A METHOD OF
FOSTERING POSITIVE RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY IN
ADOPTEES
by
Keyondria Bunch
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
EDUCATION (COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGY)
May 2008
Copyright 2008Keyondria Bunch
ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
During the dissertation writing process and everything leading up to it, there
were many people offering their unwavering support. First and foremost, I would like to
acknowledge my committee members: Dr. Goodyear, Dr. Brooks, and Dr. Stone. I
would particularly like to acknowledge my chair, Dr. Goodyear, for all of his help,
mentorship, and many hours talking me through this process. I am grateful to Dr.
Brooks for allowing me the use of his dataset and providing me with guidance and
valuable advice along the way.
I owe thanks and gratitude to my family and friends, who have offered endless
support and encouragement throughout my graduate career. Their faith in me has meant
the world; and without their consistent reminders that I could and would finish, I do not
believe that I would have made it to this point. My partner deserves particular acknowl-
edgment, as it is he who has had to live with me through the ups and many downs of the
dissertation writing process; for that, I will always be grateful.
For everyone who has encouraged, guided, pushed, and struggled with me to get
to this point, I feel very blessed to have been surrounded by such love.
iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. ............................................ ii
LIST OF TABLES. .................................................. v
ABSTRACT........................................................ vi
Chapter 1: CONCEPTUAL AND EMPIRICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE
STUDY. ..................................................... 1
Racial/Ethnic Identity. .......................................... 5
Identity Development of Adoptees. ................................ 6
Purpose of the Study............................................ 8
Significance of the Problem. ..................................... 9
Foundational Theories of Identity Development.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Overview of R/E Identity. ....................................... 12
Models of R/E Identity Development.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Racial Socialization. ......................................... 21
Overview of Adjustment. ........................................ 30
R/E Identity and Adjustment. .................................. 30
Overview of Transracial Adoption. ................................ 32
Transracial Adoption and Adjustment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Transracial Adoptee Identity. .................................. 36
Transracial Adoption and Racial Socialization. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Adoptee Adjustment.......................................... 39
Protective and Risk Factors of Adoptee Adjustment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Identity and Adoptee Adjustment................................ 40
R/E Identity and Adoptee Adjustment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
Research Questions. ............................................ 44
Chapter 2: METHODS. ............................................. 45
Participants. .................................................. 45
Measures. .................................................... 45
Racial Socialization Behaviors.................................. 48
Child’s Racial Identity. ....................................... 50
Procedures. ................................................... 52
Chapter 3: RESULTS. .............................................. 54
Descriptive Statistics............................................ 54
Analysis of Research Questions. .................................. 54
Research Question 1.......................................... 54
iv
Research Question 2.......................................... 57
Research Question 3.......................................... 58
Chapter 4: DISCUSSION. ........................................... 60
Racial Socialization Strategies: Black Parents. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Impact of Racial Socialization Strategies: White Parents. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Differential Effects by Race of Socialization Strategies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Limitations. .................................................. 68
Implications. .................................................. 70
Recommendations for Future Research. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
Conclusions. .................................................. 71
REFERENCES. .................................................... 74
v
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Breakdown of Identity Models................................ 19
Table 2:Racial/Ethnic (R/E) Socialization Practices.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Table 3:Parents’ Education Level by Primary Racial/Ethnic Background. . . . . 46
Table 4:Participants’ Reported Gross Household Income for 2001 by
Primary Racial/Ethnic Background. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Table 5:Rotated Component Matrix for Items Concerning Racial Social-
ization................................................... 48
Table 6:Rotated Component Matrix for Items Concerning Racial Identity. . . . 51
Table 7:Means, Standard Deviations, and Number of Participants by
Parent Group for Each of the Four Socialization Strategies. . . . . . . . . 55
Table 8:Means, Standard Deviations, and Number of Participants by
Parent Group for Each of the Three Racial Identity Outcomes. . . . . . . 55
Table 9:Correlation Matrix for All Between-Variable Comparisons. . . . . . . . . 56
Table 10:Prediction of Racial Identity Variables From Socialization Strategies
Used by Adoptive Parents (N = 139). .......................... 59
vi

ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to examine how particular racial socialization
strategies that parents use with Black adoptive children affect those children’s racial
identity. Specifically, 59 Black and 80 White American parents reported the extent to
which they engaged in four categories of behavior with their adoptive children aged 11-
15: (a) providing an emphasis upon Black history, tradition, and immersion into Black
experiences; (b) emphasizing Black culture; (c) engaging in race-related dialogues with
their children; and (d) living in integrated environments.
There was a significant between group difference in the use of the first two of
these strategies, with Black parents engaged in them to a greater extent. For all parents,
regardless of race, use of strategy 2 had positive effects, although these were differential
by race of parent. Counter to prediction, for all parents, regardless of race, use of strat-
egy 1 predicted higher levels of conflictual feelings about race among their children (as
did the use of strategies 3 and 4 for African American parents, but not White). For
White adoptive parents of Black children, living within an integrated environment
predicted positively influence their child’s sense of racial/ethnic identity.
This study’s results are limited in that the parents reported both their own be-
havior and their perceptions of behaviors related to their children’s racial identities—
that is, the observations were not independent. Moreover, it is likely that the same be-
havior (e.g., engaging in race-related behavior or living in an integrated neighborhood)
would have different meaning to a Black child, depending on the parent’s race.
vii
Nevertheless, the results provide useful information that adds to literature concerning
the relationship between parental racial socialization strategies and the racial identity of
their children.
1
CHAPTER 1
CONCEPTUAL AND EMPIRICAL FOUNDATIONS OF

THE STUDY
The United States has become increasingly more racially and ethnically diverse.
In the year 2000, the United States had 31 different ethnic groups with at least 1 million
members each. In response, practitioners, policymakers, clinicians, and scholars have
begun to place more emphasis on the protective role that ethnic identity may play in
overall adjustment, as well as on identifying the processes that contribute to racial/
ethnic (R/E) identity development. This investigation began with, and continues to
include, differentiating between the terms ethnic and racial identity.
Ethnic identity has been defined as an individual’s sense of belonging to an
ethnic group and his/her subsequent thoughts, perceptions, feelings, and behaviors re-
lated to this sense of belonging (Phinney, 1989). Racial identity has been defined as “a
sense of group or collective identity based on one’s perception that he or she shares a
common racial heritage with a particular group” (Helms, 1990, p. 3). Racial identity has
also been defined as a “schema or mental representation of the racial aspect of the self,
including perceived attributes and the feeling associated with them (e.g., “I am Black,”
“Black people do X,” “I like X”; Murray & Mandara, as cited in McAdoo, 2002, p. 74).
As evidenced from the given definitions, the differentiation of racial versus ethnic iden-
tity is an unclear one. Although the terms race and ethnicity are different constructs,
they are often overlapped in the literature and, as pointed out by Helms, the term
2
ethnicity is frequently used as a euphemism for race. Therefore, as with previous re-
search (Yi & Shorter-Gooden, 1999) the concepts of racial identity and ethnic identity
will be used interchangeably within the present paper. Specifically, the terms racial/
ethnic identity and racial/ethnic identity development will be used to mean the process
of identifying with one’s own racial group.
Identity refers to an organized s system of schemas or beliefs about the self and
is often thought to be grounded in both familial and social/cultural contexts (Jones &
McEwen, 2000). One of the primary transmitters of identity and culture is an individ-
ual’s family of origin (Torres, Howard-Hamilton, & Cooper, 2003). Families, particu-
larly parents, have been found to be the major socializing influence of culture (Super &
Harkness, 1997). For minorities, socialization around issues of race can serve to pro-
mote and enhance effective coping as well as to foster psychological health (Scott,
2003). Parents and families, therefore, have the potential to significantly enhance the
positive and effective coping of their children simply through the messages and beliefs
that they communicate to them.
Parents and families, the primary socializing agents for children, transmit beliefs
about race and ethnicity. This process can be especially challenging and complicated for
adoptive families, particularly in the case of transracial adoptees who differ in race from
that of their parents. Independent of race, ethnicity, or in racial-versus-transracial status,
adoptive children can have particular challenges in coming to terms with their adoptive
status, ultimately an issue of identity. Developing R/E identity adds to the challenge,
3
particularly when the adoptive parents may vary in their sensitivity to and ability to
address important issues of race, culture, and ethnicity.
R/E identity development in transracial adoptees has received a great deal of
research attention since the early 1970s (Fanshel 1972; Grow & Shapiro 1974; Ladner
1977), when the issue began to become widely debated as unethical and damaging.
Baden and Steward (2000) emphasized that despite the number of studies addressing
the issue of transracial adoption, particularly the criticisms and complaints against its
practice, additional research is needed that addresses identity of transracial adoptees and
factors that work to contribute to identity development. Baden and Steward suggested
that, to date, research has focused upon the racial differences between parent and child.
This focus has resulted in important aspects of transracial identity, such as familial and
parental impact upon psychological adjustment being ignored.
Many early studies were based on he assumption that parent/child racial differ-
ences would result in psychological maladjustment and a less developed sense of iden-
tity (National Association of Black Social Workers [NABSW], 1972). Assumptions
such as these ignore “the probability that parenting skills, parental attitudes, environ-
mental attitudes, and so forth, are likely to have as great an effect, if not a greater effect,
on transracial adoptees’ adjustment” (Baden & Steward, 2000, p. 312). The current
research sought to close this gap in the transracial literature and focus, specifically, on
the ways in which parents work to socialize adoptees in regards to R/E identity develop-
ment. Previous research is limited in its examination of the different ways parents work
to socialize their children around issues of race and identity and how this socialization
4
may foster a positive sense of R/E identity in their children. The purpose of the current
study was to begin to examine these strategies for parents of Black children.
All parents, regardless of race, face many parenting challenges. Despite these
shared challenges, it has been suggested that the parenting strategies of minority parents
receive more extensive study due to the unique cultural, social, economic, and political
contexts of minorities within the United States. Obtaining knowledge regarding the
ways in which parents uniquely socialize, and thus prepare, their children for histori-
cally racist environments is a way to begin to understand the associations between bur-
geoning racial awareness, racial identity, and adjustment. This process of race-related
communication has been commonly referred to as racial or ethnic socialization
(Hughes et al., 2006). As with the terms racial identity and ethnic identity, the terms
racial socialization and ethnic socialization have often been used interchangeably
within the literature. Both terms have been used to describe the process by which
parents work to shape their children’s racial attitudes and show them how they fit into
the social culture. The current study will use R/E socialization to describe this process
of race-related communication. The current paper proposes that the R/E socialization
process results in the development of a positive sense of R/E and therefore seeks to
examine R/E socialization practices and their importance upon R/E development of
both inracial and transracial Black adoptees.
Research has, thus far, provided only limited information about the actual
socializing behaviors in which parents engage, the frequency with which they engage in
those behaviors, or the effects of those behaviors. As a whole, empirical information
5
addressing the frequency of R/E socialization is limited (Hughes, 2003), as is the degree
to which R/E socialization will impact the overall development of R/E identity. Al-
though the R/E socialization literature is limited, research conducted on the protective
aspects of a positive sense of R/E identity is numerous. This research typically begins
with an imperative description of R/E identity.
Racial/Ethnic Identity
R/E identity is a complex construct that has been defined as the “fundamental
aspect of the self that is associated with an individual’s sense of belonging and commit-
ment to an ethnic group and includes an individual’s thoughts, perceptions, feelings,
and behaviors associated with ethnic group membership” (Phinney, 1996, p. 922). The
American Psychological Association (2003) defined ethnicity as the acceptance of
norms, mores, and practices of one’s culture of origin and the concomitant sense of
belonging to that cultural group (also see Warren, Gleaves, Cepeda-Benito, Fernandez,
& Rodriguez-Ruiz, 2005). R/E identity is not categorical but rather is complex and
multidimensional, varying across members of the particular ethnic group (Cross, 1991).
Recent models of R/E identity development share the premise that R/E identity
can affect both psychological adjustment and self-concept (Baden & Steward, 2000).
Moreover, a strong sense of R/E identity identification has been associated with active
coping, low aggression (McMahon & Watts, 2002), decreased adolescent drug use,
positive school adjustment (Phinney, Horencyzk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001), and has
been found to be predictive of social adaptation and emotional adjustment (Yasui,
6
Dorham, & Dishion, 2004). Likewise, a strong sense of R/E identity belonging has been
positively correlated with self-esteem for both middle school (Carlson, Uppal, &
Prosser, 2000) and college age students (Phinney & Alipuria, 1990). An examination of
one’s R/E identity can additionally serve to protect minority students from internalizing
negative group stereotypes (Phinney, 1992, as cited in Torres et al., 2003).
R/E identity socialization begins in childhood when children begin to acquire
behaviors, values, and attitudes of a particular ethnic group and subsequently associate
themselves as members of this group (Rotheram-Borus, 1989, as cited in Spencer,
Icard, Harachi, Catalano, & Oxford, 2000). Cross (1978) defined achievement of R/E
identity as self-confidence about an individual’s own race/ethnicity. It has been found to
correspond to acceptance and internalization of R/E group membership (Spencer et al.,
2000). Although R/E identity socialization begins in childhood, early adolescence is the
period of time when children begin to mature mentally and thus begin to think about
their individual identity and where they will fit in the world (Holcomb-McCoy, 2005).
The beginnings of this identity formation are influenced by the context and environment
in which individuals mature (Erikson, 1968) and will presently be examined within
Black adoptees entering early adolescence (i.e., ages 11-15).
Identity Development of Adoptees
Just as ethnic minority children must acculturate to the dominant culture, adop-
tive children must adapt to their adoptive status and adoptive family—a process that
influences both self and R/E identity formation. An adoptee’s identity formation
7
involves an integration of adoptive status with the reality of the adoptees other self-
representations (Hollingworth, 1998). This integration encompasses the individual as
well as his or her historical and cultural contexts (Grotevant, 1997).
The process of identity development for adoptees, similar to that of minorities,
moves from a place of ignorance/disregard of one’s adoptive status to an integrated
adoptive identity. LeVine and Sallee (1990) described this process as moving from a
preawareness stage to an end stage wherein adoptees are concomitantly accepting of
both biological and adoptive families. Adoptee adjustment involves adoptees’ complete
understanding of the implications of their adoptive status.
This process assumes added complexity in transracial adoption, “the practice of
placing infants and children into families who are of a different race than the children’s
birth family” (Simon & Altstein, 1996, p. 5). Transracial adoption in the United States,
typically involves the adoption of children of color by White parents (Hollingsworth,
1998). Some important questions facing parents of transracial adoptees are the follow-
ing: “Can these parents help their adoptive children develop a positive racial or ethnic
identity? Can these children avoid later self-concept and identity problems that may
arise because of their mixed genetic and adoptive backgrounds?” (Ocampo, Bernal, &
Knight, 1993, p. 23). These and similar questions evoked an anti-transracial adoption
movement in 1972. This movement began with a position paper by the NABSW attack-
ing the transracial adoption of Black children by White parents. The NABSW argued
transracial adoption to be a form of genocide as Black children were believed cut off
from healthy racial development (Simon & Alstein, 1996). The most prevailing
8
argument against the transracial adoption of Black children has to do with the inability
of White parents and families to capably teach these children how to survive in a racist
society (Simon & Alstein, 1996).
The opposition to transracial adoption is not limited, however, to Black adop-
tees. The transracial adoptions of many Native American children led to the Indian
Child Welfare Act of 1978, which was put in place as a measure to stabilize and secure
Indian tribes and families via the placement of Native American adoptive children in
foster or adoptive homes that were thought to reflect the unique values of Indian culture
(Simon & Alstein, 1996). There are many theoretical arguments both for and against the
issue of transracial adoption. This debate remains largely unresolved but was not the
focus of the present study. The issues of R/E identity development are essential in the
parenting of any Black child, regardless of the parents’ race. This study, therefore,
focused upon the parenting of Black children to examine the strategies and methods
used by Black and White adoptive parents to foster a positive sense of R/E identity.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study will be to examine the methods of R/E socialization
within a sample of White and Black adoptive parents of 11- to 15-year- old Black adop-
tees. The current study additionally seeks to examine the relationship between R/E
socialization and R/E identity development. The overarching objective of this study was
to contribute to researchers’ understanding of R/E identity socialization.
9
The current research employed a dataset from project Building Understanding
(BU), a study of transracial adoption, which offered a systematic approach to the study
of transracial adoption and sought to provide information about the familial and sys-
temic aspects of a successful adoption. The methodology used by BU is fully described
in chapter 2. The current study adds to the literature by seeking to close the research gap
regarding methods and strategies of R/E socialization. This study also sought to provide
useful information on R/E identity as a potential contributor to successful outcomes for
adoptees.
Significance of the Problem
Practitioners and therapists working in multicultural setting should be cognizant
of the role that R/E identity development plays in overall adjustment, as well as what
factors serve to promote this development. Practitioners should be sensitive to social-
ization processes that aid in R/E identity development, as well as knowledgeable about
the important role that parents play in this socialization. Increasing demographic
changes that result in greater numbers of ethnic groups emphasizes the importance of
researching and understanding R/E identity as a protective factor.
Foundational Theories of Identity Development
Erik Erikson has been credited as an individual who first began work to bring
about an awareness of the meaning and significance of identity. This is the theory most
typically mentioned in research related to identity development. Erikson (1968a, 1968b)
described identity as a subjective feeling of self-sameness and continuity over time that
10
is both a conscious and unconscious process (as cited in Kroger, 2000). Erikson as-
serted that in order for individuals to gain a sense of this continuity (i.e., a sense of who
they are), they additionally needed to discover who they are not. Development of ego,
part of one’s personality that brings order to experiences, was central to Erikson’s
(1968a) model. He asserted that one’s identity is the outward expression of one’s ego,
which emerged developmentally. Identity development was described as a linear pro-
cess wherein individuals developed ego strengths that aided them in successfully
completing one developmental path in order to move on the next. Each stage of devel-
opment required a resolution of prior stage tasks (as cited in Torres et al., 2003). Erik-
son developed an eight-stage developmental life cycle, identifying tasks that require
resolution at different stages throughout the life span, each stage-to-stage progression
resulting in a change to identity.
For Erikson (1968a), biological characteristics, psychological needs, interests,
and defenses, and cultural surroundings all worked to shape ego identity. Physiological
characteristics provide a sense of “bodily self”; psychological characteristics of identity
include unique feelings, needs, interests, and defenses, while culture provides opportu-
nities to express one’s identity. Erikson (1968a) not only introduced an awareness of
issues of identity, but his model additionally served to influence numerous models of
identity that followed.
James Marcia (1966, as cited in Torres et al., 2003) expanded the work of
Erikson to develop an identity status model. Marcia emphasized the process by which
identity is developed, and he researched the development of identity along two dimen-
11
sions: “(1) awareness of an identity crisis that must be explored and resolved, and (2)
making a commitment to the identity after a period of exploring various ways of being”
(p. 11). He proposed that adolescents may adopt differing styles of approaching
identity-defining decisions and operationalized them as Foreclosure, Diffusion, Morato-
rium, and Identity Achieved. An individual defined as Foreclosed was someone who
had yet to experience any kind of crisis to identity and was therefore committed to
family and traditional social or family norms. Diffused defines an individual who has
yet to experience a crisis of identity nor has he/she committed to any identity. Individu-
als who have experienced a crisis of identity but do not further explore or commit to an
identity were said to be in a state of Moratorium. Individuals in this state start a con-
scious search that may result in instability as they try out different identities. When an
individual has experienced a crisis, explored different ways of being, and subsequently
made a commitment they are defined as Identity Achieved (Marcia, as cited in Torres et
al., 2003).
Erikson (1968a) additionally influenced the identity development research in
regard to the emphasis placed upon the role of environment. He was one of the earliest
researchers to assert that environment played an important role in individuals’ sense of
self. Since his early work, researchers have found that contextual factors such as family,
friendships, and peer groups impact identity development. “Results have demonstrated
that parents, first, and peers, second, appear to be the contexts of primary influence for,
particularly, early adolescent identity development” (Kroger, 2000, p. 51). In regard to
family communication, research has found that adolescents are more likely to explore
12
different identities before committing to one particular identity if their families encour-
age individuality and connectedness (Grotevant & Cooper, 1985, 1986). Friendships
and peer groups additionally play a role in overall identity development with peers,
providing an outlet for individuals to learn social skills and provide an arena to try out
different behaviors (Harter, 1990). It is particularly important to be cognizant of the
impact of environment when looking at the identity development of racial and ethnic
minorities. Specifically, it is important to understand the ways in which society and
cultural issues are intertwined with the development of identity.
Overview of R/E Identity
For members of R/E minority groups (e.g., Hispanic, Black, Asian), the issue of
identity is more complicated than the process outlined by Erickson and Marcia. The
question of identity for ethnic and racial minorities must take into consideration not
only the early recognition of race and the ways in which race impacts personality but
also the cultural reality of an oppressive history. Systematic racism and sexism are an
integral component of the dominant culture and, until eradicated, will be perpetually
intertwined with the overall identity of ethnic and racial minorities, particularly as race
and racial differences are recognized in early childhood.
Children begin to recognize differences in race as early as 3 and 4 years of age
(Van Ausdale & Feagin, 2002). Research suggests that children even as young as pre-
school age can hold a positive bias toward their own ethnic/racial group (Kowalski,
2003). Other, though dated, research indicates preschool and young school-age children
13
will show a bias toward the majority group (i.e., White) over their own group (Annis &
Corenblum, 1987). Due to this early recognition, be it positive or negative, R/E identity
development is an important aspect of overall identity and personality development for
minorities.
The development of R/E identity is the active process of identifying with one’s
own R/E group as a viable group of self-reference (Smith, 1989). This process results in
movement toward well-being, societal adjustment, and increased racial self-acceptance
as well as acceptance of other races (Abrams & Trusty, 2004). R/E identity additionally
refers to the strength of identification and psychological attachment with one’s cultural
group (Herman, 2004). R/E identity has been referred to as “one’s sense of belonging to
an ethnic group and the part of one’s thinking, perception, feelings, and behavior that is
due to ethnic group membership” (Rotherman & Phinney, 1987, p. 13). Based upon
these definitions, it is clear that an individual’s R/E identity and related attitudes and
behaviors influence not only the way in which they conduct their lives but also in the
way in which they interact with other groups and view society (Phinney, 1996).
The formation of one’s R/E identity has been suggested to be a central aspect of
overall personality development for ethnic minority group members (Kroger, 2000).
Early research speculated that, due to the acceptance of projected negative self-images,
Black children were prone to negative identities. In contrast, the successful develop-
ment of a positive R/E identity has been found to be associated with high self-esteem
(Spencer et al., 2000), self-concept (Kroger, 2000), purpose in life, self-confidence
(Martinez & Dukes, 1997), spirituality (Chae, Kelly, Brown, & Bolden, 2004), and
14
overall psychological adjustment (Shih & Sanchez, 2005). To date, there exist a number
of models describing this process of R/E identity development.
Models of R/E Identity Development
R/E identity models are generally developmental, ecological, or life span analy-
ses (Frasch & Brooks, 2003). Models of R/E identity generally rely upon a developmen-
tal perspective, assuming a sequential progression from one stage to the next (Cross,
Parham, & Helms, 1991; Helms, 1990; Phinney, 1989, 1992). For these models the
desired outcome is to reach a final stage of positive psychological adjustment and func-
tioning. Other perspective models, ecological in nature, allow for many influences upon
R/E identity development (Root, 1999). Most models were based upon the early re-
searchers of identity, such as Erikson and Marcia.
Phinney (1990, 1992, as cited in Torres et al., 2003) developed one such model
of R/E identity based upon the general theories and models of identity proposed by
Erikson and Marcia. Phinney (1990, 1992) conducted research using minority youth and
found that the development of identity for ethnic minorities was tied to the process of
resolving conflict between prejudice and stereotyping prevalent within the majority
culture and the discord of values between minority and majority cultures (as cited in
Torres et al.). Phinney’s (1989, 1990, 1993, as cited in Torres et al.) three-stage model
of R/E identity development closely parallels Marcia’s (1966) four-stage model of
identity development and is one of the most commonly cited R/E models due to its
general application to ethnoracial minority groups.
15
The first stage of Phinney’s model is entitled unexamined ethnic identity and/or
ethnic identity diffusion/foreclosure. Individuals in this stage either have no understand-
ing of issues of ethnicity or have internalized majority cultural values and standards. At
this stage, individuals need to begin to explore beliefs and attitudes around their own
feelings toward ethnicity. If this exploration results in further acceptance of negative
majority messages, without question, then individuals enter a state of foreclosure. In
contrast, if individuals do not see ethnicity as an integral aspect of their overall identity,
then the result is identity diffusion. Individuals in the unexamined stage have been
found to be lower in overall adjustment (Torres et al., 2003).
Phinney’s (1990, 1992) second stage, entitled moratorium (ethnic identity
search), often follows a negative racial experience. This stage is characterized by an
exploration of ethnic issues as well as introspection around the meaning of ethnicity.
Individuals begin to consider values around ethnicity and identity and begin to have
weighty conversations and reflections upon what it means to be a member of their par-
ticular ethnic group. This stage often evokes strong emotions as individuals begin to
release internalized anger. At this stage, ethnicity becomes more than an abstract con-
cept but becomes a personal feeling (Torres, Howard-Hamilton, & Cooper, 2003).
Phinney’s (1990, 1992) final stage consists of individuals reaching an achieved
ethnic identity wherein they are able to understand, accept, and internalize their individ-
ual ethnic identity. Here, individuals are able to achieve a level of comfort with all
aspects of who they are. This stage has been found to be associated with a positive self-
concept and positive adjustment (as cited in Torres et al., 2003).
16
Multiple models have been proposed which focus on the R/E identity develop-
ment of specific R/E groups. With the Black Power movement (1968-1975), Black
psychologists became interested in identifying and labeling the identity conversion that
supplemented an individual’s involvement in this movement (Torres et al., 2003).
One such study became the psychology of nigrescence, a French word meaning
the process of becoming black, or rather the gradual transcendence of Black
individuals from a world view in which African Americans are devalued and
Whites are reified to a world view characterized by an inner confidence in and
appreciation of self and others as racial beings. (Thompson & Carter, 1997, as
cited in Torres et al., p. 41)
One prevailing model from this movement, the Cross theory of racial identity,
has been the most researched theory of R/E identity (Grantham & Ford, 2003). This
model was initially developed in 1971 and has been expanded and revised numerous
times since inception, most recently in 2000. This theory of Black racial identity devel-
opment is similar to Phinney’s (1990, 1992) model in that it encompasses major stages
(pre-encounter, immersion-emersion, and internalization).
Cross (1971, 1978, 1991, 2000, as cited in Torres et al., 2003) developed a five-
stage model of Black R/E identity development wherein each stage described the
“psychological and behavioral characteristics of African Americans based on their
interaction with societal oppression” (p. 41). Important concepts brought forth with
Cross’s model of Black R/E identity development include the concepts of (a) racial
salience, which describes the level of importance, either low or high, that is placed
upon race by minority individuals; (b) personal identity, which refers to overall self-
concept common to all human beings; and (c) reference group orientation , which refers
17
to the social groups individuals interact with to make meaning of who they are (Cross,
1991, 1995, as cited in Torres et al.). These stages are not thought of as linear or step-
wise, but individuals may be stagnant within one stage, recycle through stages based on
experiences, regress toward beginning stages, or move through stages throughout the
lifespan (Torres et al.).
The first stage of the Cross (1995) model of Black identity development is the
Pre-Encounter stage. This is a stage of low-salience attitudes toward being Black. In-
dividuals in this stage have a “non-Black” frame of reference and anti-Black attitudes.
Individuals do not deny that they are Black but feel this has little significance in how
others interact with them and little meaning regarding who they are in the world. Indi-
viduals within this stage may also see race as an imposition or source of stigma, or they
may actually hold negative feelings (i.e., negative salience attitudes) toward being
Black. Similar to Phinney’s (1990, 1992) stage of diffusion/foreclosure, individuals
may accept negative messages from the majority culture, which results in self-hatred
and preference for a Eurocentric cultural frame of reference (Cross, 1995). This stage is
purported to last until individuals experience a significant event that violates their anti-
Black, pro-White assumptions and forces them to enter into a new stage of develop-
ment.
The Encounter stage is entered into when an individual encounters a series of
assaults or crises that result in a reevaluation of one’s worldview. An individual will
experience an encounter that is personalized and results in guilt, anger, shame, and/or
anxiety (Cross, 1995).
18
Within the next stage, Immersion-Emersion, individuals will experience an
intense immersion into their own culture and ideas. This immersion will additionally
result in a withdrawal from the dominant White culture. This stage has been considered
to be the most critical stage in the clarification of black identity (Cross, 1995). Here,
individuals may continue to have feelings of guilt and anger, but now there is a corre-
sponding sense of pride as individuals begin to learn about Black heritage. This new
cultural knowledge brings about affirmation and empowerment. As this happens,
people are able to begin to internalize their new identity and thus move into the Inter-
nalization stage of development.
The Internalization stage results in a feeling of inner peace as individuals are
able to let go of defensiveness regarding social order and their conceptions of Blackness
become better refined (Cross, 1995). This stage is characterized by reconciliation of
past racial conflicts, a Black group reference group orientation, but with openness
toward other groups. Individuals can now shift focus to additional identity concerns
such as gender, socioeconomic status (SES), sexual orientation, and religion. According
to Cross (1995), the internalized identity consists of three important functions:
(1) to defend and protect a person from psychological insults that stem from
having to live in a racist society, (2) to provide a sense of belonging and social
anchorage, and (3) to provide a foundation or point of departure for carrying out
transactions with people, cultures, and human situations beyond the world of
blackness.” (as cited in Torres, Howard-Hamilton, & Cooper, 2003, p. 113)
There is additionally a fifth stage, Internalization-Commitment, which has been sug-
gested to be a period of repetition of the activities, behaviors, and attributes that charac-
terize the aforementioned Internalization stage (Cross, 1995; see Table 1).
19
Table 1
Breakdown of Identity Models

ModelDateName of StageDescription
Marcia
Identity1996ForeclosedIndividual has yet to experience identity and

hold onto transitional social or family norms.
DiffusedHave yet to commit to an identity or experi-

ence crisis related to identity development.
MoratoriumHave experienced some crisis but still no

identity commitment.
Identity AchievedExperienced crisis and committed to iden-

tity.
Phinney
R/E Identity1989Unexamined E/R IdentityPeriod of exploration of R/E beliefs.
1992R/E Identity Search/Mora-Further exploration as well as introspection.
Strong emotions evoked as R/E becomes

personal feeling.
R/E Identity AchievementBicultural identity develops; comfort with all

aspects of identity.
Cross
Black R/E Identity1991Pre-EncounterInternalization of low-salience attitudes

1995toward race. Race is devalued.
EncounterTwo-step process: encounter of crisis that
challenges worldview; crisis is internalized
and results in guilt, shame, anger. Results in

reinterpretation.
Immersion-Pro-Black and anti-White identity. With-
Emersiondrawal from dominant culture; immersion
into Black culture. Moves into self-actual-

ization and emersion.

InternalizationInner security as old conflicts are resolved.
Note. R/E = racial/ethnic.
20
Models of R/E identity development additionally exist for European Americans
(Helms, 1984, 1990; Rowe, Bennett, & Atkinson, 1994), multiracial or bicultural indi-
viduals (Collins, 2000; Jacobs, 1992; Poston, 1990), Mexican Americans (Bernal,
Knight, Ocampo, Garza, & Cota, 1993), Native Americans (Choney, Berryhill-Paapke,
& Robbins, 1995; LaFromboise, Trimble, & Mohatt, 1990), and Asian Americans
(Suinn, Ahuna, & Khoo, 1992). These models overlap with many of the components
found in Phinney’s (1989, 1992) R/E identity model. There is a stage-to-stage progres-
sion with the idea that between-stage movement is related to the experience of negative
emotional experiences. As with Phinney’s (1989, 1992) model, the result of stage-to-
stage progression is a positive self-concept (Frasch & Brooks, 2003).
One criticism of traditional R/E identity stage models is their failure to take into
account the many different sources of identity that influence all individuals (e.g., age,
gender, sexual orientation, SES; Shorter-Gooden & Washington, 1996). Identity devel-
opment is affected by many factors, including cognitive development, familial and non-
familial social experiences, and parental socialization (Hurtado, Rodriguez, Gurin, &
Beals, 1993). Adoptive status is an additional aspect of identity that would influence an
individual’s overall sense of who he/she is. As with other children, the identity devel-
opment and R/E identity development of adoptees is largely influenced by parents and

families.
21
Racial Socialization
Socialization is the process employed by parents of all races to prepare their
children for different aspects of life. Early researchers (e.g., Johnson, 1981) defined
socialization as a process undertaken by families to prepare children for life—in partic-
ular, social, economic, physical and cultural surroundings (Caughy, O’Campo, Ran-
dolph, & Nickerson, 2002). The family has been considered to be the primary method
of socializing individuals, as families often represent the first institution in which indi-
viduals are influenced (Johnson). For minority groups such as Blacks, this process of
socialization includes R/E socialization and preparing children/adolescents for the
specific social, political, and cultural contexts faced by Black families, as well as in-
culcating a positive sense of R/E identity. Parents of Black children must prepare their
children to negotiate mainstream, minority, and Black cultural experiences (Boykin &
Toms, 1985). They must go beyond the typical socialization practices and general
issues faced by other parents and must also raise their children to deal with living in a
society where simply being of Black descent may have negative consequences, such as
prejudice, discrimination, and depreciation (Peters, 1985).
The process used to aid children in facing potential negative racial consequences
has been termed R/E socialization. R/E socialization has been referred to as the respon-
sibility of and strategies used by Black parents to transmit intergenerational messages
about self and group identity, as well as to transmit messages about between and within
group ethnic relationships (Marshall, 1995). R/E socialization has also been conceptual-
ized as a process including “specific messages and practices that are relevant to and
22
provide information concerning the nature of race status as it relates to “(1) personal
and group identity, (2) intergroup and interindividual relationships, and (3) position in
the social hierarchy” (Thornton, Chatters, Taylor, & Allen, 1990, p. 401). Strategies and
messages of R/E socialization have been considered to be important adaptive and
protective factors for Black children.
Recent research has found that these R/E socialization messages may begin to
be presented to minority children while they are still very young, between 3 and 4.5
years of age (Caughy et al., 2002). Familial R/E socialization can be both overt and
covert. Overt practices consist of direct and purposeful attempts by family members to
teach children and adolescents about their culture of origin and ethnicity. A more covert
method of R/E socialization includes teaching children/adolescents about their culture
of origin and identity through unintentional means such as household decorations, and
so on (Umana-Taylor & Fine, 2004). Parents and families are not the only source that
may influence children about issues of race and ethnicity. Nonfamilial socialization
agents exist within the social environment and also serve to influence racial classifica-
tion and identification.
Nonfamilial socialization agents include peer groups, neighborhoods, commu-
nity members, school, teachers, work, media, and religious environments (Herman,
2004). Umana-Taylor and Fine (2004) found that individuals define themselves through
their relationships with family members and through their interactions with the broader
society in which they live. Their study found that R/E was influenced not only by
familial R/E socialization experiences but also by the ethnic composition of schools.
23
Herman (2004) found that racial composition of neighborhoods, peer groups,
cohabitating family members, and schools all had a significant impact upon R/E identi-
fication. The most consistent of these factors was found to be family and peer group.
Phinney, Romero, Nava, and Huang (2001) studied the relationship between identity
socialization and peer group and found significant relationships between R/E identity
and social interactions with peers from one’s own ethnic group. Likewise, the results of
research by Xu, Shim, Lotz, and Almeida (2004) indicated that ethnic friendship orien-
tation is positively correlated with sense of R/E identity. The R/E socialization that
minority children receive from outside sources (i.e., outside parents and family) can be
both covert, such as messages received via television, or overt, such as direct messages
about race from one’s peer group. As with nonfamilial R/E socialization, the socializa-

tion that children receive from their parents and families can take many different forms.
Types of racial socialization. Empirical evidence has suggested that for Black
parents, messages around R/E socialization are a typical part of parenting (Thornton,
1997). Black parents reported a belief that racism is a significant facet within their lives
and their children’s and, as such, found it important that their children have awareness
of the ways in which racism may impact them throughout their lives (Marshal, 1995).
Research (Thomas & Speight, 1999) has shown that the majority (96%) of Black
parents felt that it is important to teach their children about racial issues. African Amer-
ican parents reported R/E socialization to be an important part of parenting due to the
reality of living within a racist and oppressive society and a desire to prepare their
children to cope within such an environment. Parents additionally reported a belief that
24
children needed to develop a sense of history, culture, and self-development as part of
their R/E identity formation.
Early empirical research (Thornton et al., 1990) focusing upon the issue of R/E
socialization found that Black parent socialization practices placed emphasis upon self-
esteem, positive feelings toward one’s own race, education, self-respect, preparation for
bias, and included verbal behaviors (i.e., direct statements), modeling, and exposure to
specific objects, contexts, and environments. Boykin & Toms (1985, as cited in Thorn-
ton et al.) proposed that R/E socialization could be broken into culture (i.e., styles,
patterns of behavior), minority experience (i.e., social, economic, political), and main-
stream experience (i.e., influence of majority culture). More recent (Caughy et al.,
2002) research continues to compartmentalize R/E socialization messages into main-
stream messages (i.e., emphasis placed upon achievement, equality, self-esteem),
messages regarding specific minority experiences (i.e., emphasis placed upon Black
history, traditions, and racial pride), and Black cultural experience (i.e., emphasis
placed upon Black history and traditions, racial pride).
R/E socialization messages have been divided into a number of different catego-
ries based on specific messages presented by parents. Such messages include placing an
emphasis upon cultural heritage and pride, termed cultural socialization; emphasizing
preparation for experiences of racial discrimination and prejudice, termed preparation
for bias; and promoting mistrust of other groups, termed promotion of mistrust (Hughes
& Chen, 1997, 1999). Hughes and Chen (1999) suggested that these messages, once
25
given, can be verbal, nonverbal, deliberate, proactive, and/or reactive and pointed out
the possibility that messages can be misperceived by children, once given.
Hughes (2003) examined the frequency and correlates of racial socialization
among a diverse sample of Black, Puerto Rican, and Dominican parents and found that
most respondents and all Black respondents reported cultural socialization. Hughes
examined the frequency and correlates of both cultural socialization and preparation for
bias in a sample of 273 urban Black, Puerto Rican, and Dominican parents and found
that a substantial majority of parents reported efforts to instill group pride and expose
children to their culture, history, and heritage. This study additionally found the fre-
quency of cultural socialization to be high across all studied groups.
However, some research suggests that Black parents do not typically focus R/E
socialization practices upon emphasizing Black culture but instead place more empha-
sis on struggles around racial status and teaching fairness and education (Thornton et
al., 1990). Hughes (2003) found the percentage of parents who reported preparation for
bias (i.e., giving messages about discrimination and racial bias) to be lower than the
percentage of parents who reported cultural socialization. Hughes suggested that the
infrequency of preparation for bias as compared to cultural socialization might reflect
underreporting due to issues of social desirability as well as unawareness of the subtle
ways in which racial bias may be communicated to children.
Research by Witty (1992, as cited by Marshal, 1995) suggested that Black par-
ents placed greater emphasis on humanism, equality, and religiosity than upon issues
around race and ethnicity. Marshall addressed this issue in his study of R/E
26
socialization of Black children. In this study, utilizing a dataset of 58 Black mothers and
children (38 female and 20 male), Marshall examined, among other things, the impor-
tance of child-rearing strategies, including R/E socialization, for Black parents. This
author reported that although Black parents (89%) considered ethnicity to be an impor-
tant childrearing factor, strategies to enhance or instill a sense of R/E identity was not a
priority.
Caughy et al. (2002) examined cultural contexts of the home environment as
one aspect of R/E socialization and found that for this study, the majority of families
had homes rich in Afro-centric items. Homes rich in Black cultures were found to be
associated with greater developed problem-solving skills, while socialization of racial
pride was found to be associated with fewer reported behavior problems. Additional
research has sought to examine and understand what parental characteristics may
predict which parents find R/E socialization to be an important aspect of parenting (see
Table 2).
Predictors of racial socialization. Thornton et al. (1990) were among the first
researchers to discover parental characteristics of Black parents who engaged in R/E
socialization. This research showed that age, gender, marital status, and region were
significantly associated with whether or not parents worked to provide messages of R/E
socialization to children. Black parents who were more educated, older, married, fe-
male, or living within the northeast section of the United States had a greater propensity
to engage in R/E socialization. This research additionally found neighborhood
27
Table 2
Racial/Ethnic Socialization Practices
PracticeDescription
Cultural socializationPlacing emphasis upon cultural heritage and pride
Preparation for biasEmphasizing preparation for experiences of racial discrimi-
nation and prejudice
Promotion of mistrustPromoting mistrust of other groups
Mainstream messagesEmphasis on achievement, equality, and self-esteem
composition to influence the likelihood of engaging in R/E socialization, with parents
living in predominantly Black neighborhoods to be less likely to engage in R/E social-
ization strategies. Parents living in integrated neighborhoods with greater numbers of
people from the majority (i.e., White) culture were more likely to socialize their chil-
dren around race.
McHale et al. (2006) did a within-family comparison of the R/E socialization
practices of Black parents with two offspring and found mothers engaged in more
preparation for bias and cultural socialization with older offspring. In this study, fathers
were found to engage in R/E socialization practices with their sons but not with their
daughters. These results further revealed that when fathers engaged in more cultural
socialization, children were less depressed. Other research (Thomas & Speight, 1999)
found parents to report providing both male and female children with messages on
28
racial pride, overcoming racism, and negative societal messages. Male children, how-
ever, were provided with more messages on overcoming racism, while females were
provided with more messages on racial pride. Additional research (Hughes & Chen,
1997; Thomas & Speight) found a positive relationship between parents’ experiences of
discrimination and their own racial identity and the likelihood that parents would
engage in racial socialization practices.
Relation between racial socialization and adjustment. Researchers have noted
that R/E socialization messages can serve as a protective factor for minority children
and adolescents, offering protection against experiences of discrimination and racism
(Constantine & Blackmon, 2002). Caughy et al. (2002) addressed the relationship
between R/E socialization and its influence upon the behavior and cognitive compe-
tence of Black preschoolers. In this study, researchers examined the behavioral and
cognitive competence of children between ages and 3 and 4.5 using the Child Behavior
Checklist and reported findings that R/E socialization messages related to racial pride
were associated with significantly fewer behavior problems (both externalizing and
internalizing) in males. Research has additionally found higher levels of R/E social-
ization to be related to higher self-esteem and social competency (Constantine &
Blackmon). While high levels of racial socialization have been found to have positive
outcomes, higher endorsement of mainstream R/E socialization attitudes have been
found to be negatively associated with self-esteem. Similarly, other research has found
R/E socialization practices to result in adjustment problems, as youth may begin to
expect unfair treatment and see limits to their opportunities (McHale et al., 2006).
29
The influence, positive or negative, of racial socialization has been found to be
dependent upon the types of messages given by parents. Messages that seek to teach
children cultural history and instill a sense of cultural pride have been found to be asso-
ciated with better academic achievement and well-developed racial identity (Hughes &
Chen, 1999). Messages that seek to prepare children for future racist and discriminatory
experiences have been associated with both positive and negative outcomes. For ex-
ample, Stevenson (1995) found preparation for bias to result in a better-developed sense
of racial identity for Black adolescents. It was hypothesized that R/E socialization posi-

tively impacts adjustment in its fostering of a positive sense of R/E identity.
Relation between racial socialization and racial identity. Research on R/E
socialization practices of minorities is increasingly grounded on the premise that
parents who engage in R/E socialization, providing children with cultural instruction,
and building pride around cultural traditions and values, will have children with a
stronger sense of R/E identity (Sanders Thompson, 1999). Many studies have examined
and focused on the relationship between R/E socialization and R/E identity. Research
has shown that when parents work to address the significance of race with their chil-
dren, children are further along in R/E identity development and, as such, show a more
positive sense of R/E identity.
Research by Marshall (1995) found no relationship between children’s reports
of R/E socialization and their R/E identity. However, correlation analyses suggested
that Black parents who worked to prepare their children around the significance of race
had children who showed more characteristics of individuals within Cross’s (1995)
30
stage of encounter, and as such were beginning to question allegiance to the dominant
worldview. Marshall concluded that children whose parents reported higher R/E social-
ization were more likely to, at the very least, question majority standards and values.
Thomas and Speight (1999), likewise, examined the R/E socialization practices
of Black parents and the relationship between R/E socialization and parent’s R/E iden-
tity attitudes. In this study R/E socialization attitudes were positively correlated with
encounter and internalization attitudes and negatively correlated with preencounter
attitudes. Individuals who endorsed internalization attitudes placed importance upon
socializing their children around issues of race. The relationship between R/E identity
attitudes and likelihood of engaging in R/E socialization were found to be consistent
with Cross’s (1991) theory of R/E identity development. “Parents with preencounter,
encounter, and immersion attitudes did not have strong racial socialization attitudes.
Parents with internalization attitudes had strong racial socialization attitudes, and may
be more likely to socialize their children to have positive racial identity” (p. 164).
Similarly, Hughes (2003) found that parents who identified more strongly with their
ethnic group reported more frequent cultural socialization.
Overview of Adjustment
R/E Identity and Adjustment
A great deal of research has examined the relationship between R/E identity
development and psychological adjustment. Theories of R/E identity suggest that,
particularly for minority adolescents, healthy R/E identification can serve as a
31
psychological buffer against stressors (Neville, Heppner, & Wang, 1997). Research has
confirmed the buffering effect of a positive sense of R/E identity (Thomas, Townsend,
& Belgrave, 2003). For example, Wong, Eccles, and Sameroff (2003) found that for
Blacks a connection to one’s R/E group acts not only as a promotive factor but also as a
protective factor, compensating for and buffering against perceived discrimination and
environmental stressors such as prejudice and racism.
Other research has shown R/E identity to be significantly associated with more
active coping, fewer aggressive behaviors (McMahon & Watts, 2002), social adapta-
tion, emotional adjustment (Yasui et al., 2004), and self-esteem (Bracey, Bamaca, &
Umana-Taylor, 2004). Research by Yasui et al. found higher levels of R/E identity more
consistently predicted Black positive adjustment. Lower levels of racial/ ethnic identifi-
cation have been to be correlated with negative adjustment. One example is the research
of Arroyo and Zigler (1995), which found that for Black subjects who were “raceless”
(separated from their culture of origin), there was an increased risk for psychological
distress such as depression and anxiety. Lower levels of R/E identity have also been
found to put individuals at risk for substance abuse, academic difficulties, and low self-
esteem (Anderson, 1991).
Research has been able to determine which specific stages of R/E identity de-
velopment are positively correlated with psychological health. Pre-encounter R/E
attitudes have been found to be associated with greater psychological distress and low
self-esteem, while higher internalization attitudes have been found to correlate with
32
healthy psychological functioning such as positive self esteem and lowered scores on
depression (Munford, 1994).
Umana-Taylor and Fine (2004) asserted that one major limitation characterizing
the existing literature on R/E identity is the lack of research that examines contextual
factors that influence R/E identity exploration and commitment. These authors stated
that “it is critical to examine contextual factors such as family, school, and community,
because it is within these contexts that adolescent’s lives are embedded” (p. 37). The
aim of the current research was begin to examine these contextual influences as well as
the ways in which they may positively influence the R/E identity development and lives
of both inracial and transracial adoptees.
Overview of Transracial Adoption
In the United States, approximately 120,000 young people are adopted annually.
In April 1983, the North American Council on Adopted Children (NACAC) reported
that federal authorities estimated the number of children in foster care to be approxi-
mately 500,000- 750,000, 60% of whom were racial or ethnic minorities (as cited in
Simon & Altstein, 1996). A report from the U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services (2007) estimated that as of September 2005, there were about 513,000 children
in foster care. At this time, 115,00 of these children were waiting for adoption.
Traditionally, adoption practices have involved pairing children without fami-
lies to married couples, typically White, wishing to adopt healthy same-race babies;
thus, adoption originated as a method of providing “childless white couples” with
33
healthy children (McRoy, 1989, as cited in Baden & Steward, 2000, p. 147). This prac-
tice changed following World War II when many European children were left without
families (Kim, Hong, & Kim, 1979, as cited in Baden & Steward, 2000). To address the
needs of these children, intercountry adoptions began to take place wherein children
began to be adopted by parents from other countries. Additional international crises
such as the Korean and Vietnam wars resulted in an even greater number of inter-
country adoptions (Baden & Steward).
In the 1960s, due to a decrease in White infants available for adoption, the
United States began to see domestic transracial adoptions (i.e., adoptions of children of
different racial groups than the adoptive parent). Another example of domestic trans-
racial adoption occurred between 1958 and 1967 during the Indian Adoption Project, a
collaboration between the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Child Welfare League of
America, wherein Indian children were removed from their families and placed with
White families in an effort to assimilate them into the mainstream society (Lee, 2003).
By the end of the 1960s, White couples adopting American minority children became a
relatively common adoption practice (Baden & Steward, 2000) but began to be criti-
cized in the 1970s by, among others, the NABSW.
NABSW has historically been the most significant opponent of transracial
adoption, objecting that the practice based upon the potential damaging effects to the
Black community, a loss of a sense of Black identity, as well as potential damaging
effects to Black transracial adoptees. The two primary arguments against transracial
adoption have been that
34
(1) public agencies do not try hard enough to find black families, and the criteria
employed by those agencies discriminate against black families who cannot
meet the agencies standards and (2) white families cannot provide black chil-
dren with a positive sense of their racial identity and the children will grow up
confused and unhappy. (Simon & Altstein, 1996, p. 8)
To date, the research that has addressed transracial adoption has largely focused
upon proving or disproving the above arguments about the value of transracial adoption
(Baden & Steward, 2000). Researchers have sought to address these arguments and, by
far, have found transracial adoptees to be just as psychologically well adjusted as inra-
cial adoptees (e.g., Cederblad, Hook, Irhammer, & Mercke, 1999; Silverman & Feigel-
man, 1981). Despite these consistent findings, the issue of transracial adoption contin-
ues to be debated and questioned within the adoption literature.
Transracial Adoption and Adjustment
Simon and Altstein (1996) proposed that objections against transracial adoption
were ideologically and politically driven, without empirical basis. Contrastingly, early
arguments for transracial adoption were based upon empirical studies, many of which
found transracial adoption to result in few negative consequences (Barth & Berry, 1988;
Grow & Shapiro, 1974; Ladner, 1977). These early studies found transracially adopted
children to be successfully adjusted to adoptive homes, to have pride in being Black,
and the ability to be comfortable around individuals from both Black and White races.
One such study by Simon and Altstein (1996), dating back to 1971, focused on trans-
racially adopted adults and concluded that transracial adoption resulted in no special
35
problems. Adoptees were found to have a positive sense of Black identity as well as
knowledge of their unique culture and history.
Feigelman (2000), in a baseline study conducted in 1975, measured problem
behaviors and adjustment problems in 240 transracially adopted and same race adoptees
of Black, Asian, Latino, and White descent. The mean age of children for his study was
23 years. This study found that transracial adoptees were no more likely to exhibit dys-
functionality than were comparison groups. Specifically, transracial adoptees were no
more likely to experience problems related to drugs or alcohol abuse, to run away from
home, or to have gotten into trouble with law enforcement. However, transracial adop-
tees that experienced more discrimination discomfort with appearance, and negative
racial comments, presented with higher levels of psychological maladjustment.
Vroegh (1997) compared adjustment in 34 Black transracial adoptees and 18
Black inracial adoptees. Data were collected via 90 minute structured interviews, which
were then coded for content. Participants additionally completed a scale measuring self-
esteem and demographic questionnaires. Vroegh found no significant group differences
between transracial and inracial adoptees on adjustment. The adoptees in this study,
both transracially and inracially adopted, were doing well in regard to adjustment,
parent and sibling relationships, friendships, and dating. Burrow and Finley (2004)
conducted a similar study based upon secondary analysis of in-home interviews on the
National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. The questionnaire used for this
study was originally administered to 20,745 adolescents ranging from age 12 to 19.
Burrow and Finley were able to sample a group of 609 adoptees from this original
36
sample and found transracial adoptees to fare, on average, as well as inracial adoptees
across adjustment of depression, delinquency, learning problems, and self-worth. In
contrast to the research reported above, DeBerry, Scarr, and Weinberg (1996) con-
ducted a longitudinal study on Black transracial adoptees and found 50% to 66% of
transracial adoptees to be maladjusted. In this study, psychological maladjustment was
correlated with the degree of experienced stressors. Research has, therefore, been
conflicting regarding the adjustment of transracially adopted children.
Transracial Adoptee Identity
Although early researchers of identity, such as Erikson (1968a) and Marcia
(1966), did not specifically address the effects of adoption upon identity, the theories
that they developed have since been extended to account for the adoptee experience.
One such study (LeVine & Sallee, 1990) described the adoptive process as a series of
phases wherein adoptees move from a phase of preawareness of adoptive status to an
end stage of acceptance of both biological and adoptive families. One critical aspect in
the development and adjustment of transracial adoptees involves the development of
R/E identity. With transracial adoptees, the process of R/E identity development is even
further complicated by parent/child differences in race and ethnicity. Brooks and Barth
(1999) investigated the long-term adjustment outcomes of a large sample (224) of trans-
racial and inracial adoptees and concluded that the practice of transracial adoption was
not detrimental to children’s long-term adjustment. Specifically, this study reported
70% of all transracially adopted children in the study to be classified as having “good
37
adjustment” (p. 96). In contrast, Hollingsworth (1998) found transracial adoptees to
have lower scores on R/E identity and self-esteem than that of nonadoptees. The current
research sought to provide additional information about the complicated process of
transracial adoption and, specifically, provide further information on adoptee R/E

identity development.
Transracial Adoption and Racial Socialization
The process of R/E socialization for the transracial adoptive family is a more
complicated process than that which exists for inracial adoptees due to parent/child
racial differences. Research done on R/E socialization has attempted to better under-
stand the ways in which transracial adoptees and their families have worked to actively
promote a sense of R/E identity within adoptees (Lee, 2003). Lee wrote that this re-
search “represents a bridge between outcome studies and R/E identity studies and is a
more appropriate methodology to examine how adoptees and families approach and
overcome the psychological and cultural challenges related to transracial adoption” (p.
719). Research by Yoon (2001) found that for Korean adolescent adoptees, when adop-
tive parents actively worked to promote ethnic culture, children had a more positive
sense of R/E identity as well as better psychological adjustment.
Similarly, in a study done by Huh and Reid (2001) in which adoptive parents of
transracially adopted Korean children actively promoted their children’s races through
high participation in Korean cultural activities, adoptees scored higher on Korean iden-
tity than did low participating counterparts. Feigelman (2000) measured parental
38
behavior that effectively fostered ethnic and racial identity and found that transracially
adopted children living in racially mixed areas reported less discomfort toward their
appearance than adoptees living in predominantly White areas; thus, adoptive parents’
choice of where to live may substantially impact adoptee adjustment.
Lee (2003) summarized four possible strategies of R/E socialization that charac-
terize the ways in which transracial adoptive families may promote a sense of cultural
identity for their children. These strategies consist of cultural assimilation (i.e., accul-
turation to the majority culture), enculturation (parents making a determined effort to
teach children about their heritage and culture), racial inculcation (teaching children
ways of coping with racism and discrimination), and child choice (i.e., parents will
provide children with cultural opportunities and adjust their socialization efforts ac-
cording to the child’s interests and wishes). These socialization strategies serve to aid in
the fostering of positive R/E identity. Particularly with enculturation, wherein parents
will make a concerted effort to provide children with educational, social, and cultural
opportunities that address their cultural origins, there is a resulting awareness and
knowledge of R/E identity as well as a sense of pride and value (Lee). This type of R/E
socialization has been found to result in racial pride seen, for example, in research by
Huh and Reid (2001), which found international transracial adoptees to present with a
greater sense of racial pride when adoptive parents emphasized the importance of
adoptee racial background and encouraged them to participate in ethnic related activi-
ties.
39
Adoptee Adjustment
Regardless of transracial or inracial status, for many adoptees, cognitive and
emotional adjustment is favorable, but for many others, poor mental health is an ongo-
ing difficulty. Research has well documented the overrepresentation of adopted individ-
uals within clinical settings. For example, research by Levy-Shiff (2001) showed that
even during adulthood, adoptees are at higher risk of psychological maladjustment and
are found, on average, to manifest more pathological symptomotology than nonadop-
tees. As adults, adoptees are found to be more likely to report maladjustment in areas
such as depressive symptomotology, anger, and overall distress than are nonadopted
adults (Cubito & Obremski Brandon, 2000).
Epidemiological research shows adopted children and adolescents to be over-
represented in mental health problems and mental health settings (Brand & Brinich,
1999). Adult extrafamilial adoptees have been found to be at risk for elevated levels of
overall distress, depressive symptomotology, and anger (Cubito & Obremski Brandon,
2000). Adoptees have been found to have higher rates of externalizing symptoms,
learning disabilities, hyperactivity, attention deficit disorders, (Cohen, Coyne, &
Duvall, 1993) and various kinds of emotional, behavioral, and academic difficulties
when compared to nonadoptees (Simmel, Brooks, Barth, & Hinshaw, 2001).
Adopted adolescents tend to exhibit externalizing versus internalizing problems;
thus, they have also been found to be in treatment more frequently (Ingersoll, 1997).
Levy-Shiff (2001), in a longitudinal study exploring psychological adjustment in a
40
sample of adult adoptees, revealed that even as adults, adoptees continued to be at
higher risk for psychological maladjustment.
Protective and Risk Factors of Adoptee Adjustment
Not all adoptees will present with higher rates of psychological maladjustment.
Adoptee outcome may depend upon, among other things, preplacement experiences and
age at adoption (Nickman et al., 2005). Additional factors influencing adoptee adjust-
ment include “family acceptance of racial or cultural differences, communication about
adoption, level of openness between the adoptive and biological families, level of adop-
tion support, and extended family and community beliefs about adoption” (Frasch &
Brooks, 2003, p. 205).
Simmel et al. (2001) found preadoption factors to distinguish between external-
izing adoptees and comparison groups. This study showed that residing in foster homes
prior to adoption was significantly more prevalent in externalizing groups. Early trauma
and being adopted from public agencies were also predictors of later problem behavior.
It is important to note that for many adoptees, a report of child abuse was their entry
point into the child welfare services system and adjustment encompassed experiences
prior to and following adoptive status (Courtney et al., 1996).
Identity and Adoptee Adjustment
One significant issue facing adoptees and impacting overall adjustment is the
development of a stable and positive sense of identity. Identity has been defined as
reaching an acceptance of, and comfort with, oneself (Erikson, 1968a) and has been
41
said to be demonstrated in the way that people contextually define themselves (Hol-
lingsworth, 1998). Identity development is primarily believed to take place in adoles-
cence but continues to develop throughout adulthood (Grotevant, 1997). Erikson’s
(1968a) theory of identity development is the primary theory from which identity de-
velopment is based. Thus, a great deal of literature addressing adoptee identity develop-
ment is based upon Eriksonian and psychodynamic theories (Baden & Steward, 2000).
Erickson’s (1968a) theory of identity consists of eight stages of development, moving
from birth through adulthood. Each stage involves the resolution of a specific conflict
wherein resolution determines the emergence of a healthy personality. The final step of
identity development involves the integration of various aspects of the self into a whole
(Hollingsworth).
The notion of integrating various aspects of the self (i.e., race, gender, family,
etc.) is important when one thinks of the identity development of adoptees. “In adop-
tees, identity is characterized by the integration of one’s adoptive status with the reality
of one’s other self-representations” (Hollingsworth, 1998, p. 305). Integration encom-
passes the individual as well as the individual’s historical and cultural contexts (Grote-
vant, 1997). Thus, preadoptive history and cultural origin are important in adoptees
identity development as well as ethnic identity development (Hollingsworth).
The development of adoptee identity has been described as a stagelike process
(Grotevant, 1997). Initially, due to lack of exposure as well as developmental level, the
reality of the adoptee does not contain her or his adoptive status (LeVine & Sallee,
1990). Similar to racial identity models, the adoptee will encounter a disequilibriating
42
crisis involving a confrontation with the full meaning of the adoption, and this crisis
will gradually move the adoptee toward integration of their multiple identities. A
growing amount of research has examined this notion of adoptee identity development.
Contrastingly, ethnic identity development is a subject not typically discussed with
respect to adoptee development and adjustment (Frasch & Brooks, 2003). The present
research aims to close this gap and examine the ways in which parents of adoptive
children can work to foster positive R/E identity in their children and subsequently aid
in adjustment.
R/E Identity and Adoptee Adjustment
The adopted individual has yet another source of identity that plays a role in not
only overall individual identity but also the development of R/E identity. Just as ethnic
minority children must acculturate to the dominant culture, adoptive children must
adapt to their adoptive status and adoptive family, a process that influences both self
and ethnic identity formation. An adoptees identity formation involves an integration of
adoptive status with the reality of the adoptee’s other self-representations (Hollings-
worth, 1998). This integration encompasses the individual as well as his or her histori-
cal and cultural contexts and identities (Grotevant, 1997). Yet, as Frasch and Brooks
(2003) wrote, “Ethnoracial identity development is not typically discussed in relation to
adoption” (p. 204). Brooks (1998) introduced a model that hypothesized achievement
or integration of multiple identities. This model sought an understanding of an individ-
ual’s global identity, encompassing not only race, ethnicity, and adoptee status but also
43
gender, socioeconomic status, religion, and other aspects of identity (as cited in Frasch
& Brooks). The current research, similarly, sought to understand the adoptive experi-
ence from a more global view and examine methods of R/E socialization.
Recent psychological research on R/E identity has focused largely on positive
psychological implications such as self-esteem, ego identity, and school involvement.
Due to the positive correlations between a positive R/E identity and psychological well-
being, it is important to continue to study and understand the variables that contribute to
the development and maintenance of a positive R/E identity (Phinney et al., 2001).
R/E identity and R/E socialization serve the purpose of fostering adjustment for
minority individuals. Researchers have suggested that, particularly for minorities, R/E
socialization can promote and enhance the effective coping and psychological strength
needed to resist and overcome racial oppression (Ward, 1999). Adolescents whose
parents engage in R/E socialization and particularly communicate with children about
discrimination demonstrate more effective coping strategies for dealing with discrimi-
nation and racism. R/E socialization has additionally been associated with stronger and
more positive R/E identities (Hughes et al., 2006). Because of the relationship between
R/E socialization and R/E identity, it is possible that the relation between R/E socializa-
tion and psychological adjustment could be explained partially by one’s R/E identity.
The first step in beginning to tease this out is to examine the relationship between dif-
ferent R/E socialization practices and R/E identity. Investigation of R/E socialization
within diverse communities can begin to illuminate additional aspects of socialization
strategies and how they relate to overall adjustment.
44
Research Questions
The R/E socialization strategies of adoptive parents were measured via parental
report to answer three primary research questions that guided the study. For adoptive
parents of Black children age 11-15 years of age:
1.To what extent does racial socialization behavior of Black parents predict
level of racial identity for their children?
2.To what extent does racial socialization behavior of White parents predict
level of racial identity for their children?
3.To what extent does parent race (Black vs. White) moderate the relationship
between racial socialization strategies and racial identity?
45
CHAPTER 2

METHODS
This chapter describes the methods to be used in this study. Specifically, it
presents information about the study’s participants, measures, and procedures.
Participants
Participants were Black (n = 59) or White (n = 80) adoptive parents of a Black
child, age 11-15. Participants were part of a larger study entitled BU that sought to
provide data to better understand the experience of transracial adoptees. Participants
were purposefully selected and classified as being either Black or White adoptive
parents of Black children. Individuals who did not identify as Black or White adoptive
parents of Black children were excluded from this analysis. The mean age of the re-
sponding parent within total sample was 49.28 (SD = 6.93); 92.4% of the total partici-
pants were female (Black, 13.3 %; White, 67.7 %); and 82.5 % were married at the time
of adoption. Education level and reported family income are presented in Tables 3 and
4.
Measures
Data about the behaviors and attitudes of the parents and children were obtained
from surveys mailed to respondent parents who completed them as part of a larger
study. Data for the present study were limited to those of four types: (a) demographic
46
Table 3
Parents’ Education Level by Primary Racial/Ethnic Background
B l a ck W h ite
Highest Level Completed n % n %
High school or GED46.7867.50
Vocational school23.3922.50
Junior/community college or received AA915.25911.25
Four-year college1525.422 430.00
Graduate school2949.153 948.75
Totals59100.008 0100.00
Note. N = 139. GED = General Equivalency Diploma; AA = Associate of Arts degree.
47
Table 4
Participants’ Reported Gross Household Income for 2001 by Primary Racial/Ethnic
Background
B l a ck White
Income n % n %
Less than $20,00011.7211.37
$20,000-$39,9991017.2468.22
$40,000-$59,9991118.971 520.55
$60,000-$79,9991322.411 520.55
$80,000-$99,999813.791 317.81
$100,000-$149,9991118.971 216.44
$150,000-$199,99923.4568.22
$200,000 or more23.4556.85
Totals58100.007 3100.00
Note. N = 139.
information, (b) information about parental socialization behaviors, (c) information
about children’s cultural or racial identity, and (c) information about children’s adjust-
ment. All measures were based on the parents’ self-reports of their own behaviors or
ratings of their children’s functioning with respect to racial identity or adjustment.
Racial Socialization Behaviors
Four factor analytically derived scales were developed to measure racial social-
ization behaviors and strategies. Table 5 shows the items (in bold) that were retained for
each of the four scales.
48
Table 5
Rotated Component Matrix for Items Concerning Racial Socialization
C o m p onent
a
Rotated Component Matrix12 34

Reading books to my child about his/her R/E group.77.10.07.01

Buying toys that reflect my child’s R/E heritage.67.13.13.03
Participation in any activities to support child’s racial or

ethnic identity.66.03.00.20

Reading books or attending workshops about child’s R/E group.58.26.04.04

Choosing multicultural entertainment.39.37.12.03

Having friends who share child’s R/E background or culture.32.18.00.28
Involvement in ethnically diverse religious, social, or recrea-

ational activities.34.35.08.22

Preparing foods associated with child’s R/E background.11.71.00.10

Participating in R/E holidays.18.68-.02.12

Family travel to culturally significant places.03.63.11.01
Learning about the culture values of child’s R/E group.35.51.05.00
We tell each other our problems concerning race/ethnicity.02.07.77.05
We often talk about race/ethnicity in our family.20.16.70.02
We say anything we want to about race/ethnicity in our family .04.00.62.07
Issues having to do with race/ethnicity are present within our

Family but are seldom discussed out loud.-.05.09-.52.06

Living where child can attend integrated schools.05.03.05.83
Living in an integrated neighborhood.01.08.06.84
Coefficient alpha.71.53.68.61
Note. R/E = racial/ethnic. Bolding indicates significance.
Factor 1 = placing emphasis upon Black history, tradition, and immersion into Black experi-
a
ences; Factor 2 = placing emphasis on Black culture; Factor 3 = race-related dialogue; Factor 4
= living in integrated environments.
49
Placing Emphasis Upon Black History, Culture, and Immersion Into Black
Experiences was comprised of seven items. Examples included ratings of the extent to
which parents reported that they had engaged in behaviors such as reading books to
child about his/her R/E group, choosing multicultural entertainment, and buying toys
that reflected child’s R/E heritage. The coefficient alpha for this scale was .71. Possible
range of scores on this measure was 0 to 7, where a higher score indicated that parents
engaged in these overt teaching behaviors to a great degree.
Placing Emphasis Upon Black Culture was comprised of four items. Examples
included ratings of the extent to which parents reported that they had engaged in family
travel to culturally significant places, learning about the cultural values of child’s R/E
group, Participating in R/E holidays, and preparing foods associated with child’s R/E
background. The coefficient alpha for this scale was .53. Possible range of scores on
this measure was 0 to 3, where a higher score indicated that parents engaged in these
cultural activities with their children to a great degree.
Race-Related Dialogue was comprised of four items. Examples included ratings
of the extent to which parents reported that they had engaged in telling each other about
problems concerning race/ethnicity or saying anything about race/ethnicity in the
family. The coefficient alpha for this scale was .68. Possible range of scores on this
measure was 0 to 12, where a higher score indicated that parents engaged in race-related
communications with their children to a great degree.
Living in Integrated Environments was comprised of two items that examined
the racial surrounding of home environment. These two items included ratings to the
50
extent to which parents reported that they had sought to live where the child could
attend integrated schools and to live in an integrated neighborhood. The coefficient
alpha for this scale was .61. Possible range of scores on this measure was 0 to 2, where
a higher score indicated that parents had chosen to expose their children to culturally
relevant neighborhoods more than those who had scored lower.
Child’s Racial Identity
Baden and Steward (2000) criticized the transracial adoption literature for its
tendency to investigate racial group preferences and objective racial self-identification
as opposed to racial identity development. They indicated that studies tended to concep-
tualize racial identity as the racial group to which adoptees reported a sense of belong-
ing. The criticism with this method was that conceptualizing racial identity in this
manner failed to recognize the “feelings about, attitudes toward, knowledge of, compe-
tence within, or comfort with one’s racial group” (p. 313). The current measures sought
to implement the suggestion and criticisms made by Baden and Steward. Thus, three
factor analytically derived scales were developed for this study in order to make at-
tempts to address the issue of racial identity development. Table 6 shows the items (in
bold) that comprise each scale.
Secure Racial Identity (three items). The coefficient alpha for this scale was .90.
Possible range of scores on this measure was 0 to 9, where a higher score indicated that
parents perceived the child to have a secure racial identity.
51
Table 6
Rotated Component Matrix for Items Concerning Racial Identity
Com ponent
a
#Rotated Component Matrix123
1Sense of security with his/her racial/ethnic background.90-.14-.06
2Positive feelings about his/her racial/ethnic background.90-.09.08
3Comfort with his/her racial/ethnic background.89-.10.05
4Negative feelings about his/her racial/ethnic background-.13.89.05
5Conflict over his/her racial/ethnic background-.13.88.15
6Indifference about his/her racial/ethnic background.15.00-.91
7Interest in his/her racial/ethnic background.35.33.71
Coefficient alpha.90.78.58
Note. Bolding indicates items that comprised each scale.
Factor 1 = secure racial background; Factor 2 = conflictual feelings about racial/ethnic
a
background; Factor 3 = interest in racial background.
Conflictual Feelings about Racial Background (two items). The possible range
of scores on this measure was 0 to 6, where a higher score indicated that parents per-
ceived the child to have conflictual feelings about his or her racial background.
Interest in Racial Background (two items). The possible range of scores on this
measure was 0 to 6, where a higher score indicated that parents perceived the child to
have an interest in his or her racial identity.
52
Procedures
Participants were primarily from the public child welfare system and smaller
samples of children adopted through private agency and intercountry adoption pro-
grams. The original participant pool included members or clients of the following
adoption agencies: (a) Pact, (b) California State Adoptions, (c) Holt International, (d)
Adoptive Families of America, (e) FAIR, (f) The New York Citizens Coalition for
Children and Youth, (g) the NACAC, (h) the Sierra Adoption Agency, and (I) the Black
Adoption Research and Placement Center.
The above organizations were approached about participating in the project and
information was forwarded to selected families. Beginning in May 2002, over 22,000
invitations to participate were sent to more than 1,600 professionals, agencies and
support groups. Access was granted to adoptive families from around 110 sources,
including public and private agencies, support groups, and conferences throughout the
country (38% in California). Qualified families were then sent information on consent
and a packet of materials. Materials contained a cover letter informing families that
upon receipt of completed materials, they would receive a gift certificate in apprecia-
tion. This letter instructed families how to select a child for participation and how to
determine which parent should complete the given survey (Project Summary/Abstract).
Families were informed that they would receive the mailed survey within a few weeks.
Demographic data were returned to Pact, a nonprofit organization for adoptive
parents, where information was entered into a BU database. Once all data were entered,
qualifying the child took place in the BU Adoptees database. Current age, age at time of
53
placement and age at time of finalization were calculated and displayed. Family/race/
ethnicity were calculated and a yes/no determination made for each criterion. When
children were found to meet one of the sampling targeted populations (e.g., transracial
family, child who is Black), they were then identified for sample recruitment. Qualified
participants consisted of participants who had submitted a demographic form, finalized
adoption, and had a child currently over the age of 2 and under the age of 20. The age at
time of placement was had to be under 5. The family had to be either of the same race
or transracial, and at least one parent had to be the original adoptive parent of the tar-
geted child. Qualified children were then randomized and selected one family at a time;
1,196 participants met criteria for project, and these completed surveys were then sent
to Dr. Devon Brooks.
54
CHAPTER 3

RESULTS
This chapter begins with a presentation of descriptive data. The remainder of the
chapter examines the research questions, each in turn.
Descriptive Statistics
Table 7 provides the descriptive statistics (means, standard deviations, and
number) for each of the four socialization strategies. Table 8 provides the same infor-
mation for each of the three racial identity measures. Table 9 provides information
about between variable correlations. Three matrices are provided: one for the entire
sample and one for each subset of parents.
Analysis of Research Questions
Research Question 1
To what extent does racial socialization behavior of Black parents predict level
of racial salience/identity for their children? Racial socialization behavior includes
placing emphasis on Black history tradition and immersion into Black experiences;
placing emphasis on Black culture; dialoguing about race, ethnicity, and racism; and
living in integrated living environments.
To address this question, correlation matrices (Table 9) were used to examine
the association of racial socialization practices of Black parents with child’s sense of
racial identity. As shown in Table 9, for Black parents,
55
Table 7
Means, Standard Deviations, and Number of Participants by Parent Group for Each of
the Four Socialization Strategies
B l a ck W h ite
ab
__________________________________
Factor n M SD n M SD F p
Factor 1446.481.00765.711.578.47.004
Factor 2592.511.25801.831.2210.43.002
Factor 35410.851.92781 0.321.812.62.108
Factor 4441.230.77800.960.862.87.093
Note. N = 139. Factor 1 = placing emphasis upon Black history, tradition, and immer-
sion into Black experiences; Factor 2 = placing emphasis on Black culture; Factor 3 =
race-related dialogue; Factor 4 = living in integrated environments.
Possible n = 59. Possible n = 80.
ab
Table 8
Means, Standard Deviations, and Number of Participants by Parent Group for Each of
the Three Racial Identity Outcomes
B l a ck W h ite
________________________________
Factor n M SD n M SD F p
Factor 1587.051.84776.581.822.170.14
Factor 2541.261.25761.341.080.160.69
Factor 3583.931.45783.781.310.390.53
Note. N = 139. Factor 1 = conflictual feelings about racial background; Factor 2 =
interest in racial background; Factor 3 = interest in racial background.
56
Table 9
Correlation Matrix for All Between-Variable Comparisons
V a r i able

Participants 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
All parents (n = 115-136 by cell)
1 Social: placing emphasis upon Black history, tradi-
tion, and immersion in Black experiences1 .00
2Socialization: placing emphasis on Black culture.381.00
3Socialization: race-related dialogue.39.201 .00
4Socialization: Living in integrated environments.17.06.211 .00
5Outcome: secure racial identity.05.19.05.251.00
6Outcome: conflictual feelings about racial back-
ground.23.03.21.03- .501.00
7Outcome: interest in racial background.13.33.36.16.09.211 .00
Black parents (n = 39-58 by cell)
1 Social: placing emphasis upon Black history, tradi-
tion, and immersion in Black experiences1 .00
2Socialization: placing emphasis on Black culture.181.00
3Socialization: race-related dialogue.29.101 .00
4Socialization: Living in integrated environments.25.05.351 .00
5Outcome: secure racial identity.13.30- .05.031.00
6Outcome: conflictual feelings about racial back-
ground.25.03 .41 .37- .391.00
7Outcome: interest in racial background- .01.30.38.25- .08.371 .00
White parents (n = 72-78 by cell)
1 Social: placing emphasis upon Black history, tradi-
tion, and immersion in Black experiences1 .00
2Socialization: placing emphasis on Black culture.401.00
3Socialization: race-related dialogue.39.231 .00
4Socialization: Living in integrated environments.10.02.101 .00
5Outcome: secure racial identity.01.05.10.351.00
6Outcome: conflictual feelings about racial back-
ground.20.05.05- .17- .601.00
7Outcome: interest in racial background.15.36.32.08.22.071 .00
Note. Bolding indicates significance.
57
placing an emphasis upon Black culture was significantly related to their child’s secure
sense of racial identity, r(58) = .30, p < .05. That is, Black parents who reported placing
an emphasis upon Black culture also reported that their child had a more secure sense of
racial identity.
Three socialization strategies were related to a child’s conflictual feelings about
his or her race. Conflictual feelings were associated with Black parents placing greater
emphasis on Black history and immersing their children into Black experiences; di-
aloguing with children about issues of race, ethnicity, and racism; and living in inte-
grated neighborhoods (r = .25, .41, and .37, respectively).
Three socialization strategies were related to children showing an interest in
his/her racial background. For those Black parents who emphasized Black culture,
dialogued with their children about race, and/or lived in integrated neighborhoods, there
was an association with increased interest in racial background (r = .30, .38, and .25,
respectively).
Research Question 2
To what extent does racial socialization behavior of White parents predict level
of racial salience/identity for their children? Racial socialization behavior includes
placing emphasis on Black history tradition and immersion into Black experiences;
placing emphasis on Black culture; dialoguing about race, ethnicity, and racism; and
living in integrated living environments.
58
To address this question, correlation matrices (Table 9) were used to examine
the association of racial socialization practices of White parents with the child’s sense
of racial identity. As shown in Table 9, for White parents, living within integrated
neighborhoods was significantly related to secure racial identity, r(80) = .35, p < .05.
That is, White parents who reported that they had sought out integrated neighborhoods
and schools also reported that their children had a more secure sense of racial identity.
An association was additionally found between White parents who reported placing an
emphasis on Black history, traditions, and immersing their children into Black experi-
ences and children showing conflictual feelings toward racial identity, r(80) = .20, p <
.05.
Two socialization strategies, emphasizing Black culture and dialoguing with
children about issues of race, ethnicity, and racism, were found to be associated with
interest in racial background (r = .36 and .32, respectively).
Research Question 3
To what extent does parent race (Black vs. White) moderate the relationship
between racial socialization strategies and racial identity?
To address this question, both regression analyses and correlation matrices were
used to compare impact of socialization strategies between Black and White parents. As
can be seen in Table 10, socialization strategies (entered as a block) of neither Black
nor White parents were found to significantly predict a sense of secure racial identity
for Black adoptees, nor were socialization strategies of both sets of studied parents
59
found to significantly predict sense of conflict toward race for children. Though non-
significant, findings showed that, when compared to White parents, the socialization
strategies of Black parents were more predictive of conflictual feelings toward race.
Table 10
Prediction of Racial Identity Variables From Socialization Strategies
Used by Adoptive Parents (N = 139)
Variable R F f R F f
22
Secure0.101.090.370.122.330.06
Conflict0.191.850.140.061.080.37
Interest0.263.130.030.204.240.04
The predictor was all three socialization strategies in combination.
a
Bolding indicates significance.
For both Black and White parents, socialization strategies were found to signifi-
cantly predict the level of interest in issues of race and racial identity. Thus, interest in
racial identity can be better predicted than either conflict or security.
60
CHAPTER 4

DISCUSSION
This study’s overarching objective was to contribute to both the racial socializa-
tion and transracial adoption literature exploring the effects of several racial socializa-
tion strategies used by adoptive parents of Black children. Its first purpose was to
examine the specific racial socialization strategies of both Black and White adoptive
parents. It also compared the unique racial socialization strategies of parents, based
upon their race.
The current chapter discusses the study’s major findings. As well, it addresses
the study’s limitations and implications of the findings and makes suggestions for
future research. The first step was to create scales from existing survey data. Although
results must be considered cautiously, factor analyses used in scale development re-
vealed interesting and potentially significant patterns among the data. The identity
outcome factors appeared to be aligned, at least at a general level, to Cross’s (1978,
1991) five-stage model of Black racial identity development, which describes the
psychological and behavioral characteristics of Blacks. Specifically:
1.Secure identity seemed to correspond to Cross’s Internalization stage. Indi-
viduals within this stage are described as nondefensive regarding their racial identity
and are believed to have a Black reference group orientation, but with openness toward
other groups.
61
2.Conflictual identity seemed to correspond to Cross’s earlier stages of devel-
opment (i.e., Pre-Encounter, Encounter), as these are stages rife with feelings of stigma,
self-hatred, anger, anxiety, and negativity toward race.
3.Interest would seem to correspond with both earlier (Encounter) stages and
later stages (Internalization). This finding seems reasonable, as interest was measured
by items asking about “interest in” and “indifference about” racial background. Interest
is therefore implied within both secure and conflictual feelings, as children are at a
point in their development where they are beginning to ponder these issues.
Racial Socialization Strategies: Black Parents
This general correspondence between the Cross (1991, 1995) stages and the
scales developed for this study provided a level of validity for the obtained scales. It
also presented the puzzling finding that three of the four types of parental socialization
strategies of Black parents were related to conflictual identity, whereas only a single
socialization factor (i.e., emphasis upon Black history and tradition and immersion) of
White parents predicted conflictual identity. This seems counter-intuitive. Reasonably,
the opposite would be true—that is, that all racial socialization strategies would result
in a secure identity.
The first of these racial socialization strategies included placing an emphasis
upon Black history and tradition and immersing children into Black experiences. These
specific behaviors consisted of reading books to children about their R/E group; buying
toys reflecting the child’s R/E heritage; participating in activities supportive of the
62
child’s R/E group; choosing multicultural entertainment; having friends who shared
their child’s culture; and involvement in ethnically diverse religious, social, or recre-
ational activities. Although the above research finding was surprising, the racial social-
ization literature acknowledges that while most racial socialization is associated with
positive outcomes, some forms of racial socialization may have deleterious results if
youth see limits to their opportunities or come to expect unfair treatment (McHale et al.,
2006). Thus, whereas racial socialization is an important process, the content of the
message is important as well.
In the present study, Black parents who strongly agreed with statements regard-
ing engaging their children in racial dialogue (i.e., talking often about race/ethnicity,
saying anything about race/ethnicity, telling one another problems concerning race/eth-
nicity) were additionally found to report that their children had conflictual feelings
toward race. This researcher proposes that racial dialogue may work in a similar way as
the racial socialization practice promotion of mistrust (i.e., practices of parents that
foster a sense of distrust of other racial groups) cited in previous research (Hughes &
Chen, 1999). From their review of the socialization literature, Hughes and Chen con-
cluded that promotion of mistrust was related to poor outcomes for Black children in
that it overemphasized racial barriers and discrimination that undermined children’s
sense of self-efficacy and promoted distrust and anger, thereby leading to maladaptive
behaviors.
Racial dialogue likewise may serve to make children hypervigiliant and distrust-
ful. Although parents may engage their children in dialogue around issues of race and/
63
or encourage children to openly discuss problems concerning race with the intention of
creating a safe space for children to discuss these issues, such discussion may inadver-
tently result in distrust and anger and subsequently a great deal of conflict around issues
of race and ethnicity. As well, the questions in this study did not ask parents to describe
the tone of the racial dialogue. There is no way to know, then, the extent to which the
parents might have been engaged in racial dialogue from an aggrieved perspective that
would negatively affect their children.
The last socialization strategy utilized by Black parents that resulted in con-
flictual feelings toward race was living in integrated neighborhoods. A partial explana-
tion for this finding is that families who live in more diverse environments have a
greater number of interactions with individuals and institutions from the dominant
culture and, as such, more opportunities to experience racist and/or discriminatory
encounters.
One possibility for the high ratings of endorsement for feelings of conflict by
Black parents is that this is an artifact of the data collection strategy whereby parents
reported both their perceptions of both the socialization strategies they had used and
their perceptions of their children’s attitudes and behaviors. It is reasonable, therefore,
to speculate that the Black parent who is conscious about using particular socialization
strategies may also be someone who is particularly vigilant about any signs of conflic-
tual feelings that his/her children may have toward race. It is also reasonable to specu-
late that many of the Black parents still may be struggling with their own issues of race
and identity and therefore more likely to perceive the same for their children, regardless
64
of whether it actually is there. High parental endorsement of feelings of racial conflict
may additionally be contributed to the age range of the children being studied (i.e.,
adoptive parents of children 11-15 years of age). This age range is typically a develop-
mental period of identity exploration; thus, it could be argued that findings of secure
and therefore well developed sense of identity would be surprising given the age range
of subjects.
For Black parents, placing an emphasis on Black culture (i.e., preparing foods
associated with their child’s R/E background, participating in R/E holidays, traveling to
culturally significant places, learning about the cultural values of their child’s R/E
group) was shown to positively influence their child’s degree of ethnic identity. These
children were reported to have a greater sense of security as well as more positive
feelings toward and more comfort with their R/E background. As previously stated, this
outcome appears to correspond with Cross’s (1995) Internalization stage of ethnic
identity and, as such, to be associated with greater psychological health (Wilson & Con-
stantine, 1999), increased internal locus of control (Martin & Hall, 1992), and greater
perceived hope in setting and achieving goals (Jackson & Neville, 1998).
These findings are consistent with Hughes and Chen’s (1999) conclusions that
messages of racial socialization that focused on teaching cultural history, pride, and
esteem were consistently associated with better academic achievement and a better de-
veloped sense of racial identity. “By making culture salient and by providing instruction
about cultural practices and the achievements of group members, parents
65
simultaneously build pride and knowledge of cultural traditions and values that underlie
youth’s ethnic identity” (McHale et al., 2006, p. 1389).
Three different socialization strategies utilized by Black parents were found to
increase overall interest in racial identity. Parents who placed emphasis on Black
culture, engaged in dialogue with their children about race, and/or lived within inte-
grated neighborhoods reported children who showed interest in their R/E background. It
is suggested that all racial socialization strategies work to increase interest in racial
background and that the specific type of strategy utilized by the parent determines
whether this interest will result in either positive (i.e., secure) or negative (i.e., con-
flictual) feelings around race. It is therefore a surprising result that placing parental
emphasis on Black history and tradition and immersion into Black experiences was not
found to increase interest in racial background.
Impact of Racial Socialization Strategies: White Parents
The second focus of the study was on the racial socialization behaviors of White
adoptive parents of Black children and the extent to which these behaviors were able to
predict the level of racial identity for their children. For these parents, living within
integrated environments was shown to positively influence their child’s degree of ethnic
identity (i.e., secure identity), generally corresponding to Cross’s (1995) Internalized
stage and, as such, to be predictive of healthy psychological functioning, such as posi-
tive self-esteem.
66
These findings are consistent with Feigelman’s (2000) findings. Transracial
adoptive parents’ decisions about where to live had a substantial impact upon their
child’s adjustment. They found, specifically, that children of transracial adoptive
parents who resided in predominantly White (vs. integrated) communities experienced
discomfort about their appearance and thus were more likely to have difficulties with
adjustment. DeBerry et al. (1996) obtained the complementary finding that R/E identity
was weaker in transracial adoptees living in predominantly White communities. There-
fore, the current findings that showed that transracially adopted Black children who live
within integrated environments were more secure in their ethnic identity were consis-
tent with previous research.
As with Black parents, White parents who placed emphasis on African Ameri-
can history and tradition and immersed their children into Black experiences, reported
children to have conflictual feelings toward racial background. However, in contrast to
the findings regarding Black parents, White parents who reported dialoguing with their
children about issues of race (i.e., talking often about race/ethnicity, saying anything
about race/ethnicity, telling one another problems concerning race/ethnicity) reported
children to show interest versus conflict in racial background.
It is possible that White parents may deliberately engage in the same socializa-
tion behaviors as their Black counterparts and with the same effect on their children,
but, overall, may be much less inclined to “see” and/or report conflictual attitudes about
racial identity in their children. White parents of transracially adopted African Ameri-
can children may be sensitive regarding their role as parents and, as such, less likely to
67
endorse that their children are struggling with issues of race. There also is the possibil-
ity that the same socialization behaviors had different impacts when engaged in by
White versus Black parents.
Differential Effects by Race of Socialization Strategies
A third research question concerned the racial socialization strategies of Black
and White adoptive parents. Perhaps the most important finding of the study was that,
regardless of parental race, parental socialization strategies predicted the child’s level of
interest in racial background. For both parent groups, interest was better predicted than
either conflict or security.
The type of impact, though, differed by parent race. Socialization strategies of
Black parents were more predictive of conflictual feelings toward race. When different
types of racial socialization strategies were compared, results revealed that a secure
sense of racial identity was predicted differently for the two races. Specifically, for
Black parents, secure identity was associated with emphasizing Black culture. For
White parents, secure identity was better predicted by living in integrated environments.
These results indicated that the same racial socialization strategies, when used by dif-
ferent races, could produce disparate results.
It is interesting to note that whereas for White parents, living in integrated envi-
ronments is predictive of a secure sense of racial identity, for Black parents, living in
integrated environments predicts conflict. Given past research findings (Herman, 2004)
that showed racial composition of neighborhood, peer group, and school to have
68
significant positive impacts upon racial identification, the above findings were unex-
pected. Again, one hypothesis is that for Black children of Black parents, living in
integrated environments brings about a greater probability that children will have racist
and/or discriminatory experiences, resulting in conflictual feelings toward race. For
Black children of White parents, integrated living environments may, in contrast, serve
as a promotive factor and normalize their familial experiences.
Limitations
Although the current findings contribute to the literature on racial socialization,
caution must be used with respect to findings and several limitations must be taken into
consideration when interpreting. First and foremost, the small sample size limits the
generalizability of the current findings. The current study was comprised of a total
sample of 139 adoptive parents of Black children. Methodologically, this small sample
size may not have been sufficient enough to make inferences regarding socialization
strategies. Additionally, the current study goals direct attention to a specific type of
family—that is, adoptive parents of inracial and transracial Black adoptees, Findings
around racial socialization may not be generalizable to other parents of African Ameri-
can children. Secondly, participants were parents of children aged 11-15; thus, the
findings may not pertain to children of other ages. Research conducted on a randomized
sample of Black families and the racial socialization strategies within those families
may have caused a different pattern of results. Nonetheless, although the parents in the
present study may not have represented the familial situations of many Black children,
69
the results provide useful information about the relationship between racial socializa-
tion and racial identity.
Perhaps the greatest limitation was that both parental socialization strategies and
ethnic identity outcomes were measured via parental report. Therefore, until indepen-
dent measures of children’s identity-related outcomes are utilized, caution should be
taken in interpreting these findings. It is unknown whether respondents honestly re-
ported their beliefs or behaviors due to the potential of self-enhancement, reporter bias,
or social desirability.
The correlational nature of the research design was an additional limitation with
the current study. The design of the current study did not allow for causal inferences to
be made between racial socialization practices and ethnic identity. Longitudinal re-
search is important in providing further information on the ways in which racial social-
ization positively impact racial identity.
A final limitation to the current study includes the lack of detail on methodology
and sample. As explained in chapter 2, the current data utilized a sample from a larger
dataset entitled project BU. Within this project, demographic data and final surveys
were initially returned to Pact, a nonprofit organization for adoptive parents. Here,
information was entered into a BU database, and completed surveys were then sent to
Dr. Devon Brooks. The present researcher had access to completed surveys within the
dataset and knowledge only of the initial arrangement regarding data collection based
upon the grant proposal of Dr. Brooks; little information was known regarding the
actual sampling method.
70
Implications
The results of the current study make several important contributions to the
racial socialization and transracial adoption literature. They suggest, for example, that
parents need to be aware of the racial socialization strategies they are using as well as
the likely impacts given their individual family makeup. Professionals can utilize post-
adoption parent training in cultural competence to encourage adoptive parents to em-
ploy socialization strategies that have been found to best foster secure or positive racial
identity in their child, given the racial makeup of the family. For instance, an important
recommendation for White parents of adopted Black children would be to consider
residing in culturally diverse neighborhoods.
For mental health professionals who work with adoptees and/or African Ameri-
can children, having awareness of different parental strategies that positively impact
racial identity, and thus adjustment, can aid in their assessment of both risk and protec-
tive factors, thereby helping with both diagnostic and clinical work with adoptees and
Black children with mental health needs.
Recommendations for Further Research
Future studies should include information about racial identity from other
sources (e.g., from children or other objective reporters) to further establish how racial
socialization practices may positively influence ethnic identity. The specific set of
behaviors used to determine racial socialization strategies may not adequately capture
the many ways in which parents can socialize their children around issues of race.
71
In the current study, most participants were mothers. Based on previous research
and findings that racial socialization might look different based upon parent gender,
future research would benefit from studying potential gender effects with both adoptive
mothers and fathers, thereby providing information on racial socialization strategies and
child racial identity.
Research would additionally benefit from gathering information on children’s
perception of racial socialization strategies as well as racial identity development.
Future research should additionally examine the R/E identity of adoptive parents, as
literature has shown that parents with internalization attitudes have stronger racial
socialization attitudes and therefore may be more likely to socialize their children
around issues of race (Thomas & Speight, 1999).
Conclusions
The current study explored the frequency and methods of racial socialization
strategies used by adoptive parents of Black children. The researcher sought to examine
the specific racial socialization strategies of both Black and White adoptive parents and
compare the unique racial socialization strategies of parents, based upon race.
The adoption literature has clearly demonstrated that adoptees are at increased
risk for psychological maladjustment and tend to be overrepresented in clinical popu-
lations. Adopted children often suffer from neglect or maltreatment at the hands of birth
families and subsequently have medical problems, learning disabilities, attachment
disorders, and/or other mental health difficulties. Given the high risk of psychological
72
maladjustment, it is important that potential protective factors be examined and accen-
tuated within the literature. Previous research has shown that when transracial adoptive
parents work to acknowledge their children’s physical differences while emphasizing
their psychological similarities, the psychological adjustment of adopted children is
maximized, thus serving as a protective factor. The present study found that racial
socialization strategies can additionally serve to promote a secure and positive sense of
racial identity.
Results from this study indicated that, regardless of parent race, racial socializa-
tion appears to be a salient and important feature of parenting for parents of Black
children. In line with previous research (Hughes & Chen, 1999), the current findings
showed that the specific influence of racial socialization messages differs depending
upon the type or content of socialization messages as well as on who is delivering the
message. As with previous research, the current study recognized the many inadvertent
forms of racial socialization that take place within the home as well as the external
messages children may receive within their environment—both of which play a role in
children’s racial identity development.
The racial socialization process is an intricate but needed process. Due to the
very real racial dangers and disappointments, parents of Black children must work to
socialize their children around race in a way that does not overwhelm or oversensitive
them. However sensitive the process, it is important that children be socialized around
race due to apparent positive behavioral and psychological outcomes.
73
The current study was unique in its examination of both racial socialization
strategies and transracial adoption practices. The racial group differences in parents’
racial socialization practices and subsequent findings on racial identity development
provide important information to both the socialization and adoption literature.
74
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Abstract (if available)

Abstract The purpose of this study was to examine how particular racial socialization strategies that parents use with Black adoptive children affect those children s racial identity. Specifically, 59 Black and 80 White American parents reported the extent to which they engaged in four categories of behavior with their adoptive children aged 11-15: (a) providing an emphasis upon Black history, tradition, and immersion into Black experiences

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Asset Metadata

Creator Bunch, Keyondria (author)

Core Title Racial/ethnic identity socialization as a method of fostering positive racial/ethnic identity in adoptees

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education (Counseling Psychology)

Publication Date 02/05/2010

Defense Date 11/06/2007

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,racial identity

Language English

Advisor Goodyear, Rodney K. (committee chair), Brooks, Devon (committee member), Stone, Gerald (committee member)

Creator Email keyondrb@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m1007

Unique identifier UC1330691

Identifier etd-Bunch-20080205 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-39315 (legacy record id),usctheses-m1007 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Bunch-20080205.pdf

Dmrecord 39315

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Bunch, Keyondria

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu