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Understanding the challenges of recruiting and retaining native English-speaking teachers in Macao

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Understanding the challenges of recruiting and retaining native English-speaking teachers in Macao

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Content UNDERSTANDING THE CHALLENGES OF RECRUITING AND RETAINING NATIVE
ENGLISH-SPEAKING TEACHERS IN MACAO

by

DeVonne Weng Iao

A Dissertation Proposal Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfilment of the
Requirements for the Degree
GLOBAL EXECUTIVE DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2023

Copyright 2023 DeVonne Weng Iao

ii
DEDICATION
To my grandmother, Tou Nam ( 杜嵐), who had devoted her entire life to education and had
always inspired me to explore the world, pursue my dreams, and continuously seek and share
knowledge. You had been and will always be my guiding light.

iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First, I would like to thank my family. I want to thank my father, mentor and role model,
Tun Ieong Iao ( 尤端陽), for giving me unconditional support throughout my endless education
journey; I am grateful to you for instilling me with humility and determination to persevere
through the challenges of life. I want to thank my mother, Mei Ieng Wong, for her love, patience,
and selflessness; I love you for tirelessly encouraging me to be the best version of myself. I also
want to thank my husband, Aaron, my brother, Calvin, and my other parents, Nancy, Bob, Pat
and Charlie, for always cheering me on and making me feel that I can accomplish anything.
The Global Executive Ed.D. program has been an eye-opening experience and one that I
will always reflect on and treasure. I like to take this opportunity to thank Dr. Tambascia for
being my dissertation chair; thank you for your guidance and reassurance throughout the
program and keeping me grounded so I could complete my dissertation, and degree, on time. To
my dissertation committee members: Dr. Maddox and Dr. Seli, thank you for serving on my
committee; I appreciate the time and commitment you have graciously invested in my doctoral
journey. I want to also thank Dr. Robison, Dr. Krop, Dr. Chung and Dr. Chong for the invaluable
wisdom and support you have shown me every step of the way.
To my Cohort 9 family: what can I say… you are the best, and I could not have asked for
a better group of friends for this journey! Thank you for the love, the jokes, and the camaraderie.
You keep shining a light toward the end of the tunnel whenever things get tough, and you all
seem to know when exactly that is. You have made this whole experience more rewarding and
entertaining. I am thankful to have met you all, and I know we will be friends for life.
Last but not least, I must thank my friends at work. I’m indebted to the super stars on my
team and other kind colleagues for putting up with me while I juggle this intensive program
iv
while working full-time. I could not get through these 2 and half years without you. You have
certainly made my life easier. I would like to especially thank our leaders, Grant and Dr. Wong,
for their support and generosity in allowing me to take on this incredible opportunity. Thank you,
Grant, for giving me the latitude to pursue my academic goals and for writing me the
recommendation letter, which ultimately helped me get into this amazing program. Thank you,
Dr. Wong, for expanding my horizon with your insights, advice and inspirational chats along the
way.
There is no delusion with the fact that I could not have done this alone. Thank you to all
who have contributed to this milestone and any success I have had. I am truly blessed to be
surrounded by wonderful human beings. And it is my hope that I can give back to society as
much as I have gained and perhaps more.

v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ iii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ vii
List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. viii
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... ix
Chapter One: Overview of the Study ...............................................................................................1
Background of the Problem .................................................................................................1
Statement of the Problem .....................................................................................................3
Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................4
Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................5
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology .....................................................6
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions ......................................................................7
Definitions............................................................................................................................8
Organization of the Dissertation ..........................................................................................9
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...................................................................................................11
Historical Background of Education in Macao ..................................................................11
Influence of Globalization on Education in Macao ...........................................................19
Challenges of Recruiting and Retaining Native English-speaking Teachers ....................25
Motivations for Teaching ...................................................................................................33
Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................................42
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................45
Chapter Three: Methods ................................................................................................................47
Participating Stakeholders .................................................................................................48
Sample Selection and Rationale.........................................................................................49
vi
Instrumentation and Data Collection .................................................................................51
Data Analysis .....................................................................................................................54
Trustworthiness ..................................................................................................................55
Ethics..................................................................................................................................56
Role of Researcher .............................................................................................................57
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................58
Chapter Four: Data and Findings ...................................................................................................59
Overview of Study Participants .........................................................................................59
Emerging Themes ..............................................................................................................71
Additional Findings ...........................................................................................................83
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................86
Chapter Five: Discussion ...............................................................................................................87
Discussion of Findings .......................................................................................................88
Implications of Findings ....................................................................................................95
Recommendations for Practice ..........................................................................................96
Limitations .........................................................................................................................98
Future Research .................................................................................................................99
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................99
References ....................................................................................................................................101
Appendix A: Recruitment Email .................................................................................................109
Appendix B: Information Sheet for Exempt Research ................................................................110
Appendix C: Survey Protocol ......................................................................................................112

vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Interview Participants .............................................................................................67

viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Herzberg’s Two-Factor Theory ......................................................................................44
Figure 2: Participants’ Age Range .................................................................................................60
Figure 3: Participants’ Gender .......................................................................................................61
Figure 4: Participants’ Highest Level of Education .......................................................................62
Figure 5: Participants’ Reasons For Choosing Teaching As a Career ...........................................63
Figure 6: Participants’ Total Experience In the Teaching Profession ...........................................64
Figure 7: Participants’ Teaching Experience in Macao .................................................................64
Figure 8: Participants’ Responses to Statements on Teaching Efficacy and Working
Conditions ......................................................................................................................................65

ix
ABSTRACT
As Macao aims to position itself as a World Centre of Tourism and Leisure, education
development plays a key role in building the talent base required to support the diversification
and expansion of its economy. Multilingual capabilities of a globalized workforce are critical for
an international destination to thrive. However, challenges with the recruitment and retention of
native English-speaking teachers (NETs) have been an ongoing problem in Macao. It is prudent
to understand these challenges by investigating the influences that motivate expatriate NETs to
teach and persist in Macao. This study was designed to uncover the motivational and hygiene
factors that influence NETs’ decisions, based on Herzberg’s two-factor theory, by interviewing
them for a better understanding of their experiences in Macao. This study found that the
desirable lifestyle in Macao was a motivation for NETs to teach where they could have a positive
work-life balance with a superior compensation package; however, there were perceptions of
inequality and a fragile sense of community within the school environment that demotivated
them. The study also found that discriminatory policies and social-emotional issues related to the
COVID-19 pandemic were evident and led to the decisions of many NETs leaving Macao.
Recommendations to improve the recruitment and retention of NETs include providing a
continuous support network for expat NETs, creating student teaching opportunities for potential
NETs, and developing a NET recruitment program for Macao.

1
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
As the economy of Macao expanded rapidly with the unprecedented development of its
tourism industry in the last 2 decades, the effects of globalization in the city have intensified the
need for social and human development to keep pace. Education development is critical for the
success of any knowledge economy. Being an international tourism destination, multilingual
talents are required to support the dominant employers, the integrated resorts, as well as the
future diversification of Macao’s economy. With Mandarin and English becoming the key
languages in society and commerce, many schools of basic education have strived to provide
high-quality bilingual education; however, there have been challenges with regard to the
recruitment and retention of NETs. This study is focused on these challenges by examining the
motivations that drive NETs to teach in Macao and the factors that keep them in their posts.
Background of the Problem
Basic education in Macao has gone through a period of robust development in the past 20
years, owing to the city’s reintegration back into China and the rapid economic growth fueled by
the casino tourism industry. Although the Macao government offers 15 years of free basic
education, quality and learning outcomes vary due to the unique school system in Macao, where
close to 90% of the schools in basic education are private, allowing for a high degree of
autonomy (Vong & Wong, 2009). The city’s economic development needs prompted the
expansion of education to develop a more globalized workforce to meet the demands of its
dominant industry and underpin future economic diversification. Language proficiencies in
English and Mandarin have become increasingly important and necessary.
The medium of instruction (MOI) for the majority of schools in Macao is Cantonese, one
of the two official languages of the special-administrative region (SAR); the other official
2
language is Portuguese, but due to the lack of widespread usage, only 4% of the schools use it as
their MOI at the time of this study (Government of MSAR Education and Youth Development
Bureau, n.d.). Some schools have shifted to use Mandarin as the MOI for at least some of their
classes; this was in part to address the demand to improve Mandarin proficiency and in part due
to the shortage of teachers in Macao, prompting schools to source teachers from Mainland China
who can speak and teach only in Mandarin (Moody, 2021; Yu, 2015). Although there has been
notable curriculum reform in recent years providing guidance to streamline the education
structure and content, the government continues to encourage schools to develop their own
mission, curriculum and teaching methods, thereby preserving the high degree of autonomy for
schools to operate in the education system of their choosing (Government of MSAR Talent
Development Committee, n.d.). Consequently, the inconsistency and range of school offerings
created a system of inequity where only a small portion of the student population has been
accepted into or could afford to go to their school of choice.
More broadly, it is acknowledged that the quality of a school system is limited by the
quality of its teachers, and the greatest challenge for schools has been the recruitment,
development and retention of teachers (Barber & Mourshed, 2007; OECD, 2018). It was also
noted in a report from the Joint ILO/UNESCO Committee of Experts (1998) that the teaching
profession has been in decline globally, and the professional and socioeconomic status of
teachers was relatively low in virtually every country. While many factors contributed to the
declining interest in the teaching profession, low status was often cited as the common cause and
the area that needs improvement (Barber & Mourshed, 2007; Li, 2014; Price & Weatherby,
2018; Reis Monteiro, 2015). The deteriorating appeal of the profession has led to shortages and
high annual turnover of teachers in many countries around the world (ILO, 2012; Li, 2014; Reis
3
Monteiro, 2015; Schleicher, 2018). In the context of international schools, the turnover of
expatriate teachers has been high, ranging from 28% to 60% in the Asia Pacific region (Bunnell
& Poole, 2021). This can be costly and disruptive to student learning (Bunnell & Poole, 2021;
Fong, 2018; Odland & Ruzicka, 2009). In Macao, the situation is not different, where teaching is
not a glamorous or lucrative profession, especially under the shadow of the glitz and opulence of
the big casino resorts.
With English and Mandarin becoming the dominant languages in Macao, successful
language training should start from the levels of basic education (Moody, 2021). The most
sought-after schools in the city are those that offer a curriculum with English or bilingual
(Mandarin and English) languages as MOI. For these schools, the major challenge has been
sustaining the quality of education by maintaining the consistency and quality of their teaching
staff, particularly English-speaking teachers. Thus, reducing NET turnover or increasing
retention became critical in maintaining consistency and continuity. Transforming education to
support the future development of Macao rests on the quality and preparation of their teachers.
To accelerate English learning in basic education, addressing and resolving the challenges of
recruiting and retaining high-quality English language teachers would be crucial. While it has
been relatively easy to attract native Mandarin-speaking teachers from Mainland China, sourcing
NETs has remained a challenge for schools in Macao.
Statement of the Problem
The challenges with recruiting and retaining suitable NETs to teach in Macao are
complex, including financial, social and regulatory issues. Since Macao is a very small city with
a single dominant industry, the professional or social environment for teachers could not be as
diverse as that of a major metropolitan city such as Hong Kong or Singapore. Thus, the sense of
4
community for expatriate teachers has been lacking, and the amenities for a comprehensive
support network might also be missing. In addition, subsidized private schools could not afford
to offer competitive compensation packages to their teachers, especially when compared to the
packages of skilled workers at the casino resorts; these teachers also earn less than those at
unsubsidized private schools or government-run schools. Furthermore, labor policies in Macao
have made it difficult to hire expatriate teachers, for the priority has been to hire local teachers
even if they lack experience or language proficiency. Finally, problems in the recruitment and
retention of NETs have been further exacerbated by the recent travel and border restrictions
imposed since the start of the pandemic. It is imperative to understand these challenges to
examine the recruitment strategies and enhance retention practices for schools in Macao.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to better understand the challenges of recruiting and
retaining NETs in Macao by examining the motivational influences that drive expatriate teachers
to teach in Macao and the influences that keep them in their posts. This study was based on
interviews with NETs at private schools in Macao who arrived as expatriate teachers. These
teachers could provide insights into their personal experiences as a NET in Macao, shed light on
their professional journey of successes, challenges and revelations, and offer their opinions on
the motivational factors that influence a NET’s decision to accept and remain in a teaching post
in Macao.
The following research questions guided this study:
1. What motivates expatriate teachers to teach abroad?
2. What do expatriate teachers consider when choosing to teach in Macao?
3. How can schools foster a sense of belonging among expatriate teachers, if at all?
5
Significance of the Study
This study will add to the knowledge base of NET recruitment and retention with a focus
on Macao. Providing research-based insights about motivational factors that may influence a
NET’s decision to select Macao for their international assignment could help schools adapt their
recruitment strategies or policies to improve their efforts. Understanding the influences that
encourage NETs to remain in their teaching post or lead to their departure could help schools in
Macao minimize the turnover of these teachers. The study will contribute to the awareness of this
problem in the teaching profession and aid in addressing it.
The shortage and high turnover of teachers, and specifically NETs, have been a global
problem affecting countries all over the world (Barber & Mourshed, 2007; Bunnell & Poole,
2021; Heinz, 2015; Li, 2014; Odland & Ruzicka, 2009; Price & Weatherby, 2018; Reis
Monteiro, 2015); it is a symptom of the diminishing status and valuation of the teaching
profession, leading to its continuous decline. Therefore, it is important to understand what
motivates people to become teachers and persist in their teaching posts. The key motivations for
entering and remaining in the teaching profession have been consistent across the globe, though
market conditions and development opportunities in some countries might be the influencing
factors that encourage one to become a teacher. Studies have found that altruistic and intrinsic
sources of motivation were the primary reasons for choosing careers in teaching; altruistic values
include the desire to make a difference and contribute to society, while intrinsic motivators
include the enjoyment of teaching and a love of the subject (Heinz, 2015; Manuel et al., 2019;
Perryman & Calvert, 2020; Watt et al., 2017).
While there are plenty of literature and research on the topics of teacher recruitment,
retention, and attrition, as well as motivations, there are limited sources on these topics in the
6
context of Macao. There is also a body of literature about the challenges of recruiting and
retaining NETs in various regions, including neighboring cities of Hong Kong, Taipei, Shenzhen,
and other cities in China and Asia Pacific, but Macao has rarely been included in these studies.
Because Macao is a very small special-administrative city with highly unique socioeconomic and
political characteristics, schools in the city face a distinctive set of challenges in their efforts to
recruit and retain NETs. The completion of this study will supply additional content to broaden
the coverage of current literature on the subject of NET recruitment and retention.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
Motivation theory, or the study of learning what motivates a person to work toward a
particular purpose, was the framework used to guide this study. In particular, the content theories
of motivation have been used to examine what motivated NETs to teach in Macao and what
schools there could do to retain these teachers. Content theories focus on discovering the “what”
of motivation, understanding what motivates people and what they need in their professional and
personal lives to perform and persist. This study used Herzberg’s two-factor theory as the lens
for examining the influences that motivate and demotivate teachers. In his theory, Herzberg
suggested that there are hygiene factors that cause workplace dissatisfaction and motivational
factors that can lead to job satisfaction (Gawel, 1996; Whitaker et al., 2009). The framework of
motivation theory is appropriate for the topic of this study because it is often cited that motivated
teachers are more persistent and resourceful. In the case of NETs, these attributes help to lower
turnover; therefore, it has been suggested that teacher motivation should be a key consideration
in the development of education (Tambunan et al., 2018).
For this dissertation, qualitative methods were used to answer the three research
questions that guided the study, with an interview protocol as the key source of data collection.
7
In addition, a pre-interview survey was conducted prior to the one-on-one interviews for the
purpose of triangulation. Purposive sampling was used to select the participants based on a set of
specific criteria and the expectation that they could contribute insightful data to the topic of this
study. Snowball sampling was also used to maximize the participant pool to ensure there are
enough interviews to yield saturation of themes.
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions
This section highlights the limitations and delimitations present in this study and
addresses any assumptions that may exist. The limitations highlight the possible constraints of
the research design and methodology that may impact the interpretation of my findings. The
delimitations include choices I’ve made to confine the range of study participants with an aim to
yield the most relevant and rich insights. Along with the limitations and delimitations, the
assumptions point to expectations that likely influenced the study, including the researcher’s
positionality.
This study’s limitations included a small group of participating stakeholders because
there were not many NETs teaching in Macao, hence the reason for this study. Snowball
sampling was necessary to maximize the size of the participant group. The unique nature of
Macao was another limitation preventing the results of the study from being generalizable.
Additionally, one possible limitation might have been that a small number of the participating
NETs could have been hesitant to offer honest answers about their experiences because the
primary researcher is related to the principal of the school where they teach. However, the
number of available NETs was limited, the school concerned is the largest in Macao, and the
teachers concerned had not met the researcher prior to this study. Therefore, they were kept in
the study.
8
This study did not include NETs who have taught in Macao for less than 6 months. The
intention to interview only NETs with a tenure of longer than 6 months was important because
these teachers have had sufficient time to complete their induction and settle into their role and
enough experience living in Macao to provide meaningful insights. Also, only NETs who have
taught in private schools were selected to participate in the study because compensation
packages and benefits for teachers at public, or government-run schools, could be incomparably
higher since these teachers have been under the civil workers’ pay schemes. In addition, a survey
was used to confirm participation of a purposeful sample for the one-on-one interviews.
As the researcher, I should disclose that I am a family member of the top administrator of
the biggest private school offering basic education. With this stated, it could still be assumed that
all the participating NETs provided truthful accounts of their experiences and perceptions.
Furthermore, my own experience in recruiting and managing NETs in the past might have
created preconceived assumptions about the fairness of compensation packages or the challenges
of acculturation for NETs. Lastly, it was also assumed that qualitative research in the form of
one-on-one interviews is the best research method for this study.
Definitions
Below are some terms used in this dissertation that are defined for clarity of
understanding.
Macao or Macau: Macao is city that is a SAR of China. It is a former colony of Portugal
and was returned to China on December 20, 1999. Since the 19
th
century, the Portuguese
authorities have been using Macau as the spelling of the name of the city; however, after the
reunification with China, Macao was announced as the official spelling in English, and it has
been the official form of the word used by the government since (Bray & Koo, 2005).
9
Throughout this paper, inconsistencies can be noted because the official names of some entities
use the word form Macau, such as the University of Macau or Macau Chinese Education
Association, and these names are kept unchanged.
Medium of instruction (MOI): The language used in teaching, including the language of
the educational content and the language used to communicate in classrooms by the teaching
staff. In Macao, some schools use a single language as the MOI throughout its curriculum and all
school-related activities, while others may have multiple languages used as MOI for different
classes (Bray & Koo, 2005).
Special-administrative Region (SAR): A special region in China administered with a high
degree of autonomy of the one country, two systems policy. It has its own currency, laws, and
education system; the political and administrative framework of the Macao SAR is set for 50
years from the date of the city’s reunification with China on December 20, 1999 (Bray & Koo,
2004; Hao et al., 2017).
Organization of the Dissertation
In this dissertation, there are a total of five chapters. This first chapter is an introduction,
establishing the focus of the research and providing an overview of the background and
statement of the problem; it also provides the purpose and significance of this study and a brief
of the theoretical framework and methodology. Chapter Two includes a review of literature
pertaining to the historical background of education in Macao and the influence of globalization,
the challenges of recruiting and retaining teachers, the motivations for teaching, and the
theoretical framework used to guide this study.
Chapter Three details the methods used to conduct research for this study. It describes the
research strategy and design, participating stakeholders, sample selection and rationale, and
10
provides an overview of the data collection and analysis. Issues of trustworthiness are also
discussed in this chapter. Chapter Four presents the study’s results. And the last chapter
discusses the findings and implications of the study.

11
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter includes a review of literature on the history and development of education
in Macao, including education during its colonial period under Portuguese rule and changes in
education after its reintegration back into China. From the historical background of education,
the literature review moves to the impact of globalization on Macao’s education, highlighting the
economic development that has influenced education and the adaptation attempted to support and
sustain development. The chapter also examines the challenges of recruiting and retaining NETs,
starting with the status of the teaching profession, followed by an examination of why teachers
enter the profession and ending with a discussion of how to retain teachers in the profession. The
problem of practice is examined through the lens of Herzberg’s two-factory theory of motivation
to understand the motivations and needs of NETs and address the challenges of recruiting and
retaining them for schools in Macao.
Historical Background of Education in Macao
Understanding Macao’s colonial history helps to put the development of its education
system in context. Macao has been a distinct political entity since the Portuguese traders secured
the rights of settlement in 1557 (Bray & Koo, 2005). Education in Macao dates back to 1594
when the first European-style university in the Far East was established by the Jesuits (Bray &
Koo, 2005; Tang & Bray, 2000). Since then, basic education in Macao had not seen much
development until the 1980s when the Sino-Portuguese declaration was put in place in 1987
(Bray & Koo, 2004; Bray & Tang, 2006; Hao et al., 2017; Tang & Bray, 2000). During the 12-
year transition period before Macao was returned to China in 1999, progress in education
development was evident; however, more extensive growth and reform in education occurred
after Macao’s reintegration back into China (Hao et al., 2017; Lau et al., 2014). In this section of
12
the literature review, the detailed background of Macao’s education history is examined in two
periods, before and after the transition from Portuguese colony to Chinese sovereignty.
History of Portuguese Rule and the Impact on Education
Macao was regarded as the first European colony in China and the last to return to
Chinese sovereignty (Moody, 2021). The colonial Portuguese government of Macao had a non-
interventionist approach to education. Throughout the 442 years under Portuguese rule,
education was mainly provided by the Catholic Diocese and Chinese private schools (Bray &
Koo, 2004, 2005; Bray & Tang, 2006; Hao et al., 2017; Tang & Bray, 2000;). One result of the
government’s non-interventionist approach was the decentralization of education and the
development of a polycentric education system; another result was the diminished significance of
the Portuguese language, even though it was and still is the official language of the territory
(Bray & Koo, 2005; Moody, 2021).
For the first 300 years of Macao’s colonization, the Portuguese government had not
invested in or developed standards and basic frameworks for education in the city (Bray & Koo,
2005). The first Portuguese secondary school was not introduced until 1893; then, the first
primary school was established in 1894, followed by the first kindergarten in 1923. All of these
schools complied with the Portuguese education system and curriculum and predominantly
enrolled the children of Portuguese civil workers (Bray & Tang, 2006). Prior to these efforts, the
first Chinese private school in Macao, run by a Chinese association, was founded in 1819. Later,
the Canossian Sisters and Salesian Fathers of the Catholic order opened schools for Chinese
orphaned boys and girls in 1903, which eventually developed into Chinese primary schools for
the public, marking the beginning of Church-based education for the Chinese in Macao (Bray &
Koo, 2005). Before the early 20
th
century, the most common forms of educational organizations
13
for the local Chinese were family schools, private schools, and charitable schools (Tang & Bray,
2000). The lack of government support for education resulted in the privatization of schools in
the city, with many of these schools operated by religious bodies, social service organizations
and commercial enterprises (Bray & Koo, 2004). These schools had full autonomy over the
curriculum, operations and management, which is still the case today.
Macao had seen shifts in the landscape of education through the establishment of the
People’s Republic of China in the 1950s, the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s, the declining
birth rates in the 1970s, and the open policy in China in the 1980s. Most notably, the Cultural
Revolution in the 1960s invoked anti-Christian, anti-foreign, and anti-colonial sentiments,
pushing out some of the Catholic schools from Macao to Hong Kong (Bray & Tang, 2006). Bray
and Koo (2005) posited that the 1966 riot in Macao was a turning-point in economic, social and
political circles; after this incident, the rise of the pro-China influence was reflected in
diminished support for the Catholic church. The Macau Chinese Education Association, a trade
union for teachers founded in 1920, had become pro-China in the 1950s, prompting Catholic
priests and nuns to leave the Association and Macao. After the departure of some religious orders
from Macao after the 1966 riot, Catholic schools under the Macao diocese were restructured
(Bray & Koo, 2005). Following the drop in birthrates in the 1970s, the open policy of the 1980s
brought a new wave of immigrants to Macao, leading to the shortage of schools. It was not
uncommon to see 60–70 students per class at that time (Correia & Teixeira, 2019).
Before the 1980s, the colonial government only operated a small number of public
schools, with Portuguese as the MOI, that catered mainly to civil servants and those with close
ties to Portugal, serving less than 10% of the population (Bray & Koo, 2004). Before 1987,
Macao had never had a single, unified educational system; different systems were imported from
14
Portugal, China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. One way to distinguish Macao’s diverse schools was
to group them by medium, or language, of instruction (Bray & Tang, 2006). Most of the schools
in Macao were predominantly Chinese-medium (Cantonese), followed by English-medium
schools, then Portuguese-medium schools, despite Portuguese being the official language.
Another distinction between schools was official (public) versus private schools. Most of the
schools were private, with the major provider being the Catholic Diocese of Macao, singularly
running about 25% of the schools (Bray & Tang, 2006).
The lack of development in education for Macao has been a criticism of the Portuguese
government (Bray & Koo, 2005; Tang & Bray, 2000). “The legacy of Macao’s Portuguese
history for schooling is low standards of education, limited school development, no public
examination, diverse curricula, and limited teacher training” (Hao et al., 2017, pp. 127–128). As
the end of the Portuguese colonization of Macao drew to a close in the late 1980s through the
1990s, education reform and development were finally starting to take shape: an education
reform committee was created, the framework for an education system was set out, and a law
was approved for the provision of 10 years of free basic education (Tang & Bray, 2000). The
impending transition of sovereignty back to China was the catalyst for the government to adopt
the more interventionist approach (Bray & Koo, 2004).
The Portuguese government had come to the realization that this transitional period
before 1999 presented the last opportunity for them to spread the Portuguese language and
culture in East Asia, so efforts were made in education by offering grants to primary and
secondary schools that were willing to include Portuguese language classes in their curriculum.
In addition, the government bought the University of East Asia in 1988 (Bray & Koo, 2005).
There were, however, challenges the colonial government had to face during education reform in
15
the early 1990s. One challenge was their inability to control or replace the polycentric system
due the power of the sponsoring groups of each center; another challenge was the place of the
Portuguese language as a subject in the curriculum (Bray & Tang, 2006). The colonial
government failed at both challenges as the Catholic church and the Chinese Education
Association jointly rejected Portuguese as a mandatory subject, and centralizing the various
education systems that had been in place for hundreds of years within a short period of time was
not realized (Bray & Koo, 2004).
Although the development and improvements made in education after 1987 were
substantial, education attainment of the workforce in Macao was low: in a 1994 survey, it was
revealed that less than 5% of the employed population held university degrees while 1.7% had
tertiary non-degree qualifications, and 44.9% had completed only primary education (Bray &
Koo, 2005). During the transition period, the civil service required more local talent with
appropriate skills to replace the Portuguese expatriates at the middle and top levels. As the
Macao government greatly increased local recruitment and promotion, it was immediately
obvious that the supply of local administrators who were qualified for top-ranking positions was
an urgent issue for the government to resolve in preparation for the handover (Bray & Koo,
2005). The lack of higher education facilities prior to this transition period meant that the
inadequacy of qualified personnel could not be alleviated in the short-term (Hao et al., 2017). To
address this challenge, Macao embarked on a rapid expansion of its higher education in the
1990s and continued this growth after the change of sovereignty. In addition to the flagship
institution, the University of Macau, new universities were established, including the Macao
Institute for Tourism Studies in 1995, the University of Saint Joseph in 1996, and Macau
University of Science and Technology in 2000.
16
Despite the progress of education development in the late 1980s and 1990s, much work
remained to be undertaken by the Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR) government to
bring the city’s education up to the demands of the 21
st
century and the needs of globalization.
Development of Education Since the Reintegration of Macao Into China
From the inception of the MSAR government in December 1999, extensive measures to
improve and promote the development of education were implemented. Public funding for
education increased significantly after the handover. Data from the Government of the MSAR
Education and Youth Development Bureau (DSEDJ) indicated that Macao’s annual public
expenditure on education had increased from USD 225 million in 2000 to almost USD 1.5 billion
by 2018, of which approximately 60% was utilized for basic education. Throughout the first 20
years of the establishment of the MSAR, an average of 15% of the total public expenditure had
been allocated and spent for education (DSEDJ, n. d.).
Following the 1991 issuance of the first official law on education, the Macao Education
System Bill, which outlined the long-term objectives and elements of education, the government
established another two milestones in 2006. The compulsory universal education law, mandating
all residents between the ages of five and 15 to attend school, was implemented along with the
introduction of the 15-year free basic education scheme, to take effect the following year (Hao et
al., 2017; Lau et al., 2014). The 15 years of free education included 3 years of kindergarten, 6
years of primary school, 3 years of junior secondary education, and 3 years of senior secondary
or vocational and technical education (Lau et al., 2014).
Since the establishment of the free education scheme, there have been two types of
schools in basic education: schools on the free education network (free schools) and schools that
are not part of the free education network (paid private schools). Schools on the free education
17
network are subsidized by the government, including public schools and non-profit private
schools that follow the policies and guidelines of the local education system. Private schools that
do not follow the local education system are not eligible to be subsidized by the government;
however, for permanent residents attending these unsubsidized schools, the government provides
education subsidies directly to the students, covering part of the fees associated with their tuition,
enrollment, and other curriculum-related requirements. As of 2020, there were a total of 74
formal K – 12 schools in Macao; 10 public schools and 64 private schools. Of the 10 public
schools, nine were basic education schools, and one was a vocational and technical school. Of
the 64 private schools, 57 were subsidized private schools offering free education, and seven
were fee-charging private schools not on the free education network (Government Information
Bureau of the MSAR, n.d.).
In the Lau et al. (2014) study, conducted 7 years after the implementation of the 15-year
free education policy, perceptions of the compulsory education reform were generally positive
from the parents, principals and teachers; all believed there were positive impacts on the quality
of early childhood education, particularly with improved accessibility and the alleviation of the
financial burden of childcare. In addition to free education, Hao et al. (2017) highlighted that the
government had also reduced class sizes and increased the number of teachers, as well as
improved educational facilities. These advances were also apparent in the interviews of the Lau
et al. (2014) study. To quantify the changes and put these in perspective, from 2000 to 2019,
classroom sizes had gone from 35–45 pupils per class to 25–35 pupils per class, and the teacher-
to-student ratio also shifted from 1:30 to 1:14 in kindergarten and primary levels, and from 1:24
to 1:10 in secondary levels (DSEDJ, n.d.).
18
With the extensive efforts and drastic increase in education funding, there is still no
standard gauge for measuring success or learning outcomes. Due to the small size of the territory
and a significant proportion of its secondary school graduates going across borders for tertiary
education, Macao did not establish a standardized examination or evaluation for students. Those
opting for tertiary education in China or Hong Kong would take the respective college entrance
exam, such as the Gaokao or the HKCEE; students opting for higher education in Taiwan or
overseas would work toward the admissions prerequisites of their respective education
destinations. Schools and the MSAR government have been benchmarking their performance by
having students participate in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) every
3 years. Although some may argue that test results do not necessarily correlate to a high quality
of teaching or high level of learning outcomes, PISA scores have been generally accepted as one
measure of education quality on an international level. In the previous PISA test conducted in
2018, Macao’s students were placed among the top; their scores for reading, math, and science
were 525, 558, and 544, respectively, ranking them at third place overall (OECD, 2018). The
improvements in primary and secondary education have also greatly influenced tertiary
education. The gross tertiary enrollment rate, which is the number of students enrolled in tertiary
education as a percentage of the official school-age population at the tertiary level, in 2019 had
reached over 100% according to data from the World Bank; this was significant considering the
1994 survey showed less than 5% of the employed population in Macao had a tertiary degree,
and the gross enrollment rate was under 24% (Bray & Koo, 2005; World Bank, n.d.).
The development in education over the past three decades since the late 1980s could be
seen as a catch-up from the hundreds of years of colonial neglect. Results of the development
efforts have yielded a universal basic education program for all Macao resident children and an
19
expanded set of higher education institutions for increased accessibility. With this infrastructure
and framework in place, the next phase of education development could focus on the MSAR’s
imperative to diversify its economy.
Influence of Globalization on Education in Macao
The city’s rapid economic development during the first 15 years of the MSAR prompted
further expansion of education to be more globalized as Macao continued to be challenged by a
labor force that was generally poorly educated (Hao et al., 2017). For Macao locals to advance
from low-skilled roles to management positions or for casino workers to transition out of gaming
operations, higher education attainment, as well as proficiency in English and Mandarin
language skills have become increasingly important and necessary. To support the objective of
economic diversification and social growth, human capital development is critical; thus, the
government planned to use education to cultivate the skilled workforce needed for
socioeconomic development and to facilitate synergy in society (Hao et al., 2017). In this
section, the impacts of Macao’s economic growth on education and the adjustments in education
undertaken to support future development are reviewed.
Economic Development Shaping Education Needs in Macao
The economy of Macao has been overly reliant on a single industry, gaming. As
published by the Macao Special Administrative Region Statistics and Census Services (DSEC),
over 84% of the government’s tax revenue came from the gaming sector in 2019; from the same
annual report, casinos were the leading employer in the city, employing about 47% of the
workforce, while services supporting casinos such as hotels, restaurants, retail, etc. employed
another 34% (DSEC, n.d.). Essentially, the gaming industry has been providing for over 80% of
the working population. Adding in their dependents and small businesses that feed from the
20
casinos and integrated resorts, this single industry has supported almost the entirety of Macao.
The tremendous revenue gains of the government have put the MSAR as one the wealthiest
territories in the world based on GDP per capita (World Bank, n.d.). It has also resulted in
greater public expenditure, leading to infrastructure development, increased welfare benefits, and
advanced education expansion (Wan, 2012). Since 2009, the government has focused on
education, among other economic and social policies affecting the middle class (Hao et al.,
2017). Irrespective of the major financial benefits, the recent economic boom has come at the
detriment of other industries and social issues.
The talent shortage has been a major concern in Macao since the liberalization of the
casino industry in 2002. The gaming industry is a labor-intensive and largely non-technical
service sector, and high remuneration for low-skill positions has created an incentive for locals to
work in this industry rather than pursue higher education or employment in more highly skilled
sectors, discouraging local human capital development (Sheng & Gu, 2018). The rising demand
for casino workers contributed to the problem of suppressing education attainment as secondary
school graduates can earn as much as university graduates, and sometimes more, for working as
croupiers at the casino. According to Wan (2012), earning money from the casinos is seen as
easier and faster, leading to the high drop-out rates of secondary school students. In response, a
law was implemented in November 2012, raising the minimum age to enter and work in a casino
from 18 to 21, in a bid to help reduce secondary school dropouts and encourage higher tertiary
enrollment and attainment levels.
Additionally, the ban on hiring non-locals for the low-level work of croupiers and pit
supervisors has also limited local workers’ growth prospects and corroded their motivation to
pursue higher education (Hao et al., 2017). This ban has created a clear disincentive for
21
employers to promote locals because these positions cannot be filled by expat workers. And with
the unemployment rate being consistently well below 2% (DSEC, n.d.), there has been a severe
and consistent shortage of local labor. Therefore, backfilling any low-level position earmarked
for locals has presented a marked challenge. This has resulted in an influx of imported labor,
with expat workers occupying more senior roles. As Sheng and Gu (2018) noted, the number of
imported workers has surged since 1999, accounting for over 45% of total employment in 2016.
With the development of casino tourism straining the workforce of Macao, attempts to address
the issue by importing labor and reserving certain jobs only for the local people have created a
widening income gap (Lam, 2015).
The rapid growth in the gaming industry, along with the significant increase in imported
workers, has led to social discontent due to problems such as income disparity, inflation, housing
shortages and infrastructure issues (Hao et al., 2017). The need for Macao to diversify away from
the heavy reliance on the gaming industry has been known by both the MSAR government and
the local community. The government has attempted to facilitate some form of development of
other non-gaming industries, as well as put in a gaming table limit to control the gaming sector
growth, but the efforts have not been successful (Choi et al., 2019). The high proportion of
poorly educated citizens still in the workforce has made it difficult to implement the necessary
changes to improve Macao’s society (Hao et al., 2017).
In the context of talent development, Yu and Tam (2016) stated that education means
more than just the teaching of knowledge; it should also facilitate opportunities for individuals to
progress at a higher level. They suggested that although the government emphasized education as
a development strategy for improving the quality of Macao’s human capital, it had not been
consistent in its approach. The government had shifted from talent importation to education and
22
training and then to encouraging the return of overseas Macao talent. Furthermore, in the
development of education, although the quantity of education increased, the measure did not lift
or enhance the quality of education (Yu & Tam, 2016).
Drawing from similarly small economies, Singapore, Hong Kong and Macao are three
distinct territories that have enjoyed phenomenal growth; all had been European colonies, and all
had leveraged education development as an engine for growth, with varying degrees of success.
Lam (2015) underlined that both Singapore and Hong Kong upgraded their workforces through
education to make the jump to a knowledge society, but Macao has yet to reach that stage of
development. Singapore has consistently used education to upgrade its workforce throughout the
last few decades, adapting to the needs of the time, while Hong Kong’s education development
introduced in the 1970s upgraded the workforce for its transformation in the 1980s to become an
internationally oriented society (Lam, 2015). The examples of Singapore and Hong Kong have
shown that education is critical for developing a sustainable economy.
Adapting Education to Support Development of Macao
Schools and education institutions have been called upon to revise their curricula
according to market needs for their pupils to help build their professional and societal
competencies. Studies have shown there are mismatches of competencies and skills in the Macao
labor market (Lou et al., 2019). In the study conducted by Lou et al. (2019), while the employing
managers weighted work ethics and ability and willingness to learn as more important attributes
of a candidate, students indicated that they often saw job advertisements addressing oral and
written communications as a required job qualification. Although there seemed to be a
discrepancy of expectations, oral and written communication in English, Mandarin and
Cantonese have been basic standards for many positions in Macao’s job market, so much so that
23
employing managers considered these skills to be an innate hygiene factor that they did not see
the need to overtly articulate. English was expected as a normal feature of business in Macao,
which has been a clear shift within the territory over the past 20 years (Moody, 2021).
The promotion of English learning was one of the eight long-term strategies for the
development of Macao, according to a report prepared by Macao Development Strategy
Research Centre and Macao Association of Economic Sciences (Young, 2006). This strategy was
in line with the economic success and development sustainability of Singapore and Hong Kong,
as detailed in Lam (2015). English language education was particularly important for
Singapore’s economic development, and similarly, English education was promoted in Hong
Kong as it transformed into a global city. It is interesting to note that although the official
language in Macao has long been Portuguese, with Chinese added since 1987, the tertiary sector
of education in the city has always been dominated by English (Bray & Koo, 2005). However,
basic education has always been predominantly Chinese-centric and Cantonese in particular.
In the 2002/2003 academic year, 92.5% of pupils were studying in Chinese, while 6.5%
were studying in English and only 1% in Portuguese (Bray & Koo, 2005). In comparison, for the
2018/2019 academic year, almost 83% of students were in Chinese-medium classes, over 16%
were in English-medium classes, and those studying in Portuguese remained at 1% (Moody,
2021). This represented a 10% shift toward English instruction in basic education, which was
consistent with the local Macao community’s implicit support of English as an MOI in higher
education by enrolling local students in institutions that use English as the sole language of
instruction (Moody, 2021). Along similar lines, Young (2006) found that surveys in China, Hong
Kong, Malaysia and Singapore all showed respondents’ strong desire to learn English;
furthermore, they believed that acquiring skills in standard English (i.e., British, American and
24
Australian) was essential for international communication. Findings from the same study
confirmed that a command of English would help Macao people obtain better work as English is
the language of world trade and the dominant industry of the city (Young, 2006).
English as the MOI has traditionally been associated with paid private school education
in Macao, where 40% of secondary students study in English-medium school sections. However,
there has been increasing public interest in free private schools offering English-medium classes
(Moody, 2021). In the context of basic education in Macao, the demand for English education
was demonstrated by the popularity of English-medium instruction (EMI) schools. Based on
numbers from 2019, 34.5% of primary students enrolled in paid private schools were studying in
EMI sections, and this proportion was higher as the grade levels advanced, to 41.9% for junior
secondary schools. Likewise, the proportion of students in EMI sections of free private schools
also went from 14.3% in primary school to 15.4% in junior secondary school (Moody, 2021).
While it might appear that the proportion of EMI students was much lower at the free schools,
the actual number of students was much higher than that in the paid schools. The schools
offering EMI in the free education network were educating three times more students than that of
the paid private EMI schools (Moody, 2021).
As English and Mandarin have become the dominant languages in the tourism industry
and corporate culture in Macao, language training must start from the levels of basic education
(Moody, 2021). With the proximity to and support from Mainland China, recruiting Mandarin-
medium teachers posed little difficulty; on the other hand, sourcing English-medium teachers,
particularly native-speakers, has been an ongoing challenge. Transforming education to support
the future development of Macao is dependent on the quality and preparation of teachers. To
25
bridge the gap in English learning in basic education, it is critical to address and resolve the
challenges of recruiting and retaining high-quality English language teachers.
Challenges of Recruiting and Retaining Native English-speaking Teachers
The quality of a school system rests on the quality of its teachers, and evidence has
shown that getting the right people to enter the teaching profession is critical (Barber &
Mourshed, 2007). Echoing these statements, a 2018 OECD report about high-performing school
systems stated that the quality of an education system could never exceed the quality of its
teachers, and attracting, developing and retaining teachers is the greatest challenge schools have
to face. For Macao to diversify its economy, meet the growing demand for English language
instruction in basic education, and bridge the gap in English learning, basic and higher education
will be contingent on recruiting and retaining NETs. The literature review in this section looks at
the status of the teaching profession, the motivations for entering the profession, and the
prospects of keeping teachers in the profession, both for teachers in general and, where literature
is available, for NETs in Macao.
The Status of Teachers Globally
The social status of the teaching profession could be understood by values placed upon
the profession by different countries at different times. For example, in high-performing systems
studied by Barber and Mourshed (2007), such as Singapore and Korea, the general public held
teachers in high esteem and believed that they make more contributions to society than any other
profession. Similarly, Price and Weatherby (2018) noted that in countries like Finland and Japan,
teachers have maintained a professional status; both countries have been highly selective in
admissions to teacher training programs and the teaching profession. Dating back to the 17
th

century, teachers in Finland and Japan were men and predominantly priests with high social
26
standing; in Japan, Samurais who were highly respected in the society were also teachers
historically. Today all teachers are civil servants in Japan, and it is one of the few countries in
which most of the teachers are still male (Price & Weatherby, 2018). In Finland, their
stakeholders were convinced that the quality of their teaching professionals was the greatest
quality assurance of their education. As a result, the teaching profession was one of the most
popular and highly regarded occupations in the country (ILO, 2012).
A report from the 1997 Joint ILO/UNESCO Committee of Experts on the Application of
the Recommendation concerning the status of teachers highlighted that in virtually every
country, the status of teachers was relatively low in the employment hierarchy, and the teaching
profession has been in decline. Many factors contributed to the low and declining attractiveness
of the teaching profession; deficiencies in professional and social status were often cited as the
common cause and area for improvement (Barber & Mourshed, 2007; Li, 2014; Price &
Weatherby, 2018; Reis Monteiro, 2015). The status of a profession is based on society’s values,
and it is often reflected in the working conditions, compensation and benefits associated with the
profession relative to other professions (Price & Weatherby, 2018). Societies that place a high
value on their teachers are often seen as those with high-performing education systems (Barber
& Mourshed, 2007; OECD, 2018). Li (2014) argued that if young children have a right to quality
early childhood education, their teachers should also have the right to a fair and adequate
compensation for their efforts. However, it can be inferred from the literature that this was not
the case in most countries (Barber & Mourshed, 2007; Li, 2014; Price & Weatherby, 2018; Reis
Monteiro, 2015; Schleicher, 2014).
The ongoing deterioration of the profession has led to chronic shortages of teachers in
many countries around the world. High rates of professional attrition could be seen in many
27
developed countries, where up to 50% of teachers leave the profession within 5 years in the
United States, while the attrition rate in the United Kingdom is 25% (Reis Monteiro, 2015).
Teacher shortage often implied that teachers were overworked, unable to meet students’ needs
and might need to teach subjects outside their expertise (Schleicher, 2018). In addition, a 2012
report released by the International Labor Organization (ILO) regarding early childhood
education indicated that early childhood educators all over the world experienced lower salaries
and in some regions, irregular payments, contributing to high turnover in the workforce and
resulting in the reduced quality of education. Li (2014) posited that this was especially true in the
United States and China, where the annual turnover rate in early childhood education was 30% in
the US, 50% in Hong Kong (China), and 40% in Shenzhen (China).
Except for the few countries that still hold the teaching profession in high regard, such as
Finland, Japan, Korea and Singapore, the profession has lost much of its appeal to the majority
of nations in the world due to the heavy workload, high accountability, low social status, and
unattractive compensation. Improving the quality of the teaching profession requires a universal
approach to its professional and social status (Reis Monteiro, 2015). A competitive compensation
scheme is important as studies suggest that pay level is an indication of professional status, and it
should be sensitive to market demands and make the teaching profession competitive with other
professions (Li, 2014). High-performing education systems “make the teaching profession
exclusive and teaching inclusive” (Schleicher, 2018, p. 80); in countries such as Finland,
Germany, Singapore and Taiwan, admissions into teacher education programs is highly
competitive, and a high level of academic achievement is required; once qualified, teachers are
held in high status. The high-performing education systems around the world have undoubtedly
changed the ways in which individuals were selected to enter the profession, with the objective
28
of admitting the most motivated and academically and socially talented people (Watt et al.,
2017), but unfortunately, this has not been the norm. More talented people would become
teachers if the teaching profession attained higher esteem, and these high-quality teachers would
further lift the status of the profession and create a powerful cycle that could perpetuate the
prestige of the profession. In a McKinsey and Company report, new teachers in all the systems
studied consistently reported that the status of the profession was one of the most important
factors in their decision of whether to become a teacher (Barber & Mourshed, 2007). Thus, it is
vital, for the sake of recruitment, to elevate the status of the teaching profession to attract high-
quality candidates to become teachers.
The Status of Teachers in Macao
Similar to most countries in the world, the teaching profession in Macao, particularly in
basic education, is not a glamorous or lucrative occupation, especially under the shadow of the
big casino resorts. The average salary of teachers in Macao was below the OECD average, which
should be 95 – 110% of its GDP per capita ( 李悅博士 & 曾瑪莉, 2020). The average annual
salary of Macao teachers was far below the GDP per capita of Macao, at less than 50% (DSEC,
n.d.). To put the teachers’ wages in context, DSEC data shows that the median annual income for
private and public school teachers was USD 45,000 and USD 60,000, respectively, while
Macao’s GDP per capita, adjusted to purchasing power parity, was USD 132,539 in 2019; it was
as high as USD 153,564 in 2014 (World Bank, n.d.).
By elaborating on details of compensation for different stratifications of teachers, the
income disparity would become more pronounced. Although private schools (subsidized and
unsubsidized) provide the majority of the K–12 education in Macao, teachers in private schools
earn much less than teachers in public schools. The average annual salary in 2019 for entry-level
29
teachers in free private schools was around USD 30,000, while the salary for teachers in public
schools was USD 60,000 because the latter were considered civil workers, so their salaries were
calculated based on a government system on a point scale. In addition, the retirement benefits for
public school teachers amounted to 21% of their salary, while for private school teachers, it
totaled up to 10% ( 李悅博士 & 曾瑪莉, 2020). These disparities showed that private school
teachers have been undervalued, as the compensation package of public school teachers was
more than 50% higher than theirs.
Some may argue that teacher salaries are in line with the median salary of Macao, which
was about USD 32,000 in 2019; however, the majority of the laborers in Macao were not
professional workers (DSEC, n.d.). Others may challenge that teachers could receive extra
subsidies for completing professional training and additional education attainment, such as a
master’s or doctoral degree, but these amounts were nominal and did not put their compensation
package at a level close to the pay rates of other professionals (DSEC, n.d.; DSEDJ, n.d.). The
dominant casino industry has been offering very competitive wages to attract both professional
and non-professional workers, and as the industry grew, the compensation packages became
more and more lucrative due to the competition for the limited supply of human capital in
Macao. This small pool of talent has not been growing fast enough to supply the industry’s
demand. For example, casino workers usually received about twice the pay of those working in
other sectors with the same education background (Luk et al., 2010).
Although the compensation packages for K–12 teachers were not attractive, the threshold
to enter the profession was relatively high. As a statutory requirement, teachers who are qualified
to teach in basic education must hold a tertiary degree in education or their teaching subject
(DSEDJ, n.d.; Luk et al., 2010). Those who did not graduate from a school of education or come
30
from a teaching background must complete a teaching course and pass an examination organized
by the government to satisfy the requirements of becoming a teacher (Luk et al., 2010). At
schools, teachers are expected to be knowledgeable, and in the community, they are expected to
display high moral standards. Luk et al. (2010) noted that teachers in Macao were more prone to
burnout as teaching has become more stressful, with increasing demand from society to meet the
knowledge need and fortify moral education. Specifically, Luk et al. (2010) reported that
teachers with less than 10 years of experience were significantly more likely to have burnout
than those with more than 20 years of experience; also, teachers who were single, better
educated, and discontent with their income were consistently more prone to burnout. It is worth
noting that results from previous studies have shown that teachers in Hong Kong and Macao
were overloaded when compared to teachers in the region, with working hours double that of
teachers in Beijing, Shanghai and Taipei (Luk et al., 2010). In broad strokes, overworking,
classroom discipline issues, lack of parental support, and personal and environmental factors,
which included lack of social and government support, were cited as the major sources of stress
(Luk et al., 2010).
The High Turnover of Expatriate/Native English Teachers
Teacher turnover has been well documented in the literature, and the rates of turnover are
at unhealthy levels (Bunnell & Poole, 2021; Odland & Ruzicka, 2009). High turnover of teachers
could have negative effects on student achievement and diminish their chance of success,
particularly for disadvantaged students (Schleicher, 2014). According to Li (2014), empirical
evidence indicated that classrooms with high turnover had lower levels of engagement in play
and learning activities and social interactions. In the context of international schools, expatriate
teacher turnover could be more financially costly; it could also disrupt continuity and negatively
31
impact student performance. A previous study done by Hardman (2001) identified the factors
influencing expatriate teachers’ decisions to take up their posts. Professional advancement was
the top factor for joining and remaining in the school. While all participants of that study agreed
that a 2-year contract was too short and compromised student learning, less than 50% ever stayed
longer than an initial 2-year contract (Fong, 2018; Odland & Ruzicka, 2009).
Bunnell and Poole (2021) found that teachers with full credentials entering the profession
of international teaching have been dropping, and applications in 2020 were down by 30%. The
number of international schools has increased from 2,500 in 2000 to almost 11,000 in 2019,
significantly increasing the demand for international teachers. Although the number of teaching
staff at international schools grew from 90,000 to 560,000 during this time period, many were
not qualified teachers with the proper teaching degrees or certifications. While annual turnover
rates for international schools were around 15% on average, figures for the Asia Pacific region
ranged from 28% to 60% (Bunnell & Poole, 2021). In mid-2021, ISC Research reported that
there were 12,300 international schools, with the majority of the growth taking place in Asia
Pacific and many of the international schools being non-traditional international schools. These
non-traditional schools were English-medium schools or schools offering English-medium
courses that deliver a non-international curriculum.
Many non-traditional schools have been sprouting in China. They have been labeled as
“Chinese Internationalized Schools and were characterized by the uneasy coexistence of national
and international orientations” (Bunnell & Poole, 2021, p. 3). This conflict of orientations could
lead to high rates of annual turnover for NETs due to the loss of self-efficacy in this unfamiliar
environment (Bunnell & Poole, 2021). The cultural clash in the context of international schools,
expatriate teachers, local teachers and students was not new and did not just happen in non-
32
traditional EMI schools. The Hong Kong government implemented a native English teacher
scheme in the late 1990s that provided funding and incentives to encourage the recruitment of
NETs, greatly increasing the number of NETs, but some 53% of the NETs left their posts before
their first contract was finished (Chu & Morrison, 2011). Conflicts between local and expatriate
teachers were not uncommon because the latter were generally perceived to receive better
compensation packages and special treatments, exceptions or allowances; in addition, cultural
differences between NETs and their students also created varying degrees of relationship
problems. Expatriate teachers frequently cited the lack of a sense of belonging as one source of
dissatisfaction; conflicts with colleagues and insufficient support from management might have
contributed to this lack. It was evident that culture shock or lack of acculturation of NETs was a
problem in locations such as Hong Kong and China, which would also apply to Macao; the
general description of culture shock is defined as “feelings of anxiety, helplessness, and
irritability, it is a typical adjustment reaction” (Chu & Morrison, 2011, p. 484). Thus, the ability
to adjust to a foreign culture or environment would be a key factor in predicting the retention and
performance of these teachers.
The study conducted by Odland and Ruzicka (2009) explored the variables that
influenced expatriate teachers to leave their international schools after the initial contract period.
They found that the top three causal factors fell into a single category, administrative leadership.
The teachers in the study stated that key factors influencing their decision to leave were
communications between senior management and faculty, support from principal and senior
management, and teacher involvement in decision making. This finding was consistent with one
of the seminal studies conducted in the US. Another factor was compensation, which was also
not different from the findings of previous research. The new findings presented by Odland &
33
Ruzicka include five causal factors. The first was related to issues stemming from the nature of
the schools being privatized and for-profit, the second was labeled as misrepresentation during
recruitment, the third was a conflict with school leadership, followed by contractual issues, and
finally, dissatisfaction with colleagues.
The shortage of teachers, specifically NETs, has been a global problem affecting
countries all over the world (Heinz, 2015). Macao is not different, suffering similar challenges.
This shortage is a symptom of the decline in the teaching profession due to the lack of value
being placed on it. Therefore, understanding what motivates people to become teachers is
important to attract them and then retain them in the profession.
Motivations for Teaching
Heinz (2015) stated that work motivations have been defined by some as a set of active
forces that originate from within and beyond an individual person, initiating work-related
behavior and guiding its course. The key motivations for entering and remaining in the teaching
profession were consistent across the globe; however, labor market conditions and development
opportunities may play a role in influencing the motives for becoming a teacher in some
countries. In this section, common motivations for teaching, motivations for teaching English,
and motivations for teaching abroad are reviewed. These motivations are all relevant to the
decision of NETs when considering their decision to live and work overseas.

34
Common Motivations for Teaching
Studies have found that altruistic and intrinsic sources of motivation were the primary
reasons for choosing careers in teaching. The primary altruistic values included the desire to
make a difference and contribute to society, and to work with young people, while the main
intrinsic motivators included the enjoyment of teaching, a love of the teaching subject, and a love
of their students (Heinz, 2015; Manuel et al., 2019; Perryman & Calvert, 2020; Watt et al.,
2017). Aside from altruistic and intrinsic motivations, extrinsic motivations were sometimes
given as the main reasons one goes into teaching. Heinz (2015) and Manuel et al. (2019) both
indicated that material benefits and time compatibility as the main extrinsic drivers. This was
especially common in developing countries and those with very different social-cultural contexts,
such as China, Turkey, Malaysia, and Jamaica, where extrinsic values such as salaries, tuition
assistance, and job security were the most influential reasons for choosing to teach (Heinz,
2015).
In addition to these motivations, Watt et al. (2017) revealed that prior positive
experiences in teaching and learning could also inspire one to become a teacher. Heinz (2015)
further postulated that studying students who were training to be teachers and their motivations
provided insights into what attracted individuals to teaching. Studies have also suggested that
investigating discrepancies between student teachers’ altruistic and intrinsic motivations and
their actual experiences during their education program and later work as teachers might help to
address teacher retention (Heinz, 2015). The tensions between student teachers’ aspirations and
the realities they would face as teachers in their day-to-day teaching could lead to career
dissatisfaction and burnout. Teachers’ work has become increasingly directed toward testing and
assessment in the performative accountability culture and away from the more creative aspects of
35
teaching; this has led to a diminishing effect on the motivation to teach. Some contended that
teachers have become a facilitator and a technical workforce that was managed and controlled
rather than a profession that was respected (Perryman & Calvert, 2020). Even the strongest
altruistic vision was susceptible to being carved away by unreasonable or undesirable workloads.
And where teaching motivations could not be realized, the discrepancy was likely to create
disillusionment and prompt the teachers to question their decision to teach (Heinz, 2015).
Furthermore, those who chose to teach because of their strong intrinsic desire to engage in the
subject tied their personal and professional identities to the subject of interest and specialization.
So, it is valuable to understand the beliefs and experiences that contribute to a teacher’s
motivation to teach a particular subject, like English.
Motivations for Teaching English
The motivations to teach English are not different from the general motivations to enter
the teaching profession, composed primarily of altruistic and intrinsic values stated above; of the
two motivations, the selection to teach a particular subject is primarily driven by intrinsic values.
Similar to the common motivations to teach, motivations for teaching English also vary
depending on regions; in developing countries, extrinsic motivations such as social mobility and
job stability are exhibited as the primary drivers; and the job of teaching is just a stepping stone
to the next career in some cases.
One of the key intrinsic motivations to teach is a passion for the subject, and in the
context of teaching English, the love of literature and the English language is a key driver
(Heinz, 2015; Manuel et al., 2019; Perryman & Calvert, 2020). The initial motivation for English
teachers emphasizes the alignment of the subject with their personal and professional identities
in terms of values, beliefs and subjectivities. These elements are fluid and can evolve over the
36
course of their education and career (Jennifer & Mbato, 2020; Manuel et al., 2019). Jennifer and
Mbato (2020) further suggested that the construct of teachers’ professional identities is critical to
the development of motivations; identity formation provides an understanding of who we are in
the context of whom we think other people are. And it draws on the individual’s history,
experiences and cultural context.
In China, education is historically valued as one of the few means for individuals to
achieve social mobility. Traditional narratives often emphasize the selflessness of teachers in
helping their students realize social mobility goals. However, it has become difficult for English
language teachers to work without expecting greater benefits in an increasingly individualistic
and materialistic society. The extrinsic motivation of leveraging the teaching profession and
teacher education as a steppingstone is more pronounced here, as English teachers in China have
been leaving their teaching posts for more profitable jobs that require English language skills due
to demands from globalization (Gao & Xu, 2014). This extrinsic motivation and intrinsic
motivation influenced by the participants’ personal identities were confirmed in the study of Gao
and Xu (2014). Participants of the study chose the English teacher education programs for the
purpose of achieving social mobility; all of them regarded English competence as essential to
their vision of the ideal self, and they were attracted to the education program for the English
learning opportunities because English proficiency brings more prestigious career prospects. For
them, English teachers and English-speaking relatives were the most important influence on their
motivation to learn English (Gao & Xu, 2014). Learning and teaching English, particularly in
developing regions, presented opportunities for upward mobility in the face of globalization. As
such, the demand for English teachers is high across the globe.

37
Motivations for Teaching Abroad
As globalization intensifies, teacher education has broadened to provide opportunities for
pre-service teachers to student teach abroad. The Doppen et al. (2015) case study investigated
why pre-service teachers elected to go global and found that participants in the study who looked
to student teach or plan to teach overseas after graduation share the common trait of an
adventurous spirit. Teaching abroad promotes pre-service teachers’ personal and professional
growth and enriches their global awareness. Those who decided to teach overseas are motivated
by the opportunity to see another country and to learn another culture; many of them had either
previously taught in another country or were driven by perceived professional development
opportunities. In addition to personal and professional experiences and development, pre-service
teachers teaching abroad wanted to learn more about different approaches to education and to
become well-rounded and globally minded teachers (Doppen et al., 2015).
The need for globally skilled people has been on the rise as part of globalization.
Teaching abroad has always been an opportunity for teachers to gain academic and social
development. Serbes (2017) asserted that quality in education cannot be achieved without
motivated teachers, and dedicated teachers make the greatest contribution to education. It was
further detailed that dedicated teachers are different, and one of their characteristics is their
commitment to the profession and desire to develop their teaching skills. Teachers who work
abroad learn new teaching strategies and skills; they observe other teachers and benefit from
their experiences. The international experience helps them develop new methods from their
colleagues and integrate them into their own classrooms when they return to their home countries
(Serbes, 2017). There are several reasons that dedicated teachers work abroad: commitment,
financial incentives, knowledge about new cultures, learning new languages, and development.
38
Unlike the general motivations to teach or the motivation to teach a specific subject such
as the English language, the motivation to teach abroad is dynamic and mostly personal; the
desire can be formed at different critical incidents throughout the teacher’s personal and
professional life (Savva, 2015). A critical incident is defined as a type of informal learning that
can spark changes in professional thinking and behavior; it can be a single major event or a
series of smaller events that may culminate over time. The Savva (2015) study explored the
deeper values that drove international educators to teach overseas and recognized a set of
dominant characteristics that are unique to them. The practical motivations for taking an overseas
assignment include compensation, career advancement, new cultural experiences and
professional development opportunities. Value-based motivations include the desire to travel and
see the world, which often stemmed from childhood travel experiences, study abroad
experiences, or having friends who had gone abroad to work and live. Another value-based
motivation has to do with the need for change; this can be a one-off or a recurring need (Savva,
2015).
The demand for expatriate English teachers is strong because of the prestige associated
with educators recruited from Anglophone countries for English-medium international schools.
Since expatriate NETs are more costly and time-consuming to recruit, it is important to
understand not only the motivations behind their decisions to teach abroad and the values that
drive those motivations but also how to keep them in the profession. This understanding can help
to inform recruitment and retention practices.
Keeping Teachers in the Profession
Motivations for teaching and expectations of teachers may not match the reality and their
experience, and this mismatch can lead to the reconsideration and withdrawal from the
39
profession (Yu et al., 2021). As challenging as it is to attract teachers, the task of retaining them
presents additional challenges. Motivation does not only influence why someone chooses to
teach; it also plays an important role in how long and how intense the person persists in the
profession. The most commonly cited reasons for declining motivation were associated with
changes in teachers’ working conditions, workload, and roles (Manuel et al., 2019). Pre-service
teacher education is a critical time when student teachers are confronted with the classroom
realities for the first time, and these education programs should make more meaningful
connections between theories and experiences and play a role in helping their pupils build up a
strong and positive professional identity (Jennifer & Mbato, 2020).
The initial motivation to teach is often idealistic, and studies have shown that many early
career teachers experience a reality shock during the transition from teacher education to
authentic classrooms during their early years of teaching (Yu et al., 2021). The early years of a
teacher’s career are vital in forming and defining values, beliefs, practices and behaviors about
teaching and learning. Novice teachers showed high levels of commitment to teaching but
demanded a great deal of support from the school and their leadership (Vong & Wong, 2009).
Yu et al. (2021) noted from previous research that the teaching practicum and the first years of
in-service teaching are critical periods when teachers’ commitment levels would shift.
An established problem in the teaching profession is the continuing and substantial
number of qualified teachers who leave the profession within 5 years. Workload and work/life
balance were cited the most frequently as the reason that teachers leave the profession, despite
awareness of these challenges before entering teaching; lack of support from management and
colleagues is another reason (Perryman & Calvert, 2020). Early career teachers’ commitment to
student learning does not automatically equate to the same level of commitment to student
40
discipline problems or the performance demands and extra administrative workloads of the
school (Yu et al., 2021). Schools make a difference in teacher motivation, as the ones that
provide mentoring and induction programs have lower rates of turnover among beginning
teachers. Another element that promotes retention is teachers' self-efficacy; the need for
supportive school conditions, opportunities to work with other educators in professional
communities, advancement prospects, and respectful wages are important to help teachers thrive
as these aspects of their job affect their self-efficacy (Perryman & Calvert, 2020). Furthermore,
providing teachers with sufficient autonomy and support is of vital importance for them to
develop a sense of social belonging, sustaining their commitment over time (Yu et al., 2021).
Retaining highly effective teachers improves the professional and academic culture of
schools, and identifying and targeting factors that encourage retention would help school
administrators to address this problem. Fong (2018) used Herzberg’s two-factor theory to
examine the relationship between job satisfaction and contract renewal of Generation Y (“Gen
Y”) and non-Generation Y NETs working at international schools in Asia. The two-factor theory
presents that there are factors in the work environment that create job satisfaction and factors that
cause job dissatisfaction. The factors that promote job satisfaction are motivating, such as
recognition, growth, advancement, and job challenges, and the factors that cause dissatisfaction
are hygiene factors which include working conditions, relationships with coworkers, and
workplace policies and administrative practices (Gawel, 1996; Whitaker et al., 2009). Since Gen
Y teachers were born between 1977 – 1994, they are a key group of teachers encompassing both
novice teachers and experienced teachers. Teachers of this age group are also essential in Macao
as more than 65% of teachers there are under 40 years old. The article presented clear differences
between motivating factors that increase satisfaction and teacher effectiveness and hygiene
41
factors that lead to dissatisfaction and turnover. And it is insightful to acknowledge that Gen Y
and non-Gen Y teachers are driven by very different motivators.
Fong (2018) found that a common factor that increased job satisfaction and teacher
retention for all generations of NETs is the inclusive nature of the school. Teachers want to be
part of the decision-making process in a school, particularly if the policies being formulated will
affect all staff members. For Gen Y teachers, support, work culture and communications are the
most important factors for them to stay at a particular school; they require individual attention
from and collaborative opportunities with the management or administrators of the school. For
non-Gen Y teachers, salary and benefits, professional development, and support in technology
were influential in their retention (Fong, 2018). As Baby Boomers retire and Generation X
educators mature, Fong (2018) suggested school administrators not ignore factors that improve
job satisfaction and retention rates of Gen Y teachers.
From the research of Odland and Ruzicka (2009), the major causal factor that drive NETs
to leave their international teaching posts was found to be related to the school administration;
these included the teachers’ perception of poor communication and the lack of support from the
principal and senior management of the school. To improve retention and a sense of community,
school administrators could provide more support to the teachers, communicate well with them
with more transparency, and offer teachers opportunities to be involved in decision-making
tasks. Another key causal factor found by Odland and Ruzicka (2009) was compensation;
aligning the teachers’ salary and benefits package to that of their home country while accounting
for the living expenses of the host country could resolve this grievance. These findings are
consistent with those observed by Fong (2018).
42
A key component of administrative support is the presence of an onboarding or induction
program. For many NETs, especially those new to the profession, acculturation is a process they
must get through to be successful in their foreign post. Administrators and colleagues at the
schools can play a major role in creating an inclusive environment and helping the incoming
NETs cope with the effects of culture shock (Chu & Morrison, 2011).
To keep teachers in the profession, the discrepancies between motivation, expectation
and reality should be managed; the body of literature has shown that school support, balanced
workload, fair compensation, and development opportunities can encourage teacher retention. In
the case of NETs, the added acculturation and collegial support can make a positive difference
for their decision to stay with a school.
Theoretical Framework
A teacher’s motivation, in many ways, plays a vital role in fostering teaching-learning
quality and could directly affect student achievement levels in learning a language (Tambunan et
al., 2018). Motivation theory is the study of discovering what drives a person to work toward a
particular goal or outcome. It is widely believed that highly motivated individuals are more
productive; therefore, theories of motivation are frequently used in business and management to
drive increased productivity with the objective of increasing profits. In relevance to the teaching
profession, it is often cited that motivated teachers are the key assets of any high-performing
school; and in the context of NETs, motivated teachers are more persistent and resourceful; thus,
they stay with their school or overseas teaching posts longer, reducing turnover. Tambunan et al.
(2018) suggested that teacher motivation should be a significant consideration when developing
education.

43
Types of Motivation Theory
There are two basic types of motivation theory: content theories and process theories.
Content theories of motivation focus on the “what” of motivation, exploring what motivates
people and what they need in their lives. Process theories focus on the “how” of motivation,
examining the psychological and behavioral processes that affect the individual’s motivation.
Examples of content theories include Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, Herzberg’s two-factor
theory, McClelland’s theory of needs, and Alderfer’s ERG theory. Examples of process theories
include Skinner’s reinforcement theory, Vroom’s expectancy theory, Adam’s equity theory, and
Locke’s goal-setting theory (World of Work Project, 2019).
For the purpose of the recruitment and retention of NETs, the content theories of
motivation will be used to examine what motivates teachers to take teaching assignments
overseas and what schools can do to keep their expatriate teachers in their posts. One of the most
well-known content theories of motivation is Herzberg’s two-factor theory (Gawel, 1996;
Tambunan et al., 2018; Whitaker et al., 2009). This theory of motivation will guide this study.
Her z b e r g ’s Two-Factor Theory
In Herzberg’s two-factor theory (see Figure 1), he suggested that there are hygiene
factors that can cause workplace dissatisfaction and motivational factors which can lead to job
satisfaction (Gawel, 1996; Whitaker et al., 2009). These two factors are not on the same
continuum but act independently of each other (Whitaker et al., 2009). The absence of hygiene
factors (dissatisfiers) can result in decreased motivation, reducing employees’ drive to perform;
the presence of motivational factors (satisfiers) can encourage people to work harder. Gawel
(1996) described satisfiers as those factors that relate to “what a person does,” while dissatisfiers
are the factors relating to “the situation in which the person does what he or she does.”
44
Figure 1
Herzberg’s Two-Factor Theory

The motivational factors that arise inherently from the job itself include recognition,
responsibility, growth, and sense of importance; the hygiene factors that are extrinsic to the
actual work include compensation, work conditions, company policies, and job security (Gawel,
1996; Whitaker et al., 2009). More often than not, school principals and educational leaders do
not have direct control over hygiene factors such as salaries and benefits, but Herzberg theorized
that addressing these factors would merely minimize job dissatisfaction and will not increase
motivation or productivity levels in the long term. Whitaker et al. (2009) asserted that the
motivational factors are within school leaders’ control and can be very empowering as positive
reinforcement and things of a more intrinsic nature are effective motivators for teachers.
Critique of Herzberg ’s Theory
Herzberg’s theory was derived from the writings of psychologists such as Jung and Adler
(Adair, 2006), and the two-factor theory was supported by considerable empirical evidence by
45
Herzberg and others (Whitaker et al., 2009). Even so, Herzberg’s hypothesis that the exclusive
sets of hygiene factors and motivational factors was not without its critics; other empirical
investigators have found it necessary to blur the edges of this intrinsic-extrinsic dichotomy,
asserting that the sources of positive and negative attitudes to work were not distinctly reflected
on one side or the other. In addition, Herzberg’s research was also criticized for its methodology,
with some stating that no evidence was found to support his principle of duality (Adair, 2006).
Herzberg’s theory has been viewed as dated by some since it was developed in the 1950s,
and although it still has broad applicability in the business world, some researchers contest that
they do not cover all professions, such as teaching (Gawel, 1996). The study conducted by
Gawel (1996) has shown that some of Herzberg’s hygiene factors did, in fact, motivate teachers,
thus demonstrating that hygiene items can also be motivators. So, unlike what Herzberg’s theory
suggested, hygiene factors and motivational factors are not always mutually exclusive. However,
a later study completed by Tambunan et al. (2018) has found the two-factor model to be
applicable.
Despite the assertions of some critics, Herzberg’s theory is still widely studied and used
across different industries (Tambunan et al., 2018). And based on the problem of practice being
explored in this study, knowing which needs or factors drive the motivations to teach, to work
and live abroad, and to remain with a school can provide important information for school
administrators and education departments to address the challenges of NET recruitment and
retention.
Conclusion
This review of literature noted the development of education throughout the history of
Macao and highlighted the increasing demand for English language and English-medium
46
education. In addition, the demand for English education has prompted the need for NET. The
literature showed that the challenge of recruiting teachers into the profession is a global concern;
it also presented the severity of the problem of teacher turnover. In the context of international
education, these issues are magnified as expatriate teachers are more costly to acquire, and the
frequent departures of these teachers create negative impacts on student learning and
achievement. Extensive studies on this topic have shown that understanding and addressing the
different motivations of teachers can help to improve the situation of teacher recruitment and
retention. However, there is a lack of existing literature discussing these subject matters in
reference to Macao. Therefore, motivation theory is used as the lens to examine what kind of
needs and motivational drivers, when fulfilled or satisfied, are effective in attracting and keeping
NETs to teach in Macao.
47
CHAPTER THREE: METHODS
The purpose of this study is to address the challenges in recruiting and retaining NETs in
Macao. This chapter describes the methodology used for the study, the participants, and the
instruments used in data collection and analysis. It provides the rationale for the selection of
research approach and sampling strategy and discusses the trustworthiness of the methods,
including potential ethical concerns and the positionality of the researcher. This study was
guided by the following research questions, seeking insight on how schools in Macao can
increase the recruitment and retention of NETs:
1. What motivates expatriate teachers to teach abroad?
2. What do expatriate teachers consider when choosing to teach in Macao?
3. How can schools foster a sense of belonging among expatriate teachers?
To answer these research questions, this study used qualitative methods, with an
interview protocol as the key source of data collection. The study called for a qualitative design
because it aimed to understand the motivational factors of individuals and how they interpret
their experiences and environments (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Participants in the study were
selected based on a set of specific criteria and the assumption that they could reveal rich insights
and information relevant to the research questions. According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), the
researcher must select a sample from which the most can be learned; as this study is intended to
obtain data about experiences from a specific group of teachers in Macao, purposive sampling
was used for selecting participants in this study. Since the population of NETs in Macao is small,
with the COVID-19 pandemic imposing severe border restrictions, the number of NETs
physically available in Macao during the span of this study was further limited; therefore,
snowball sampling was utilized during the pre-interview survey and during the interviews to
48
increase the pool of potential participants. The survey was conducted also for triangulation to
increase the trustworthiness of the study. Because interviews form the main source of data for
this study and interview protocols are vulnerable to self-report biases, triangulation can reduce
the risk that the conclusions would reflect only the biases of a specific method and allow for
better assessment and understanding of the issues being investigated (Maxwell, 2013).
Participating Stakeholders
The participating stakeholders for this study were NETs who have been basic education
teachers in Macao. The selection process targeted those NETs who have taught in Macao for at
least 6 months. In this study, a NET was defined as someone who was fully qualified to be a
basic education teacher in Macao, employed directly by one of the schools in the city, who spoke
English as their native language, and was not a native resident of Macao. The process started
with identifying the participant criteria that were important to and reflected the objective of the
research; teachers who met these criteria were deliberately chosen to participate and provide
information (Johnson & Christensen, 2015; Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
During the 2020/2021 academic year, there were a total of 74 schools offering basic
education in Macao, with a total of 121 school sections (Government Information Bureau of the
MSAR, n.d.). Some schools consisted of more than one school section; for example, a school
with a kindergarten campus, a primary school campus, a secondary school campus, and an EMI
school campus was considered to have four school sections. Although the total number of NETs
in Macao was unknown, 16% of all basic education pupils in Macao studied in school sections
with EMI, according to Moody (2021); this percentage amounted to almost 13,500 students
(Government Information Bureau of the MSAR, n.d.).

49
Sample Selection and Rationale
This study was focused on NETs at private schools in Macao because government school
teachers were civil workers and placed under a different compensation and benefits scheme; also,
the majority of the school sections in Macao were private, with only 17 out of 121 school
sections that were government-run in the 2020/2021 academic year. In addition, teachers who
have been teaching in Macao under a professional work permit were eligible to apply for
residency; therefore, some participants were no longer expatriates at the time of the study.
However, for the purpose of this study, as long as the NETs started their teaching position in
Macao as an expatriate, they were included in the study as their experiences and insights are
relevant to the research questions.
To recruit NETs in Macao, mutual associates, including school administrators and other
teachers, were provided with a recruitment email (Appendix A) that contains the information
sheet and the link to the survey for them to distribute to potential participants (their staff and
colleagues). Interested individuals could complete the survey on Qualtrics and provide their
email if they wanted to participate in the interview. The recruitment was conducted over emails
or text messaging via WhatsApp or WeChat. A follow-up email was sent to confirm participation
and remind participants to take the survey.
Survey Sampling Strategy and Rationale
Using purposive sampling strategy, the recruitment email was sent with a link to the
survey to the NETs by the mutual associates. Although the exact number of NETs in Macao was
unknown, it was estimated to be around 50 at the time of the study; since the population of NETs
and the geographical area of Macao were both small, this confined NET community allowed for
snowball sampling to effectively take place. There were 35 surveys received. Demographic
50
questions were placed at the start to reiterate the sampling criteria, followed by background
questions and a question asking participants to confirm their participation in the interview and
provide their contact information. In the survey, there was a statement at the end encouraging the
potential participants to forward the recruitment email with the survey link to their colleagues.
The survey was administered first in the data collection process and was open for 2 weeks for
responses. The referred teachers from the snowball sampling received the survey as soon as the
referral information was received, and they also had 2 weeks to respond.
Survey Sampling Criteria and Rationale
Criterion 1
The survey sample included NETs who were qualified basic education teachers based on
DSEDJ requirements.
Criterion 2
The survey sample included NETs who were expatriates when they started teaching in
Macao.
Interview Sampling Strategy and Rationale
From the survey and the snowball sampling, there were a total of 14 participants
available and willing to be interviewed. There were 15 EMI school sections in Macao during the
2020/2021 academic year, and these participants were from four different schools that operated
EMI sections. Together these schools employed about 40 NETs and enrolled approximately
5,000 students, accounting for close to 40% of the EMI student population (Government of the
MSAR Education and Youth Development Bureau, n.d.; Moody, 2021). It should be noted that
most of the schools with EMI sections did not employ NETs.
51
The purpose of the interviews was to maximize insights and information; thus, the data
collection process was recommended to continue until a point of saturation (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Saturation of themes would occur when no new information or insight was emerging. The
interview was conducted with 11 participants, fitting the criteria listed below. Saturation was
expected to be reached with eight to 10 interviews. The participants were asked at the end of
each interview to provide referrals for participating in this study by circulating the recruitment
flyer to their colleagues.
Interview Sampling Criteria and Rationale
Criterion 1
The interview sample included NETs who were employed full-time by a private
(subsidized or unsubsidized) basic education school in Macao directly.
Criterion 2
The interview sample included NETs who had taught in Macao for at least 6 months.
Instrumentation and Data Collection
For this qualitative study, two methods were used to collect data. First, a pre-interview
survey was sent to collect demographic and background information from the participants.
Second, semi-structured interviews were conducted to capture perceptions and experiences
articulated by the participants. No incentive was provided to the participants of this study. The
following section describes the instruments and procedures used to collect data for this study.
Survey
The pre-interview survey was administered online using Qualtrics, a web-based survey
system. The recruitment email sent to the potential participants contained the information sheet
for this study (Appendix B) and a link to the survey (Appendix C). The survey was open for 2
52
weeks, and one follow-up email or text message was sent a week later. The survey had 15
questions, with the first section being demographic questions, the second section being
background questions, and the third section consisted of one question containing 10 statements
for which participants responded according to a 6-point Likert scale, ranging from Strongly
Disagree, Disagree, Somewhat Disagree, Somewhat Agree, Agree to Strongly Agree. The last
two questions were for participants to opt-in for the interview and requesting for their referral for
the snowball sampling.
The survey primarily served to provide preliminary descriptive information about the
participants to refine the semi-structured interview protocol to optimize the interviews. Although
demographic information was collected, the survey did not collect identifiable data from the
participants, such as names, specific ages, or names of schools where they teach. The results of
the survey were kept on a password-protected computer and within the Qualtrics software, which
was also password-protected.
Interviews
For the semi-structured interviews, while there was an allowance for flexibility of
introducing or amending questions adapted to the context of the discussion and emerging ideas
during the interviews, an interview guide was created to direct the interview, ensuring that
conversations stayed around the research questions to yield useful insights for the study topic
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interview guide contained a list of open-ended questions and
prompts that encouraged participants to describe their experiences, perceptions, and
observations; follow-up and probing questions were used to seek details, clarifications, and
elaborations from participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interviews were 45- to 60-minute
sessions, conducted one-on-one at a location that was neutral or selected by the participant with a
53
quiet atmosphere, so the interview participants could communicate their thoughts and opinions
comfortably (Creswell, 2009).
At the start of each interview, I restated that participation was voluntary and participants
had the right to withdraw their participation at any time without penalty. In addition, participants
were informed about the recording of the interviews and their permission was obtained prior to
turning on the recording devices. The interview protocol (Appendix D) included 12 main
questions with probes to be used as necessary. The interview questions were put together based
on the principles and guidance laid out in Maxwell (2013) and Merriam and Tisdell (2016). At
the end of the interviews, the researcher had built a rapport with the participants, who had gained
a full understanding of what was involved in participating in the study. Then, the participants
were asked to refer another NET in Macao they believed could contribute to the study to
maximize participation.
The interviews were recorded on an iPhone, using the Otter app to capture the full
interview. The Otter app was used for recording and storing the voice data of the interviews and
for the initial transcription of the data. In this study, no participant opted out of the recording.
Pertinent comments, observations and reflection were noted immediately after the completion of
each interview. Upon completion of each interview, I listened to the recordings and reviewed and
edited the initial transcriptions to make sure each interview was captured accurately in its
entirety. The participants were given pseudonyms, and the schools where they were teaching
were labeled as alphabets to protect the participants’ identities. The written notes were kept in a
safe at my home; other notes were kept in a password-protected iPad, and the iPhone used as the
recording device was also password-protected.
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Data Analysis
The initial step in the data analysis was reviewing the responses collected from the pre-
interview survey; the process continued with reading the interview transcripts and finished when
all data collection was completed. According to Maxwell (2013), reading and thinking about
interview transcripts and notes, developing coding categories, and applying codes to the data are
all considered important forms of data analysis. As suggested by Merriam and Tisdell (2016), a
system for organizing and managing data should be developed early in the study; and coding is a
key part of that system. Coding is the mindful designation of a word or short-hand that reflects
and categorizes a portion or some aspect of the data that enables easy retrieval and interpretation
of specific pieces of information during the analysis.
For the survey responses, frequencies and percentages were calculated for demographic
and background questions. For the responses to the question that utilized the 6-point Likert scale,
participants’ responses were used to design probes for elaborations on related questions for the
interview; these responses were coded as emergent codes. For the interviews, data analysis began
as soon as the first interview was conducted and was ongoing throughout the data collection
process. Upon completion of each interview, I reviewed the voice recordings and initial
transcripts generated from the Otter app, edited my notes, wrote reflection notes on the
interview, and stated my initial observations of themes, patterns and assumptions. Once the
transcriptions were completed, each interview was coded manually.
For this study, a priori codes based on the literature reviews, conceptual framework and
interview protocol were developed first. Then, emergent codes were created from the patterns,
themes and phenomena observed after reviewing the responses of the pre-interview survey and
reading the transcripts of the interviews. I coded the interview data after reading through the
55
transcripts of the interviews by highlighting all the words or phrases relevant to the codes
developed from the literature review and survey. I also noted the frequency with which each
word or phrase appeared in all interviews and recognized all inconsistencies and surprises. After
that, categories and themes were formed and labeled by grouping together coded items that were
related and connecting them to the relevant research questions; any relationship between
categories were described. Finally, the data from all interviews were compared and analyzed
with a focus on the purpose of the study through the lens of the conceptual framework. The
consolidation of the themes and phenomena revealed at the end of the data analysis shaped the
findings of the study.
Trustworthiness
Maxwell (2013) noted that bias is inherent in qualitative research. While the influence of
the researcher’s background, identity and knowledge was traditionally treated as bias, separating
the research from these aspects of the researcher removes “a major source of insights, hypothesis
and validity checks” (p. 45). Since the researcher is the principle instrument for the process of
data collection and analysis, interpretations of reality are filtered through the lens of their
observations and interviews with participants (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). According to Merriam
and Tisdell (2016), triangulation is probably the best-known method to support the internal
validity of a study. Other common strategies include member checks and adequate engagement
in data collection. To address the bias and validity concerns of this study, triangulation was done
with a pre-interview survey in addition to the individual interviews. Additionally, member
checking was performed with half of the participants after preliminary findings were
documented. Furthermore, each interview lasted at least 45 minutes, and I continued to conduct
56
interviews until the saturation of themes was apparent to ensure sufficient time and effort were
spent in the data collection process.
Ethics
At the beginning of the participant recruitment process, a recruitment email was sent out,
providing background and contextual information about this study. An information sheet was
distributed at that time which provided sufficient information to all participants so informed
decisions were made to participate in this study (Glesne, 2011; Rubin & Rubin, 2012). The
information sheet detailed the purpose and nature of the study and underscored that participation
was voluntary and could be withdrawn from the study at any time without penalty, and stated
any foreseeable impact of the study that might affect them positively or negatively (Glesne,
2011; Rubin & Rubin, 2012).
Moreover, the participants were made aware that their privacy was respected and that
their identities would be kept anonymous throughout the study. Pseudonyms were used, and
identifiable details such as age and nationality were either disguised or removed from the data
and transcripts to ensure confidentiality (Rubin & Rubin, 2012). At the start of each interview,
permission for recording was separately obtained from each participant, and all recordings and
data were securely locked in a safe at the researcher’s home or stored in a password-protected
digital device. To avoid any sense of coercion, no incentives were offered, and the interviews
were conducted at a neutral and quiet location of the participant’s choosing.
Furthermore, as a doctoral student at the University of Southern California, this study
was submitted to the university’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) for approval, thereby
complying to the established ethical standards for research and the protection of research
subjects. IRBs are mandated by the federal government to be established at all universities that
57
conduct research involving human subjects (Glesne, 2011). The research phase of this study
commenced only after IRB approval was granted; and every aspect of this research was
conducted in accordance with all IRB rules governing the collection, analysis and dissemination
of data.
Role of Researcher
For this study, I was the principal researcher, and as such, I served as the primary
instrument with personal biases through which all data were filtered (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Therefore, I recognize the importance of noting any preconceived beliefs or expectations I may
have, as well as capturing and addressing all data as relevant, even if it contradicted my
assumptions. Potential biases that were considered included my personal experience in recruiting
and managing NETs, assumptions about the fairness of NET compensation packages compared
to that of non-native speaking English teachers of similar or higher qualifications, opinions of the
lack of willingness of some NETs to appreciate or adapt to a new environment or culture, and
perceptions of local administrators’ inability to empathize with NETs. In addition to these
possible biases, my father runs the largest private school in Macao, so I have experienced the
school’s challenges of attracting and retaining NETs as well as witnessed the struggles of the
NETs in their attempts to acculturate. It is because of this experience over the years that I am
interested in understanding more and finding ways to improve the situation for both the schools
and the NETs. Based on this predisposed interest, I may find myself in the roles of the
“reformer” and/or “advocate” at some point of the study. According to Glesne (2011), as
qualitative researchers become more involved in their fieldwork, their initial role of data
gathering can evolve to assume additional roles, including reformer and advocate, each
accompanied by different ethical dilemmas. The reformers try to change something in order “to
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right what they judge to be wrong” at the research site, while the advocates champion a cause on
some issue; they become aware of from the research (Glesne, 2011).
It is important to note that my family’s school was not intended for inclusion in this
study, but since there were fewer than 12 interview participants, to reach the saturation of
themes, this school was included. Because this school is the largest in Macao, with over 4,000
students across four campuses, it would provide additional potential NETs for the interview in
this case of insufficient participants. I continued to conduct the research personally because
direct engagement with the NETs during the interview yielded more insightful data. Also, since I
had not been involved in the day-to-day operations and management of the school, my direct
interaction with the NETs at the school was nonexistent. I addressed the above ethical
considerations, personal biases, and power dynamics by explaining my research role,
positionality, and interest in this study to the participants, along with providing information
relevant to this doctoral study for their understanding. All participants were informed that the
primary purpose of this research was to gather information and that the findings of this study
might help schools enhance their ability to recruit and retain NETs by improving their current
working practices and conditions in which the participants work and might benefit from.
Conclusion
This chapter detailed the methodology used for this study. The objective of the study was
to understand and address the challenges in recruiting and retaining NETs in Macao. The
methods included a pre-interview survey and semi-structured interviews. The study sample
included NETs who have taught for more than 6 months at one of the private schools of basic
education in Macao. The next chapter discusses the data analysis findings in this study in detail.
59
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA AND FINDINGS
This chapter presents the results from the pre-interview survey and the individual
interviews with NETs teaching at a private school offering basic education in Macao. This
chapter provides an overview of the study participants, including their demographic and
background information and their perceptions based on personal experiences of being a NET in
Macao. Descriptions of the three themes that emerged from the data and additional findings are
also presented in this section.
The purpose of this study was to understand the challenges in NET recruitment and
retention in Macao. This study aimed to collect insights that may help schools in Macao enhance
their recruitment and retention efforts by answering the research questions:
1. What motivates expatriate teachers to teach abroad?
2. What do expatriate teachers consider when choosing to teach in Macao?
3. How can schools foster a sense of belonging among expatriate teachers?
Overview of Study Participants
Thirty-five potential participants responded to the pre-interview survey, of which 14
participants agreed to take part in the one-on-one interview. Eight participants were excluded
from this study because seven were not native English-speakers and one was not an expatriate
teacher. Therefore, their characteristics did not fit the criteria of the targeted participants for the
survey or the interview. All interview participants were given pseudonyms to keep their
identities anonymous. The graphs in this section provide the participants’ demographic
information, background information, and responses to the list of perception questions on a 6-
point Likert scale.

60
Survey Participants
Data collected in the pre-interview survey showed that the 27 participating teachers were
at least 25 years of age, with over 70% above the age of 40 and a relatively even split between
male (45%) and female (55%) participants. In terms of their levels of education, 12 of the 27
participants held a master’s degree, while another 12 held a bachelor’s degree, and the remaining
three had tertiary professional certificates.

Figure 2
Participants’ Age Range

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Figure 3
Participants’ Gender

12
15
GENDER
male female
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Figure 4
Participants’ Highest Level of Education

The participants’ top reasons for entering the teaching profession were the love of the
subject, to work with young people, and to contribute to society. The full list of reasons is
presented in Figure 5. In reference to their experience, the majority (74%) of study participants
have had more than 10 years of teaching experience, and 15 participants have taught for more
than 15 years. In addition, almost 60% of the participants have been teaching in Macao for at
least 5 years, of which eight have been in Macao for over 10 years.

63
Figure 5
Participants’ Reasons for Choosing Teaching as a Career

64
Figure 6
Participants’ Total Experience in the Teaching Profession

Figure 7
Participants’ Teaching Experience in Macao

65
The pre-interview survey contained a section with 12 statements to which the participants
responded on a si6x-point Likert scale ranging from strongly disagree to strongly agree. In
general, the majority of participants responded to all the statements on the ‘somewhat agree’ to
strongly agree spectrum. There were three statements that no one disagreed with: “I am content
with my compensation package,” “I am good at teaching,” and “I am committed to teaching as a
career.”

Figure 8
Participants’ Responses to Statements on Teaching Efficacy and Working Conditions

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Interview Participants
From the pre-interview survey, 14 of the 27 participants opted in for the one-on-one
interview. A total of 11 interviews were conducted, with six interviews done in person and five
interviews conducted over Zoom. Although three additional participants agreed to be
interviewed, they were not able to participate due to various reasons, including a recent COVID-
19 outbreak in Macao.
Of the 11 interview participants, six were female teachers, and five were male teachers.
At the time of the interviews, the majority of the participating teachers had either administrative
or leadership functions in addition to teaching, including one principal, five heads of departments
and two with other administrative roles. This was because many NETs with fewer years of work
experience in Macao had left the city during the first couple of years of the pandemic. So, the
NETs who were still in Macao at the time of the interviews tended to be more senior in rank;
thus, a high proportion of them was in administrative and leadership positions with additional
responsibilities. Some basic information about the interview participants is presented below.

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Table 1
Interview Participants
Pseudonym Gender
Administrative
function
Head of
department
Time in Macao
Andy Male No Yes 4 Years
Betty Female No No 14 Years
Carl Male No Yes 6 Years
Debby Female No No 17 Years
Eric Male Yes Yes 4 Years
Fanny Female Yes Yes 8 Years
Gabby Female Yes No 25 Years
Henry Male Yes No 21 Years
Ian Male No No 3 Years
Janet Female No No 3 Years
Kylie Female Yes Yes 14 Years

The names of the participants were pseudonyms, with the gender of the names reflecting
that of the participant. The list of participants is presented in the order in which they were
interviewed.
Andy has been teaching in Macao for 4 years at the same school and has been in the
teaching profession for over 20 years. Macao was his second international teaching post. He
became a teacher for the love of the subject and the joy of passing on that subject knowledge.
The main factors that attracted him to teach abroad were the adventure and travel opportunities.
He had not heard of Macao before he came, and there was no particular draw to attract Andy to
Macao. It was simply the location where the teaching post was offered, and the pay package was
good.
Betty has always loved and enjoyed teaching. She had previously worked as a tutor and
done volunteer teaching since she was young. The desire to travel, see new places and try new
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things were the reasons that drew her to international teaching. She has been teaching in Macao
for over 10 years and has taught at multiple schools as a part-time and full-time teacher. The
reason she came to Macao to live and teach was because of her husband.
Carl has always wanted to be a teacher. He enjoyed working with young people and
volunteered to help out with teachers when he was in school. He has been a teacher for about 15
years and has been teaching in Macao for 6 years at the same school. Macao was his first
international teaching post, and he was recruited by an agency. He had not heard of Macao
before but decided to take the job because he was overworked at his prior job, needed a change,
and the offer package was attractive.
Debby has been a lifelong teacher with over 30 years of teaching experience. She went
into the profession because the tuition for becoming a teacher was paid for by the state in her
home country. Macao was the second international location where she taught, and she has spent
the last 17 years at the same school. Debby became an international teacher as a result of her
love of travel and appreciation for different cultures. Macao was an appealing location for Debby
and her family because it was an ideal base for travel to the rest of Asia, and the school’s
religious affiliation and values were equivalent to her own beliefs and standards.
Although Eric did not study to become a teacher, he had an opportunity to do some
substitute teaching and fell in love with the profession. Now he has been teaching for over 40
years and moved through the ranks from teacher to department head to deputy principal. He
became interested in teaching internationally after spending over 30 years in two schools; he was
bored and needed to experience something new. He did not know where Macao was but was
ready for an adventure. He has been in Macao for 4 years and was happy to remain here until his
retirement.
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Fanny has been a teacher for 14 years and has been teaching in Macao for 8. She has
taught at two other international locations in Asia before Macao. She has enjoyed the subjects
that she has been teaching, and she enjoyed the children as well, but her true passion was
traveling, which was the reason she became an international teacher. She elected to come to
Macao because it was the first job offer she received when she was searching for another
international post as her last teaching contract was coming to a conclusion. Prior to accepting the
job, she had never heard of Macao and had no idea what the place was like. At the time of the
interview, Fanny had an administrative role in addition to teaching.
Gabby started a new career as a teacher when she moved to Macao 25 years ago. She was
in a different profession but had to flee her home country and chose to come to Macao because
of the favorable policies for migrants to get residency at the time, and she had family
connections here. Back then, it was also easier to become a teacher in Macao compared to
today’s requirements. Gabby has taught at two different schools in Macao and fell in love with
teaching, especially with teaching younger children when she taught kindergarten.
Henry was the principal of an international school, though it was never his intention to be
an administrator because his first love was teaching. Initially, he did not get his degree in
teaching. He helped out with substitute teaching when he returned home after he had finished his
bachelor’s degree. And at the first try, he fell in love with teaching and realized “this was what it
felt like when doing something you were passionate about.” He went back and obtained his
degree in education and has been in the profession ever since. Macao was the second
international teaching location for Henry; he came because he wanted a different experience and
to see what else was out there before going home again to take on the family school. He has been
at the same school in Macao for over 20 years.
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Ian was surrounded by teachers his whole life, and it had a big influence on him while he
was growing up. He has been teaching for 14 years; before coming to Macao 3 years ago, he
taught at two different international locations. He enjoyed teaching high school students, and
teaching internationally allowed him to support his hobbies and travel. The reason he chose to
teach in Macao was that he wanted to be close to Hong Kong, where his best friend was
teaching. But he could not find job opportunities there, so Macao was the next best thing that
was a short bus or ferry ride away, and it allowed for a lot of travel opportunities.
Janet was inspired by a good teacher to become a teacher herself. She enjoyed the
opportunity to do what she loved, and she loved the subject she taught. She has spent the
majority of her teaching career in her home country, with a couple of short international stints,
before coming to teach in Macao for 3 years. Janet was ready for a change at the time she was
considering this overseas teaching role; she wanted a final chapter of her teaching career and was
introduced to Macao by a colleague who had friends here.
Kylie has been teaching for 14 years. The current teaching post in Macao was her first
international job and her first full-time teaching position, and she has been at the same school in
Macao for the entire duration of her teaching career. She became a teacher to teach about what
she loved. She loved her subject, and she loved new things and new adventures. These were the
main reasons that she opted to work as an international teacher. Macao was the location she had
chosen because of a few reasons. First, there was not an abundance of choices for Kylie as an
inexperienced teacher. Second, she spoke a bit of Cantonese, so Macao was an easier place for
her to adapt to. Third, the teaching package overall was very attractive. Finally, it was a
convenient place for living and traveling.

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Emerging Themes
Three themes have been identified from analyzing the data from the survey responses and
the 11 one-on-one interviews. The three emerging themes were desirable lifestyle for teachers,
perceptions of inequality with the school environment, and fragile sense of community in school.
Each of these themes is presented in the following section to address the research questions
based on the theoretical framework.
Theme 1: Desirable Lifestyle for Teachers
The majority of interview participants recognized and appreciated the positive work-life
balance that they had while teaching in Macao. This was a key contribution to a desirable
lifestyle. Most teachers interviewed have worked in other countries, including their home
country, before coming to teach in Macao. Five teachers expressed being pleasantly surprised at
the light workload and the reduced in-classroom instruction time compared to their previous
experience. In their experience, teachers in Macao had plenty of time outside of the classroom
for planning and prepping within the school day so they did not need to take work home. Andy
stated that he had plenty of time to do his job. He explained:
So, you're talking about what, 45 periods a week, I only teach like 20 periods anyway. I
feel like I'm part time even though I'm full time. I feel part time because in the UK, you
would kill for a timetable like this. You would kill to have as much preparatory time and
free time and non-contact time to get on with stuff, and I don't think many of the local
teachers appreciate just how good they've got it. Because, you know, you couldn't work in
a British school with this timetable. You’d just be considered a part-time teacher. So, for
me, this is. … It's perfect. I love it.
Carl echoed Andy’s sentiment and said,
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There's many more careers where I could have earned loads more money. But with Macao,
what I do see is that the money is reflective of the work that we do. And we have time to
develop, we have time to plan, we have time to do everything that we need to do to be a
really, really good teacher here.
As articulated in the interviews, based on the teachers’ experiences, the lifestyle
international teachers was much better than teaching at their home country. And the experience
they’ve had in Macao has been even better. This positive aspect of their work conditions was
consistent across all schools because the maximum in-class teaching hours was set according to
the government’s policy. As Henry highlighted,
You know, the other great thing, and I don't know if people say this enough, is the
government and when this was happening, I was. … I was strongly against it, but now I
see the benefit of it. … It was the government stipulated the maximum number of
teaching periods for particular levels. So, a teacher here. … Out of a 40–45 period week,
the maximum they teach is 18 to 20 periods, which gives them a lot of time to prepare
and to do other things within the school day. Whereas in most parts of the world, that's
what you have to do … all those other things, you have to do them on your own time.
To further complement the work-life balance in creating a desirable lifestyle for the expat
teachers in Macao, the compensation package they have been receiving was superior. Survey
data showed that all 27 participants expressed that they were happy with their compensation
package. During the interviews, participants said that the total compensation and benefits
package in Macao was superior because the tax rate for teachers, at 3%, was low in comparison
to income tax rates in other countries. In addition, most schools in Macao offered the 13
th
check,
which meant that teachers were paid 13 months’ salary for 12 months’ work; this additional
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month’s pay has been customary in Macao as a holiday bonus around the time of Chinese New
Year. Furthermore, there were various government subsidies that teachers could receive. These
included subsidy payments based on teachers’ professional ranking, education level and years of
teaching experience, as well as tuition subsidies for continued education and professional
development opportunities sponsored by the government. And in the case of expat teachers, there
were also the benefits of housing and tuition allowance offered by some schools. The teachers in
the interview clearly expressed this positive aspect of their work in Macao.
When it came to discussing the compensation package, Carl described:
In Macao, yeah, it pays great. The pay is outstanding, umm after tax. Obviously, I'm on
three times more than what I would be on in the UK. And I work half, I work half as
much. So, if you look at that, it's unbelievable.
Betty stated that not only was the pay good, there were different types of government subsidies
that add to the overall compensation package:
Umm, I think we get paid better than the teachers in the States. And it definitely helps if
you have the right kind of teaching license and you get the government subsidy. The
subsidy makes a huge difference. And actually, because I've been teaching part time for
so long, I haven't had that government subsidy before. So, I'm looking forward to when
I'll have that.
Fanny described that the compensation package actually kept her teaching in Macao:
So, I went home in July, and I thought okay, maybe I should just go, you know. Then I
came back after the holiday … received the paycheck, but it's your flight and your
housing and other blah blah blah. It's just, the numbers were insane. The overtime is
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good. The salary is good. The 13th check, you get the housing, you get the flat allowance,
you get everything else that's ridiculous.
When asked about how she felt about her pay package, Janet also said,
Oh my gosh, over the top. The compensation matches what I was receiving in Alberta.
However, we have 35% tax margin. And in Macao, it’s 3%. So, I was able to earn a very
good salary. And I'm very grateful for that.
Janet felt that the nearly lack of tax in Macao compared to the high tax rates in many
other jurisdictions in the world made teachers’ pay in Macao very attractive. All interview
participants felt that their package in Macao was very good, they described it as fulfilling and
comfortable, and they were generally happy with it. The combination of higher-than-expected
compensation coupled with the lower-than-anticipated workload has been articulated by the
interview participants as unusual in the teaching profession. In addition, because the cost of
living in Macao was low compared to the likes of Hong Kong and Singapore, teachers in Macao
could have the kind of lifestyle that was traditionally enjoyed by expatriate executives; this
lifestyle included the ability to afford domestic helpers at home. So, all these factors created a
welcoming home and work environment for the expat teachers in Macao and offered one of the
key reasons for NETs to remain in their posts in Macao.
Theme 2: Perceptions of Inequality Within the School Environment
Inequality was felt and witnessed by more than half of the participants. Based on the
comments and explanation given during the interviews, inequality manifested in two areas:
communications issues as well as favoritism and politics. This section provides more detail about
the participants’ experiences and sentiment on the issue of inequality.

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Communications Issues
From the interviews, when asked about their work environment in terms of
communications, management, and leadership of the schools where the participants taught at,
there appeared to be varying perceptions and different experiences, even among teachers at the
same school. In the description of interview participants, it was noted that some of them also had
responsibilities as school administrators. For those with administrative roles or capacities, they
stated that their schools have an open-door policy. However, most of the participants who were
not in any leadership position expressed that they had experienced the closed-door policy at their
school and had little direct communication with the school administration outside of general
meetings or large assemblies. In other words, they felt a lack of engagement and minimal
interaction with the leadership staff. Ian articulated his experience when discussing changes at
his school and said,
Well, I think I would like to see a little bit more consultation with the administration and
teachers. It's kind of ah, feels like a little bit of a closed-door policy with some of the
major decisions about the school to be made, at least in the high school. I think maybe a
little bit more input into some of the big, big picture decisions that are being made at
school would be nice. And just having the boss come around a little bit more often, come
out of his office, would be ah, would make me feel a little bit more supported.
Like Ian, many interview participants who were not administrators felt that they were not
involved in any decision making at their schools. Though there might have been regular
communications from the school administration, these have come in formal channels such as
announcements and memos. In addition, participants described their interactions with
administrators as friendly and cordial, but superficial and casual, and these exchanges were
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perceived as impersonal. To the contrary, Debby felt her school was very supportive and open.
She explained,
We built up a solid foundation where these teachers can come and feel supported. You
know … and that has always worked. And there's also a team of people, and the principal
is always… “my door is always open.” So, there's always someone who … we also have
the coordinator of the kindergarten. You can talk to her. Yeah, we have a team of people.
Eric also felt that at his school, there was open communication and collaborative decision
making, and he went on to describe the management as open and helpful:
They've got, you know, Mr. A, he's got an open-door policy so … that you could go
knock on his door, and say, are you busy? And, you know, if it's serious and it's going to
take much longer than that. … He will say okay, can we continue this tomorrow or
something like that. So, it's very open, and it's very friendly, and but it's structured too,
it's structured. And I mean, you can't just barge in there and go off. You don't do it to
anyone in here, but … So, I'm not suggesting that it's a free for all and that it's chaotic. It's
structured but you know, it's, it's friendly and you know, there's no there's no. …
Decisions are made by consensus.
In general, the interview participants believed that their school and the respective
administrations should improve on transparency, engagement, and communication style of the
leadership and administrative teams. These statements were consistent among participants who
were in senior leadership, those who had administrative functions, and those who were purely in
teaching roles. So regardless of whether the participant was a teacher or an administrator, they all
believed there was room for improvement.
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Kylie remarked that there was not much relationship-building or open communication in the high
school between administrators and teachers. Although she expressed that the school appreciated
her work, she did not feel it was enough. She also said,
I think what I'm trying to do here is a very particular kind of niche thing. And I think
while the school appreciates it, I don't think it's articulated as much support as I would
like. And that's why I don't think I could go any further … is because I don't think we
have the support or the push from administration to keep making this a bigger thing. So
yes, if the value of the school changes and I can take a bigger role in what I'm doing, then
I … potentially I could stay.
Fanny was very vocal about the need for improving communication at her school. She said:
I think it's communication. I think communication between management, communication
between teachers, communication between teachers and management. It's just there’s so
many. … If there was just transparency and communication, and people were willing to
listen and understand, it could solve almost 90% of the problems that we have. That's it.
Favoritism and Politics
In addition to the different views about communications and different experiences when
it came to interacting with the administration, participants also expressed contrasting sentiments
about whether they felt valued, appreciated, or supported at school. While some teachers got the
sense that they were really valued by their school, others experienced a lack of appreciation from
the school and its administration. This lack of appreciation was manifested as the lack of support,
lack of acknowledgement, lack of trust, and lack of engagement. Many teachers mentioned by
that the likelihood of getting recognized or rewarded depended on the teacher’s relationship with
administrators. And three participants specifically noted that their school was very political.
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Andy revealed that he noticed there were several ‘favorites’ who frequently got additional
support from the administrators at his school. He stated:
I think there's kind of, like, um, from my perception is kind of like ah, if the face fits,
they'll look after you and take care of you. And we can see that there are several sort of
favorites within the school who seem to get, you know, additional support, shall we say?
Um, and… you know, there are school social events and things where you can mix with
each other, which you can go to or not as the case may be, but I think here, there's a lot of
office politics, which I don't engage with.
Janet had also experienced, in her view, a clear case of office politics that resulted in a
lack of cooperation and support at the school she was teaching in Macao. And she attributed the
lack of support to her lack of relationship with the new head of school because there was
established culture within small circles of which she was not a part. She articulated that there
were leadership changes while she was at the school, and the leadership style of the new head of
school was stressful for her. She felt that the staff were not valued or appreciated by the new
administration, so it was very difficult to work and caused her to leave the school.
In Carl’s opinion, teachers were not valued equally at his school because administrators did not
treat all teachers fairly; he said,
I suppose, down to the profession itself in Macau, I don't think it's valued as much as it
should be. And when I've raised it with management, the thing that comes back is we
can't thank everybody, you're being sensitive. You're not realizing the bigger picture of
things. And then I'll challenge that, I'll say, well, there's a track record. There's not one
instance. We can go back over many, many instances where people are not recognized for
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the work that they do. And ultimately, what happens is that people end up switching off
then becoming disengaged with the organization.
Moreover, Kylie noted that not all teachers at her school were recognized for their work, and not
all recognitions were well deserved. She also acknowledged that the staff could be appreciated
more, especially during difficult times in the last couple of years. She stated,
I think the school can appreciate its staff a little more. I think there are a lot of people that
work really hard, that don't, don't get recognized for the work. And I think there are a lot
of people who don't work very hard who get recognized for the work. And it's just a
recognition. It doesn't have to be a reward like we talked about earlier. Just appreciation
or recognition, and I don't, and I don't get a sense of that. And I think that especially at
this time, like in the pandemic, it's very hard for the staff.
On the other hand, Betty felt that her school was supportive and encouraging, the
administration respected and tried to show appreciation for the teachers. However, she did
experience competition among teachers and some politics at the school. Eric was one participant
who felt positively overall about his school’s work environment. He consistently felt the sense of
appreciation from the school. He felt that he was accepted by the principal and other
management as they often deferred to his opinions and advice. Similar to the perceptions about
the communication subtheme, the participants who have provided positive experiences in this
section were those who have administrative roles, and those who have described instances of
favoritism and negative experiences relating to school politics were teachers without any
administrative capacity.
There were varying views about the work environment voiced by the interview
participants based on their experiences at their respective schools. Few were fully happy,
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especially concerning the openness or style of communications, relationships and engagement
with administrators, and the lack of support, value and appreciation from the school. It was
articulated in various ways throughout the interviews by different participants that they had
witnessed favoritism, small circle politics and some overt unequal treatments. The results of this
perception of inequality in the work environment might contribute negatively to the sense of
community that these schools might be attempting to build.
Theme 3: Fragile Sense of Community in School
It was evident from the interviews that every school attempted to create a sense of
community for teachers by hosting a series of social events, get-togethers, and dinner functions.
These occasions usually took place at the beginning and the end of the school year, and around
holidays such as Christmas and Chinese New Year. However, these attempts were viewed by
interview participants as superficial. Any sense of community they have expressed during the
interviews seemed to have come from their colleagues in the expat circle and friends outside of
school.
Janet described the events as big splashy parties a couple of times per year. Although
these were nice to have, the staff worked to build community for themselves; she said,
But really, the staff kind of look after themselves. Like we kind of, you know, we
created, during COVID, we played ball over the summer, once a week, and we did a lot
of things like that. To create a culture of togetherness for ourselves.
Fanny went on to explain how the staff at her school, particularly her department, created a sense
of camaraderie and support for each other. She believed this culture of trust and safety they’ve
created has been instrumental to their effectiveness in the classroom and wellbeing outside of the
classroom:
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Our specific staff room has a ‘what happens in the staff room stays in the staff room’ so
you can blow steam, you can moan, you can share good practice, you can moan about
bad practice, so that sense of trust and sharing in our staff room is great! And I know
other staff and they don't have that same sense of culture in their classroom. And I think
it affects their school life at the same time.
Both Andy and Henry agreed that the initial group of friends for an expat teacher would
be either other teachers or other expats outside of the work environment. Henry felt that NETs
can only draw their friends from a very, very small pool. And Andy described the NET
community as an African watering hole in the dry season; and emphasized that “it’s a small pond
and getting smaller.”
In reality, the expat community, especially the expat teacher community, has always been
very small in Macao. When teachers left their posts in Macao, the community could feel the void
readily. Therefore, a more sustainable sense of belonging was felt by those expat teachers who
have formed friendships with locals.
Debby mentioned in the interview that it was hard to make friends as a single teacher,
and it was even harder to make friends with locals at the beginning, so expats tended to stick
with those they know and rarely expanded their circle of friends. However, Debby made an
effort to have local friends because she planned to be in Macao for a long time. Reflecting on her
experience at the start of her career in Macao, she recalled:
So, … because people have been coming and going so often that I prefer to make my
friends local people, because if I was going to stay for a longer period, I would want
friends that would stay too, and that coming and going … and losing friends … and that
was in the beginning …. very painful experiences.
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Carl also emphasized the benefits of having a network of local friends, he felt that he was able to
experience Macao more and had a nice social life outside of work. He said,
I've been very lucky to have lots of local friends. And I've joined a football team in
Macau and Portuguese football team, so I train with those guys. See, I've got like a real
nice network of friends that are not teachers. And for me, that's been amazing because
there's nothing worse than living in a place where you're just talking about work all the
time. And… so socially, I think it's been amazing for me. I've really enjoyed Macau. It's
been a fantastic place for me to live.
The three themes identified from the interviews and survey responses painted a picture of
participants’ experiences as expatriate NETs in Macao. First, the participants were synonymous
when they stated how much they appreciated their lifestyle in Macao; the positive working and
living conditions they enjoyed were because of the combination of having a work-life balance
and receiving a superior compensation package. Secondly, when the participants were prompted
to talk about the school environment, the responses were not all positive. Some felt that they
were valued and respected, while others felt a lack of support and appreciation. Some felt that
there was a clear open-door policy, while others experienced a closed-door policy. Some
participants even expressed that politics and favoritism were observed at their school. Regardless
of the sentiment about the school environment, every participant agreed that improvements were
necessary. Finally, the participants all recognized that their schools tried to organize social
events in an attempt to create a sense of community for teachers. However, the efforts seemed to
be superficial to about half of the participants; they felt that the real sense of community and
belonging came from the support and camaraderie built with their colleagues at school. A few
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participants noted that having local friends mattered because expats tended to come and go, and
with such a small community as Macao, the going could get tough for those staying behind.
Under normal circumstances, expatriate teachers face different challenges as they work in
a foreign environment, oftentimes away from home and away from family. With the impact of
the COVID-19 pandemic affecting all facets of life, some issues might have been masked while
other challenges might be exacerbated. The following section presents the additional findings
from the interviews that point to the effects of the pandemic on expatriate NETs in Macao.
Additional Findings
There were two additional findings that appeared from the interviews. The first was
related to some of the government policies and executive orders that were implemented during
the COVID-19 pandemic. Many of these policies were enacted on a temporary basis; however,
they have been perceived by the expat community as discriminatory because some of these
policies targeted foreign nationals of certain countries while others targeted non-residents of
Macao in general. The second additional finding was the social-emotional impact of the
pandemic on teachers. Although the interview participants did not specifically articulate that they
were experiencing social-emotional issues, they were vocal about the stress they had and the
feeling of being trapped in the past 2 years. They also expressed that they felt a lack of
understanding and compassion from their schools and administrators for their situation.
Additional Finding 1: Discriminatory Policies
Macao’s labor policies have always included some protectionism for local residents, but
in recent years it has become increasingly difficult for skilled workers to keep their work
permits. During the COVID-19 pandemic, policies around work permits, border restrictions and
other regulatory measures have magnified the discriminatory practices embedded in official
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policies. Three participants expressed their irritation and disappointment at these policies not
only at the government but also at the schools. They felt that the government’s measures were
draconian and bureaucratic, and new regulations were implemented without warning or
explanation. They felt helpless when the schools did not intervene to help them sort out the
administrative issues borne from these policies, particularly when they or their family member
could not re-enter Macao due to the policy change that took place while they were outside the
borders. One participant even said that the school used some of the government’s action or
policy strategically as an excuse to not do certain things, such as international professional
development or promotion of some teachers. Two participants articulated that due to the social
distancing policies, there were limits on how many people could gather at outdoor recreational
areas. A new policy implemented early on during the pandemic restricted the ability of those
who were not Macao residents to reserve barbeque pits at the public parks; this measure was later
revoked due to the high number of complaints.
The overwhelmingly negative sentiment toward these government policies was due to the
lack of consideration for and the lack of consultation with the public. They were also
implemented quickly with minimal notice, if at all. The local residents were used to these forms
of government policy implementation; however, expatriation teachers who were from countries
where these types of policy procedures were not tolerated by the public were not prepared for
them. In addition, many expatriate workers in Macao had the opinion that the government’s
reactive policies were not based on science, so it was obvious from the conversations that there
was little respect for them.
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Additional Finding 2: Social-Emotional Impact of the Pandemic on Teachers
In addition to the discriminatory policies that were implemented during the pandemic, the
work conditions and lifestyle changes inflicted by the pandemic highlighted issues that might
otherwise not have existed. These overwhelming present and unpleasant circumstances became
front and center, interrupting how the participants viewed their situation and prioritized their
decisions. Out of the 11 participants interviewed for this study, five had already resigned with
2022 being their last year in Macao. The duration of their tenure in Macao ranged from two to 14
years. Although they cited other reasons for leaving, it was revealed during the interview that the
pandemic played a major role in their decision on when to leave.
For some participants, being away from their families for more than 2 years was too long.
For others, being grounded in a city with one of the highest densities in the world, confined to a
land area of under 13 square miles, was too constraining, especially when one of the key
motivations for them to teach internationally was their love of travel. Most felt like they were
being trapped in Macao, with the schools stopping and starting at the government’s whim. And
they stated they had not taken a break or a holiday for over 2 years. As articulated by three of the
participants, in the teaching profession, teachers needed the long period of off time to
decompress and reboot for the next school year. One participant cited that the reason for him to
leave his job in Macao was that he felt ill and needed time off to go home and go through therapy
and medical treatments.
Half of the participants explained that their school had a wellness subsidy or a counselor
to help and talk to teachers when needed, which showed that the majority of schools that our
participants taught in recognized the problem. However, once again, the participants felt that the
initiative was superficial. The wellness subsidy, in their opinion, was insignificant; one
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participant thought that the amount was so small that it might have been better if it was not
offered at all. Another participant clarified that the counselor was hired for students, but during
the pandemic, teachers were allowed to use the resource when necessary. It was a common
sentiment among the participants that these initiatives were created by the schools out of
convenience rather than out of care and effort.
Conclusion
This chapter presented the survey and interview data along with descriptions of the
interview participants. Three emerging themes were identified from this set of data, and each
theme was described and elaborated on in this section. It was evident from the study that
participants embraced the work-life balance in Macao, which was rare for teachers in many other
countries they’ve taught in. At work, although they recognized that their schools tried to create a
sense of community for them, at least half of the participants perceived the efforts to be
superficial and ineffective. Relative to the school environment, participants had different
sentiments; teachers with administrative functions provided more positive feedback, while pure
teachers stated they had observed poor communication, politics, and favoritism. However, all
participants agreed that improvements were needed in the areas of communication and
management at the school. Furthermore, two additional findings were described; both of these
findings were relevant to the pandemic, and the effects of these issues should, hopefully, be
temporary.

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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
This study aimed to provide a better understanding of the challenges of recruiting and
retaining NETs in Macao by examining the experiences and motivational influences of these
teachers. Since the study was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, travel restrictions and
anti-pandemic policies have exacerbated these challenges. Responses collected from the study
participants are valuable in answering the three research questions that guided this study, and
these findings may help schools in Macao to redefine their recruitment plans and retention
strategies to address the challenges.
This study is significant because the high turnover of teachers, especially NETs, has been
a global problem (Barber & Mourshed, 2007; Bunnell & Poole, 2021; Heinz, 2015; Li, 2014;
Odland & Ruzicka, 2009; Price & Weatherby, 2018; Reis Monteiro, 2015). It is important to
understand the influences that drive expatriate teachers to select and persist in their teaching
posts. While a good amount of research exists on this topic, Macao was rarely included in these
studies. The findings from this study will add to the current body of content and include Macao
in the literature on the topic of NET recruitment and retention. In addition, the effects of the
pandemic have become key influences in causing more NETs to leave their jobs; these additional
findings may also contribute to the wider body of knowledge concerning the consequences of the
pandemic on teachers.
This chapter provides a discussion of findings and addresses the research questions using
Herzberg’s two-factor theory of motivation as a lens to examine the data. In his theory, Herzberg
suggested that there are hygiene factors that cause workplace dissatisfaction and motivational
factors that can lead to job satisfaction (Gawel, 1996; Whitaker et al., 2009). Recommendations
and implications for practice, as well as for future research, are also discussed in this chapter.
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Discussion of Findings
This section addresses the research questions that guided this study by examining the
themes that emerged from the findings and the implications of additional findings. The responses
to the first research question were almost unanimous and were consistent with the published
literature. The second research question was specific to motivations for teaching in Macao, and
some responses contradicted findings from published research discussed in Chapter Two. The
third research question yielded detailed insights into the NETs’ experiences in Macao which
provided the basis for most of the discussion in this section.
Research Question 1
Answers from the surveys and interviews to the first research question of what motivated
the participants to teach abroad were straightforward and aligned with findings from other
studies on this topic. These teachers were driven by their adventurous spirit, love of travel, and
interest in learning new cultures when they decided to take on international teaching posts
(Doppen et al., 2015; Savva, 2015; Serbes, 2017). Also consistent with Savva (2015), this study
found that the motivation to teach abroad is dynamic and personal, and the deeper values that
drove international educators to teach overseas included value-based motivations related to the
need for change. This need for change was exhibited in four of the interview participants who
chose to teach abroad as the last stint in their teaching career. Although these key influences
motivated teachers to seek international posts, travel restrictions during the pandemic have
driven many of these teachers to abandon their posts to go home.
Research Question 2
For the second research question of what the participants considered when choosing to
teach in Macao, the overwhelming response was that there was no particular draw or initial
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attraction to Macao. In general, Macao was an unknown place to almost all the NETs
interviewed. Most of the interview participants replied that they opted to come to Macao out of
convenience; either it was the location of the first offer or the first job posting that came back
from a search, or it was the only option available for them. However, as soon as they experienced
teaching in Macao, all these teachers agreed that the salary and work conditions in Macao have
been exceptional, and many participants considered Macao as a good base for traveling and
exploring Asia. These findings may help schools position their recruitment efforts to attract
teachers to teach in Macao. This theme of desirable lifestyle for teachers is discussed later in this
section.
Desirable Lifestyle for Teachers
Nearly all the interview participants were more than happy with their salary and
compensation package in Macao. Most of them had worked in other countries prior to teaching
in Macao so they had a point of comparison. They also revealed how much they appreciated the
work-life balance in Macao, where they did not have to take work home and could enjoy the
nine-to-five workday. These findings were surprising because the literature review had reflected
a sentiment that the low professional status, low compensation, and poor working conditions of
the teaching profession have been prevalent throughout most of the world, which led to the
shortage of teachers and high rates of turnover (Barber & Mourshed, 2007; Li, 2014; Price &
Weatherby, 2018; Reis Monteiro, 2015; Schleicher, 2018). The responses from the interviews
also contradicted the published literature regarding Macao, which stated teachers in those studies
were underpaid, overworked and more prone to burnout (Luk et al., 2010; 李悅博士 & 曾瑪莉,
2020). However, these discrepancies can be explained through further analysis of the data and a
closer examination of the situation in Macao at the time of the study.
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Based on the interviews, the development of basic education in Macao has been
continuous, and the work conditions have been improving. These improvements included the
government-mandated limit of 18–20 class periods per week that a teacher can teach, allowing
ample time for out-of-classroom prepping and grading during the school day. In addition, since
the free education scheme was established in 2007, classroom size has reduced significantly
(Hao et al., 2017; Lau et al., 2014); the teacher-to-student ratio shifted from 1:30 to 1:14 in
kindergarten and primary grade levels, and from 1:24 to 1:10 in the secondary level (DSEDJ,
n.d.). The implementation of these policies has helped to reduce the workload and stress of
teachers that had led to burnout.
As to the compensation package, it was clearly articulated by the participants that the pay
rate in Macao for expat teachers was attractive, especially with the 13
th
month’s pay. Also, the
government provided various subsidies for teachers to work toward increasing their pay. The low
tax rate in Macao for teachers also made the take-home pay very competitive. What was less
obvious from the participants’ responses was that because the majority (seven) of the interview
participants worked at fee-charging private schools, and the majority (six) of the participants
were also in administrative or leadership roles, the salary levels might have skewed up. As stated
in the literature review, teachers from government-subsidized private schools were paid less than
those in public schools or fee-charging private schools, so the NETs teaching at these subsidized
schools were less financially incentivized to stay in Macao through the pandemic. Therefore,
many teachers who had left Macao during the pandemic were lower-paid teachers, junior
teachers or teachers with less tenure, and the remaining NETs were generally at the higher pay
scale. It was likely that the interview participants in this study represented the top end of the
teacher pay range in Macao rather than a true picture of the average salary and teaching
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experience under normal circumstances prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. The responses might
have shown some diversity if the study had been able to get participants from a wider range of
schools, including more representation from unsubsidized private schools.
Research Question 3
For the third research question of how schools can foster a sense of belonging for
expatriate teachers, it appeared from the participant responses that the sense of belonging they
have gained, if any, was from colleagues, family or local friends, not their schools. Attempts by
the schools to develop a sense of community were perceived as superficial or ineffective. The
lack of sense of belonging provided by the schools was due to perceptions of inequality within
the school environment and a fragile sense of community at the school. Controlling teacher
turnover is crucial in ensuring the quality of education and managing costs, especially at
international schools. High turnover of teachers could have a negative impact on student
achievement, engagement and learning outcomes (Li, 2014; Schleicher, 2014).
Perceptions of Inequality Within the School Environment
It appeared from the study that there were inconsistencies in the perceptions of the
schools’ management and communication styles. From conversations with the interview
participants, there was a clear sense that there was an in-group and an out-group within the
schools. The in-group, including administrators and those in leadership roles, felt that there was a
clear sense of transparency and open communication; they felt engaged, appreciated and
rewarded. The out-group, which was mostly those in administrative and leadership roles, on the
other hand, felt disengaged due to the lack of communication and transparency.
The findings in this study were consistent with the published research that administrative
leadership issues were among the top three causal factors that influenced expatriate teachers to
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leave their schools (Odland & Ruzicka, 2009). In fact, the top three reasons that half of the
interview participants in this study cited in their decision to leave their schools were the same as
those in Odland and Ruzicka’s (2009) study; these reasons were communications between senior
management and faculty, support from administrators and senior management, and teacher
involvement in decision making. Despite the differences in their experiences and in perceptions
of their school leadership and management, all participants agreed that it was necessary to
improve communications at their schools. Many of them believed that open communication and
staff engagement are key to maintaining a faculty team with low turnover.
The need to improve communications to facilitate engagement is not unique to Macao.
Some participants have cited that they had experienced similar issues in other places they had
taught. However, the problems of communications were exacerbated by the pandemic since the
official policies, and the communications from the government were made formally in Chinese
and Portuguese. In the opinions of over half of the interview participants, the school had the
responsibility to keep NETs informed of the latest policies and restrictions. Three participants
felt strongly that as international schools that employed many expat workers, these schools and
administrators should have done more to protect and fight for the rights of their expat teachers. A
few departing NETs stated the lack of communication as one of the key reasons for their decision
to leave Macao, and a couple of them said that if the administrators had talked to them openly
about these issues, they might have stayed at the school.
In addition to the communications issues, participants in the out-group expressed that the
school environment was political, with small circles and favoritism in play. When the teachers
saw this dynamic, it was discouraging because they knew that no matter what they did or how
much effort they put into their work, they would not be recognized, valued or appreciated. In
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some cases, they were seen as creating problems. From the testimonies of the participants, the
schools did not seem to be embracing all the teachers consistently, and the siloed groups within
the schools formed an environment that eventually pushed the teachers in the out-group away. In
the interviews, some of the in-group teachers commented on how supportive their school was
and that they did not understand why the newer, younger teachers jumped from school to school
and city to city instead of staying and growing in one school. The difference in sentiment seemed
to be the different experiences and interactions that each teacher had with the school, and those
experiences, especially during the first year, could determine the duration of a NET’s tenure.
Fragile Sense of Community in School
With the backdrop of the communication, political and regulatory issues in and out of the
school, the attempts that the schools made for the purpose of creating a sense of community for
teachers, such as organizing social events and get-togethers, were perceived by many interview
participants as a tick mark on the to-do list at best, and insincere and wasteful at worst. However,
as found in previous research, expatriate teachers in those studies frequently cited the lack of a
sense of belonging as one source of dissatisfaction which drove them to leave their jobs (Chu &
Morrison, 2011). As it turned out, NETs from this study did not actively look to the school for a
sense of community. Those who felt the support and welcoming environment provided by their
schools were very appreciative and felt at home. Those who did not feel the sense of support or
care from their schools tended to befriend fellow expat teachers because it was easier, as they
had much more in common than with local teachers. Also, expat teachers in this study did not
have established friends and family in Macao, so they found comfort and a safety net with each
other. However, with the regular turnover of teachers, particularly during the pandemic when the
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rate of departure was multiples of that of a normal school year, the remaining teachers suffered a
significant loss of friends and community in Macao.
It was evident that the in-group of teachers fared a lot better and felt a sense of
community in the school. But even outside of school, this group of teachers was more proactive
in making friends in the community outside. So, not only was this group of teachers able to find
community in their schools, they were also growing roots in Macao. This seemed to be the
formula for persistence and development for these NETs.
Perceived Discriminatory Policies
Beyond the school environment, government policies implemented during the pandemic
have more than diminished the sense of belonging for many interview participants. These
policies included travel and border restrictions, quarantine and testing regulations, and foreign
labor guidelines. Half of the interview participants had resigned or left their job by the time the
interviews took place. Pandemic-related challenges were the overwhelming reason they stated as
the tipping point that pushed them to leave Macao. They felt that the border restrictions and
government policies made it unpleasant to be in Macao as an expat.
Since the various anti-pandemic policies were expected to be temporary, if the schools
had done more to help the expat teachers through this crisis period, these teachers might have
been able to navigate the uncertainty with a sense of support and community. At least according
to the departing participants, whether it is fruitful or not, any noticeable effort from the schools
would have prompted them to consider staying longer to wait out the pandemic. So, again,
communications and support from school leaders and administrators played a key role in
influencing the NETs’ decision to persist.

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Social-Emotional Impact of the Pandemic on Teachers
Central to the motivations of NETs to work overseas is their love of adventure and travel.
The pandemic has severely impaired, if not eliminated, their ability to travel and explore. In
addition, as revealed in the interviews, the participants felt that it is crucial for their well-being
and performance to have time off from school during the summer and winter breaks to
rejuvenate between school terms and to see friends and family back home. By removing their
key motivation for teaching overseas and taking away their key mechanism to decompress, the
participating NETs were provoked to reconsider why they should stay in Macao.
The schools were not unaware of the issue, as some of them offered wellness subsidies
during this trying time. As articulated by the interview participants, social-emotional issues for
teachers and students have been recognized as a global problem. In their opinion, the problem is
more severe for expat teachers who are away from home and their network of friends and family.
The pandemic provided the opportunity for the schools to show support and concern to their
teachers. However, similar to the attempts made by the schools to create a sense of community,
efforts by the schools, such as the wellness subsidies, were perceived by some of the participants
as superficial with a lack of care.
Implications of Findings
It was noticeable that the participants of this study had longer tenures compared to the
average tenure of international teachers in other studies (Chu & Morrison, 2011; Fong, 2018;
Odland & Ruzicka, 2009). None of the participants had under three years of experience in
Macao, and almost half of them had spent more than 14 years here at the time of the study. The
main reason that there was an abnormally high number of interview participants with long
tenures was that many expat NETs who had not been in Macao long enough to develop a sense
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of belonging had already left during the pandemic. The ones who opted to stay were more
established and rooted in Macao. In fact, three of the four participants with four or fewer years
here have all left Macao since their interviews. This may also help to explain the high proportion
of participants who were in administrative or leadership positions.
It was evident from the findings for research questions one and two that Macao is an
attractive destination for international teachers, with competitive compensation packages and a
positive work-life balance. However, it was also obvious that these positive external motivational
factors, which would be beneficial for recruitment purposes, were not known to many potential
NETs seeking international assignments. For research question three, the hygiene factors that
seemed to have driven many of the participants to leave Macao were clear; work conditions,
including inequality, lack of engagement and politics at school, lack of relationship or interaction
with administrators, and policies and supervision all played a role.
Recommendations for Practice
Based on the findings from this study, there may be opportunities to address the
challenges of recruiting and retaining NETs in Macao. Three recommendations for practice are
being proposed in the following section. These recommendations include attempts to improve
retention by resolving the identified hygiene factors that drove participants to leave Macao, as
well as efforts to promote recruitment by creating programs to drive motivational factors.
Recommendation 1: Provide a Continuous Support Network for Expat NETs
As the most cited influence for driving the participants to leave Macao was the lack of
management and school support, providing an ongoing network of support for NETs can help to
retain these teachers. This network can be in the form of an expats’ teacher association. Not only
can this association provide support and a sense of belonging for this group of educators, but it
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can also provide a voice for them so they can feel more empowered. In addition, the
establishment of this teachers’ association can indirectly and progressively improve the status of
the teaching profession in Macao. The elevation of professional status for teachers is significant
as this was cited in a McKinsey and Company report as one of the most important factors that
new teachers consider when deciding to enter the profession (Barber & Mourshed, 2007).
I believe that the impact of the association, supported by all international and
internationalized schools in Macao, will be much greater than each school creating its own
support network. This association will serve to promote the networking of expat teachers with
members of other industries and groups of the community. It can also create a social calendar to
enrich their experience and immerse them in the culture of the host city. Having such a support
system should lessen the negative impact and sentiment of being a minority group in Macao.
Recommendation 2: Create Student Teaching Opportunities for Potential NETs
Although this recommendation did not come directly from the interview data, it should
help to resolve the issue of acculturation and induction and promote connections of new NETs to
Macao. Research has shown that motivations to teach overseas include childhood travel
experiences, study abroad experiences, and having friends who had gone abroad to work and live
(Savva, 2015). It was also evident that the lack of acculturation of NETs is a problem in
locations such as Hong Kong and China (Chu & Morrison, 2011), which would also apply to
Macao. Thus, creating student teaching opportunities would allow potential NETs to gain
experience working and living in Macao, and it will also allow them to start developing friends
and networks during their training.
This would encourage potential NETs to select Macao as a location to teach and allow
them to acculturate to the city well before they start working there. In order for this initiative to
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work, schools must cooperate with local universities in Macao as well as universities with a
school of education in English-speaking countries.
Recommendation 3: Develop a NET Recruitment Program for Macao
Similar to the international student recruitment programs at most universities, but rather
than each school going out on its own to recruit, the schools in Macao should join forces and
promote Macao as a teaching destination and develop recruitment campaigns that can attract a
greater critical mass of NETs to the city. The findings from this study have shown that Macao is
not currently top-of-mind for international teachers as a destination to seek overseas teaching
jobs. It has also shown that Macao is a desirable base for international teachers as it is within a 5-
hour travel radius to most of Asia. In addition, the lifestyle for teachers in Macao, with the
competitive compensation package and positive work-life balance, is incomparable, according to
this study’s participants. These advantages should form a proposition that is attractive to
potential NETs looking for international assignments.
Furthermore, along the same line of thought as Recommendation Two, an alumni
association should be created for those who will have participated in the recruitment program
and been effectively placed in a teaching post in Macao. These teaching alumni will ideally
become advocates of the program who can share their experiences, success stories and
endorsements of being a NET in Macao. Positive testimonials can further reinforce the efforts of
the recruitment program and improve the brand image of Macao as a place to teach.
Limitations
The limitations of this study have been a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and the
related border control policies. A major limitation was due to the pandemic causing many
potential participants to leave Macao permanently and prematurely, significantly reducing the
99
number of NETs available for this study. Another limitation was the availability of participants
for face-to-face interviews, as travel restrictions imposed by the government had barred some
NETs from returning to Macao.
Future Research
The objective of this study is to understand the challenges of recruiting and retaining
NETs in Macao, so conducting the same or similar study at a time when borders are fully open
and all travel restrictions have been removed may reveal new findings. Since the pandemic has
overshadowed some issues that were critical, magnified those that might have been overlooked,
exacerbated challenges that could have been easily resolved, and created problems that might not
have existed, the responses from participants regarding their experiences and perceptions of
teaching in Macao under normal circumstances could be significantly different. Also, a larger
sample size or participant population can be achieved without the constraints of the anti-
pandemic policies and border restrictions. Ideally, this study should be repeated regularly to
document any change in these challenges and track any progress generated by the
recommendations, if implemented.
Conclusion
The need for internationalized and English-medium education is important for Macao’s
development into a world-class destination of tourism and business and the demand for NETs will
continue to grow. This study examined the factors that influenced NETs’ decisions to come to Macao
and, in more detail, the reasons for their persistence or departure. The influences that drove the
participants to choose whether to persist in their positions or leave their teaching posts were
consistent with the results of published literature about factors that influence teacher attrition,
particularly at international schools. However, since this study was conducted during the COVID-19
pandemic, the negative impacts of the anti-pandemic measures imposed by the government seemed
100
to be the key driver for NETs’ decisions to leave Macao with urgency. The findings of this study
contribute to the body of literature on motivational factors that influence expatriate teachers’
selection of persistence in and departure from an international post, with the inclusion of a caveat that
reflected the effects of a pandemic on those influences.
This study found that an authentic sense of community and genuine support from the
schools where the NETs teach are critical influences that can either keep the NETs teaching or
drive them away. By bringing awareness to the problems and these influences, the study may
help schools in Macao begin to address the challenges in recruiting and retaining their NETs.
While there is a wealth of studies and research on teacher recruitment, retention and attrition,
there is limited availability of this literature in reference to Macao; this study’s research-based
findings will be added to that knowledge base to expand the coverage of the current literature.

101
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APPENDIX A: RECRUITMENT EMAIL
Hello, my name is DeVonne Iao. I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern
California in the Rossier School of Education. As part of my dissertation, I am conducting a
study on the motivation and persistence of expatriate teachers to better understand the challenges
of recruiting and retaining native English-speaking teachers (NETs) in Macao.
You are invited to participate in this research because you are a NET who is currently
working or had previously worked in Macao for at least 6 months. Your response will provide us
with valuable insights into factors contributing to a teacher’s decision to teach abroad,
particularly in Macao, and reasons expat teachers stay with or leave their posts.
This survey should take less than 3 minutes to complete. Participation is entirely
voluntary, and your personal information and responses will remain confidential. Please see
attached for the information sheet and click here to take the survey. Thank you for your
consideration and participation!
If you have colleagues or associates who are also NETs in Macao, it would be greatly
appreciated if you could share this email to them so they can choose to participate in this study.
Thank you again and please contact me at iao@usc.edu should you have any questions
about this study.

110
APPENDIX B: INFORMATION SHEET FOR Exempt Research
STUDY TITLE: Challenges in the Recruitment and Retention of Native English-speaking
Teachers in Macao

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: DeVonne W. Iao

FACULTY ADVISOR: Tracy Poon Tambascia, EdD

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.

PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to understand the challenges in recruiting and retaining native
English-speaking teachers in Macao. The study aims to provide insights on how schools in
Macao can increase the recruitment and retention of native English-speaking teachers. We hope
to learn about the factors that motivate expatriate teachers to teach in Macao, the reasons that
keep them in their posts, and the causes that drive them away. You are invited as a possible
participant because you are a native English-speaking teacher currently teaching in Macao and
your experience and insights are valuable to this study.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
As a research participant, you will be asked to take a pre-interview survey and participate in a
one-on-one interview. The pre-interview survey will take approximately three minutes to
complete, while the interview will last about 45 minutes to one hour. The interview will be
recorded to ensure the accurate transcription and timeliness of the interview; however, you may
object to being recorded. If a recorder is not used, you can carry on with your participation with
the researcher taking manual notes during the interview. In addition, you may be invited to
review the initial findings to verify that your experience and perspective are articulated
accurately.

CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

The pre-interview survey is confidential, and will not ask for your name, specific age or other
clearly identifiable information. The results of the survey or any information you provide will
only be used by the researcher for data analysis and to refine questions for the interview.

The interview will also be confidential, a pseudonym will be used for you and the school where
you teach will be identified by an alphabet. The researcher will not share your name, personal
information to anyone outside of the research team, or connect you to any institution, experience
111
or perspective based on the information that you provide. This means your participation will be
kept private and not be disclosed to your employer, colleagues or supervisors.
The researcher will ask for your verbal consent to voice record the interview, the recording will
only start once your permission is obtained. You will be reminded that your participation is
voluntary, you have the right to withdraw from the interview at any time, and you may decline to
be recorded. The interview session can continue without the recording if you object to it. The
recorded interview will be captured, stored and transcribed using an iPhone with the Otter or
Temi app; the recording may also be sent to a professional agency for verbatim transcription.
The researcher may invite you to review the preliminary findings to validate that the results and
interpretations reflect your thoughts and comments accurately. Likewise, you may also request to
see the transcription and the researcher will share the transcribed interview when it is completed.

The data will be presented in a report of findings as part of the researcher’s doctoral dissertation.
The reporting and discussion of any emergent themes, patterns or phenomena from the data will
be presented in general terms without identifying any participant; even if a direct quote from you
is used, it will not be attributed back to you as pseudonyms are used to protect the confidentiality
of every participant of the study. All recordings and data collected throughout the course of this
study will be securely locked in a safe at the researcher’s home or stored in a password-protected
digital device. And all data will be destroyed one year after the publication of the researcher’s
dissertation.

Finally, the researcher will inform the participants prior to the publication of the research
findings. So, the participants can have the opportunity to review the publication and the option to
oppose the inclusion of specific findings. However, whether the findings remain in the
publication will be dependent on their significance to the study and the research questions.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact DeVonne Iao at iao@usc.edu or (853)
6650-5902, or the faculty advisor, Tracy Poon Tambascia, EdD, at tpoon@usc.edu.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

112
APPENDIX C: SURVEY PROTOCOL
Survey Questions
Demographic Information

1. Which age group do you belong to?
a. Under 25
b. 25 – 29
c. 30 – 34
d. 35 – 39
e. 40 – 44
f. 45 or older

2. What is your gender?

3. What is your marital status?
a. Never married
b. Married
c. Divorced or Separated
d. Widowed

Background Information

4. What is your highest level of education?
a. Bachelor’s Degree
b. Master’s Degree
c. Doctorate Degree
d. Tertiary Professional Certificate

5. Where did you complete your degree? (please indicate the country where you studied and
the major of your degree)

6. Is teaching your first choice as a career?
a. Yes
b. No

7. Have you done any student teaching?
a. Yes
b. No

8. Why did you choose teaching as a career? (Choose all that apply)
a. I want to make a difference

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b. I want to contribute to society
c. I want to work with children and adolescents
d. I love the subject I teach
e. It provides financial stability/job security
f. I like having the same holiday periods as my children
g. It’s a good steppingstone until I get the job I really want
h. It’s the only option available
i. Other reasons

9. Have long have you been teaching?
a. Less than 3 years
b. 3 – 5 years
c. 5 – 10 years
d. 10 – 15 years
e. More than 15 years

10. Have long have you been teaching in Macao?
a. Less than 3 years
b. 3 – 5 years
c. 5 – 10 years
d. 10 – 15 years
e. More than 15 years

11. How many hours do you teach per week?
a. Less than 10 hours
b. 10 – 20 hours
c. 20 – 30 hours
d. More than 30 hours

12. How many hours do you need to work outside of classroom teaching on an average week
(e.g.: grading preparing materials for class, administrative work)?
a. Less than 10 hours
b. 10 – 20 hours
c. 20 – 30 hours
d. More than 30 hours

Perception Information

13. How do you feel about the following statements?

a. I believe the teaching profession is prestigious.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

b. Society respects teachers and hold them in high esteem.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
114
Strongly Agree

c. My school appreciates and values teachers.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

d. My working conditions are ideal.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

e. My school environment is satisfactory.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

f. I get along with my coworkers.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

g. My school administrators are fair and reasonable.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

h. I am content with my compensation package.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

i. I am pleased with my current position and role as a teacher.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

j. My commitment to my students is a reason for staying with my job.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

k. I am good at teaching.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

l. I am committed to teaching as a career.
Strong Disagree – Disagree – Somewhat Disagree – Somewhat Agree – Agree –
Strongly Agree

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Opt-in for Interview and Referral for Snowball Sampling

14. Are you willing to participate in the one-on-one interview?
a. Yes, and my contact information is

b. No

15. Please refer other NETs in Macao who may participate in this study by forwarding the
recruitment flyer and the survey link to your colleagues. Thank you!

116
Appendix D
Interview Protocol
Based on the research questions and the theoretical framework, the following questions
are drafted as a guide for the interview protocol. The interview will start with background
questions, followed by questions about the interviewee’s experiences in Macao as an expatriate
teacher, questions about the interviewee’s interpretation of the school environment will come
next, and a closing question will complete the set of interview questions.
Background Questions (Initial Motivations)
I’d like to start by asking some background questions about you.

1. First, how did you become a teacher?
a. What were the main reasons that motivated you to become a teacher?
b. Can you describe the development of your career to me?
c. Where else have you been teaching before coming to Macao?

2. What were your considerations when selecting Macao as a place to teach?
a. Did you consider other locations before deciding on Macao?
b. Did anyone influence your decision to come to Macao?

Questions about Expatriate Teacher Experiences in Macao (Motivational Factors/Needs)

Now I’d like to ask you about how you feel and how your experience has been as an expatriate
teacher in Macao.

3. How does the actual experience in Macao compare with your expectations?
a. Can you describe what a typical day is like for you?
i. How does this compare to your previous experiences?
b. Can you describe your interactions with your students?
i. How does this compare to your previous experiences?
c. What about your encounters with the parents?
i. How does this compare to your previous experiences?
d. What do you think about your colleagues?
i. How are they compared to your previous coworkers?

Questions about the School (Hygiene Factors)

Next, I’d like to ask you some questions about the school environment

117
4. How would you describe the school where you are teaching now?
a. What are the key characteristics of the culture of the school?
b. What are some elements of the school culture that you identify with?
c. Describe aspects of the school that have provided you with a sense of belonging,
if any.

5. How does the school provide positive recognition to or reward teachers, if at all?
a. Can you provide a specific example?

6. How does the school provide professional development or career advancement
opportunities to teachers, if at all?
a. Can you provide a specific example?

7. How does the school provide professional and social support to teachers, if at all?
a. Can you provide a specific example?

8. How does the school help you feel like you belong or like you matter, if at all?
a. Can you provide a specific example?

9. How do school administrators build relationships with teachers, if at all?
a. Can you provide a specific example?

10. How do you feel about your current compensation and benefits package?
a. How does this align with your lifestyle?
b. How does this align with your expectations?

11. What are some areas of improvement you would like to see at your school?

12. How would you describe the current stage in your career?
a. What would you like to explore next in your career, if anything?
b. How can your school support you?

Closing Question

What other insight would you like to share about our conversation today in regard to expatriate
teacher experiences in Macao that I might not have covered, if any?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract As Macao aims to position itself as a World Centre of Tourism and Leisure, education development plays a key role in building the talent base required to support the diversification and expansion of its economy. Multilingual capabilities of a globalized workforce are critical for an international destination to thrive. However, challenges with the recruitment and retention of native English-speaking teachers (NETs) have been an ongoing problem in Macao. It is prudent to understand these challenges by investigating the influences that motivate expatriate NETs to teach and persist in Macao. This study was designed to uncover the motivational and hygiene factors that influence NETs’ decisions, based on Herzberg’s two-factor theory, by interviewing them for a better understanding of their experiences in Macao. This study found that the desirable lifestyle in Macao was a motivation for NETs to teach where they could have a positive work-life balance with a superior compensation package; however, there were perceptions of inequality and a fragile sense of community within the school environment that demotivated them. The study also found that discriminatory policies and social-emotional issues related to the COVID-19 pandemic were evident and led to the decisions of many NETs leaving Macao. Recommendations to improve the recruitment and retention of NETs include providing a continuous support network for expat NETs, creating student teaching opportunities for potential NETs, and developing a NET recruitment program for Macao.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Iao, DeVonne Weng (author)

Core Title Understanding the challenges of recruiting and retaining native English-speaking teachers in Macao

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Global Executive

Degree Conferral Date 2023-05

Publication Date 03/21/2023

Defense Date 01/10/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag demotivation,English-speaking teachers,expatriate teachers,Herzberg,impact of pandemic,Macao,Motivation,Nets,OAI-PMH Harvest,sense of belonging,sense of community,teacher recruitment,teacher retention,teaching in Macao,two-factor theory

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tambascia, Tracy Poon (committee chair), Maddox, Anthony (committee member), Seli, Helena (committee member)

Creator Email devonneiao@gmail.com,iao@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC112847780

Unique identifier UC112847780

Identifier etd-IaoDeVonne-11509.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-IaoDeVonne-11509

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Iao, DeVonne Weng

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230324-usctheses-batch-1011 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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