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A phenomenological study of secondary women athletic directors: an exploration of systemic bias

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A Phenomenological Study of Secondary Women Athletic Directors:
An Exploration of Systemic Bias

Diana Parente

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2023

© Copyright by Diana Parente 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Diana Parente certifies the approval of this Dissertation

David Cash
Alan Green
Christina Kishimoto, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
Women continue to be greatly underrepresented in the position of secondary school athletic
director. Mercogliano (2019) found that in Section I, which is comprised of 70 school districts in
Westchester County, only 11.4% had women athletic directors. Another study conducted in
Wisconsin (Dombeck, 2018) showed only 13.3% of secondary school athletic directors were
women. This study explored systemic bias and career limitations through the experiences of
current women secondary school athletic directors in the Washington, DC region, known as the
DC, Maryland, and Virginia (DMV) metro area. Understanding why these impediments exist
through the experiences of women athletic directors is a first step in implementing change to
mitigate access bias. Additionally, this study also looked at Title IX policy and its impact on
women in sports leadership positions. Based on the results from the research findings, I offered
recommendations for steps secondary school athletic departments can take to create a more
inclusive environment that promotes the advancement and success of secondary school women
athletic directors.
Keywords: gender theory, intersectionality, Title IX, bias, and career limitations

v
Dedication
To my family who have supported me throughout this entire process. I would not have been able
to see this through without the loving support of my husband Adam, son Colton, my mother, my
father, and sister. I am very lucky to have such an amazing support system.

vi
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee: Dr. Christina Kishimoto
(dissertation chair), Dr. David Cash, and Dr. Alan Green for their never-ending mentoring and
guidance throughout the entire dissertation process. I am also grateful for the support that I
received from my Head of School, Andrea Kelly, who continued to inspire me to keep on writing
my chapters.
I would like to thank my USC colleagues for their invaluable support during the entire
doctoral program. I want to especially acknowledge and thank Rebecca Melvoin for her
continued support and motivation as we worked together to complete our classes and supported
each other with the dissertation process.
Lastly, I would like to thank the female secondary school athletic directors who allowed
me to interview them and to the female secondary school athletic directors who participated in
my survey. Each and every one of these incredible women continues to lead while overcoming
barriers to further strengthen representation in secondary school athletic departments.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 4
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 6
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 7
Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 7
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 8
Limitation and Delimitations .............................................................................................. 9
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 9
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 12
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 13
Theoretical Framework: Gender Theory .......................................................................... 13
Women’s Access to Sports Leadership............................................................................. 18
Title IX Federal Legislation .............................................................................................. 23
Career Limitations and Biases Women Face in Advancing Within Sports
Leadership ......................................................................................................................... 27
The Importance of Representation: Women Sport Leaders .............................................. 33
Summary of the Literature ................................................................................................ 34
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 37
Purpose of Study ............................................................................................................... 37
viii
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 38
Positionality ...................................................................................................................... 38
Selection of the Population ............................................................................................... 40
Design Summary ............................................................................................................... 41
Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 43
Instrumentation and Protocols .......................................................................................... 44
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 45
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 47
Validity and Reliability ..................................................................................................... 47
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 48
Chapter Four: Results ................................................................................................................... 49
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 49
Presentation of Findings ................................................................................................... 51
Research Question 1 Findings .......................................................................................... 53
Research Question 2 Findings .......................................................................................... 61
Research Question 3 Findings .......................................................................................... 72
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 81
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 83
Findings............................................................................................................................. 84
Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 95
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 96
Recommendations for Future Research .......................................................................... 100
Concluding Remarks ....................................................................................................... 102
References ................................................................................................................................... 105
Appendix A: Secondary Athletic Director Cover Letter and Consent for Interview ................. 112
ix
Purpose of Study ............................................................................................................. 114
Participant Involvement .................................................................................................. 114
Confidentiality ................................................................................................................ 115
Appendix B: Interview Protocol Coversheet .............................................................................. 116
Appendix C: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 118
Appendix D: Secondary Athletic Director Cover Letter for Survey .......................................... 121
Appendix E: Survey Instrument.................................................................................................. 124

x
List of Tables
Table 1: Survey and Interview Selection Criteria of Women Secondary School Athletic
Directors 42
Table 2: Interview Participants 51
Table 3: Survey Participants 52

xi
List of Figures
Figure 1: Interaction of Macro-, Meso-, and Microlevels to Create Barriers and Bias 29
Figure 2: Gender Barriers 54
Figure 3: Ability 56
Figure 4: Patriarchy 58
Figure 5: Title IX Knowledge 63
Figure 6: Governance of Gender Equity Within Secondary School Athletic Departments 64
Figure 7: Title IX Compliance Within Secondary Schools 66
Figure 8: Gender Equity Within Coaching and Athletic Administration in Secondary
Athletics 67
Figure 9: Title IX and Intersectionality 69

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
On the 50th anniversary of the implementation of Title IX of the Education Amendments
Act of 1972 (Siegele et al., 2018), it is clear that the law has had a profound impact on anti-
discrimination, equity, and access for women in the American educational system. Title IX
recognized that America had long-standing gender inequities that rendered girls and women
second-class citizens. To address those inequities, Title IX prohibited sex discrimination in the
American school system, including athletics. The law was clear in its intent to achieve equal
access for women athletes during their schooling experience. Title IX revolutionized women’s
sports and athletic participation, which is exemplified in the growth of women’s sports
participation at the secondary (high school) level. “At the high school level, dramatic increases
have been seen as well, rising from 294,015 in 1972 to 3,402,733 in 2018–2019 (the most recent
reporting year), representing an increase of 1,057 percent over time” (Staurowsky et al., 2022,
p. 4).
The growth of female athletes in secondary schools due to Title IX has led to countless
opportunities for young women both collegiately and professionally. For example, a report by
Ernst and Young (2014) found that participation in athletics during high school years led to
women’s future professional success. Ernst and Young surveyed 400 women executives, and
94% of respondents reported having competed as athletes during their youth. As shown by their
study, millions of girls and women have benefited from the passage of Title IX by having
opportunities to play sports, which led to career advancement later in life.
The growth of participation in athletics for female students through Title IX also resulted
in their improved overall health. Parker-Pope (2010) explained that “women who played sports
in their youth had 7% lower risk of obesity 20 to 25 years later, when women were in their late
2

30s and early 40s” (p. 2). Additionally, the Women’s Sports Foundation (2020) report Chasing
Equity found that sport participation during secondary school resulted in increased fitness levels,
lower blood pressure, and reduced risk of cardiovascular disease. The Women’s Sports
Foundation connected social and emotional health to sports participation. “The social benefits of
sport participation include increased well-being, life satisfaction, community cohesion and unity,
civic renewal, and youth development” (Women’s Sports Foundation, 2020, p. 28). The
implementation of Title IX has been vital for the physical, social, and emotional health of young
female athletes through participation in sports in secondary schools.
Even though there has been great progress in providing opportunities and access for girls
and women in secondary school athletic departments, there is more to do to achieve full gender
equity within athletic departments. One shortcoming of the Title IX legislation is that it focused
solely on student athletic participation and not on who leads athletic departments. While Title IX
resulted in an extraordinary 1,057% growth in female student participation in secondary level
athletics (Staurowsky et al., 2022, p. 4), a comparable growth has not been realized in the
number of women leading in senior athletic administration positions at the secondary and
collegiate levels. In fact, with the restructuring of athletic departments that occurred after the
passage of Title IX, many women lost their positions within sports administration.
Conversely, as a matter of historical record, after Title IX’s enactment, women lost
ground in leadership positions in athletics administration and coaching. Dropping from a
high of 95% of women running women’s athletics in 1972, athletic department
reorganizations in the 1970s resulted in women college sports leaders being demoted or
their positions eliminated along with separate athletic programs for women. (Staurowsky
et al., 2022, p. 43)
3

Before Title IX, women’s athletics were separate from men’s athletics, and the women’s
programs were run by women athletic directors. Title IX unintentionally resulted in the merging
of the men’s and women’s programs collegiately due to the new demands placed on collegiate
athletic programs. When the programs merged, it was women who lost their jobs, and women did
not retain their comparable positions. Women were forced out of the athletic directing role, and
men retained their leadership positions. Thus, this demonstrates that traditional societal gender
norms rooted in sex discrimination will uphold the status quo if not explicitly mandated through
federal policy. The growth seen in female student participation was due to the enforcement of
Title IX policy. One reason for the limited growth in women athletic directors since the
implementation of Title IX is the lack of explicit language regarding gender equity in leadership
in federal policy regulation.
Sex discrimination within Title IX policy implementation has played an active role in
limiting the number of women represented in athletic directing positions in secondary schools.
Taylor and Hardin (2016) stated that traditional societal gender norms, that is, men should be
providers and women should run the household, play a role in the career mobility of women.
Through the lens of gender norms and sex discrimination, women are not expected to lead
athletic departments. Women who break into the athletic directing field, according to Taylor and
Hardin (2016), reported hostile male-dominated work environments, unequal assumption of
competence, and hiring principle of similarity. In a survey by the Women’s Sports Foundation
(2020), one respondent stated,
We have to stop expecting men and women to lead in the same ways. There has to be
flexibility but [there] also has to be support for when women who are “aggressive,” “high
4

spirited,” “demanding.” We can’t shy away from supporting women who are leading just
because society views them as less or not as good. (p. 56)
Background of the Problem
Leberman and Burton’s (2017) research concluded that the United States continues to
experience glacially slow progress towards the advancement of women in sports leadership. The
research has found that in K–12 districts, there has been little growth for women in the athletic
directing position at the secondary level. Mercogliano (2019) found that in Section I, which
comprises 70 school districts in Westchester County, only 11.4% had women athletic directors.
Another study conducted in Wisconsin (Dombeck, 2018) showed only 13.3% of secondary
school athletic directors were women. Limited career mobility for women within secondary
schools is also echoed in administrative and leadership positions in K–12 school districts. For
example, in the superintendent position, Superville (2017) found that even though females make
up a majority of the employees in K–12 districts, men dominate the chief executive positions in
education. According to Modan (2020) who found from the American Association of School
Superintendents, the percentage of female superintendents increased slightly from 2010, when it
was 24.1%, to 26.68% in 2020. Taylor and Hardin (2016) stated that “hiring from a principle of
similarity and carrying our traditional gender norms paired with increased scrutiny and decreased
support limit female’s ability to achieve maximum intra and interfirm career mobility in many
male-dominated industries” (p. 16).
Women struggle to break into athletic leadership positions due to systemic bias of both
gender and other identity markers, such as race (Taylor & Hardin, 2016, p. 16). According to
Superville (2017), when women do receive a position within educational leadership, they are
often scrutinized, unfairly critiqued, or have their appearance questioned. Mercogliano (2019),
5

stated that the athletic director for Carmel High School in Westchester County, said, she has
been called the water girl or athletic trainer when approached by teams visiting her campus.
Superville also explained that the scrutiny of women is an issue of both race and gender.
Additional findings revealed in the Mercogliano (2019) study showed that the few women who
held athletic directing positions within secondary schools were White. Butler and Lopiano
(2003) explained:
Race and gender inequalities are intertwined by their very natures. When women athletes
face discrimination because of their gender, women athletes of color are similarly
affected. When students of color face discrimination based on their race, women athletes
of color are similarly affected. Thus, women athletes of color are in double jeopardy,
facing the effects of gender and race discrimination. (p. 7)
Title IX is a single axis law, which means it focuses only on one area of bias (Staurowsky et al.,
2022, p. 54). Brake (2008) wrote that because Title IX is a single axis law, women have not
shared equally in Title IX gains. Butler and Lopiano and Brake all argued that there needs to be
further understanding of how race and gender intersect in contributing to biases and career
limitations for women athletic directors of color.
Due to sport being a gendered institution, where all sport operates with a belief of sport
as masculine, women are traditionally not accepted as the sole leader of a secondary district or
school athletic department. According to the District of Columbia Interscholastic Athletic
Association (2021) website, in the District of Columbia Public Schools (DCPS), there is a slight
increase in the number of women holding the athletic director position. However, it is essential
to note that women shared the athletic directing position with men in many occurrences. For
example, at both McKinley Tech and Wilson High School in DCPS, the athletic director position
6

is shared between a man and a woman. The independent schools surrounding the DC metro area
historically used a model of having a woman athletic director for the “female” sports and a man
athletic director for “male” sports. Up until recently, the Potomac School, Episcopal High
School, St. Stephen’s and St. Agnes, and The Bullis School followed the two athletic director
model that based the role on gender. de Beauvoir (1949/2010) and McClintock (1995) both
argued that the oppression of women is rooted in patriarchy, which is why a segregated model of
responsibilities exists in the athletic directing world.
Surprisingly, there is little research on why so few women are in secondary school
athletic director positions, despite this widespread phenomenon. Most of the research on the
topic of the limited number of women athletic administrators has been done at the collegiate and
professional levels. This research study provided insight into inequities faced by women athletic
directors in the Washington, DC area by understanding their lived experiences, if any, with bias
and career limitations. Understanding why this problem exists through the lens of current
secondary women athletic directors will be the first step in implementing change and growth for
women in athletic directing.
Statement of the Problem
Women are underrepresented in the role of the athletic director at the secondary school
level in the Washington, DC area, known as the DC, Maryland, and Virginia (DMV) metro area.
In the DMV, most women selected as the athletic director share the position with men. However,
nationally, and in the DMV, a man usually holds that position when there is a stand-alone
secondary athletic director. Access to athletic director positions at the secondary-school level is
mired in both societal and institutional bias of men against women, which presents a career
opportunity gap. Opportunity gaps for women in the athletic directing role exist in secondary
7

schools in the DMV, at secondary schools nationally, and at the collegiate level. According to
the Women’s Sports Foundation (2020), “Women hold a limited number of leadership positions
in intercollegiate sport, including leadership at the athletic director level in NCAA Division I
(11%), Division II (18%) and Division III (31%)” (Women’s Sports Foundation, 2020, p. 52).
Shakeshaft (2006) argued that sex discrimination in educational leadership positions is due to the
historic devaluation of women and the beliefs that members of society have for both men and
women. This study examined current secondary school women athletic directors in the DMV to
understand the inequities, biases, and career limitations they experienced throughout their
careers. Additionally, this study focused on how women secondary school athletic directors in
the DMV find success within the position.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to understand systemic bias and career limitations through
the experiences of women who are currently in school-based athletic administrators in the DMV.
Understanding why these impediments exist through the experiences of women athletic directors
will be a first step in implementing change to mitigate access bias. This study explored the
barriers women encountered in their career path in the DMV. Interviews were conducted to
understand women secondary athletic directors in the DMV and interpret their experiences and
the meaning they attribute to their experiences. This study resulted in recommendations for
improved practices for supporting women athletic directors at the secondary school level,
including redefining an inclusive work environment and leveraging Title IX policy
implementation.
Research Questions
The following research questions were used to guide this study:
8

1. What are the experiences of women athletic directors in DMV secondary schools with
systemic barriers due to their gender?
2. What do secondary school women athletic directors in the DMV perceive to be the
strengths and shortcomings of Title IX law relative to their role?
3. How do women athletic directors in the DMV describe explicit and implicit biases
that have impacted their advancement opportunities?
The study utilized gender theory (de Beauvoir, 1949/2010; Lennon & Alsop, 2020;
McClintock, 1995) to understand the societal dynamics of the role of women and men. Lennon
and Alsop (2020) explained that gender theory is the social construction of the term “gender,”
based on the assumptions associated with the psychological, behavioral, and social aspects of
being a man or woman. de Beauvoir (1949/2010) argued that the construction of gender is rooted
in capitalism and patriarchy. McClintock (1995) expanded on de Beauvoir’s research that the
structure of gender-based patriarchy is a means to oppress women. The roles of women athletic
directors do not align with traditional notions of gender based on a patriarchal system. In this
system, women stay home and care for their house and children, and their husbands work outside
the home and provide for them, according to Lennon and Alsop. They expanded, “It’s a vision of
the world in which men are superior to women, inequality is the name of the game” (Lennon &
Alsop, 2020, p. 5), and through the power dynamic manifested through gender relationships,
women athletic directors are subjected to oppression and limited career opportunities.
Significance of the Study
Representation matters, and women are underrepresented in secondary school athletic
administration. This research study provides insight into the barriers and biases of women who
have successfully ascended into a secondary athletic director position. By understanding the
9

experiences of current women secondary school athletic directors, this study hopes to encourage
other women to pursue this leadership position.
Limitation and Delimitations
This study was limited to perspectives of secondary women athletic directors through
their self-reported personal narratives of their career pathway experiences to the directorship.
Interview questions related to career limitations and bias in the workplace were limited to the
relevance of the research participants’ personal experiences.
The delimitations of this study were limited to the gender of the athletic directors
(women), geographic region (DMV), and the number of women athletic directors interviewed.
Definition of Terms
 Bias is referred to by Neitzel (2018) as unconscious and automatic attitudes or
stereotypes that affect our understanding, actions, and decision-making in daily life.
 DMV is the Washington, DC metro area of the District of Columbia, Maryland, and
Virginia.
 Essentialism as explained by Ladson-Billings (2013), “is a belief that all people
perceived to be in a single group think, act, and believe the same things in the same
ways. Such thinking leads to considerable misunderstanding and stereotyping”
(p. 40).
 Gender is the social construction of the term gender based on the assumptions
associated with the psychological, behavioral, and social aspects of being a man or
woman (Lennon & Alsop, 2020).
 Gender theory is a way to understand the oppression of women through a combined
process of colonization, patriarchy, capitalization, and heterosexuality. Gender
10

theorists look to challenge the dominant narrative of oppression of women based on
sex (McClintock, 1995).
 Gender essentialism is the belief that there is only one way to be a woman (Lennon &
Alsop, 2020).
 Hegemonic masculinity is understood as the pattern of practice (i.e., things done, not
just a set of role expectations or an identity) that allowed men’s dominance over
women to continue. Within hegemonic masculinity, the traits of heterosexuality and
aggressive behaviors (e.g., competitiveness, assertiveness) that underlie this dominant
form of masculinity are often the traits desired (Calhoun et al., 2011).
 Heteronormativity is the concept that denies power within American society to sexual
orientations that are not heterosexual (Calhoun et al., 2011). In a heteronormative
society, the power falls to White heterosexual males, which has resulted in White
heterosexual males having advanced in vocational leadership opportunities.
 Homologous reproduction is the idea that people tend to hire people like themselves,
which is multiplicatively oppressive for intersecting identities of gender, race, sexual
identity, and social class. Within homologous reproduction, the dominant group (e.g.,
men) in power systematically reproduces itself by hiring more men than women
(LaVoi et al., 2019).
 Intersectionality is defined by Carey et al. (2018) as “the co-relational forces of how
oppressions such as (but not limited to) racism, sexism, and classism interlock,
integrate, and intersect simultaneously within the lives of individuals” (p. 112).
11

 National Women’s Law Center is a legal advocacy group that advocates for gender
rights, in public policy, and in society, working across the issues that are central to the
lives of women and girls.
 Patriarchy describes structure in which men have power over women. A patriarchal
society is a male-dominated power structure throughout society. In a system in which
men have more power than women, men have some level of privilege to which
women are not afforded (Napikowski, 2017).
 Phenomenology is the study of the shared meaning of experience of a phenomenon
for several individuals (McCaslin & Scott, 2003).
 Sex discrimination involves treating someone unfavorably because of that person’s
sex, including the person’s sexual orientation, gender identity, or pregnancy (U.S.
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2022).
 Single axis laws focus on one category of bias in addressing discrimination. Lennon
and Alsop (2020) call out “single-axis” laws as an example of gender essentialism.
 Systemic bias according to Milner (2007) are ideologies such as racism that are
endemic, pervasive, widespread, and ingrained in society and thus in education.
Biases such as racism or sexism are so ingrained in the fabric of society that they
become normalized.
 Title IX legislation passed in 1972 bars sex discrimination in 10 areas of education:
access to higher education, career education, education for pregnant parenting
students, employment, learning environment, math and science, sexual harassment,
standardized testing, technology, and athletics.
12

 Women’s Sports Foundation is a national nonprofit group that advocates for women’s
sport equity.
Organization of the Study
A phenomenological study of secondary female athletic directors in the DMV: An
exploration of systemic bias and career limitations is organized into five chapters. Chapter 1
provides an overview of the study and introduces data to present on the lack of women currently
in the athletic directing position nationally and includes definitions of terms used in this study.
Chapter 2 presents a literature review in the following four areas: gender theory, Women’s
access to sports leadership, Title IX legislation, and career limitation and biases women face in
advancing within sports leadership. Chapter 3 describes the methodology selected for this
research study and includes sample and population selection, interview questions, data
collection, and data analysis. Chapter 4 is a report of the research findings. Chapter 5 is
composed of a summary of findings, implications for practice, conclusions, and
recommendations. References and appendices are included in the conclusion of this research
study.
13

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The objective of this literature review is to synthesize and apply the body of knowledge
and research in the area of the lack of representation of women in sports leadership positions.
Additionally, this literature review examined how sport is a gendered institution, where all sport
operates with a belief of sport as masculine, which has created an institutional bias. Such bias has
resulted in the limited growth of women in sports leadership. Recognizing that this is an area
where existing documented research is extremely rich at both the collegiate and professional
sports level but limited at the secondary school level this work was approached by reviewing
literature related to the lack of women in sports leadership positions outside of secondary school
setting. Additionally, I looked at the literature associated with the documented career limitations
and biases women face in advancing within sports leadership. Finally, the literature reviewed and
assessed the federal policy’s impact on women’s protected rights under Title IX legislation.
Recognizing that the amount of research specific to secondary school women athletic
directors is relatively small, I integrated literature from collegiate and professional sports
settings. Considering that sport is a gendered institution that prioritizes a dominant male
narrative, this literature review looks to affirm the documented biases and career limitations of
women in sports leadership have reported. The documented research on the absence of access for
women in sports leadership may be directly applicable to why there is a limited representation of
women in secondary school athletic positions.
Theoretical Framework: Gender Theory
Gender theory is the grounding theory to understand why there are a limited number of
women in leadership positions. Gender theory provides an understanding of the social
construction of the term gender based on the assumptions associated with the psychological,
14

behavioral, and social aspects of being a man or a woman (Lennon & Alsop, 2020). Gender
theorists described America as a gendered society where the construction of gender has given
power to a masculine identity and femininity is marginalized. Through societal gender norms,
women have experienced access bias in advancing into leadership positions.
de Beauvoir (1949/2010) is one of the original gender theorists who examined the way
gender dynamics have operated in American society. de Beauvoir stated that societal gender
norms are rooted in patriarchy. Napikowski (2017) explained patriarchy as men having power
over women within society and illustrated that, in a patriarchal society, males dominate the
power structure and have privileges to which women are not entitled. McClintock (1995)
expanded on de Beauvoir’s research by asserting that the structure of gender-based patriarchy is
a means to oppress women with strictly delineated societal roles. McClintock defined the role of
women as caregivers, staying home and caring for their house and children, while their husbands
work outside the home and provide for the family. Within a gendered patriarchal society, women
are not seen as having leadership roles within the workforce, which limits their career mobility
and power.
Taylor et al. (2018) defined the societal role of the caregiver described by McClintock
(1995) as “women’s work.” The concept of “women’s work” is explained through Taylor et al.’s
research as gender normalcy. Gender normalcy occurs when gender inequity is present at the
organizational level, even when the qualifications of male and female employees are identical.
Women often are not hired for jobs outside of what is expected within a gendered society that
privileges masculinity.
Within a gender-based patriarchal society, several gendered ideologies explain how
women are oppressed within the workplace, which limits career, economic, and sociopolitical
15

mobility. Social dominance theory, heteronormativity, hegemonic masculinity, and homologous
reproduction all have contributed to the lack of women in top senior management positions
within the American workplace.
Social Dominance and Power as Forms of Oppression and Discrimination
Social dominance theory, as described by Auster and Prasad (2016), argued that most
forms of oppression and discrimination derive from the basic human need to form social
hierarchies. In gender oppression, the ideology is that women are seen as less than men. Auster
and Prasad stated that within a gendered society, the power is centered with, and constructed by
the men, who reinforce and maintain their power by boosting others who also embrace the
dominant ideology. Men will continue to hire men for leadership positions to maintain their
social dominance. In American society, the dominant position belongs to White heterosexual
men (Leberman & Burton, 2017).
Heteronormativity
Heteronormativity is the concept that denies power within American society to sexual
orientations that are not heterosexual (Calhoun et al., 2011). In a heteronormative society, the
power falls to White heterosexual males, and they have advantages in obtaining vocational
leadership opportunities. Heteronormativity reinforces a societal hierarchy in which
heterosexuality is the standard. Once heteronormativity becomes the norm, heterosexism is
evident in harmful behaviors that arise toward individuals because of (perceived) non-
heterosexual practices and behaviors (Calhoun et al., 2011).
Leberman and Burton (2017) described heteronormativity as “in group” members who
are predominantly White heterosexual males holding power while “out group” members
experience bias when seeking leadership positions.
16

Power as held by similar “in group” members (predominantly White, heterosexual men)
results in individuals from out groups facing increased bias when seeking promotion to
higher level positions when compared to experiences of in group members, because ‘in
group favoritism’ is a critical aspect of social dominance. (Leberman & Burton, 2017,
p. 18)
Heteronormativity contributes to women facing barriers to leadership roles within American
society because it devalues women based on their gender. Women are labeled as “out group”
members and thus excluded from many leadership opportunities for which they are qualified. An
example of a profession where women are dismissed from the workforce due to
heteronormativity is collegiate athletics. Taylor et al. (2018) claimed that the collegiate athletic
landscape preserves heteronormative gender roles and thus marginalizes, excludes, and devalues
women in the sports organizational workforce.
Patriarchy in the Workplace
The American leadership workforce is based on male-dominated fields and patriarchy,
which have resulted in women being blocked from leadership positions. Male domination in the
workplace is best described by hegemonic masculinity, which is the pattern of practice that
allows male dominance over women to continue (Calhoun et al., 2011). Within hegemonic
masculinity, the traits of heterosexuality and aggressive behaviors (e.g., competitiveness,
assertiveness) that underlie this dominant form of masculinity are very often the traits desired for
those in leadership positions, leaving women in the margins.
Taylor and Wells (2017) theorized that one potential reason so many leadership positions
are held by men is that desired leadership skills are often constructed in terms of hegemonic
masculinity, creating a situation where females are eliminated from the selection process of jobs.
17

Taylor and Hardin (2016) stated that the hegemonic masculine traits of power, dominance,
competitiveness, aggressiveness, and toughness are valued over feminine traits such as
sensitivity and empathy. Leberman and Burton (2017) explained how valuing hegemonic
masculinity has impacted both women and racial minorities: “In male-dominated organizations
and industries, women and racial minorities are perceived as organizational intruders, potentially
reducing the benefit of being part of the hegemonic group” (p. 161). Auster and Prasad (2016)
gave the example that women occupy only 3% of CEO positions in Fortune 500 companies. An
additional data point comes from education, where even in a field that has historically been
viewed as “feminine,” only 18% of superintendents (i.e., CEOs), are women as compared to 75%
of teachers (Shakeshaft, 2006, p. 2). Thus, women have not had the same opportunities as
members of the masculine hegemonic group, which has contributed to the lack of women in
leadership roles within the American workforce.
Hiring Bias
Hiring bias is the idea that people tend to hire other people like themselves, which then
limits the hiring of those with intersecting identities of race, gender, and sexuality (LaVoi et al.,
2019). Hiring bias argued that people tend to hire people based on similar identity traits. America
is a gendered institution where the dominant group (men) are in power, so women systematically
are hired less frequently for leadership positions because men will hire based on a principle of
similarity (LaVoi et al., 2019).
One form of hiring basis is homologous reproduction. LaVoi et al., (2019) described
homologous reproduction as the concept that a dominant group (e.g., men) will systematically
reproduce itself by hiring more men. As an example, LaVoi et al. (2007) found that women were
treated as tokens (15% or less of the workforce) within intercollegiate athletics administrative
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positions reproduced dominant hiring patterns that “preserved the gender order and hegemonic
ideology within men’s sport” (p. 38) due to women being token hires that did impact dominant
hiring practices. Taylor et al. (2018) affirmed that homologous reproduction is another barrier
that prohibits women from reaching leadership positions in collegiate athletics due to the
dominant group hiring similar individuals based on social and physical characteristics.
Women’s Access to Sports Leadership
Gender societal norms have been reproduced in athletic settings that ultimately created an
environment where women have limited leadership opportunities. LaVoi et al. (2019) discussed
“sport as a highly regarded and important social institution in the United States, it can be a mirror
for replicating and enforcing idealized masculine traits, like heterosexuality, physicality, and
aggressiveness” (p. 41). There are so few women in sport because sport is a gendered institution,
where all sport processes operate within a shared understanding of sport as masculine (Leberman
& Burton, 2017, p. 19). Sport being a gendered institution where masculinity is prioritized,
women have not had access to sports leadership positions due to career limitations, sex
discrimination, and bias (Leberman & Burton, 2017; Taylor & Hardin, 2016; Taylor & Wells,
2017). Additionally, LaVoi et al. (2019) demonstrated that due to normative gender structures,
women question their own competence and ability to succeed in athletic leadership.
The Masculine Nature of Sport
Due to the masculine nature of sport, most leadership positions within the industry (e.g.,
head coaches, ADs) are held by men. Wells and Kerwin (2017) stated,
sport, especially collegiate athletic administration, is no exception to this unequal
representation of women and racial minorities. In fact, the statistics within Division I
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athletic administration regarding the lack of women and racial minority athletic directors
(ADs) are lower in comparison to societal averages. (p. 127)
Taylor and Wells (2017) argued that one potential reason women lack leadership
positions is that leadership skills are often constructed in terms of masculinity, so females are
eliminated from the selection process of jobs that hold leadership duties. For example, the
masculine trait of aggressiveness rather than the feminine trait of empathy is prioritized in sports
leadership (Taylor & Wells, 2017). They gave the example of a study by Sartore-Baldwin (2013)
that found collegiate basketball environments supported hegemonic masculinity. Within the
Sartore-Baldwin study, the coaches of the NCAA acknowledged operating with a hyper-
masculine lens and resisted change. The NCAA supporting an environment that endorses
hegemonic masculinity makes it very difficult for women to break into top leadership positions
because their gender identity is devalued.
Sex Discrimination in the Athletic Workplace
Societal views of masculinity and femininity are at the root of the issue in the context of
sport, as masculinity is privileged and associated with superior leadership. With masculinity seen
as favored, women are seen as less than in athletic environments and are subjected to consistent
sex discrimination (Taylor et al., 2018). Taylor and Hardin (2016) expanded: to achieve athletic
success, one must be masculine, and through patriarchal views, women should be feminine (i.e.,
not masculine) athletes, and thus not fit for leadership. Gender society norms reinforced within
athletic environments have made hostile workplaces for women and has created career burnout
(Taylor et al., 2018).
In a qualitative study by Taylor and Hardin (2016), where the researchers interviewed
current women collegiate athletic directors, one consistent finding was the normalization of the
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patriarchal gender workplace. Several interviewees in the Taylor and Hardin (2016) study said
sex discrimination “comes with the territory” (p. 22). Wells and Kerwin’s (2017) study also
supported the notion of sex discrimination normalization in the athletic landscape, stating, “it is
just the way things are done” (p. 44). The idea of accepting sex discrimination as part of the job
within athletic leadership does not set women up to succeed. Instead, it supports a narrative that
women either put up with it or get out. Another interesting finding from the Taylor and Hardin
(2016) research was the acceptance of gender normalcy. They found that when speaking with
many women athletic directors, gender discrimination in sports was so normalized that women
did not even realize when it is going on, which they said can contribute to underrepresentation
within athletic leadership positions.
Sport Media as a Gendered Institution
Sports media portrayal of women in athletics paints a narrative based on gender biases
that has limited the growth of women’s sports. Sports media has contributed to the inequities that
exist in women’s sports by perpetuating gendered patriarchy themes of heteronormativity,
heterosexism, and homophobia (LaVoi et al., 2019). For example, Kian and Clavio (2011)
argued that sports media coverage often minimizes sportswomen’s athleticism and represents
female athletes as heterosexual sex objects. The Women’s Sports Foundation (2020) found that
sports media has continued to sexualize women athletes, which affirms the dominant narrative
that women are seen as inferior to male athletes or not athletes at all (Kane, 2013). LaVoi et al.
(2019) argued that the perpetuation of women as un-athletic sexual objects helps men maintain
their power within the athletic landscape. Kane et al. (2013) additionally explained that the
sexuality of women athletes sells for sports media and keeps women marginalized.
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The Portrayal of Women Athletes of Color in Sports Media
Sportswomen of color experience both racism and sexism in their portrayal in sports
media. Frisby’s (2017) research concluded that women athletes of color competing in the
Olympic Games were more likely to experience racist and sexist microaggressions in the media
compared to their White counterparts. In an analysis of the 1999 Women’s World Cup win,
Myer et al. (2015) writes on the lack of media attention U.S. goalie Brianna Scurry received after
the U.S. win. Instead, the media focused on Brandi Chastain and the other White sportswomen
on the U.S. women’s national team. Tennis champion Serena Williams has received constant
attacks from sports media due to her race and gender. The attacks on women of color within
sports media communicates to women of color that they do not belong in the athletic
environment, which plays a role in deterring and oppressing women of color seeking sports
leadership positions (Leberman & Burton, 2017).
Gatekeeping and Framing in Sports Media and Sports Leadership
LaVoi et al. (2019) explained that sports media is a gatekeeper that limits what is
consumed by the public and helps perpetuate the narrative that women sports are not popular. By
design, women sports exposure is limited so they do not appear successful. Gatekeeping is about
power and control and maintaining dominant ideologies. In sports, the dominant ideologies keep
White heterosexual men in power. An example of gatekeeping in the media is that women’s
sports media coverage has declined over the 25-year period (1989–2014) with only 3.2% of
coverage devoted to women’s sports in 2014 (Women’s Sports Foundation, 2020). Another
example would be the sports media coverage of National Women’s Soccer League (NWSL). In
2021, the NWSL announced in partnership with CBS that their championship game would start
at 9 a.m. PCT time. National team star Harris (2021) said, on Twitter, “9AM start is laughable.
22

I’m tired of staying quiet. We deserve better.” Early start times are not only unfair to the players
but to most people who are not awake at that time to watch the match. The NWSL start time is
yet another example of how the media purposefully limits access to an authentic audience and
following.
Another way sports media perpetuates sex discrimination for women athletes is through
framing. Lavoi et al. (2019) described framing as the selection, omission, and organization of
words, phrases, issues, and events by individuals to explain an event to an audience. Framing
matters when trying to generate interest. If women’s sport is framed indifferently or in
uninteresting ways, it is not surprising that some fans will find women’s sport uninteresting.
(LaVoi et al., 2019). Kane (2013) stated that an example of framing is how sport media often
stays silent about women sports achievement, which supports the narrative that women are not
successful in sport. Additionally, sports media perpetuates the narrative of heteronormativity,
heterosexism, and homophobia.
Based on the data, they concluded the virtual absence of same-sex partners and the high
frequency of heterosexual family narratives perpetuated and encouraged
heteronormativity, heterosexism, and homophobia in collegiate athletics. The choice of
what goes into an online biography, the ways coaches choose to represent themselves,
and the choices of media producers are all made within a broader context where the ways
of seeing, privilege men and masculine ideals. (LaVoi et al., 2019, p. 40)
The problematic practice of both gatekeeping and framing is specifically harmful to
women of color, women who participate in nontraditional sport, women who do not fit
heterosexual gender norms, and women who participate in metheny (LaVoi et al., 2019).
Metheny is the practice of participating in sports society sees as “non-female” like the sport of
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football. These groups of women have intersecting identities that fall outside the dominant
narrative within sport. Therefore, women with intersecting identities lack power within the
institution of sport (LaVoi et al., 2019; Leberman & Burton, 2017).
Title IX Federal Legislation
Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 recognized that America had long-
standing gender inequities that rendered girls and women second-class citizens. To address those
inequities, this landmark federal legislation was an act of Congress that prohibited sex
discrimination in the American school system, including athletics. The law was clear in its intent
to achieve equal access for women athletes during their schooling experience. Title IX
revolutionized women’s sports and athletic participation post-1970s, which is exemplified in the
growth of women’s sports participation at the secondary (high school) level. “At the high school
level, dramatic increases have been seen as well, rising from 294,015 in 1972 to 3,402,733 in
2018–2019 (the most recent reporting year), representing an increase of 1,057 percent over time”
(Staurowsky et al., 2022, p. 4). Title IX requires secondary schools to provide proportional
athletic opportunities within gender. However, this growth was achieved because secondary
schools were mandated through federal intervention (Troutman & Dufur, 2007).
The growth of female athletic student participation within the athletic landscape did not
mirror the growth of women seeking athletic administrative positions. Before Title IX, women’s
athletics were separate from men’s athletics, and the women’s programs were run by women
athletic directors. The unintentional impact of Title IX was the merging of the men’s and
women’s programs collegiately due to the new demands placed on collegiate athletic programs.
When the programs merged, women did not retain their comparable positions. Women were
forced out of the athletic directing role, and men retained their leadership positions. Thus, this
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demonstrates that traditional societal gender norms rooted in sex discrimination will uphold the
status quo if not explicitly mandated through federal policy.
Title IX turned 50 in 2022. During these five decades, there has been very little growth
for women in athletic administration. In 2022, Staurowsky et al. provided a current day view of
women in athletic leadership:
 One quarter (25%) of NCAA athletic directors were women.
 One quarter (25%) of head coaches were women.
 The NCAA Race and Gender Demographics Database reveals that in the 2020–21
academic year, 3% of athletic directors were Black women; 2% of head coaches were
Black women, with another 2% identifying as Native American/Alaska Native,
Asian, Pacific Islander, Hispanic, or two or more races.
 The lack of women of color in college leadership positions is not surprising as 76.3%
of administrators at the NCAA headquarters are White and 86.7% of conference
commissioners in Division I are White. (pp. 43–44)
These statistics show that women are underrepresented in the role of athletic director and head
coach at the collegiate level. However, the statistics also show that when women have a
leadership position within the collegiate athletic landscape, they tend to be White women.
Title IX is considered a single axis law, meaning the law only accounts for one form of
discrimination: gender. Title IX’s status as a single axis law is an example of gender essentialism
and does not account for intersectionality. Gender essentialism is the concept that all women are
the same and directly conflicts with intersectionality (Lennon & Alsop, 2020). Crenshaw (1991)
identified the challenge of gender essentialism through the term intersectionality. In working
within gender theory, intersectionality made clear that any account of gender must pay attention
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to its inter-articulation with race, class, ability, age, sexuality, religion, nationality, and colonial
legacy. Due to Title IX being a single axis law and not accounting for the intersection of gender,
race, class, sexuality, and other identity markers, women from marginalized communities have
not benefited from the federal policy the way White heterosexual women have. Troutman and
Dufur (2007) found that since the passing of Title IX, White women have participated more in
sport, and female athletes tended to live in White suburban neighborhoods.
Collins (1990) challenged gender essentialism by explaining there is no such thing as a
gendered positionality, but rather that all women have different positionalities based on their
identity. However, Title IX, which took place during the feminist movement in the 1970s, did
not welcome the diverse voices of women of color. Collins (2002) stated that African American
women have not been welcomed in the White feminist movement. “As a result, African
American, Latino, Native American, and Asian American women have criticized western
feminisms for being racist and overly concerned with White, middle-class women’s issues”
(Collins, 2002, p. 5). Collins (2002) argued that within political oppression, the denial of the
convergence of race, class, and gender has been used as a mechanism of oppression since slavery
to silence African American women. Women of color’s exclusion during the creation of Title IX
has resulted in women of color not sharing equally in the gains of Title IX (Staurowsky et al.,
2022).
Title IX did not account for the intersection of race, gender, and other identity markers
within its legislation, leaving marginalized women invisible within the policy. Intersectionality
also has not historically been included in sports research. Most sport research is on a single form
of prejudice and does not account for those facing multiple forms of prejudice (Leberman &
Burton, 2017). The lack of intersectionality in both Title IX and sports research has not created a
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sense of belonging for women. For example, Serena Williams has faced dual prejudices
evidenced by the many comments in sports media directed at her body or style of play because
they do not mesh with societal expectations of how a White female athlete should look and
perform (Leberman & Burton, 2017). WBNA player Layshia Clarendon was quoted in Leberman
and Burton’s (2017) article as saying:
What’s most upsetting is not simply being misidentified. What’s upsetting is that it is a
constant reminder that binaries rule our society. There is no space for the in-between.
You have to either be male or female, gay or straight. When you don’t fit those rigid
models, you are confronted everywhere you go that there is no space for you. The larger
issue at play here is our limited view on gender, our antiquated definition of what it
means to be a man and what it means to be a woman. We do not often think critically
about how patriarchy, sexism, and racism intersect. (p. 62)
Women of color are not pursuing the collegiate Athletic Director job because of limited
access and exposure (Wells & Kerwin, 2017). Leberman and Burton (2017) found three forms of
intersectionality that have impacted women in sports leadership:
Representational intersectionality- stereotypes that impact people with multiple
identities. Example- the visible overrepresentation of White men in leadership positions
perpetuates that these individuals possess superior leadership abilities compared to their
counterparts.
Political intersectionality- when competing political agendas among social groups
discourage individuals with multiple social identities from expressing their views.
Structural intersectionality- how hierarchical power structures and social
categorizations intersect and negatively influence the treatment and experiences of people
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with marginalized identities. This is how heterosexual men maintain their power within
sports organizations. (p. 66)
All three forms of intersectionality have resulted in women, and primarily women of color, not
obtaining leadership positions within sport organizations. Political intersectionality, for example,
is what Collins (2002) referenced when stating that African American women were not welcome
in the feminist movement in the 1970s. The result of African American women not being part of
the feminist movement is Title IX, was that the policy only focused on gender and did not
account for the intersection of other forms of discrimination like race. Today, most of Title IX’s
gains within athletics have been for heterosexual White middle class women (Staurowsky et al.,
2022).
Career Limitations and Biases Women Face in Advancing Within Sports Leadership
Growth in Women Sports as Leaders
Though there is still a lot of work to do in women’s sports leadership, there has been
recent significant growth for women in sports leadership positions. Staurowsky et al. (2022)
explained that Title IX assisted in paving the way for some historical hiring’s in professional
sports. Taylor et al. (2018) and the Women’s Sports Foundation (2020) asserted that there has
been significant growth in women in sports leadership in recent years. In 2020, Kim Ng broke
down racial and gender barriers by becoming the first woman and first person of East Asian
descent to lead the front office of MLB by becoming the general manager for the Miami Marlins.
In 2018, Cynthia Marshall became the first African American CEO in the history of the NBA
when she was hired by the Dallas Mavericks. San Antonio Spurs hired Becky Hammon as an
assistant coach in 2014, and she became the first woman to serve as a full-time assistant coach in
the NBA. Additionally, in 2022, the United States Women’s Soccer team won their legal battle
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with the United States Soccer Federation for equal pay. These were hard and long fought wins
for women despite the fact the men still mostly coach women sports even under controversy of
abuse and sexual assault. These gains are important for the eventual growth of opportunities for
women who want to pursue sports leadership.
Current Limitations and Bias Women Face as Athletic Leaders
Despite the recent growth of women in sports leadership, they are still underrepresented.
Several research studies that examined women in sports leadership recognized several forms of
bias that women athletic leaders face that limit their career growth. Taylor and Wells (2017)
explained women in sports career bias through the Bronfenbrenner Ecological Model. At the
macro-level, sport is a gendered institution where masculinity is prioritized over feminine
identities. Within the meso-level, in male-dominated organizations, women are perceived as
organizational intruders or “out group” members and not part of the hegemonic group. The
structure of patriarchy in sports leadership makes women feel unwelcome and experience gender
discrimination. The micro-level focuses on the individual. which in this case is the woman within
sports leadership. According to Taylor and Wells (2017), at the micro-level, women in sports
leadership have reported unequal assumption of competence, homophobia, lack of female
mentors, early departure from the profession due to lack of time and support, family
responsibilities, and burnout (p. 161). Taylor and Wells provided a visual that described how the
Macro-, Meso-, and Micro-levels interact to create barriers and bias in sports leadership for
women (Figure 1).
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Figure 1
Interaction of Macro-, Meso-, and Microlevels to Create Barriers and Bias

Note. From “Institutionalized Barriers and Supports of Female Athletic Directors: A Multilevel
Perspective,” by E. A. Taylor and J. E. Wells, 2017, Journal of Intercollegiate Sport, 10(2),
p. 166 (https://doi.org/ 10.1177/0894845316635821). Copyright 2017 by Human Kinetics, Inc.
Reprinted with permission.

Within the Micro-level, there are several well-documented biases individual women
sports professionals have spoken about that have limited their career mobility and access. The
following biases have all been documented within the research on why women are given athletic
administrative positions.
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Soft Area of Athletics
Most athletic departments at both the collegiate and professional levels are large
operations with several positions. When women work in the athletic department, they are often
given the “soft” roles and not senior administration positions (Taylor & Hardin, 2016). Taylor
and Hardin (2016) described the “soft” areas of athletics as academic advising, life skills, and
women’s sports. The Women’s Sports Foundation, (2020) found that “The highest
concentrations of women working in athletic departments are found in these jobs: administrative
assistant (92.3%), life skills coordinator (71%), athletic academic advisor (63.7%), compliance
officer or coordinator (53.1%), and business manager (62.3%)” (Women’s Sports Foundation,
2020, p. 53). Taylor and Wells (2017) stated serving in the “soft” area of athletics has limited
career mobility within collegiate athletics because women are unable to gain experience in
fundraising or managing a successful football program, which are two areas most valued by
hiring college athletic directing committees. Additionally, by having women only perform these
jobs in athletics reinforces a narrative that women do not have the capacity to lead an athletic
department.
Mommy Syndrome
Another area of bias and career limitations women within the field of athletics face is the
lack of family support or mommy syndrome. Auster and Prasad (2016) described mommy
syndrome as using the unwillingness to take jobs that demand travel and long hours as
justification for why certain women are unable to reach destination positions within their
respective organizations. In the athletic world, it is long days, travel, and weekend work. Women
who have families are discriminated against because they are perceived as not being able to meet
the demands of the job. Taylor and Wells (2017) further explained that many times sports
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organizations do not have structured support systems so that a woman can be both a parent and a
senior leader within the athletic department. Leberman and Burton (2017) say leadership success
within athletics takes on a “win at all costs” mindset that reinforces a model that privileges men.
In this model, employees are expected to prioritize work over all other aspects of life, which
often gives an advantage to men with stay-at-home partners (Leberman & Burton, 2017). For
women to follow this model, they too must have a stay-at-home partner but often due to societal
gender norms where women are expected to be at home, this does not occur. Women who have
the intersecting identity of motherhood are often left with limited or no options.
Capacity and Ability
Women who want to serve in positions of athletic leadership often are questioned about
their ability to perform the role. Such questioning of capacity and ability of women to serve in
athletic leadership roles reinforces gender stereotyping (Leberman & Burton, 2017). Social role
theory explains that men and women occupy certain roles in society. In athletics, women do not
occupy the dominant role, so when women seek the position of athletic leader, they receive
negative backlash. “The most influential psychological theories of gender and power have all
emphasized the central role of gender stereotypes in explaining the underrepresentation of
women in sports leadership positions” (Leberman & Burton, 2017, p. 50). Socially accepted
gender stereotyping has created hiring bias for women with the same achievements and
qualifications as men, who are rejected for athletic director positions in college (Leberman &
Burton, 2017; Taylor & Hardin, 2016).
One specific area of sport that women’s ability is questioned perform the role of athletic
director or in athletic leadership is with the sport of football. LaVoi et al. (2019) argued that as a
society America practices metheny, the belief that there are certain sports that are “non-female,”
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such as football. In collegiate athletic directing women are not given the role of director of
athletics because of the institutionalized belief that women cannot possibly oversee the sport of
football. Taylor and Hardin’s (2016) research concluded that university officials perceived
women as not qualified to run football programs. One participant from the Taylor and Hardin
(2016) study stated, “You have to have a connection with football if you want to be at the
Football Bowl Subdivision level. Hiring committees would tell me You know; you don’t know
about football. You’ve never hired a football coach.” (p. 19) Wells and Kerwin’s (2017) research
told the story of a Division I athletic director who was hired at a school that offered the sports of
basketball and football. Three years after the hire, the woman athletic director resigned after a
male senior athletic administrator got control over the football, men’s basketball, and ice hockey
programs to “allegedly free her time and responsibility for other duties” (Wells & Kerwin, 2017,
p. 136). The story from the Wells and Kerwin research is a prime example of metheny in the
athletic landscape because the women athletic director’s ability to oversee “non-female” sports
like hockey and football resulted in her resignation. A man’s ability to oversee a sport like
softball is never questioned because sport is a gendered institution where masculinity is
privileged (Leberman & Burton, 2017).
Lack of Mentorship
Since there is a limited number of women serving in sports leadership positions, women
do not have women mentors. Taylor and Hardin (2016), Taylor and Wells (2017), and Leberman
and Burton (2017) all cited that the lack of mentorships contribute to the shortage of women in
athletic leadership positions. “University of Texas San Antonio Athletic Director Lynn Hickey
said it is challenging for women to have dreams and vision when there are not women role
models in the positions they desire” (Taylor & Hardin, 2016, p. 16). Women who currently serve
33

in the role of athletic director at the collegiate level feel a strong responsibility to serve as a
mentor to help change the long-accepted bias again women hire (Taylor & Hardin, 2016).
Leberman and Burton (2017) asserted that to become an athletic leader, one cannot do it alone.
Networking and mentoring are all necessary to achieve career success, which is why the lack of
mentorship for women athletic leaders has led to a dearth of women in sports leadership.
The Importance of Representation: Women Sport Leaders
Women are underrepresented in sports leadership positions across America, and
representation matters. The sports industry has a group think mentality. “Group thinking occurs
when one group or perspective dominates all discussion and decision making, thereby silencing
other perspectives” (Kezar, 2000, p. 9). In the sports industry, the dominant group that makes all
the decisions are White heterosexual men (LaVoi et al., 2019). When alternative identities are
not considered for leadership roles, the individuals who hold these identities are frustrated, and
the institution loses out on a valuable opportunity to challenge the status quo and to practice
inclusivity (Kezar, 2000). Research has demonstrated the benefits of both gender and ethnic
diversity to improve overall organizational performance (Leberman & Burton, 2017). The lack of
women in leadership roles within sports organizations has led to the perpetuation of the status
quo and the maintenance of gendered patriarchy in power.
The lack of women serving in the role of athletic leader limits young girls’ and women’s
expectations of what careers they can and should pursue. Leberman and Burton’s (2017) research
described the problem of not having women in leadership positions.
It’s hard to aspire to something you can’t see. A little boy can dream of being anything
because he sees himself everywhere. Considering all the other social pressures girls face
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that undermine their confidence, it takes a very rare and special girl to believe she can do
something that no other woman has done. (Leberman & Burton, 2017, p. 74)
Many young female athletes will go their entire playing career without having a female coach or
female athletic administrator. The Women’s Sports Foundation (2020) found that when young
female athletes have a coach who represents their identity, it can serve as an inspiration. One
interviewee from the Women’s Sports Foundation (2020) report, Chasing Equity: The Triumphs,
Challenges, and Opportunities in Sports for Girls and Women, reflected on future possibilities
when responding to the Female Leaders in Sport Survey:
Girls need to see women leading more in the sports world. I think this starts with having
more female coaches in youth sports. Encouraging and supporting women to coach and
showing girls from an early age that women can and do lead successfully in sports will
give girls more confidence to become leaders in the future. (p. 56)
As proven by both Leberman and Burton (2017) and the Women’s Sports Foundation (2020),
representation matters to young girls and their futures. Having more women serve in sports
leadership positions means young girls can reimagine what is possible for them.
Summary of the Literature
In light of the research on women in sports leadership in America, there is a
preponderance of evidence that sport is a gendered institution, where sport processes operate
within a shared understanding of sport as masculine (Leberman & Burton, 2017, p. 19). Sport is
a gendered institution where masculinity is prioritized, interrupting women’s ability to equitably
access leadership positions due to career limitations, sex discrimination, and bias (Leberman &
Burton, 2017; Taylor & Hardin, 2016; Taylor & Wells, 2017). Specifically, in sport, the
ideologies of patriarchy, heteronormativity, hiring from a principle of similarity, sex
35

discrimination, and hegemonic masculinity are all used to keep women oppressed and members
of the “out group” (Leberman & Burton, 2017; Lennon & Alsop, 2020; Taylor & Hardin, 2016;
Taylor et al., 2018). Sports organizations have adopted a “win at all costs” model as a metric of
success, which reinforces hegemonic masculinity and male privilege in sport leadership
(Leberman & Burton, 2017). With a “win at all costs” structure, sport leadership has perpetuated
systems and structures that are inclusive for the dominant White male narrative and leave women
out of sports leadership positions (Leberman & Burton, 2017; Taylor & Wells, 2017).
The research consistently showed that there are several forms of documented bias that
current women athletic leaders have experienced which limited their career growth (Leberman &
Burton, 2017; Taylor & Hardin, 2016; Taylor et al., 2018; Taylor & Wells, 2017; Troutman &
Dufur, 2007; Wells & Kerwin, 2017). Some of the documented forms of bias reported by women
in sports leadership include women being assigned roles in the “soft areas” of athletic
departments, a lack support for family life balance, facing an unequal assumption of competence
due to gender stereotyping and an insufficient number of mentors. All these factors are biases
and career limitations women in sports leadership have experienced that have impeded their
career mobility (Leberman & Burton, 2017; Taylor & Hardin, 2016; Taylor et al., 2018; Taylor
& Wells, 2017; Troutman & Dufur, 2007; Wells & Kerwin, 2017). The research also found that
sports organizations have not had optimal performance due the absence of both gender and
ethnic diversity within sports leadership (Leberman & Burton, 2017).
Title IX, a landmark federal law meant to address gender discrimination, has had
significant impact since its passing in 1972, however, the legislation did not realize progress for
women in sports leadership and failed to account for intersecting identities as a single axis law
(Staurowsky et al., 2022). Title IX fell short by not addressing expectations for collegiate and
36

secondary school athletic department leadership and coaching. Without federal mandate
explicitly demanding gender equity in athletic department employment, traditional societal
gender norms rooted in sex discrimination upheld the status quo (Staurowsky et al., 2022).
Lastly, Title IX is a single axis law that does not account for intersectionality. While Title IX’s
gains have been made within athletic leadership, it has mostly been for heterosexual White
middle class women (Staurowsky et al., 2022).
A plethora of research exists on the underrepresentation of women in sports leadership.
The research about women in sports leadership currently focuses on the collegiate or
professional sports landscape. Where the research falls short is on secondary school athletic
departments focused on representation. Positionality of women in sports can be overshadowed
and ignored due to the lack of specific research that provides clear insight into this area which
ultimately gives an illusion that women have gender equity within secondary school athletic
administration. There has been little growth for women in the athletic directing position at the
secondary level—more research is certainly needed. Therefore, this study seeks to contribute to
the research on why there is an underrepresentation of women specifically in the secondary
school athletic director position.

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Chapter Three: Methodology
Women are underrepresented in the role of the athletic director at the secondary-school
level in the Washington, DC area, known as the DC, Maryland, and Virginia (DMV) metro area.
The underrepresentation of women in the role of athletic director affirms Leberman and Burton’s
(2017) research that the United States continues to experience glacially slow progress towards
the advancement of women in sports leadership. Access to athletic director positions at the
secondary-school level is mired in both societal and institutional bias against women, which
presents a career opportunity gap. Opportunity gaps for women in athletic directing exist in
secondary schools in the DMV, which mirrors the gap at secondary schools nationally and at the
collegiate level. According to the Women’s Sports Foundation (2020), “Women hold a limited
number of leadership positions in an intercollegiate sport, including leadership at the athletic
director level in NCAA Division I (11%), Division II (18%) and Division III (31%)” (Women’s
Sports Foundation, 2020, p. 52). This study examined current secondary school women athletic
directors in the DMV to understand the inequities, biases, and career limitations they
experienced throughout their careers. Understanding why these impediments exist through the
experiences of women athletic directors will be the first step in implementing change to mitigate
access bias.
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study was to examine the barriers and career limitations that women
have encountered when seeking and serving in the secondary school athletic director position to
expose institutionalized gender-based barriers that currently impede access for women who
pursue this leadership position. Understanding the barriers that other women have faced when
aspiring to and serving in the role of the athletic director may equip women for the top leadership
38

position within secondary school athletics and allow for policy changes to eliminate institutional
bias. As demonstrated by the literature review in Chapter 2, there is a wealth of research that
substantiates the lack of women in sports leadership positions at both the collegiate and
professional levels, but the research is limited at the secondary school level. Therefore, this study
sought to contribute to the research on why there is an underrepresentation of women in the
secondary school athletic director position.
Research Questions
The following research questions were used to guide this study:
1. What are the experiences of women athletic directors in DMV secondary schools with
systemic barriers due to their gender?
2. What do secondary school women athletic directors in the DMV perceive to be the
strengths and shortcomings of the Title IX law relative to their role?
3. How do women athletic directors in the DMV describe explicit and implicit biases
that have impacted their advancement opportunities?
Positionality
I am a biracial secondary school woman athletic director from Long Island, NY. I am
both Caucasian and a first-generation Hispanic American; I am a White woman. I have been a
secondary school-based athletic director for the last 12 years in New York City, the District of
Columbia, and Long Island. I have been looking to understand the problem of practice for the
last several years as I continued to see what Leberman and Burton (2017) classify as glacially
slow progress in women’s sports leadership. I grew up in a middle-class White neighborhood
and can be unaware at times of my own “color blindness.” Neitzel (2018) argued that a color-
blind perspective can play a significant role in perpetuating inequities. During my career, my
39

own implicit biases made me look at the problem within secondary school athletic leadership as
a problem solely of gender.
First, I must never assume neutrality or take an essentialist approach while conducting
this research. Historically, a majority of equity work within athletics has centered on gender and
not the intersection of race, class, and other identity markers. As a White woman, my bias often
will cause me to see gender as the only issue in secondary athletic departments because that is
the only challenge I have faced. However, in conducting this research, I must remember my
positionality and lead with the critical race methodology lens explained by Solórzano and Yosso
(2002), which looks to challenge the dominant narrative of color blindness and race neutrality.
Additionally, in my research, I must remember not to conduct what Tuck and Yang
(2014) described as damage-centered research. Damage-centered research documents the pain
and damage experienced by disenfranchised communities with the idea of proving the need for
reparations but often uses the narrative that these communities are broken. Due to my
positionality as a White Hispanic woman, I must ensure I do not replicate the flawed structure
above by reproducing stories of oppression and pain through my voice. I must do as Milner
(2007) recommended, which is to be actively engaged, thoughtful, and forthright with any
tensions that surface with issues of race and culture.
Tuck and Yang (2014) also warn of doctoral students doing research topics most
available to them. As a current secondary school-based athletic director, I know this topic is very
accessible to me. I must not fall into the trap Tuck and Yang referenced when novice researchers
reach for low-hanging fruit because it will just get the “dissertation finished.” If I take a low-
hanging fruit approach to this research, I am reproducing my irresponsibility and perpetuating
damaged-centered research (Tuck & Yang, 2014).
40

I also must acknowledge and be aware of my own biases and assumptions as a woman
athletic director when conducting research that is anti-racist. To be an anti-racist researcher, as
Dei (2005) explained, I must own my positionality as a White, middle-class, Hispanic, and
straight woman and be transparent and accountable with the research participants. Glesne’s
(2014) research on anti-racist research argued that ethical anti-racist researchers never exploit,
intervene, advocate, or take on a friend role during the research study. I think my biggest
challenge as a colleague within secondary athletics is the role of “friend.” I know many of the
secondary school athletic directors in the DMV because we have worked collaboratively in the
past. Owning my relationships with some of the participants is necessary to establish credibility
and trustworthiness within the research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Selection of the Population
The study interviewed and surveyed women secondary school athletic directors in the
DMV to better understand the barriers and career limitations that prevent women from entering
and being successful in the athletic director position. Gaining this knowledge from the interviews
and surveys will help support more women to learn how to navigate the secondary athletic
system to enable them to pursue the athletic director position within secondary schools. In
addition, this study sought to understand the lived biases that currently impede women’s career
progress within secondary athletic departments.
Participants in this study were women secondary school athletic directors currently
serving in the DMV in the 2021–22 school year. Information on which women athletic directors
were selected for the survey and interview was retrieved from the District of Columbia Public
School website, Baltimore Public Schools website, Montgomery County website and various
independent school websites in the DMV. During the selection of the participants, there were
41

some names that were not easily discerned as male or female, and I made telephone calls,
connected through emails, and/or used the internet to identify the athletic director’s gender.
Table 1 displays the survey and interview criteria for the women secondary school athletic
directors.
To conduct this study, I used purposeful sampling, which is described by Lochmiller and
Lester (2017), by selecting individuals based on specific criteria. The participants in the research
study must be women currently serving in the role of secondary school athletic director in the
DMV, the school or district must serve both male and female students, the school or district must
offer the sport of football, and the women must have at least 2 years of experience in their role.
In a similar study done by Taylor and Hardin (2016) that examined career limitations for women
collegiate athletic directors, the research found biases around women athletic director’s ability to
oversee the sport of football. Football is a criterion to understand if the bias of the ability of
women athletic director to oversee the sport of football is mired at the secondary school level.
Convenience sampling was not chosen for this study because it can present an ethical dilemma
(Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). I am a secondary school woman athletic director; thus, a specific
criterion is needed to conduct ethical research. Ten secondary school athletic directors from the
DMV were selected to be interviewed and participated in this study.
Design Summary
The importance of the phenomenological approach is to focus on the lived experiences of
women leaders serving in the role of secondary school athletic director.

42

Table 1
Survey and Interview Selection Criteria of Women Secondary School Athletic Directors
Category Description
Years of experience 2 years or more
Service Serving as a secondary school athletic director
School or district has the sport of football
Serving both female and male students
Location Serving in Washington, DC area

Note. The criteria were the same for both survey and interview participants.

For this study, it was imperative to conduct a qualitative research study to understand the
phenomenon of why there is a limited number of women serving in secondary school athletic
director positions (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). As Merriam and Tisdell (2016) explained,
qualitative studies look to understand how people interpret their experiences and what meaning
they attribute to their experiences. Further, Lochmiller and Lester (2017) described qualitative
studies as those that look at how social life unfolds in the natural environment. By focusing on
the lived everyday experiences of secondary school women athletic directors, the research study
looks to unpack their natural experiences in understanding the problem of practice. Quantitative
research also will be employed by using a questionnaire that tests belief hypotheses of why there
are a limited number of women in the role of secondary school athletic director (Lochmiller &
Lester, 2017).
This study was centered on Merriam and Tisdell’s (2016) and Lochmiller and Lester’s
(2017) steps on conducting a research study. The study focused on the research problem and
purpose of the study in Chapter 1, and a review of the literature in Chapter 2. Chapter 3
43

addressed the way the data would be collected, and Chapters 4 and 5 will emphasize analyzing,
interpreting, and reporting the data.
Methodology
The methodology was primarily a qualitative study that focused on data to tell the
individual stories of secondary women athletic directors. The data collected was both qualitative
data from interview and survey questions that were obtained from women secondary school
athletic directors from the DMV. Additionally, there were some quantitative questions in the
qualitative survey. For the qualitative interview data, the research study used a semi-structured
interview protocol as Lochmiller and Lester (2017) recommended. The semi-structured interview
protocol will provide better results than a structured interview process due to the ability to obtain
in-depth information. The interview structure was conversational, with open-ended questions and
the ability to clarify. Lochmiller and Lester also explained that it is essential to avoid leading
questions and “yes” or “no” responses to gain an authentic understanding of the individual.
Additionally, a survey was used with both closed- and open-ended questions to help
contextualize the stories being conveyed in the interviews. All three research questions were
addressed in both the interview and survey questions, which utilized both qualitative interviews
and a questionnaire.
Being able to triangulate data is vital to ensure the validity of a research study (Maxwell,
2013). Maxwell (2013) explained the triangulation of data by collecting information from a
diverse range of individuals with a variety of methods, which is why the approach of
triangulating the data was used in this research study. The research used validity checks for
consistency of the findings in the survey data, interview data, and an in-depth literature review
44

on the problem of practice. Gender theory was utilized to ground the research and connect the
findings to the larger perspectives of gender within society.
Instrumentation and Protocols
Qualitative Instrument
The qualitative data was gathered using interviews, and the interview questions were
written to ensure that they targeted the research questions. The interview protocol consisted of 15
questions (see Appendix C). Within the questions, there are additional follow-up questions
known as probes in Numbers 6, 9, and 14. Probes are followed by questions or comments on the
information provided during the interview that needs clarification (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Most forms of qualitative research are conducted through interviews (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The interviews for the study were done by conducting face-to-face and Zoom interviews. The
interview structure was open-ended and semi-structured, and interview notes were taken during
the interview process (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Ten women secondary school athletic
directors participated in the interview.
Survey Instrument
The data gathered for this study was a qualitative survey with quantitative questions and
used a non-experimental research design (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Lochmiller and Lester
(2017) described quantitative non-experimental research data that will attempt to make
inferences or describe patterns, trends, or relationships within the data set. The survey had three
parts with a total of 12 questions (see Appendix E). All the questions in the survey focused on
the three research questions. Part 1 focuses on women’s secondary athletic directing
demographic information; Part 2 focuses on Research Question 2; and Part 3 targets Research
Questions 1 and 3. The questions in the survey use both closed and open questions. The survey
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questions used were based on recommendations from Robinson and Firth Leonard (2019) and
avoided problematic wording and question types. In addition, the survey was designed to
incorporate a five-point Likert-type scale in Part 3, “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree.” The
survey instrument was made accessible to 30 women secondary school athletic directors in the
DMV through Google Forms. Fourteen current secondary women athletic directors in the DMV
participated in the survey. The survey designed for this study was created in part to provide the
researcher with a numeric description of the attitudes and/or beliefs of women secondary school
athletic directors in the DMV.
Data Collection
Lochmiller and Lester’s (2017) and Maxwell’s (2013) data collection steps were
followed to conduct the qualitative component of the research for this study. First, a population,
an appropriate sample size, and location were identified to start the study. Next, as recommended
by Lochmiller and Lester, a formal invitation was sent out to potential participants of the study to
both gain access and facilitate a relationship (Maxwell, 2013). The formal invitation gave a brief
overview of the study. As mentioned previously, purposeful sampling was used based on a
specific criterion for members invited to participate in the study. All participants were given
direct consent to participate in the interview. I then recorded and collected the data using a semi-
structured interview process. Lastly, I resolved any issues that come up during the collection
process of the qualitative component of the research and stored the data. To collect the data,
surveys were made accessible to 30 women secondary school athletic directors in the DMV
using the selection criteria outlined in Table 1. A cover letter accompanied the survey and state
the purpose of the study (see Appendix A). Ultimately, 14 women out of the 30 invited
participated in the survey.
46

To collect the qualitative data, in-depth interviews were conducted with secondary school
athletic directors who gave direct consent to participate. Ten women secondary school athletic
directors were invited to participate in the interview and all 10 participated. By getting direct
consent from participants, this research study meets the criteria to be considered ethical.
Conducting ethical research is essential for any educational research study. Lochmiller and
Lester (2017) explained ethics within research as researchers behaving responsibly while
protecting the needs and interests of current or future research participants. For a research study
to be considered ethical, the research participants must be invited into the study and consent to
participate. Lochmiller and Lester argued that direct consent is optimal in an ethical research
study. Direct consent will occur when the individual asked to participate in the study directly
gives consent to participate to the researchers.
Each of the women secondary school athletic directors interviewed was given a brief
overview of the study that includes the purpose of study and why she was chosen to participate
(Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Participants were given a consent form prior to participation in the
research study and given a signed copy for their reference. Participants also were made aware
that they could leave the study at any time (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). All interviewees
understood that the interviews will either be taped or recorded via Zoom, as well as
understanding that I took notes during the interviews. As recommended by Merriam and Tisdell
(2016), the research participants were asked to give permission to be recorded or taped during
the interview process. Each of the interviews took approximately 60 minutes to complete. All the
interviews were transcribed and reviewed. Confidentiality was ensured for each participant
throughout the entire process.
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Data Analysis
This study used an approach that integrates both qualitative and quantitative response
data from the surveys and the qualitative data from the interviews to inform research themes. All
the items in the survey and interview questions were developed based on the research questions
for the study. The research questions and theoretical lens guided the data analysis for this study.
After the collection of the data from the surveys and the interviews, all responses were
transcribed. Both verbatim and condensed transcription was conducted (Lochmiller & Lester,
2017). After transcription, coding was conducted using both descriptive and a priori codes. An
analysis of the transcription and codes was developed from the information supplied by the
participants to create both categories and themes (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Utilizing a
process of triangulation as described by Maxwell (2013), the data found in both the quantitative
and qualitative were compared to the review of the literature to avoid any validity threats.
Gender theory was applied as a grounding theory to link and understand larger society
perspectives.
Validity and Reliability
Throughout the study, the research process checked for validity and reliability. The first
step in establishing validity and reliability is owning both research bias and any reactivity
(Maxwell, 2013). In an effort to eliminate any research bias, I included a statement of
positionality. In addition, Maxwell’s (2013) validity test checklists were be used to establish both
validity and reliability: triangulation of the data, member checking, long-term participant
observations, rich data collecting that is both detailed and varied, explicit comparison, and self-
reflection on any assumptions or biases held by myself. I used the coding software NVivo to
code the data to remove personal bias and positionality. First, I used automated coding feature of
48

NVivo to identify common themes in the transcriptions. From there, using an analytical coding
method (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), the data aligned to each research question was analyzed
further for themes and sub-themes, supported by the literature that emerged across participants’
responses. Lastly, once the analytical coding was complete, I compared that to the automated
coding to ensure validity, reliability, and removal of bias (Maxwell, 2013).
In order to establish validity, the qualitative interview tool was field tested prior to
conducting the research study to ensure the open-ended and semi-structured design was
followed. Additionally, by field testing, I was able to get the practice needed and adjust any
questioning that did not work. The qualitative interview tool was tested by three women athletic
directors who currently live on Long Island, NY.
Summary
This study used a qualitative approach of both quantitative data from surveys and
qualitative data from interviews. The data collected from women secondary school athletic
directors in the DMV was analyzed to target the three research questions: barriers that women
encounter due to their gender while seeking and serving in the position of secondary school
athletic director, how Title IX policy supports or does not support women in relation to their role
as secondary school athletic director, and how explicit and implicit biases have impacted the
career trajectory of secondary women athletic directors in the DMV. These findings have been
presented in Chapter 4, with a discussion of the findings in Chapter 5.

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Chapter Four: Results
This chapter presents an analysis of the data collected to understand how current women
secondary school athletic directors in the Washington, DC area (DMV) experience systemic bias
and career limitations through their lived experiences. Additionally, this study examined the
impact of the Title IX federal policy on women secondary school athletic directors in the DMV.
The intent of this study was to examine the obstacles women encounter when seeking and
serving in the secondary school athletic director position to expose institutionalized gender-based
barriers faced by women who pursue this leadership position. Moreover, this study sought to
understand how women athletic directors experience and navigate systemic gender bias in
secondary school athletic environments.
The findings from this study provides valuable insight and considerations for current
secondary school systems seeking to increase educational equity within athletic departments.
Understanding the barriers that women have faced when aspiring to and serving in the role of the
athletic director may help to better equip women for challenges, they may face in their pathway
to the top leadership position within secondary school athletics and spur policy changes to
eliminate institutional bias. Lastly, this study reaffirmed that there is a lack of research on
institutionalized sex discrimination within secondary school athletic departments. This study,
thus, contributes to a research area of much needed.
Participants
All participants in this study met the criteria of being a secondary school athletic director
with two or more years of experience, their school or district had the sport of football, their
school populations have both female and male students, and their school or district resides in the
DMV. Ten women secondary school athletic directors were invited to participate in the interview
50

section of the research study and all ten women opted to take part in the interview. Ten current
secondary school women athletic directors from the DMV who fell within the participant pre-
requisite parameters participated in semi-structured interviews over the Zoom video platform.
The respondents included six independent school athletic directors who all identified as White
women and four public school athletic directors who identified as Black women. There were
additional questions asked of the interviewees based on background, demographics, enjoyment
of current position, and support mechanisms to establish rapport with the interviewees. Merriam
and Tisdell (2016) explained that it is important to build rapport with interview participants
because respondents will be comfortable and be more forthcoming with what they have to offer.
In addition to an interview, this research study also included a survey instrument in which
30 current women secondary school athletic directors who met the research criteria were invited
to participate in. Out of the 30 women athletic directors invited to participate in the survey,
fourteen responded to the survey. Nine of the 14 women athletic directors who responded to the
survey also participated in the interview. This group consisted of eight women who currently
work at an independent school. Seven women who served as secondary school athletic directors
in independent schools identified as White women and one woman identified as Hispanic.
Lastly, given the candid nature of responses regarding their leadership practice within
their current professional role, participants’ identities are masked within this chapter, and are
referred to as Athletic Director 1, Athletic Director 2, and so for. The corresponding school or
districts has been taken out for confidentiality. Table 2 describes the interview participants.

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Table 2
Interview Participants
Athletic director School district type Race
1 Independent White
2 Independent White
3 Independent White
4 Independent White
5 Independent White
6 Public Black
7 Independent White
8 Public Black
9 Public Black
10 Public Black

Note. All interview participants were women.

In addition to the qualitative interviews, a survey was used with both closed- and open-
ended questions to help contextualize the stories being told in the interviews of current women
athletic directors. Fourteen current secondary school women athletic directors from the DMV
who fell within the participant prerequisite parameters, participated in the survey responses. Of
the 14 survey respondents, eight of participants are from independent school, six from public
schools. In terms of race and gender diversity, nine were White women, four were Black women,
and one was a Hispanic woman. Table 3 describes the survey participants.
Presentation of Findings
The research findings are presented below and are organized by three research questions.
For each research question, there is a brief review of the relevant literature and a preview of the
findings. Then the findings are presented in three to four themes that emerged related to each
52

question. Finally, a summary of the findings related to each research question is presented, with a
final summary presented at the end of this chapter.

Table 3
Survey Participants
Survey
respondent
School district type Race
1 Independent Hispanic
2 Independent White
3 Independent White
4 Independent White
5 Independent White
6 Independent White
7 Independent White
8 Public White
9 Public Black
10 Public Black
11 Independent White
12 Public Black
13 Public Black
14 Public White

Note. All survey participants were women.

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The following research questions were used to guide this study:
1. What are the experiences of women athletic directors in DMV secondary schools with
systemic barriers due to their gender?
2. What do secondary school women athletic directors in the DMV perceive to be the
strengths and shortcomings of the Title IX law relative to their role?
3. How do women athletic directors in the DMV describe explicit and implicit biases
that have impacted their advancement opportunities?
Research Question 1 Findings
This study’s first research question asked: What are the experiences of women athletic
directors in DMV secondary schools with systemic barriers due to their gender? The research
question focused on the conceptual framework of gender theory. The research described gender
theory as the construct of gender where the construction of gender has given power to a
masculine identity and femininity is marginalized was affirmed by the research participants who
currently work within secondary school athletic departments. Three sub-themes emerged with
regards to how sex discrimination, patriarchy/masculine nature of sport, and hiring bias impacted
current secondary sport athletic environments. These sub-themes included barriers due to gender
with the sport of football and heteronormativity.
Gender Barriers
Gender theory is the social construction of the term gender based on the assumptions
associated with the psychological, behavioral, and social aspects of being a man or a woman.
Gender theorists described America as a gendered society where the construction of gender gives
power to a masculine identity and femininity is marginalized. Because sport is a gendered
institution where masculinity is prioritized, women have experienced barriers to breaking into
54

sport leadership positions. Figure 2 showed that out of the 14 women surveyed, 13 either
somewhat agreed, agreed, or strongly agreed that women athletic directors face barriers due to
their gender identity.

Figure 2
Gender Barriers

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“I think there have been male heads of school and male coaches that did not work for me,
that treated me differently because I was a woman,” shared Athletic Director 2. The data
affirmed that women athletic directors in the secondary schools in the DMV experienced societal
and institutional bias because of their gender. These findings are consistent with the literature
and the Taylor and Hardin (2016) and Leberman and Burton (2017) research that women in
sports leadership experience barriers due to their gender.
Sex Discrimination
One barrier that is well documented in the research is that women athletic directors
experience sex discrimination as a barrier in athletic leadership (LaVoi et al., 2019; Leberman &
Burton, 2017; Taylor & Hardin, 2016; Taylor & Wells, 2017). Sex discrimination can play out in
several ways within athletic departments, from questioning the ability of a women to do the job
to more blatant forms of discrimination like sexual harassment. All the research participants
reflected on how sex discrimination in secondary school athletic departments has impacted them.
Looking at sex discrimination, eight of the 10 participants explicitly reflected on the
effect sex discrimination played in their experience as an athletic director (Figure 3).

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Figure 3
Ability

Out of the 14 women served 13 felt their ability was questioned due to their gender. “I
had a male football coach from an opposing school treat me like I had never even seen the sport
and discounted everything I said,” explained Athletic Director 2. Athletic Director 3 stated,
I would think that it’s probably unlikely that women have not experienced at least one
instance, where maybe they’re not actively discriminated against because of their gender
identity, but they probably are definitely experiencing some level of prejudice, right?
Women being second-guessed is not an outward act of discrimination or if it’s like
something that’s a little bit subtler where there’s prejudice, you know, against them
because of their gender.
Similarly, Athletic Director 8 shared how some of the comments she heard shocked her:
I was extremely surprised at how I was met with very blatant comments from a lot of the
male coaches and the school-based athletic directors with regards to what they assumed
my knowledge and understanding was with regards to their sports.
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Athletic Director 8 further reflected that the discrimination did not just stop with her
ability to do the job, but she also experienced harassment:
For example, you know, there’s one, you know, male coach that literally came to me and
said, hey, you know, I just I think that it’s good eye candy that you’re here because you
know, it’s nice to see. And I’m sitting here like, okay, what do you say then? Do you
think that’s appropriate?
Athletic Director 8 reflections revealed that she experienced both sexual and ability
discrimination due to her gender identity.
Several of the women athletic directors stated the discrimination they experienced was
more covert and institutionalized then blatant, unlike Athletic Director 8’s experience. Athletic
Director 4 shared, “I think there’s just so many unspoken networks and access pieces. Don’t
think it’s necessarily outward. Like I said I don’t think there’s anybody that outwardly has
questions about me being incapable. It’s just, it’s more covert.” Athletic Director 1 agreed,
saying, “So I think it’s just subtle, the discrimination, the institutionalized discrimination. I think
it’s institutionalized and then because it’s institutionalized, you don’t pick up on it as much.”
These two examples offer strong evidence that the women athletic directors interviewed felt that
gender discrimination is institutionalized in secondary school athletic environments.
Patriarchy
The next theme that emerged from the findings was that women athletic directors
interviewed all felt that the secondary school athletic space was patriarchal. The American
workforce is based on male-dominated fields and patriarchy, which has resulted in women not
having access and opportunities to leadership positions (Calhoun et al., 2011). Due to the
masculine nature of the sport, most leadership positions within the sports industry are held by
58

men because leadership skills are often constructed in terms of masculinity (Taylor & Wells,
2017). Figure 4 is strong evidence to support the Taylor and Wells (2017) research.

Figure 4
Patriarchy

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Figure 4 showed that 13 out of the 14 women surveyed agreed that women must work
twice as hard as men in the role of secondary school athletic director. Athletic Director 3 further
explained, “I think that there’s still a general sense that exists out there, that women can’t do as
good of a job as men.” These examples and more shared by participants point to the fact that
secondary school environments are still rooted in patriarchy where women are seen as
organizational intruders or “out-group” members (Taylor & Wells, 2017).
When reflecting on patriarchy in the workplace, all 10 of the women interviewed referred
to the “good old boys club” that exists in secondary school environments. Athletic Director 8
spoke about when she got a new boss:
So, the third thing I would say that surprised me is when the transition of power came,
how very blatant male in power was with creating the ‘good old boy’ system in the
office, not the more recent director, but the interim director, you know, came in. It was
just very clear that he was pretty much shutting us down as females in office.
Athletic Director 1 similarly stated, “Always see but you know the ‘old boys club’ that’s always
there with male coaches, they will always go over my head.” Athletic Director 8 explained,
So, as a female because they want to have that boys club. They stick together and kind of
just shut down, you know, the idea of letting one of us, you know, step in and take
control. They’d rather take the male, who’s been your buddy, who, you know, is not
qualified, rather than a female who, you know, is more polished and can relate to
everyone else.
The evidence from the participants suggests that there is strong male network in secondary sport
environments that women are not welcomed into. Athletic Director 10 reflected on how the
“good old boys club” has impacted her,
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full honesty, working with men. Yeah, there’s a power dynamic that I still have yet to
navigate through, and it’s become even more apparent over the last six months or so
trying to have a voice without them feeling threatened or like you’re always questioning
them or being combative and so that really has put a damper on the last like 4–5 years of,
you know, navigating through this secondary life.
A surprising part of the findings was just how ingrained the masculine nature of sport is
in secondary school environments, almost to the point where society simply just does not see
women in this role. Survey Respondent 2 stated:
At least 10 times a year the opposing coach, opposing athletes and/or the refs/umps say,
“you are the athletic trainer, right?” It’s not that I do not think this role is important. It’s
huge, but it’s solely because I am female on the sideline of a male contest.
Survey Respondent 2 also said: “At the NIAAA conf, where I have gone for the past 7
years, I was asked multiple times … are you looking for the spouse’s breakfast?” Athletic
Director 3 similarly shared, “Because I am a woman, there are countless times that officials,
parents, other student-athletes, and visiting coaches will assume that I am our athletic trainer.”
Athletic Director 1 reflected on when she first got hired: “And you know, I think I told you that
the state president executive director, you know, scratch scratched out the previous AD’s name
and put a man’s name. People just assume I have a man’s name.” All the reflections from the
athletic directors strongly suggest that society at large does not see women in the role of athletic
director because of their gender.
The findings also found that masculinity was affirmed in both the use of pronouns and
the bylaws of the league’s governance. Athletic Director 3 reflected on the addition of women
administrators in the all-boys league.
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But prior to the 2021–22 school year, there were no women who would ever be athletic
administrators within this league, which is an all-boys league. So, it’s been interesting to
see that there’s still a lot of gender pronouns and stuff that are thrown out about it being a
gentleman’s league and you know, and yes, it’s for boys, it’s a league for boys. But it’s
no longer just gentlemen that are athletic administrators within the league.
Athletic Director 4 expanded on this:
The hall of fame bylaws continue to use language that refers to the athletic director as
‘he.’ A revision to more gender inclusive language has been requested. The league
bylaws for our boys’ league continue to use language that refers to athletic directors as
male alone (‘him’ or ‘his designee’).
In both examples, Athletic Director 3 and Athletic Director 4 explained how within official
league and school governance women are not included in the verbiage in the role of secondary
school athletic director.
Research Question 2 Findings
The second research question for this study stated what do secondary school women
athletic directors in the DMV perceive to be the strengths and shortcomings of the Title IX law
relative to their role? The research around Title IX Policy focused on why the policy was needed
in 1972, the impact the policy had on solving sex discrimination and gender inequity within
American schools, and what the current shortcomings are in the policy as it stands. Four themes
emerged from this research question, all in line with this study’s conceptual framework. Those
themes include the participant’s knowledge of Title IX, Title IX’s shortcomings and strengths,
and future amendments to Title IX policy.
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Title IX Knowledge
Figure 5 showed that out of the 14 women surveyed about their knowledge with Title IX
all agreed to have knowledge about Title IX policy. However, when speaking with the interview
participants, their knowledge greatly ranged and some, in fact, had very little Title IX
knowledge. Some of the participants explained that their lack of Title IX knowledge was due
them serving as an athletic director in an independent school. Independent schools are not
mandated to follow Title IX policy like public schools are. Athletic Director 7 explained,
So, like I said, because I’ve been in private schools, we haven’t had to comply technically
with Title IX. I’m going to be honest. I don’t because what I’ve always been told is that
because our schools and independent schools and we don’t receive federal funding or
state or government funding that we don’t have to follow.
Athletic Director 3 expanded on this:
I would say that I’m relatively, you know, knowledgeable about Title IX, as being an
independent school, right? That doesn’t take government funding. We’re not beholden to
the like specific pieces of Title IX in terms of how it’s litigated within schools or
legislated, but that doesn’t mean that we don’t.
Athletic Director 1, who also is an independent school athletic director, similarly stated, “You
know I wouldn’t consider myself an expert in Title IX. I know that it was primarily tied to
funding and any institutions that are receiving, federal aid as it applies to education and sports.”
Not every independent school athletic director lacked knowledge but enough did to provide
evidence that to the fact that there is no federal mandate within independent schools around Title
IX impacted their knowledge about the policy.
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Figure 5
Title IX Knowledge

The women athletic directors who did have knowledge about Title IX policy spoke
mostly on the policy’s ability to create equal opportunity within the sport in reference to gender.
Athletic Director 6 stated that her role as Title IX coordinator helped with her knowledge base:
Given that I am the Title IX coordinator here at the school. So, my knowledge of Title IX
is that Title IX prevents any organization or association to discriminate based on age, sex,
race, religion, sexual preference, and particularly it gives females equal opportunity in
sport.
Athletic Director 5 echoed this sentiment by explaining,
My knowledge around Title IX has always just been having equal opportunities for the
girls and the boys, not the same opportunities. And then, like I said, like, the way that
I’ve sort of managed around it has just been looking at making sure that we have similar
opportunities, you know, in gear, and coaches, and opportunities, just for the girls.
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In their responses, the athletic directors primarily talked about female student athlete
participation, fields, and athletic gear. When asked about their knowledge of Title IX none of the
athletic directors interviewed spoke about women in athletic administration unless prompted.
Title IX Strengths on Secondary School Departments
Overall, the research participants agreed that Title IX succeeds in governing gender
equity within secondary school athletic departments (Figure 6).

Figure 6
Governance of Gender Equity Within Secondary School Athletic Departments

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Out of the 14 women surveyed, 11 women all felt that Title IX has effectively governed
secondary school athletic departments. Athletic Director 5 reflected that in celebration of the
50th anniversary of Title IX this year, she learned at a conference how much Title IX has
achieved since its implementation:
It was pretty amazing to hear how I’ve benefited from Title IX without really having a
clear understanding of that. So, I know, you know, without it, my opportunities and my
kid’s opportunities as girls, like, these wouldn’t have been present. They would have
been having club sports instead of high school sports. They would have not had
opportunities or had 2 days a week versus 5 days a week. Like having Title IX made all
this possible. I never lived through not having these opportunities. So, I think, you know,
sitting in that session and hearing from women that were 70 years old, and 60 years old,
and who actually lived through not having something. And then having it, it was
enlightening.
In general, most of the women athletic directors surveyed felt that their school or district
was Title IX compliant (Figure 7).

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Figure 7
Title IX Compliance Within Secondary Schools

Twelve out of the 14 women agreed that their school or district was at least somewhat
compliant with Title IX. Athletic Director 5 explained how she knew her school was Title IX
compliant:
So, I did a little bit of a Title IX assessment to see if we were compliant. Well, how many
boys’ lacrosse coaches do I have? How many girls coaches do I have and how many
boys’ coaches coach girl teams? I did my own internal Title IX assessment and I guess I
was surprised that we were good. Like we were not as off as I thought we would be. It
definitely gave me room to add a couple of girl’s lacrosse coaches or soccer coaches or
spend a little more money on some uniforms or things for the girls, but it was pretty
close.
The evidence suggested that overall, most of the women athletic directors felt that they were
compliant based on how Title IX policy is written and enforced.
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Title IX Shortcomings in Secondary Schools
The women athletic directors generally felt there was not gender equality within athletic
administration and coaching positions in secondary school athletic departments (Figure 8).

Figure 8
Gender Equity Within Coaching and Athletic Administration in Secondary Athletics

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Ten of the women surveyed all either somewhat disagreed or disagreed that there is not
equity in who leads secondary’s school athletic departments. Athletic Director 2 explained the
role Title IX had in creating a shortcoming within athletic administration.
One of the downsides of Title IX was when the NCAA took over women’s athletics,
which prior to that, it was not in charge of women athletics. And, prior to Title IX, I think
about 95 percent of women’s teams were coached by women. And now, I’d say about its
much lower. There used to be a woman athletic director in charge of women athletics,
and that basically went away. And so, in that regard, the one regard, it’s held women
back from leadership roles.
Athletic Director 2 sentiments echoed the research done by Staurowsky et al. (2022) on the
impact Title IX had on women athletic directors losing their positions.
The survey respondents were varied in their response to if Title IX addresses the
intersection of race, gender, sexuality, and other identity markers in secondary school athletic
departments (Figure 9). Part of the variance could be the lack of knowledge some of the women
admitted or maybe there was difficulty in understanding the question. Four respondents stated
that they neither disagreed nor agreed, meaning there might be some difficulty with either
understanding the question or having the knowledge base to really answer. Title IX is a single-
axis law, and not accounting for how race and gender intersect could also be why the athletic
directors do not have knowledge on this topic. Title IX does not address intersectionality,
meaning when the athletic directors interviewed were trained on Title IX, the training did not
cover intersectionality.
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Figure 9
Title IX and Intersectionality

When speaking directly with the athletic directors, they all noted the lack of
representation within secondary school athletic administration as it pertains to women of color.
All 10 women who were interviewed stated that generally, when they do see women in the
position of athletic director, they tend to be White woman. Athletic Director 4 stated, “I mean,
our league now has its first Black woman serving as an athletic director. I can’t think of another
Black woman serving as an AD that I interact with.” When asked to reflect on her own
observations, Athletic Director 3 explained:
I would 100% agree that there are not women of color serving in the AD role. And for the
first time, we will have our first woman of color as an athletic administrator, you know,
within the league from one of our peer schools and it’s the first time in the history of the
league that is now over 35 years old, right? And, honestly, I could probably count on one
hand the number of women of color in a role of athletic director that I have interacted
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with. I probably couldn’t even name five and that’s like within the DMV area as well as
within the state of Virginia. Like, I don’t even know if there are five.
The evidence clearly showed an absence of women of color serving in the role of athletic
director in secondary schools in the DMV.
The findings also found that out of the 10 women who interviewed, women who
identified as Black served in public school district positions. The six independent school athletic
directors that interviewed were all White women. Additionally, the four Black women who
participated in the interview all served in either associate or assistant athletic director roles,
meaning not the top athletic administrator position within their department. Athletic Director 1
reflected on this point:
I think you’re seeing Black women as associate and assistant athletic directors. I don’t
think they are getting the position of athletic director. You know, it’s interesting like at
the college I went to, there’s this woman Jackie who is a Black woman assistant athletic
director and greatly had an impact on me. She’s been there for you know 40 years, the
athletes love her, they’ve had two or three athletic directors come in. Well, she’s been
there, and I wonder about that sometimes like, you know, has she ever applied? Was she
ever interested? Was she ever encouraged to apply? I think you see schools promoting
Black woman, but I don’t think you see them putting them at the table and if they are at
the table, it’s more like they’re the coordinator.
These examples point to the inequity women of color have in obtaining the top athletic
leadership positions. Research Question 3 focuses on how explicit and implicit bias impacts
career opportunities for women athletic directors and addresses hiring bias in secondary school
athletic director hiring due to the intersection of race and gender.
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Future Amendments
During the interviews, the participants were asked to reflect on future policy changes or
amendments that would strengthen Title IX around women sports administration. All the women
interviewed had very different opinions on if a specific amendment to Title IX that mandated
equitable gender representation in both coaching and athletic administration positions would lead
to more women in these roles. Athletic Director 6 agreed that an amendment that mandated
women into sports leadership roles would help.
I believe that if there was more guidance or mandate to say you had to have a certain
equity, that organizations and associations would adhere to that. Historically, we have
just left them with making the decision, the decisions that they’ve made and overtime.
Again, it has been male-dominated and so not having guidance on that leaves the door
open for those who are making the decisions and hiring to continue which has proven a
male-dominated, career and occupation.
Athletic Director 6 expanded on the importance of having a mandate requiring women within
athletic administration positions.
I would say the biggest thing would be for some changes to include athletically, as I
definitely feel that there needs to be a female in every office. I think what bothers me is I
have seen so many female organizations, say all-girls schools, all-girl programs, and
they’re not run by females. And, I feel like I would put a mandate to Title IX to include
having to have a female run the sport, or at least be one of the leadership role models in
that department to be able to have that balance.
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Athletic Director 4 simply stated, “Anything that helps encourage women is important. And that,
as you have more examples of women doing this job, it’s not seen as outside the norm and that
that’s super powerful.”
Several of women athletic directors commented that a Title IX mandate about women
within athletic administration positions is not enough to get more women in the field unless the
concept of sport being a gendered institution where masculinity is prioritized is changed. Athletic
Director 1 explained,
You know, I don’t know that if the legislation mandated that, in your state, 50% of
athletic directors need to be women. I don’t necessarily know or think that would solve
the problem. I think when we’re talking about gender roles, I think we’re going just way
back to just what women were supposed to doing and what men were supposed to be
doing and I don’t think that we are as evolved as we might think we are. In terms of the
data, maybe opportunity legislation would help for opportunity. But I don’t know that it
would help shift mindset.
Athletic Director’s 1 reflection points to the idea that policy and law are not enough. Sport being
rooted in patriarchy and seen as a male-dominated field needs be uprooted, according to Athletic
Director 1, to make real change in getting more women into the field of secondary school
athletics.
Research Question 3 Findings
The third research question for this study was how do women athletic directors in the
DMV describe explicit and implicit biases that have impacted their advancement opportunities?
This research question focused on how the participant group experienced explicit and implicit
bias that has impacted their advancement opportunities in secondary school athletic
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administration. Five themes emerged given this research question, all in line with this study’s
conceptual framework. Those themes include participants experience with football bias,
homologous reproduction (the idea people tend to hire people that look like themselves), hiring
bias based on the intersection of race and gender, the soft area of athletics, and mommy
syndrome.
Football Bias
Every athletic director interviewed mentioned that women are not receiving career
opportunities within secondary school athletics due to the assumption that women cannot oversee
the football program. Survey Respondent 8 reflected on her experience trying to get hired as a
secondary school athletic director.
I was the second choice in six positions, all of which were filled by a male. I was given
feedback from someone on one interview panel that the principal (also a female) said I
wouldn’t be able to handle the football program because, as a woman, I had never
coached football. They hired a baseball coach with no experience coaching football.
Survey Respondent 8 later stated that she had to move counties to get hired as a secondary
school athletic director because she kept getting passed over for the role due to her gender.
Similarly, Athletic Director 5 described how she would not apply for certain jobs because of
perceived bias with the sport of football.
We actually just had an opening in the executive director position of the boys’ league I
am in, which is incredibly appealing to me being able to, you know, have a little more
flexibility to work from home. But I was like, I’m never going to get hired for that
position because I’m a female. And we talk about football 80 % of the time.
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In Athletic Director 5’s case, her own understanding of the league’s bias against women because
of the sport of football prevented her from applying for an opportunity to advance her career.
A constant theme the women athletic directors brought up was because women have
typically not played football, then women cannot oversee football. The women athletic directors
described the irony in that statement by bringing up sports like field hockey, which men in this
country typically do not play but currently oversee without question of a bias against their
ability. Athletic Director 3 reflected,
I think still this continual narrative that exists, right? That women may not understand
sports at the same level, maybe because they haven’t played those sports, right? Like
most women don’t play football like most men, don’t wrestle. And there’s been an
assumption that because you haven’t played it that maybe you can’t administrate it or
facilitate it. It doesn’t exist for women’s sports, specifically, like field, hockey, or
softball, right? Correct, right. A man who oversees softball and field hockey are not
questioned the way that women are who are overseeing football.
Athletic Director 8 then went on to describe how the belief of her never playing the football
prevented her from getting a position within her organization.
Just as an example, you know, our football coordinator left and so that position was open.
And so, I offered to take it over considering, you know, the way that my office was
structured. I was like, you know, I could probably do it. I was pretty much told, “no,”
because I had no experience with football, but we could give a man with no experience
with the sport of volleyball, you know?
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These examples, and more shared by participants, point to the explicit biases around the sport of
football that have impacted women being able to advance their careers within secondary school
athletic departments.
Homologous Reproduction
Homologous reproduction is the idea that people tend to hire other people like
themselves, which then limits the hiring of those with intersecting identities of race, gender, and
sexuality. Secondary school athletic departments have been dominated by White heterosexual
men. Due to homologous reproduction, White heterosexual men often get hired in the role of
secondary school athletic director. Athletic Director 2 reflected on how she has seen homologous
reproduction manifest in secondary school athletic departments. “I mean, you know, again, it’s
White men hiring who they’re most comfortable with and that’s White men for the most part.
And I think that that can be seen in every single level of athletics.” Athletic Director 9 stated, “I
can go to interviews, and they’ll pick me as a competitive candidate, but they really want the
face to be a male, you know, of the office. Regardless of my experience.” Whether it is implicit
or explicit bias, the participants interviewed felt there was a bias towards their gender during the
hiring process because men tend to hold leadership positions within athletic departments and will
hire based on what is comfortable for them, which is other men. Hiring based on similarity has
prevented the participants who were interviewed from advancing their careers in secondary
school athletics.
Hiring Bias Based on the Intersection of Race and Gender
In Research Question 2, the participants all pointed to the lack of intersectionality in
hiring in secondary athletic administrative positions. All the interviewees described that women
of color were not receiving the head position of athletic director within secondary schools and
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districts. Athletic Director 2 stated, “If White men are in the hiring position and they’re stretched
then I think they’re more comfortable with White women than women of color.” Athletic
Director 2 felt that hiring based on similarity allowed White women to have more success in
obtaining the position of athletic director even though White women still are a minority within
the role.
Athletic Director 8 who identifies as a Black woman described a traumatizing experience
during a recent hiring process to become a secondary school athletic director. The school district
she applied for was primarily a White school district. Athletic Director 8 had over 5 years’
experience as an assistant athletic director and was well qualified for the role. Due to her
impressive qualifications, she was selected for the finalist in the position but did not end up
getting the role. Athletic Director 8 explained,
Although, I didn’t get the job, the principal wanted to talk to discuss my interview
because she felt it important to uplift women and give feedback. She spoke about how
great my interview was, how the decision took three days to make and how my
interaction with the students-athletes was impactful and eye opening. Despite all of that,
the principal stated, “I lacked experience in that specific demographic.” I was like, can
you please explain what you mean by different? And she literally says to me, you know,
you’re a woman of color coming from a predominantly Black school district. And I just
don’t think you would fit with our student athletes, and I was like, huh? And then
immediately she was like, well, no, no, that’s not what I mean.
After realizing she did not get the position because her race, Athletic Director 8 said, “It was
pretty much over after that. And I cried like a baby.” It is important to note that the school where
this happened was an independent school, which connects to the findings of Research Question 2
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that found women of color were not getting positions as athletic administrators in independent
schools. The findings shared from the participants in both Research Question 2 and 3 suggest
that independent schools are not inclusive in role of athletic director for women of color.
Soft Area of Athletics
The findings from Research Question 1 point to participants feeling that their ability in
the role of athletic director is often questioned because of their gender identity. During the hiring
process, the lack of confidence in the participant’s ability manifested into overseeing that “soft
areas of athletics,” meaning the positions without as much power. Athletic Director 3 described
when she started working within the state organization, she quickly was assigned the role of
secretary.
So, when I got active in the state organization, I was very quickly asked to be the
secretary, you know, of that state organization and maybe I was asked because I was
organized, you know, maybe I was asked, you know, because they thought that I would
do a good job being the secretary. But my assumption was that I was asked because I was
an organized woman.
Athletic Director 4 stated when she first started at her school, she was assigned the lower profile
sports. “When I began my time at my current school, the associate athletic director was typically
female and assigned to oversee girls’ sports and lower profile sports.” Athletic Director 8 then
goes on to say in Texas, they created essentially a second in command role that goes to women.
“Texas created these positions for women to do, either second in command, third in command, or
whatever, just to have us there.” Athletic Director 8 continues to say that there is a huge pay gap
between the second in command position the head athletic director role. “The athletic director is
getting $140,000 where the athletic coordinator, who is a woman to do the female sports, starting
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pay is $60,000 dollars. So, there’s a pay gap there.” The multiple accounts from the women
athletic directors show how women are given lesser powerful roles within secondary school
athletic departments and are also paid less, hindering their career mobility.
Mommy Syndrome
With Research Question 1, five of the women who mothers were spoke about the fact that
their identity as a mother sometimes impacted their ability to do their job both from a practical
standpoint and societal norms. In terms of bias, the women athletic directors who participated in
the study who were also moms reported being subjected to microaggressions made by their male
colleagues in terms of their capacity to perform the role of athletic director. Athletic Director 3
talked about her transition in becoming an athletic director with one of her male coaches.
There were some comments when I took over from being athletic director for girls to
being director of athletics, that it was like, oh, you know, it’s going to be a big shift, you
know, big shift, like you’re taking on a lot more. Like one male coach said to me, like
just make sure you’re still present for those babies, you know, like for those kids of
yours, right? But that again, that’s a comment that I don’t think would have been made to
any male, who’s a father, right?
Athletic Director 3 felt the need to confront the coach after that comment and explain why she
took offense.
I confronted the coach and just that you know, like I, you know, I take a little bit of
offense to that because like I’m a great mother. Like I said, my role is just different than,
you know, the traditional mom, who picks up the kids and makes the lunches and takes
them home all the time.
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Athletic Director 10, who is not a mother, also felt she was discriminated in her role as an
athletic director due her not having children.
I felt seeing as though I was single and didn’t have any kids and I remember specific
conversation that I had, where I had my first overall coaches meeting and one of the older
male coaches that obviously I oversee and just having the conversation at the end of the
meeting he just abruptly was like it, because you have kids, right? And I was like, no I
don’t. And then his question after that was, are you married? And I was like, no, I’m not
married. He’s like, oh, okay. It makes sense as to why you made some of these decisions
that you’ve made already in this meeting.
On reflecting on the experience, Athletic Director 10 felt that her ability to make decisions was
being questioned because she was single and did not have children. She said, “It almost seemed
as though me being single and not having any kids directly affected my decision making, and
that was not the case at all.” What is evident in the findings is that women, regardless of their
status as a mother, have their ability questioned to perform the role due to bias about how society
views women’s role as a mother. Athletics is not a space that has been welcoming for women so
society questions if they can perform their role and be a mother.
Many of the women who participated in either the survey or interview that have children
reflected on how hard it is be both a mother and a secondary school athletic director. Athletic
Director 5 stated, “But being an athletic director with young children is not, it’s not really
possible.” Athletic Director 5 reflected on the challenges she had while pregnant and later
nursing her child. “I think having a family, like, you really have this job and, you know, you
can’t move goals when you’re seven months pregnant and you can’t, you know, just go nurse
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whenever you need to.” Athletic Director 5 then went on to explain how this is different for her
as a woman:
And I just think, you know, guys like I have male coaches, who have a kid. The next day,
they’re at practice. That’s not something I could ever do. It’s not something a mom could
do when they have a baby. They have to take maternity leave; they have to take time. So,
I really do think having a family makes it harder to be a female in any occupation, but
especially when it’s physically arduous and demanding as being an athletic director coach
because you actually physically can’t do certain things.
Athletic Director 7 and Athletic Director 3 both explained that they do not think women
pursue the job of athletic director because demand does not allow for women to have
motherhood role they envision. Athletic Director 7 stated. “I will say that me and my husband
have. We have not talked a lot but we, and I’m not blaming my career on this, but it was very
hard to raise children.” Athletic Director 3 similarly explained,
Don’t enjoy those hours all the time, right? Like particularly when I’m pulled away from,
you know, being with my family. I think probably the hardest thing is it’s really difficult
to create work-life balance. I don’t have a lot and as a worker, you know, Mom, that’s
you know, challenging.
Athletic Director 3 then went to reflect on how the work-home balance impacts her:
But I will say that that’s probably one of the top two biggest stressors, you know, for me I
constantly feel like I am not being a mom. You know, in our society where there’s this
role that the mother is the one that makes the lunches, and takes the kids to school, and
picks them up, and brings them to all of the things, and cooks dinner. And that’s just not
my role within our family, and I think I have like bad, you know, I know that that are my
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husband and I have our have a shared partnership and that he’s, you know, capable of
doing that and excited and, you know, but also, I do have some times, some feelings of
that, I’m not as present, right? That I’m not as present as I should be with them as they,
you know, go through school and just with things because I’m, you know, gone a lot of
nights and gone a lot on weekends.
These examples shared by both Athletic Director 3 and Athletic Director 7 point to how hard it is
to be a mom and have the role as athletic director. This is not just because of the demands of the
job but because society still sees women as the caretaker. As Athletic Director 4 eloquently
stated, “I think it is constantly like there’s conflict, like a constant sense of guilt and I’m not
doing either motherhood or my job as well as I could.”
Summary
This chapter reported the findings of this qualitative study, aimed at understanding how
current women athletic directors in the Washington, DC area experienced systemic bias and
career limitations due to their gender identity. Research question one focused systemic barriers
secondary school women athletic directors experienced due to their gender. The findings indicate
that research participants reported both overt and covert forms of gender discrimination within
their role as a secondary women athletic director. Because sports is a gendered institution where
masculinity is prioritized, women have experienced barriers within secondary sport departments
due to their gender. The forms of gender barriers described by the research participants included
sex discrimination, patriarchy, masculine nature of sport, and hiring bias. This is consistent with
the existing literature about women in sports leadership positions at the collegiate and
professional levels of sport.
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Results for the second research question focused on how the participant group perceived
Title IX implementation relative to their role as an athletic director. The findings around this
research question found that the athletic directors had a varied understanding about Title IX and
its purpose. The athletic directors who worked in public schools, where Title IX is mandated,
tended to have more knowledge about the policy than independent school athletic directors.
Overall, the research participants generally agreed that Title IX succeeded in governing gender
equity within secondary school athletic departments. One shortcoming that every athletic director
mentioned when interviewed was the lack of diversity within the position of secondary school
athletic director for women of color. This is consistent with the existing literature around Title IX
being a single axis law and not accounting for the intersection of race, class, and other identity
markers. Also emerging as an important theme was the need for an amendment to Title IX that
mandated gender parity within secondary athletic departments would help with increasing
representation.
The third research question’s findings explained how the participant group described
explicit and implicit bias has impacted their advancement opportunities in secondary school
athletic administration. Questioning women’s ability to oversee the sport of football,
homologous reproduction, racism in hiring practices, overseeing the soft areas of athletics, and
barriers due to motherhood all emerged as biases experienced by the women who participated in
this research study. Again, this is consistent with the existing literature at the professional and
collegiate level as documented biases women in sports leadership experience.
Chapter 5 will present a further summation of the research findings. Implications for
practice will be considered, as well as recommendations for future research given this study’s
findings.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
Chapter 5 summarizes findings related to implications for practice within the educational
community, specifically secondary school athletic departments. Discussion of key research
findings provide valuable insight and considerations for current secondary school athletic system
leaders seeking to increase educational equity within secondary athletic departments.
Additionally, future research recommendations are made within this study’s context.
This study focused on understanding systemic bias and career limitations through the
lived experiences of current women secondary school athletic directors in Washington, DC area
(DMV). Nationally, women have experienced access bias and discrimination when seeking roles
in sports leadership positions (Kane, 2013; LaVoi et al., 2019; Leberman & Burton, 2017; Taylor
& Hardin, 2016; Taylor & Wells, 2017). Sport leadership has a shortage of women because sport
is a gendered institution, and all sports processes operate within a shared understanding of sport
as masculine (Leberman & Burton, 2017). The shortage extends to women serving in the
secondary school athletic director role. Even when women access the secondary school athletic
director role, the research shows that women experience implicit and explicit gender biases
(Leberman & Burton, 2017). The findings of this study are intended to serve as a resource for
school system leaders who want to create policies that expand gender equity opportunities within
secondary school athletic departments. Additionally, it provides tangible markers of identity
discrimination and bias, which school leaders should be mindful of when hiring for the
secondary school athletic director position.
The following questions guided this research:
1. What are the experiences of women athletic directors in DMV secondary schools with
systemic barriers due to their gender?
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2. What do secondary school women athletic directors in the DMV perceive to be the
strengths and shortcomings of Title IX law relative to their role?
3. How do women athletic directors in the DMV describe explicit and implicit biases
that have impacted their advancement opportunities?
This study focused on data to tell the individual stories of secondary women athletic
directors. The data collected was both a survey and qualitative data from interviews with women
secondary school athletic directors from the DMV. It was vital to conduct a qualitative research
study that includes quantitative questions to understand why there is a shortage of women
serving in secondary school athletic director positions (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). As Merriam
and Tisdell (2016) explained, qualitative studies look to understand how people interpret their
experiences and what meaning they attribute to them. The research in this study was triangulated
by using interview and survey data, validity checkers, and an in-depth literature review. This
study used the coding software NVivo to remove personal bias and positionality. Automated
coding from NVivio was first used to identify common themes in the transcriptions. Using an
analytical coding method (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), the data was aligned to each research
question and was analyzed further for themes and subthemes, supported by the literature, that
emerged from participants’ responses. Lastly, gender theory was used to ground the research and
connect the findings to the larger perspectives of gender within society.
Findings
Study findings suggest that secondary school athletic environments prioritize a masculine
identity while feminine qualities are marginalized through gender bias and career access. Gender
theory, the grounding theory for this research study, helps explain that secondary school athletic
environments are another example where the construction of gender has given power to White
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heterosexual men. Findings further suggested that while women athletic directors in the DMV
have various levels of Title IX knowledge, they generally feel that gender equity as promised by
Title IX does not exist within secondary school athletic administration. Title IX is a single axis
law, which has additional implications noted in this research. The research also found that
women of color are not obtaining the lead role in secondary school athletic departments. Eleven
themes emerged related to the study’s three research questions. This section presents a summary
and discussion of the study’s findings in relation to existing literature and current practice.
Research Question 1
Research Question 1 inquired: what are the experiences of women athletic directors in
DMV secondary schools with systemic barriers due to their gender? Qualitative data related to
Research Question 1 produced four findings. The first finding confirmed that sport is a gendered
institution, where all sports processes operate within a shared understanding of sport as
masculine (Leberman & Burton, 2017, p. 19). This finding was consistent with the work of
Taylor and Hardin (2016), which stated sports are a gendered institution where masculinity is
prioritized, and women have not been able to access to sports leadership positions due to
perceived career limitations, sex discrimination, and bias.
To help understand the continued control and dominance by men in sport, it is important
to examine the values that are held and continually reinforced. Anderson (2009) and Fink
(2016) reinforce the point that sport is a power place, where traditional values regarding
masculinity are celebrated and upheld, as well as serving as a social institution organized
to reinforce masculinity and reproduce hegemonic masculinity. (Leberman & Burton,
2017, p. 48)
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Survey participants and interview responses found that current women athletic directors
in the DMV experienced gender barriers that questioned their ability to perform the role of
athletic director and limited their career opportunities. This research has findings that are
consistent with Taylor and Hardin (2016) and Leberman and Burton (2017) that revealed women
in sports leadership experience gender barriers. In the narratives of the interview participants, all
had at least one story that confirmed a limitation they experienced in their career as an athletic
director due to their gender. Often, the stories told by the interview participants reflected how
society questions their ability to perform their role due to their gender. Leberman and Burton
explained that women often are questioned about their ability in athletic environments because
they are considered “out-group” members. Leberman and Burton argued power in sports
administration is held by “in-group” members, predominantly made up of White heterosexual
men, which results in “out-group” members experiencing bias when performing roles in sports
leadership. Taylor and Wells (2017) found that women athletic directors at the collegiate level
reported that as “out-group” members, unequal assumption of competence were made because of
their gender. The findings of this study align with the Taylor and Wells research that described
systemic gender discrimination experienced by both women athletic directors in secondary
school athletic departments and women collegiate athletic directors.
The second finding that emerged in relation to Research Question 1 confirmed that
women athletic directors in secondary school athletic departments experience sex discrimination
consistently. Taylor and Hardin (2016) research found that in speaking with female NCAA
Division I Athletic Directors, sex discrimination “came with the territory” (p. 22). Gender/sex
discrimination in sport has become so normalized that many women either just accept it or do not
even realize they have been discriminated against. Leberman and Burton (2017) stated the
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normalization of sex discrimination in sports reinforces the narrative of male dominance in
sports leadership. Taylor et al. (2018) argued that the sex discrimination experienced by women
in athletic administration positions has led to burnout and women dropping out of athletic
administration positions. Several interview participants spoke about how the constant sex
discrimination they experienced impacted their enjoyment in their role as secondary school
athletic directors. One interesting finding was that, depending on the participant, some women
felt sex discrimination was more covert or institutionalized, whereas other participants described
explicit overt stories of sex discrimination in the workplace. However, it was evident in the
findings that all the women interviewed experienced sex discrimination within their roles and
affirmed the normalization of sex discrimination in sports administration.
Interview responses from secondary school athletic directors found secondary school
athletic environments supported a patriarchal workplace. Patriarchy in secondary school athletic
departments is best described by hegemonic masculinity, which is the pattern of practice that
allows male dominance over women to continue (Calhoun et al., 2011). Leberman and Burton
(2017) argued that sports are constructed in terms of masculinity, and women are perceived as
organizational intruders. Taylor and Hardin (2016) expanded that society has constructed the
view that for athletic success, one must be masculine. Through patriarchal views, women should
be feminine, which means they should not be involved in masculine pursuits such as athletics
and are not fit for leadership. All 10 of the women interviewed for this study found that
patriarchy is embedded in the secondary school athletic departments, which they view as
representative of “the good old boys network.” The institutionalization of this network in
secondary school athletic environments reaffirms the Leberman and Burton research that states
that women are seen as organizational intruders due to their gender. The findings also found that
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patriarchy was so ingrained in secondary school environments that women are simply not seen in
this role. The women interviewed for this study spoke about constantly being mistaken by
visiting teams or other athletic directors as either a spouse or holding another role like an athletic
trainer. Some of the women also said that within their league governance by-laws, all the
pronouns used for the position of the athletic director were he/him, essentially excluding the
possibility that women could ever hold the role of secondary school athletic director.
Lastly, interview participants who are mothers all spoke about the difficulty of
motherhood within the role of secondary school athletic director. The women interviewed spoke
both from a societal lens on the role of motherhood and from the personal family choice
perspective of the difficulty in finding a balance between the demands of both motherhood and
athletic directing. Many of the women spoke about how while pregnant or even breastfeeding,
they could not do the basic functions the role required like moving goals. This finding was
similar to the Women’s Sports Foundation (2020) research that found women often will quit
athletic administrative positions because they do not have a system to help them manage their
work and family responsibilities. The findings also found that many women were questioned
about their commitment to their children and ability to do the job as an athletic director. Many
interview participants spoke about how male colleagues made comments about being able to still
“take care of those babies.” The experience of being questioned about their ability to fulfill the
role of athletic director and mom is consistent with McClintock’s (1995) research that explained
that in a patriarchal society, women stay at home and care for their house and children. Society
still sees women more in the caregiver role than in athletic administration. The women also
described how they felt they could never find the balance between the two roles of motherhood
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and athletic directing. As one of the women said, “I think it is constantly like there’s conflict,
like a constant sense of guilt, and I’m not doing either motherhood or my job as well as I could.”
Research Question 2
Research Question 2 inquired: what do secondary school women athletic directors in the
DMV perceive to be the strengths and shortcomings of Title IX law relative to their role?
Triangulation of athletic director interviewees and survey results related to Research Question 2
produced three findings. The initial finding related to Research Question 2 was that the federal
policy of Title IX has mixed results in terms of its success in achieving gender equity within
secondary school athletic administration. Title IX recognized that America had long-standing
gender inequities that rendered girls and women second-class citizens. To address those
inequities, Title IX prohibited sex discrimination in the American education system, including
athletics. The law was clear in its intent to achieve equal access for women athletes during their
schooling experience. Since the passage of Title IX in 1972, participating in women’s sports at
the secondary level greatly increased (Staurowsky et al., 2022, p. 4). However, Title IX
implementation occurred with limitations in that not all women have equally benefited from Title
IX. Additionally, the policy left out guidance around equity in leadership positions.
Interview responses from women athletic directors revealed that their knowledge of Title
IX policy varied. Their varied understanding of Title IX policy is highly relevant considering
that the goal of the legislation is to achieve gender parity within their athletic departments, which
has a direct impact on their work. One possible reason for the various degrees of knowledge is
that a little over half of the women interviewed work in independent school systems.
Independent schools are not federally mandated to follow Title IX policy, so only a basic
understanding of the policy would be needed to perform their role. For the women who did know
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about Title IX, their knowledge focused primarily on female student-athlete participation, fields,
and athletic gear. When asked about their knowledge of Title IX, none of the athletic directors
spoke about women in athletic administration unless prompted. The women also did not have
knowledge of Title IX and intersectionality. Many of the women recognized that they did not see
many women of color within athletic administration positions but did not make the connection to
Title IX policy as a single-axis law. Based on the answers given, further education on Title IX
policy and the limitations of the law might be needed for all secondary school athletic directors,
regardless of gender and type of school district.
The second finding in relationship to Research Question 2 revealed that women athletic
directors generally felt that there was not gender equality within athletic administration and
coaching positions in secondary school athletic departments. The finding affirmed the research
done by Staurowsky et al. (2022) that found after the passing of Title IX, women lost their
positions running women’s athletics, and 50 years later have yet to obtain positions in sports
administration at an equitable rate. The findings showed that Title IX might have had a huge
impact on female sport participation but not on who is leading athletic departments at both the
secondary and collegiate levels. This research is consistent with Wells and Kerwin (2017) whose
research asserts that sport has an unequal representation of women serving athletic
administration. The Wells and Kerwin (2017) research also found that athletic departments
stacked women and racial minorities into peripheral positions that lack decision-making
authority (e.g., senior woman administrator [SWA], compliance, academic services): “We are
seen as the doers, not necessarily as the managers” (p. 136). Peripheral positions were discussed
as a gate-keeping approach in this study, that is, access to athletic positions but not to the top
seat. Many participants in this study spoke about serving as assistant athletic directors, not being
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given the opportunity to serve as the lead position within their league and being asked to serve in
the position of secretary.
The second finding also revealed that the women who do reach the position as the head
athletic director often are White. Title IX is considered a single-axis law, meaning the law only
accounts for one form of discrimination: gender. Title IX does not account for the intersection of
gender, race, class, sexuality, and other identity markers, so women who are not part of the
dominant narrative have not benefited from the federal policy as much as White heterosexual
women (Collins, 2002; Crenshaw, 1991; Leberman & Burton, 2017; Staurowsky et al., 2022).
The findings confirm that women of color have not obtained secondary school athletic director
positions at the same rate as White women. Out of the women interviewed, the four women of
color held positions in public school districts and served in assistant athletic director roles, not
the head. A finding that raises questions and needs further study is that within the independent
school athletic environment all the athletic directors are White women. In this study, women of
color who serve as secondary school athletic directors were in public school districts. The
women from independent school systems mentioned that both in the DMV and the entire state,
they know of fewer than five women of color serving in the role of the athletic director.
These findings affirm the research done by Leberman and Burton (2017) around
representational, political, and structural intersectionality. Representational intersectionality is
how people with multiple marginalized identities are not given access to leadership positions,
leading to the perpetuation of the overrepresentation of the dominant hegemonic group
(Leberman & Burton, 2017). Political intersectionality is when competition for political agendas
among social groups discourages individuals with multiple social identities from expressing their
views (Leberman & Burton, 2017). Lastly, structural intersectionality is how hierarchical power
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structures and social categorizations intersect and negatively influence the treatment and
experiences of people with marginalized identities. Structural intersectionality is how
heterosexual men maintain their power within sports organizations (Leberman & Burton, 2017).
Based on the findings, representational, political, and structural intersectionality have all played
a role in keeping women with multiple identities from obtaining secondary school athletic
director positions in the DMV area. The findings of this study reveal that mostly White women
are given the role of sole secondary school athletic director.
The third finding in relation to Research Question 2 was the participant’s ideas on future
policy changes or amendments that would strengthen Title IX around women’s sports
administration. The findings had mixed results on whether there needs to be a specific mandate
within Title IX legislation for gender equity within coaching and administrative positions. While
many of the participants agreed that a mandate would help, they noted that unless societal views
around gender norms changed, a mandate really would not impact the lack of representation of
women serving as secondary school athletic directors. At some point in the interviews, all the
participants mentioned the underrepresentation of women in athletics is due to the sport being a
gendered institution that prioritizes masculinity and does not view women as “in-group”
members in sports leadership.
Research Question 3
Research Question 3 inquired: how do women athletic directors in the DMV describe
explicit and implicit biases that have impacted their advancement opportunities? Qualitative data
related to Research Question 3 produced five findings. The first finding that emerged in
relationship to Research Question 3 was the explicit bias women face in trying to break into
sports leadership positions because they have not played the sport of football. Triangulation of
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participant survey and interview data through item-level analysis of survey statements indicated
that all women who participated in this study have experienced bias in the advancement of their
roles due to the sport of football. It was well documented within the research of LaVoi et al.
(2019) that as a society America practices metheny, the belief that there are certain sports, such
as football, that are “non-female.” Taylor and Hardin’s (2016) research found that in collegiate
athletic directing, women are not given the role of director of athletics because of the belief that
women cannot oversee the sport of football. This study confirmed the research done by both
LaVoi et al. and Taylor and Hardin that found women are not considered for the role of
secondary school athletic director because of the idea that women do not have the ability or
capacity to oversee the sport of football. Women are not welcomed into the football culture of
athletics that sees women as “out-group” members.
Responses to interview questions linked to Research Question 3 revealed that due to
homologous reproduction, which is hiring based on the principal of similarity, women
experience bias that impacted their ability to advance in their careers within secondary school
athletic departments. The participants described bias toward their gender during the hiring
process because men tend to hold leadership positions within athletic departments, and men will
hire based on what is comfortable for them, which in this case is other men. LaVoi et al. (2019)
explained that hiring bias exists in athletic institutions where the dominant group (men) are in
power. Women are systematically hired less frequently for leadership positions because men will
hire based on a principle of similarity. The research done by Taylor et al. (2018) found that
homologous reproduction is a barrier to women reaching leadership positions in collegiate
athletics due to the dominant group hiring similar individuals based on social and physical
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characteristics that favored men. The findings of this study are consistent with the research on
gender biased hiring practices.
The third finding that emerged in relationship to Research Question 3 was the lack of
intersectionality in hiring in secondary athletic administrative positions. Within the triangulation
of data from both the surveys and interview participants, it was evident that women of color
experienced bias due to both their gender and race in obtaining athletic director positions within
secondary athletic departments. Leberman and Burton (2017) found that leadership positions
within athletic departments are primarily held by White heterosexual men. Some of the women
interviewed stated that since sports leadership is usually held by White men, if a hiring
committee were to hire a woman, they tend to hire a White woman. Additionally, Title IX being
a single-axis law that only accounted for gender discrimination has resulted in White women
benefiting from this policy more than women of color (Staurowsky et al., 2022). It is not
surprising that the findings in this study aligned with the documented research around
homologous reproduction and absence of intersectionality in Title IX policy implementation.
The fourth finding that presented itself within the research was that women secondary
school athletic directors were often assigned to the “soft areas of athletics” due to their gender
identity. Taylor and Hardin (2016) described the soft area of athletics as women being assigned
to support roles like compliance coordinator, life skills, or secretary. Leberman and Burton
(2017) explained that due to gender stereotyping, women are often questioned about their ability
and capacity to serve in lead role of athletic director. Due to the questioning of women’s capacity
to serve as head athletic director because of their gender, women often get assigned the
supporting roles in athletics. The findings in this study described women not being given the
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opportunity to oversee the “mainstream sports” like football or being asked to take the role of
secretary within the department.
The last finding of experienced bias as explained by the interview participants was in
their role as mother. The women athletic directors who are mothers consistently described
microaggressions made by their male colleagues in terms of their capacity to perform the role of
athletic director and mother. Auster and Prasad (2016) argued that women athletic directors who
have families often are discriminated against because they are perceived as not being able to
meet the demands of the job because of societal views about the role of women. The secondary
school athletic directors who are mothers spoke about how their male colleagues questioned their
ability to be present for their children. Additionally, one participant who was not a mother was
even questioned by a male coach because he thought she lacked empathy and the understanding
of children because she did not have a child herself. The results from this study found that
secondary school women athletic directors experienced bias based on their capacity to perform
the role of athletic director because of how society views women’s primary role as mothers.
Limitations
Limitations of findings reside in the small sample used for this study. The study included
interviews with 10 women athletic directors in the DMV and surveyed 14 women athletic
directors. The survey was sent out to 30 current women athletic directors in the DMV and the
research would have benefited if there was greater participation. For the survey and interview
instrument, this study relied on self-reported data (surveys, interviews). Thus, limitations could
consist of respondent validity. Triangulation of findings assisted in overcoming this threat to
validity. The validity checks used for the triangulation were the survey data, interview data, and
an in-depth literature review on the problem of practice. Gender theory was used to ground the
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research and connect the findings to the larger perspectives of gender within society. Inability to
generalize study findings may constitute a delimitation of this study due to the size and scope of
the sample population. However, the purpose of this research was not to generalize. Rather, the
intention was to provide insight within a specific region of the United States on the barriers and
biases secondary women athletic directors have experienced due to their gender that impacted
their career opportunities. These descriptive findings, while not generalizable across all
educational contexts, do allow for contextual inference and applicability through the depth of
description.
Implications for Practice
This study contributes to research regarding barriers women have encountered when
seeking and serving in the secondary school athletic director position to understand the
institutionalized gender-based barriers that currently impede access for women pursuing this
leadership position. Findings from this study aligns with the current research on access bias for
women in sports leadership and further suggest implications for practice that will support more
equitable access for women to secondary school athletic director positions.
Networking and Mentorships
To increase the number of women secondary school athletic directors, it is imperative
that women are recruited within secondary school athletic departments and supported through
mentorship programs to place women in positions that will lead to the secondary school athletic
director position. Taylor and Hardin (2016), Taylor and Wells (2017), and Leberman and Burton
(2017) all cited that the lack of mentorships have contributed to the shortage of women in
athletic leadership positions. Networking and mentoring are necessary to achieve career success,
which is why the lack of mentorship for women athletic leaders is one reason for the dearth of
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women in sports leadership. All the participants in the study who currently hold the position of
athletic director mentioned the importance of having mentorship and networking with other
women athletic directors. One research participant reflected,
Majority of the positions I have received have been through women mentorships that are
able to understand me. Not only do mentors help you get your name in the door when
institutions are fishing through these 50 million applications, but they also get you hired
(Athletic Director 10).
Thus, mentorships are vital in getting more women into secondary school athletic director
positions.
Since one of the major barriers experienced by the women athletic directors in this study
was the “good old boys’ network,” it is important that efforts are made by well-known social
networks such as NHFS, NIAAA, and league associations to support women by preparing them
to enter leadership roles in a field that men currently dominate. These social networks can assist
women in developing a strong self-concept, belonging, and support as they move up the ranks to
lead athletic director or district athletic director. Women build power and confidence when
creating relationships with other women athletic directors and network with other women in the
field.
I think that I have been fortunate to have found tremendous value in building
relationships with other female athletic administrators, who share similar role. And
particularly people who also are moms. I think there’s so much power and stress relief
and ability to talk at a different level about your experience with other women that share
those positions (Athletic Director 3).
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Having someone who understands what it is like to be a woman in secondary school athletics is
an essential piece of support. The NHFS and NIAAA need to make more space for affinity
groups amongst women secondary school athletic directors so women have a network that can
help address the “good old boys club.”
Support Systems
Balancing the role of athletic director and the demands of being a spouse and mother has
shown to be one of the top barriers as to why women either do not enter the field of athletic
directing or leave the field early. Women must continue to seek support from their family as they
ascend and serve as athletic director. In the athletic world, it is long days, travel, and weekend
work. This study found that women who have families are often discriminated against because
they are perceived as not being able to meet the demands of the job. Often, secondary athletic
departments do not have structured support systems in place so that a woman can be both a
parent and a senior leader within the athletic department. Several of the athletic directors in this
study who are moms explained that it is very difficult for mothers to hold the athletic directing
position without the support of their spouses and children. Several athletic directors who
participated in this study who were also mothers attributed their success in their position to the
support of their spouses. Leberman and Burton (2017) found that athletics has a “win at all
costs” narrative that reinforces a model that reinforces traditional gender norms with women as
the main caregiver. In this model, employees are expected to prioritize work over all other
aspects of life, which often gives an advantage to men with stay-at-home partners (Leberman &
Burton, 2017). Due to societal gender norms, for women to be a successful athletic director, they
too must have a stay-at-home partner, but this is often not the case because women are still seen
as the one who has the biggest role in the home sphere.
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The Importance of Secondary Women Athletic Directors
Women are underrepresented in sports leadership positions across America, and
representation matters to increase the number of women serving in secondary school athletic
directing positions. In the sports industry, the dominant group that makes the decisions are White
heterosexual men (LaVoi et al., 2019). The lack of women in leadership roles within sports
organizations has kept patriarchy in power within secondary athletic departments. Research has
demonstrated that both gender and ethnic diversity in athletic departments will improve the
overall organization (Leberman & Burton, 2017). One participant spoke to the organizational
benefit of having women serve in the role of secondary school athletic director:
I just think women tend to be more organized and more efficient when completing tasks.
We are a little more emotional and lead with empathy, but it’s in a positive sense. When
it comes to dealing with children at the interscholastic level, they need that emotional
support” (Athletic Director 8).
Women tend to lead with a high emotional intelligence which is needed in educational leadership
and dealing with various stakeholders that athletic directors oversee.
Having women serve in the role of athletic director has the potential to change young
girls and women’s expectations of what careers they can and should pursue. The Women’s
Sports Foundation (2020) found that when young female athletes have a coach or leader who
represents their identity, it can serve as an inspiration for future athletic opportunities. Athletic
Director 3 stated,
You can still have a family, be successful, be a good mom and do things that maybe were
traditionally considered to be roles of men or roles that men held. It just requires more
sacrifice and’ I think that’s one of the reasons why it’s so important to have more women
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in athletic administration positions because it changes the view of what is possible for
others.
This study found that representation matters to young girls, current young women coaches, and
other women wanting to break into the field of athletics. Having more women serve in secondary
school athletic leadership positions means young girls and women can reimagine what is
possible for them.
Recommendations for Future Research
This study surveyed 14 secondary women athletic directors and interviewed 10 secondary
women athletic directors in the DMV. Findings from this study revealed additional areas that
need to be further explored. The following are recommendations for future research.
Intersectionality
This study found that women of color are not serving in the role of secondary school
athletic directors in contrast to White women. Secondary school athletic directors tend to be
White men. Due to the hiring principle of similarity, when a man is not available for the position,
White women are hired. The research in this study found that women of color experience a
hiring bias and intersectionality is not accounted for within the hiring process. The lack of
women of color serving in secondary school athletic departments in this study was especially
evident in independent school environments. Two recommendations for future research around
this topic are the following:
 Expand the research on intersectionality and the lack of women of color in
independent school athletic environments.
 Further research on the hiring biases experienced by women of color seeking to serve
as secondary school athletic directors.
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Title IX Limitations
The research in this study found that though Title IX has had an impact in creating gender
equity within secondary school athletic departments there is still much work to be done. First,
Title IX is limited because the policy is a single-axis law and does not account for women who
experience other intersecting identities that have been marginalized. Due to this, the primary
benefits of Title IX have been middle-class White women female athletes. Additionally, this
study found many of the women did not have knowledge of Title IX policy or really understood
their rights under the protection of the law. Thus, the following recommendation for further
research that addresses the limitations of Title IX is to do a deeper investigation into Title IX’s
role in eradicating gender inequities within secondary school athletic administrative
environments.
Preparation Programs and Networks
This study did not look at the role national organizations play in educating, supporting,
and preparing women for the role of secondary school athletic director. Many of the research
participants spoke to the need of preparation programs and networking opportunities within the
athletic space. Therefore, there needs to be further research into the role organizations like the
National High School Federation of Sports and National Interscholastic Athletic Administrators
Associations can play in preparing and mentoring to get more women into the field of secondary
athletic administration. Additionally, there needs to be an association specifically for secondary
school women athletic directors to seek both mentorship and support.
Health and Well-Being of Secondary School Women Athletic Directors
It was evident in this study that women who participated experienced everyday forms of
either gender or sex discrimination. What this study did not look at was the effect everyday
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discrimination had on the well-being, mental, and physical health of secondary school women
athletic directors. There is a need for further research on how everyday gender and sex
discrimination impacts the well-being and health of women in secondary school athletic
administration.
Concluding Remarks
This study has demonstrated that women secondary school athletic directors in the DMV
continue to face barriers and bias due to their gender, resulting in career limitations in secondary
school athletics. Throughout this study, women’s perceptions of the barriers they faced while
seeking and/or serving in the position were explored as well as successful strategies they used
while serving in the position. One key lesson learned from secondary school athletic directors
who were both interviewed and surveyed was that they reported experiencing everyday gender
and sex discrimination in their roles. This study found that secondary school athletic departments
are a gendered institution where masculinity is prioritized, resulting in women being treated as
“out-group” members. Due to secondary athletics being patriarchal the women in this study
questioned their own competence in athletic settings due to their experiences of everyday gender
discrimination. Swim et al. (2001) found that “everyday” sexist incidents had psychological
ramifications for women, with exposure to sexist incidents associated with more anger and
depression, and lower self-esteem. This study affirmed all the above research, with many women
participants reporting fatigue, burnout, and reluctance to apply for specific jobs within secondary
school athletic administration due to perceived gender biases in sports.
This study produced mixed results on Title IX legislation’s role in addressing the
inequities for women secondary school athletic directors. Many women interviewed mentioned
that an amendment mandating more gender representation in coaching and administrative
103

positions would help create parity in secondary school administrations. However, several felt that
such an amendment would not be enough to overcome institutionalized societal gender norms.
The participants found that until the construction of gender, which prioritizes masculinity in
sports environments, is eradicated, women will continue to be treated as “out-group” members in
sports leadership. Title IX’s single-axis law status has resulted in women of color not having the
same access to secondary school athletic leadership positions as White women, according to this
study. The women interviewed in independent school districts were all White women and stated
that they rarely interacted with women of color serving in the secondary school athletic director
role director. The women of color who were interviewed all served in either an assistant or
associate role in secondary school athletics, not the lead athletic director role. Additionally, the
women of color interviewed described access bias when seeking leadership positions in
secondary school athletics due to their race and gender. Title IX being a single-axis law and not
accounting for the intersection of gender, race, class, sexuality, and other identity markers, has
resulted in women of marginalized identities not benefiting from the federal policy in the way
White heterosexual women have.
Even though barriers and biases exist for women today who are seeking and serving in
the athletic director position, women must continue to obtain support and strive for roles within
secondary school athletic administration. This study contributed valuable research in the women
in sports leadership field that is lacking around the secondary school experience. The research in
this study provided important data around access bias and gender discrimination experienced by
current secondary school women athletic directors. Women leaders need to persist in their
journey to the athletic director position. They must continue to overcome barriers that they
encounter so that one day studies such as this one will not be necessary, and the societal gender
104

narrative that sees women as “out-group” members in secondary school athletic departments no
longer exists.

105

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Appendix A: Secondary Athletic Director Cover Letter and Consent for Interview
Dear [Athletic Director—Insert Name],
My name is Diana Christina Parente, and I am a K–12 Educational Leadership doctoral
candidate at the University of Southern California’s Rossier School of Education.
I am conducting a research study for my dissertation, which examines the career
pathways and, if any, limitations experienced by women athletic directors in the Washington,
DC, area. Additionally, this study will look at implications of Title IX as it pertains to athletics
and the Athletic Director position.
You were selected to participate in this research study because you are currently serving
as a K–12 athletic director in the Washington, DC, area, your school or district has the sport of
football, as the athletic director you serve both female and male populations, and you identify an
identify as a woman. Your participation in this research study is completely voluntary. You may
decline altogether or not answer any questions you do not wish to answer.
Please read the below consent form for the study. The interview should take
approximately 60 minutes to complete. Your identity as a participant will remain confidential at
all times during and after the study.
Thank you for taking the time to assist me in my educational endeavors.
Please feel free to contact me with any questions or comments.

Diana Parente
USC Rossier School of Education Doctoral Candidate
K–12 Educational Leadership
University of Southern California
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Mobile: 631-741-1270
Email: dparente@usc.edu

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Interview Consent Form
Title of study: A Phenomenological Study of Secondary Women Athletic Directors in the
DMV: An Exploration of Systemic Bias and Career Limitations
Department: University of Southern California, Rossier School of Education
Name and contact details of the principal researcher: Diana Parente, dparente@usc.edu
Before you decide whether to take part, it is important for you to understand why this
research is being done and what participation will involve. Please take time to read the following
information and let me know if you have any further questions.
Purpose of Study
The aim of this interview is to study the phenomenon of why there are currently a limited
number of women serving in the position of secondary athletic director. For this study, I will
interview five women athletic directors in the Washington DC area.
This interview is designed to understand the career pathways for women athletic directors, if any,
limitations women athletics directors have faced during their career, and how the federal Title IX
policy impacts secondary school athletics. Your interview will be part of the data collected to
better understand this area of research.
Participant Involvement
If you wish to take part in the interview, I ask you to please fill in this required consent
form. During this interview, I will ask you a series of questions related to your experience as an
athletic director. If you are ok with it, I will record the interview. Once the recording is
transcribed, I will delete it. At the beginning of the interview, I will give you an option of being
interviewed via an audio only, if that is something you would prefer.
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It is up to you to decide whether you would like to take part in this study. If you do
decide to take part, I will ask you to participate in a 60-minute interview conducted via Zoom.
You can withdraw at any time up to the point at which this research is published, without giving
a reason. If you wish to withdraw from the study, please contact me at dparente@usc.edu and I
will delete your data.
Confidentiality
All the information that I collect about you during the course of the research will be kept
strictly confidential. You will not be able to be identified in any ensuing reports or publications.
Confidentiality will be respected subject to legal constraints and professional guidelines. There
will be no information collected in this study that will make you identifiable as a participant.
Your name and any other identifiable information will be removed from the transcripts when the
data is transcribed. After the interviews are transcribed, they will be destroyed.
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
Investigator Contact Information: Principal Investigator, Diana Parente,
dparente@usc.edu , 631-741-1270
IRB Contact Information: University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB), 3720
South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu
Direct Consent:
Do you wish to proceed?
Yes, I wish to proceed
No, I do not wish to proceed
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Appendix B: Interview Protocol Coversheet
University of Southern California
Interview Protocol – Secondary School Athletic Directors
Introduction Good morning. My name is Diana Parente, and I am currently a doctoral
student at the University of Southern California’s Rossier School of
Education.

To start, I want to thank you for taking the time to talk with me about your
experience as an athletic director. As I mentioned in my initial email to you,
I’m in a doctoral program and I’m working on my dissertation which looks to
understand career pathways and, if any, limitations experienced by women
athletic directors.

I want to assure you that I am simply the researcher today. This means my
questions in no way are evaluating you. I will not be making any judgments
on how you perform your role as an athletic director. My goal is to
understand your perspective based on your lived experience.

So, for this study, I will interview you and 4 other women athletic directors in
the Washington, DC, area. This interview is designed to help understand the
phenomenon of minimal women in the field of secondary school athletic
administration, how the federal Title IX policy impacts secondary school
athletics, and career pathway experience for women athletic directors. Your
interview will be part of the data collected to better understand this area of
research.
Lastly, I will consult other research in the field to help explain the
phenomenon of limited number of women athletic directors at the secondary
level.
I want to remind you that this conversation is confidential. I will use
pseudonyms for all of the people with whom I speak for confidentiality. All
data for this study will be examined and will inform my dissertation findings.
I will be using some direct quotes but I will not use your name in the direct
quote. I am happy to provide you with a copy of my study when finished.
Do you have any questions for me about this study?
Consent to
Record
This dissertation study involves the audio or video recording of your
interview with the researcher. Neither your name nor any other identifying
information will be associated with the audio or video recording or the
transcript. Only the research team will be able to listen to or view the
recordings.
The recordings will be transcribed and erased once the transcriptions are
checked for accuracy. Transcripts of your interview may be reproduced in
whole or in part for use in presentations or written products that result from
this study. Neither your name nor any other identifying information (such as
your voice or picture) will be used in presentations or in written products
resulting from the study.
117

Do you feel comfortable being recorded today?
Time This interview should take approximately 60 minutes.
Thank you for meeting with me today.

118

Appendix C: Interview Protocol
Secondary School Athletic Director Interview
Researcher
Interview Date
Secondary School Athletic Director
Location
Interview Start Time
Interview End Time

Q1 Formal Learning – Educational Attainment
Please tell me about your formal educational background.
College / University
Degrees
Certifications
Credentials
Languages

Q2 Formal Learning – Career Path
Please tell me about your career pathway towards the secondary school athletic director
position. What roles have you held and for how long that helped to prepare you for the athletic
director position?

Probe:
 What do you enjoy the most about being an athletic director?
 What do you enjoy the least about being an athletic director?

Q3 Formal Learning – Career Path
Please name 3 elements of the job that first surprised you when you became an athletic
director?

Q4 Formal Learning – Career Path
Please name 3 elements of the job that did not surprise you when you became an athletic
director?

Q5 Demographics – Personal Life
Could you tell me more about you? (Age, Marital Status, Children, Pets)
Current Age
First Athletic Director Position
Age
Marital Status
Children
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Pets

Q6 Title IX- Knowledge
Tell me your knowledge, if any, with Title IX as it pertains to athletics?

Probe: If the participant has knowledge of Title IX, ask, in what ways, if any, has Title IX
implementation impacted you as a woman athletic director? Can you provide an example?

i. If the participant has no knowledge of Title IX, ask, what are the
barriers that you see that still exist for women in sports leadership?

Q7 Title IX- Impact on Women Athletic Directors
Title IX legislation is silent about gender equity in the athletic director position. Do you
believe that the absence of guidance or language has impacted women seeking this role? If so,
in what ways?

Q8 – Title IX – Amendments
Suppose you were able to make amendments to Title IX; what changes would you want to
include?
Probe: Would you want to make any amendments related to athletic leaders? Why or why not?

Q9 –Bias and Career Limitations- Sex Discrimination
Some women athletic directors would say that they don't face any sex discrimination being a
woman athletic director. What are your thoughts about that?
Probe:
 If participant answers they do not agree with that statement, why do you say that.
Please explain further
 If the participants agrees with the statement, Give me an example of time, if any, where
you felt in a very inclusive athletic department

120

Q10 –Bias and Career Limitations- Identity
Please give an example, if any, in your role as an athletic director, when you experienced
discrimination due to one of your identity markers? (race, ethnicity, language, gender, age,
sexuality, religion, socioeconomic class, education, marital status)

Q12 Advantages- Gender
What kind of advantages do you receive in your role as an athletic director, if any, because of
your gender? Probe: are there disadvantages that you experience because of your gender?

Q13 Job Ability- Gender
Some people would say that women cannot do the job of athletic director. What would you tell
them?

Q14Job Ability- Gender
In the research done at the collegiate level it is documented that women are not give the role of
athletic director because it is believed women do not have the ability to oversee the sports of
football or Division I men’s basketball. What has your experience been?

Q15 Experience- Intersectionality
Some of the research at both the secondary and collegiate level show that when women have
the role of athletic director they tend to be White woman. What have your own observations
been?
Probe- example, how do you feel, what are your thoughts?

Q16 Athletic Director / Comments / Story
Do you have any additional comments, stories, or lessons that you’ve learned along the way
that you would like to share to help aspiring or new athletic directors?

121

Appendix D: Secondary Athletic Director Cover Letter for Survey
Dear [Athletic Director—Insert Name],
My name is Diana Christina Parente, and I am a K–12 Educational Leadership doctoral
candidate at the University of Southern California’s Rossier School of Education.
I am conducting a research study for my dissertation, which examines the career
pathways and limitations experienced by women athletic directors in the Washington, DC, area.
Additionally, this study will look at implications of Title IX as it pertains to athletics and the
Athletic Director position.
You were selected to participate in this research study because you are currently serving
as a K–12 athletic director in the Washington, DC, area, your school or district has the sport of
football, as the athletic director you serve both female and male populations, and you identify an
identify as a woman. Your participation in this research study is completely voluntary. You may
decline altogether or leave blank any questions you do not wish to answer.
If you agree to participate in this research study, please answer the questions on this
online survey [Insert Survey Link] as honestly as possible and submit your responses by [Insert
Date]. This survey should take approximately 15 minutes to complete. Your identity as a
participant will remain confidential at all times during and after the study.
Thank you for taking the time to assist me in my educational endeavors.
Please feel free to contact me with any questions or comments.

Diana Parente
USC Rossier School of Education Doctoral Candidate
K–12 Educational Leadership
122

University of Southern California
Mobile: 631-741-1270
Email: dparente@usc.edu

123

Welcome to the Athletic Director Research Study
I am interested in understanding career pathways and if any, limitations experienced by
secondary school women athletic directors in the Washington, DC, area. Additionally, this
survey will look to understanding your knowledge around Title IX as it pertains to athletics. You
will be presented with information relevant to your role as an athletic director role and asked to
answer questions about it. Please be assured that your responses will be keep completely
confidential.
The study should take about 15 minutes to complete, and you will receive an executive
summary at the completion of the research study for your participation. Your participation in this
research is voluntary. You have the right to withdraw at any point during the study, for any
reason, and without any prejudice.
If you would like to contact the Principal Investigator in the study to discuss this
research, please email: Diana Parente: dparente@usc.edu
By clicking the button below, you acknowledge that your participation in the study is
voluntary, you are 18 years of age, and that you are aware that you may choose to terminate your
participation in the study at any time and for any reason.
Please note that this survey will be best displayed on a laptop or desktop computer. Some
features may be less compatible for use on a mobile device.

I consent, begin the study
I do not consent; I do not wish to participate

124

Appendix E: Survey Instrument
Demographic questions:
1. What is your age?
 Under 30
 30–39
 40–49
 50–59
 60 or over
2. At what age did you first become a secondary school athletic director?
________________
3. How long have you been a secondary school athletic director?
 1–3 years
 4–9 years
 10–15 years
 More than 16 years
4. What race/ethnic group best describes how you identify yourself?
 White
 Black or African American
 American Indian and Alaska Native
 Asian
 Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander
 Hispanic
 Biracial or multiracial
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 Other ______________
5. What is your gender?
 Male
 Female
 Prefer to describe_____
 Prefer not to answer
6. How many children do you have?
 none
 1
 2
 3
 4
 5 or more
7. Which area best describes your school district?
 Public school district
 Independent school district
Title IX policy questions:
8. Please rate the degree to which you agree or disagree with each statement (strongly
agree, agree, somewhat agree, neither agree or disagree, somewhat disagree, disagree,
or strongly disagree):
 I have knowledge of Title IX policy as it pertains to secondary school
athletics.
 My school or district is Title IX compliant.
126

 Title IX Policy adherence at secondary schools effectively governs gender
equity within athletic departments.
 Title IX policy for secondary school athletics addresses how race, gender,
sexuality and other identity markers intersect supporting equity in access.
 There is gender equality in coaching and athletic administration positions
within secondary school’s athletic departments.
Bias and career limitations in secondary athletics:
9. Please rate the degree to which you agree or disagree with each statement (strongly
agree, agree, somewhat agree, neither agree or disagree, somewhat disagree, disagree,
or strongly disagree):
 In my role as athletic director, I have been discriminated against because of
my race.
 In my role as athletic director, I have been discriminated against because of
my sexuality.
 In my role as an athletic director, I have been discriminated against because of
my gender identity.
 In my role as an athletic director, I have had limited career opportunities
because of my race.
 In my role as an athletic director, I have had limited career opportunities
because of my sexuality.
 In my role as an athletic director, I have had limited career opportunities
because of my gender identity.
127

 In my role as athletic director, I am often questioned about my ability to
oversee the sport of football.
 Women athletic directors face barriers that limit their career opportunities due
to their gender.
 Women must work twice as hard as men to be considered for a secondary
school athletic director role.
 There is gender equality in the selection of secondary school athletic directors.
10. Please give an example, if any, in your role as an athletic director, of a time when you
experienced discrimination due to one of your identity markers? (race, ethnicity,
language, gender, age, sexuality, religion, socioeconomic class, education, marital
status)
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
11. Please name two specific ways, if any, that your school affirms your gender identity
in the role of athletic director.
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
12. Please name two specific ways, if any, that your school does not affirm your gender
identity in the role of athletic director.
_____________________________________________________________________
128

_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
Closing:
Thank you for taking the time to complete this survey. I truly value the information you
have provided. Your responses will contribute to my analyses of the research topic with the
hopes to provide valuable information in the field of secondary school athletic directing. Once
again, your responses will be anonymous and not identifiable within the research project. If you
have any questions, at any point, please reach out me directly at dparente@usc.edu

Sincerely,
Diana Parente

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Parente, Diana Christina (author)

Core Title A phenomenological study of secondary women athletic directors: an exploration of systemic bias

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-05

Publication Date 03/21/2023

Defense Date 03/21/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag and career limitations,bias,gender theory,intersectionality,OAI-PMH Harvest,Title IX

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Kishimoto , Christina (committee chair), Cash, David (committee member), Green, Alan (committee member)

Creator Email diana_parente@fa.org,dparente@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC112847878

Unique identifier UC112847878

Identifier etd-ParenteDia-11510.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-ParenteDia-11510

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Parente, Diana Christina

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230324-usctheses-batch-1011 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu