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Big hoop energy: Latinas in higher education administration

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Big hoop energy: Latinas in higher education administration

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Content Running Head: BIG HOOP ENERGY
BIG HOOP ENERGY: LATINAS IN HIGHER EDUCATION ADMINISTRATION
by
Soraira Urquiza, MA
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
Education (Leadership)
August 2020
2020 Soraira Urquiza
BIG HOOP ENERGY ii

BIG HOOP ENERGY iii

Acknowledgements
This dissertation would not be possible without the hard work, love, support and
dedication of my parents, Isabel Rendon and Crisanto Chavez. They came to this country with
nothing but a dream, and they made it. They wanted their children to be educated and here I am
completing a doctorate. It is because of them that I pushed myself and that I was able to
accomplish everything I have. My entire educational career is for them and because of them.
Mami y Papi todo es para ustedes. Gracias por todo el apoyo y mira no mas… si se pudo!
My siblings, Erika and Christopher- thank you for always making me laugh and for
keeping me motivated throughout this process.
Martha and Bobby Estrada- you will never know how much of this is because the
influence the two of you had. I never doubted that I could succeed because you both would
constantly encourage me in all my endeavors. No matter how crazy they seemed y’all were
there!
Julia and Vivi- My beautiful Goddaughters! I am so proud of the two of you! I cannot
wait to attend your college graduations. I can only hope that I have provided a good example of
this crazy college degree world.
The entire Urquiza family- thank you for all of the support and love.
My gorgeous husband, Alejandro- Holy hell, you have stuck through two graduate degrees now!
I promise this is the last one. ☺ Thank you for always taking care of me. You always made sure I
rested, I ate, and that I had some balance in our lives. You, Mary Jayne, and Arya kept me sane
and smiling. I have no idea how you put up with the countless hours of me trapped in my office,
but we did it. You are my rock. Thank you for always keeping me laughing and overall
grounded. I promise you’ll have your wife back soon. I love you.
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My Kappa sisters- my ride or die! Thank you for the 20+ year friendships. Y’all were
there for the bachelors, the masters, and you’re still here for the doctorate, I am truly a blessed
woman to have all of you in my corner cheering me on. Now let’s go to Disneyland!
My Lucha VaVoom and Dodger Stadium family- thank you for always providing a much-needed
distraction for me. Y’all are my self-care.
PACRAO and AACRAO family- I’m finally done! Thank you for your words of encouragement
and for always inspiring me to be the best professional I can be.
To my Bad Bitches in Bloody Shoes- I definitely would not have survived the coursework, being
unemployed for a bit, and writing this dissertation without y’all. The past 3 years have been an
emotional roller coaster, but you all made it so much fun. The laughs, the gifs, the memes, the
shade, the texts, all of it made my time at USC so much damn fun. Thank you.
Our Thursday night cohort and higher ed classmates- we are crossing the finish line my friends!
The Rona may have temporarily postponed our plans for our commencement celebration, but we
will see each other soon and when we do we will be doctors! Don’t forget your red bottoms!
My committee members- Dr. Grant and Dr. Zaragoza-Petty- thank you for taking on this project
and helping me navigate this dissertation. Your feedback and overall support will not be
forgotten.
Dr. Briana Hinga- there aren’t enough words to describe my gratitude. You have been the most
supportive and wisest faculty member I have ever had. Your calm demeanor and overall energy
always put me at ease- especially when I was freaking out. You radiate an aura of peace and
tranquility which is so special and welcoming. Thank you.
To my participants- THANK YOU for agreeing to be part of this dissertation. This study would
not have been possible without each and every one of you. You opened up to me and shared your
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truth. Words cannot describe how meaningful that was to me. Thank you for showing me exactly
what it looks like to be a Chingona in higher ed administration. You are all making colleges and
universities a better place. Each and every one of you have inspired me on so many levels.
To all the Latinas out there in higher ed- rock those big hoops mujeres! Show them how we get it
done and never be scared mija because you have a whole line of mujeres waiting to back you up.
In Lak’ech
Fight on!

BIG HOOP ENERGY vi

Table of Contents
Acknowledgements iii
List of Figures vii
List of Tables viii
Abstract ix
Chapter One: Introduction 1
Chapter Two: Literature Review 12
Chapter Three: Methodology 32
Chapter Four: Findings 43
Chapter Five: Discussion 92
Epilogue 112
References 113
Footnotes 131
Appendix A: Interview Protocol 132
Appendix B: Interview Questions 133
Appendix C: Recruitment Flyer 137
Appendix D: Google Form 138

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List of Figures
Figure 1: Theoretical Framework 18
Figure 2: Codes 39
Figure 3: Reactionary Response Process 96
Figure 4: Detailed Response Process 96

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List of Tables
Table 1: Participant information 45
Table 2: Advice from participants 102

BIG HOOP ENERGY ix

Abstract
Latinas in higher education administration are often overlooked as an integral part of
academia. Literature suggests very few scholars research the lived experiences of Latinas in
higher education administration, and specifically how these mujeres have continued to persevere
while breaking through the adobe ceiling (Ramos, 2009). This qualitative study addresses that
gap and highlights the experiences of eleven Latina upper-level administrators in 2-year and 4-
year institutions of higher education across the United States. Utilizing a narrative inquiry
approach, the mujeres of this study discussed how they navigated their Latina identity and
microaggressions while working at historically white institutions. Because this research was
strictly focused on Latinas, Critical Race Feminism (Wing, 1997) served as the primary
theoretical framework. Transformational Resistance (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001) was
utilized as a corresponding conceptual framework, and the study overall was approached with a
desire-based theory of change (Tuck, 2009a) to center the experiences of Latinas. The findings
highlighted how activating differential consciousness, responding to microaggressions via a
professional clapback, forming Comadrehood, and by exuding Big Hoop Energy, these mujeres
are paving the way for future Latinas interested in a career in higher education administration.

BIG HOOP ENERGY 1

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Cuz my identity by itself causes violence- NWA
Leaders need to have a solid sense of self and identity in order to be effective. This was a
statement that was regularly iterated during my first semester in the Doctor of Educational
Leadership program at the University of Southern California (USC). My instructor constantly
stated how we should always present ourselves as “professionals,” and he expected us to “dress
the part” whenever we were in class. Our assigned readings focused on a set of color- and
gender-blind theories regarding leadership and management. While on a superficial and
theoretical level the concept of having a strong identity and “dressing the part” to be an effective
leader and advance one’s career makes sense, there was something about these concepts and how
to aesthetically present ourselves that made me feel uneasy. As I sat in the lectures and read the
required leadership materials the 1988 N.W.A. “cuz my identity by itself causes violence”
(Patterson & Jackson, 1988) lyric kept ringing in my head. While the song is specifically about
police brutality, the message of that particular lyric remains the same: identities that do not
conform to whiteness1 are vulnerable to abuse of power.
Particularly triggering was the 1998 Parker J. Palmer essay titled Leading from Within
(an assigned article). The author stated that one of the issues holding leaders back is “insecurity
about identity and worth” (Palmer, 1998, p. 86). This statement unearths layers of privilege and
whiteness. It begs to ask, if one is very secure with their own identity however said identity does
not conform to the status quo, will one even be afforded the opportunity to lead? Minoritized and
historically marginalized folks are not always at liberty to express themselves. Often times, those

1 In an effort to decenter whiteness, I chose to not capitalize the term “white” or “whiteness” when referring to race.
All other racial identities are capitalized.
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who do not abide by societal norms are not seen as “professional” or capable of holding a
leadership role (Resenhoeft, Villa, & Wiseman, 2008; Swanger, 2006). People of Color,
Transgender folks, Queer people, women who wear a hijab, or any other markers of identity that
may not adhere to specific socially constructed standards are faced with judgment in asserting
their identity and may not be provided opportunities to lead. As a heavily tattooed Latina higher
education administrator, I am aware of the physical appearance expectations academia has for a
person like myself. My identity, brown skin, and culture are entirely on display and tattooed on
my arm, back, neck, foot, and leg. I am not insecure about my identity. However, because my
body does not conform to whiteness or what is socially acceptable as a “professional” higher
education administrator, I have to keep a large part of myself hidden.
The bodies of women of color provide a powerful “looking prism” (González, 2001, p.
643) when navigating ourselves through historically and predominantly white spaces. Latinas in
higher education administration positions know this all too well. While some are in leadership
positions, a larger number of us are often relegated to mid-level management positions (Haro &
Lara, 2003). Ramos (2009) researched Latina presidents and administrators at four-year
institutions and coined the term “adobe ceiling” to describe the difficulties “Latinas face as they
move up the ranks to top levels of administration and leadership” (Ramos, 2009, p. 69). Similar
to the metaphorical concept of the glass ceiling for white women, the adobe ceiling describes the
struggle to get to the top. However, unlike the glass ceiling, one cannot see through the adobe
ceiling and therefore makes it that much more challenging to rise up in the administrative ranks
(Ramos, 2009). And yet, we make it. We break through the ceilings and get to those top
positions. This dissertation will discuss the struggle of Latina higher ed administrators, but will
focus on the triumphs and how their identity as a Latina allows them to thrive.
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Positionality
The notion of positionality “rests on the assumption that a culture is more than a
monolithic entity to which one belongs or not” (Merriam et al., 2001, p. 411). I wanted to make
my positionality in this study known early on, so that there is no confusion on the part of the
reader as to what my lens is as the researcher. Positionality takes into consideration the
relationship with our participants and how factors such as such as education, race, class,
ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, and prior experiences impact our research (Merriam et al.,
2001; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Patel (2015) states:
While we have a responsibility to understand, contribute to, and be fluent in existing
research, we also are responsible for our ontological entry-points and impacts as
researchers. Because all research is conducted by living beings, with specific histories,
we are beholden to consider and answer, perhaps always incompletely, the three core
questions of “Why me?”, “Why this?”, “Who now?” (p.57)
Therefore, critical self-reflection in qualitative research is key (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In
order for me to honor my work and the lived experiences of my participants, I took inventory of
my preconceived perceptions, implicit and explicit biases, theoretical orientation, my personal
relationship to the study, and how all of these concepts may have had an impact on my study
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
My father always instilled in me the value of an education. Growing up as the eldest of
seven children in rural Nayarit, Mexico he was only allowed to attend elementary school.
However, the needs of the family farm were a priority, and his formal education abruptly ended
in the third grade. He always expressed a thirst for knowledge and a love of school. When he and
my mother arrived in the United States, they were undocumented, young, and optimistic about
BIG HOOP ENERGY 4

being in what they saw as the land of opportunity. They vowed to give their children everything
they never had and at the top of that list was an education. For my parents, education was the
way for my siblings and I to get ahead in this country. My mother would often say to us that we
needed to be educated “para que no handen trabajando como burros” (in order to not work like
donkeys). This is something that I still carry with me to this very day. This is also why I chose to
go into higher education administration as a career.
As a self-identified Latina and professional higher ed administrator, my connection to
this research is very personal. Being the first person in my family to go to college and then work
in a professional higher education setting, there has been no precedent. The women in my family
have all held positions in domestic service or factory work, therefore my experiences as an
administrator in higher education have often felt very isolating. However, the logical part of me
knew that if I was encountering several microaggressions a day working in historically white
spaces there had to be other Latinas also suffering in silence. In connecting with my participants
I hope to create a support network and advice guide for Latinas in higher ed.
Statement of the Problem
An article in the Huffington Post titled I’m Exhausted from Trying to Be The ‘Right’ Kind
of Black Girl at Work by guest writer D. Shante (2018) discussed the various ways in which the
author would code-switch to fit in at her office. She explained how conversations at her job were
typically about her hair, nails, and clothes rather than her actual work. She also addressed that
she had somehow become the spokesperson for the entire Black community, and the point
person for everything diversity-related in the office. Shante (2018) also shared her mental list of
things that she should not do, should not wear, and should not say at work. Everything from her
BIG HOOP ENERGY 5

personal style to political conversations were included on her list. All in an effort to not garner
too much attention to herself (Shante, 2018).
As a Black woman, Shante’s article exposed the persistent internal dialogue women of
color often have with themselves in the workplace. Essentially, the “professional” mannerisms
one must be cognizant of on a daily basis. The tone of our voice, the style of our hair, the looks
on our faces, our make-up, our jewelry, our language and pronunciation, all have an influence on
how we are perceived and the opportunities we have access to regardless of the academic
achievements we have earned (Canul, 2003; Cook, 2012; Jean-Marie & Lloyd-Jones, 2011;
Montoya, 1994; Nixon, 2017). Even The Honorable Sonia Sotomayor was advised to wear a
neutral color lipstick and nail polish before her inauguration to the Supreme Court; she opted for
red (Cataño, 2019; Ocasio-Cortez, 2019). A study published by the Center for Talent Innovation,
Latinos at Work: Unleashing the Power of Culture, indicated that most Latinx folks in the U.S.
do not feel that they can bring their whole selves to the office. The study found the vast majority
of Latins (76%) repress parts of their identity at work by modifying their “appearance, body
language, leadership, and communication style” (Allwood & Sherbin, 2016, p. 1). While both
Shante and the study by the Center for Talent Innovation are referring to corporate office
settings, institutions of higher education function in a very similar business manner (Slaughter &
Leslie, 1997). Similar to our corporate counterparts, female administrators of color also tend to
make compromises on their identity when working at colleges and universities. The negotiations
on identity are largely in an effort to refrain from perpetuating a negative stereotype or standing
out in a way that may warrant scrutiny (Allwood & Sherbin, 2016; Byrd, 2009).
Montoya (1994) discusses how often members of marginalized groups wear a “mask”
(p.35) and perform in accordance to the dominate culture to better fit in to their professional
BIG HOOP ENERGY 6

environments. She compares this action to that of being "on stage" and how this is “frequently
experienced as being acutely aware of one's words, affect, tone of voice, movements and
gestures because they seem out of sync with what one is feeling and thinking” (p.14). In fact,
“53% of Latinas and 44% of Latino men say that executive presence at their companies is
defined as conforming to traditionally white male standards” (Allwood & Sherbin, 2016). In
addition, Allwood and Sherbin (2016) also found that Latinx people expend energy repressing
parts of their personas in the workplace. “They are covering or downplaying who they are,
modifying their appearance, their body language, their communication style, and their leadership
presence” (Allwood & Sherbin, 2016, p. 8). In Cracking the Code: Executive Presence and
Multicultural Professionals, researchers explained the importance of gravitas, as it helps convey
confidence (Hewlett, Allwood, Sumberg, & Scharf, 2013). The researchers discuss because
senior leaders are overwhelmingly Caucasian, professionals of color (Black, Asian and Latinx
individuals) find “themselves at an immediate disadvantage in trying to look, sound, and act like
a leader” (Hewlett et al., 2013, p. 2). In a testimonial, Hewlett et al., (2013) shared how one
Latina executive indicated the need to always moderating herself, by not being too emotional,
always cognizant of her voice/accent and careful to not use her hands too much while speaking.
This self-awareness, negotiation of identity, how to physically present oneself, and the wearing
of the “mask” is common in both Black and Latina professionals (Cook, 2012; Gutiérrez y Muhs,
Niemann, González, & Harris, 2012; Montoya, 1994; Rosette, Koval, Ma, & Livingston, 2016;
Turner, 2002). Montoya (1994) sums it up by stating:
A significant aspect of subordination is the persistence with which we mimic the styles,
preferences and mannerisms of those who dominate us, even when we have become
aware of the mimicry. Lost to the Outsider are those identities that would have developed
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but for our real and perceived needs to camouflage ourselves in the masks of the Master.
Lost to all are the variety of choices, the multiplicity of identities that would be available
if we were not trapped by the dynamics of subordination, of privilege. (p.14)
People of color are nonetheless “hard-pressed to interpret and embody aspects of a code written
by and for white men” (Hewlett et al., 2013, p. 2).
whiteness
The core foundation of the United States of America is white supremacy (Omi & Winant,
2014). The history of this country reveals that race is a socially constructed category that was
produced to differentiate racial groups and to show the superiority or dominance of one race over
another (Banks, 1995; Omi & Winant, 2014). Colonization has made it so that whiteness is seen
as the default authority, the norm, and the standard by which all others must adhere to (Delgado
& Stefancic, 2001). Delgado and Stefancic (2001) state that in terms of whiteness “other groups,
such as Indians, Latinos, Asian Americans, and African Americans, are described as nonwhite.
That is, they are defined in terms of or in opposition to whiteness—that which they are not”
(p.76). The researchers proceeded to discuss how whiteness is malleable and can shift to
welcome those previously seen as nonwhite depending on who has the combination of light skin
and material resources (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). For example, those who were seen as
nonwhite in the past (Irish, Italians, Jews) upon acquiring wealth and political connections
were/are now seen as white and privy to all white privileges. In other words, one can become
white if they phenotypically present as white, behave in accordance with rules set in place by
those in authority, and also uphold the power structures that are in already set in place to benefit
white people (aka white privilege). Stephanie Wildman (1996) defines white supremacy and its
privilege as:
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The belief, and/or promotion of the belief, that white people are superior to people of
other racial backgrounds. The term is sometimes used specifically to describe a political
ideology that advocates the social, political, historical and/or industrial dominance by
whites (p.87).
To summarize, “white privilege is a myriad of social advantages, benefits, and courtesies that
come with being a member of the dominant race” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001, p.78).
“Whites do not look at the world through a racial filter” (Wildman, 1996, p. 87) because
they’ve never had to. The white race is socially constructed in such a way that it allows white
people the opportunity to ignore their race gives them a societal advantage free from
discriminatory racism (Wildman, 1996). People of Color are not afforded such a luxury. We see
the world through a color filter, regardless of our work titles, financial situations, or degrees
(Gutiérrez y Muhs et al., 2012; hooks, 2014; Hurtado, 1996; Moraga & Anzaldúa, 1981;
Saavedra & Pérez, 2012). Our pigment does not fade. We are expected to conduct ourselves as
though we do not see color within the confines of our jobs, and yet when they see us the first
thing they notice is our level of melanin (García-López, 2008; Huber & Cueva, 2012; Moraga &
Anzaldúa, 1981; Parker & Villalpando, 2007).
In terms of higher education, universities were designed to represent privilege and serve
white, (mostly) male, Christian, heterosexual, upper/middle-class, able-bodied persons
(Accapadi, 2007; Anzaldúa & Keating, 2013; hooks, 2014; Lorde, 1984; Moraga & Anzaldúa,
1981). Therefore, working in a place that was purposely designed to not serve us can be very
challenging. Peggy McIntosh (1992) discussed how her white skin color was an asset for any
educated move she wanted to make. She also outlined a list of over forty privileges her white
skin color has afforded her (McIntosh, 1992a, 1992b). Some of which include, being heard in
BIG HOOP ENERGY 9

meetings, never having to be the spokesperson for all white women, the ability to be in the
company of people of her race most of the time, the ability to be late for a meeting and not have
it reflect on her entire race, and a simple one, being able to find band-aids in her skin tone
(McIntosh, 1992b). While the last one may appear mundane, it speaks volumes. From the ivory
tower to being able to purchase a band-aid that matches our skin pigment; this demonstrates how
our society, including higher education, was intentionally designed to marginalize people of
color. This is why it is important that we hear the stories of Latinas who have triumphed and
persevered over the dominant narrative.
Purpose of the Study
This study seeks to determine how Latina administrators working at historically white
institutions navigate microaggressions and preserve their mental health and self-efficacy in the
workplace. This study will provide a qualitative exploration of the lived experiences of Latinas
in higher education administration positions, answering the following research questions (RQ):
RQ1. How, if at all, do Latina administrators navigate their identity when working at
historically white institutions?
RQ2. How do Latinas in higher education administration navigate microaggressions
while working at historically white institutions?
The purpose of this study is to discuss microaggressions, cultural capital, code-switching,
professionalism, and identity of Latina higher education administrators. Specifically, how do
Latinas working in higher education experience and manage workplace microaggressions for
survival in the field? Through interviews with Latina higher ed administrators, concepts explored
in this report are those of microaggressions, whiteness, code-switching, shifting identity, higher
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education administration, small acts of resistance, counter-storytelling and decolonizing
professionalism.
Significance of the Study
This topic is significant because navigating these various identities takes a psychological,
emotional and sometimes physical toll on women of color. Literature on the topic of Latinas in
leadership positions at higher education institutions is significantly less than the topic of Latinas
in faculty positions or leadership in higher education as a whole (Mena & Vaccaro, 2017; Rivera,
2010). The important role administrators play at institutions of higher ed is critical. Much like
that of Latinx students feeling out of place at the university level (Smith, Yosso, & Solórzano,
2006; Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009) Latinas
employed by said universities are just as isolated (Mena & Vaccaro, 2017; Niemann, 2012;
Turner, González, & Wong, 2011). This study seeks to support Latinas in higher ed
administration and develop an advice guide for us to learn from and be heard. Quite frankly,
maintaining the mask of whiteness and trying to navigate systemic racial and gender related
oppressions while attempting to advance into senior-level positions in higher education
administration is exhausting.
Organization of the Study
This dissertation is composed of five chapters. Chapter two reviews relevant literature to
the study of Latinas in higher education. This includes discussion of my selected primary
theoretical framework, Critical Race Feminism. The chapter concludes with a review of the
social constructs of Latina/o culture, identity formation, and the concept of Marianismo. Chapter
three will discuss the methodology for the study, including participant selection process, the
instrumentation and interview protocol, approaches for data collection and data analysis. Chapter
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four will delve into the findings of the respective study. Lastly, chapter five will draw
conclusions based on the findings discussed in chapter four along with suggestions for future
research.
Definitions of Key Terms
Latina- This term is used to describe a female identified individual who is of Chicana, Cubana,
Mexicana, Mexican-American, Puerto Rican, Dominicana, South or Central American descent
Latinx- gender non-binary term sometimes used in lieu of Latino or Latina.
Higher ed admin- condensed version of higher education administrator/administration.
Hispanic- This term will only be utilized in reference to Latinas/Latinos/Latinx folks when
discussing government data and statistics.
Historically white institutions- is used instead of “predominantly white institutions” to
emphasize that the percentages of white students have less to do with the majority populations
than with the historical and contemporary racial infrastructure that is in place, the current campus
racial culture and ecology, and how these modern-day institutions still benefit whites at the
expense of people of color (Smith, Yosso, & Solórzano, 2007)
Mujeres- Spanish term for “women”. Please note the singular “mujer” is also used when
referring to one woman.
Racial Microaggressions- “brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental
indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or
negative racial slights and insults toward people of color” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 273).
Upper-level higher education administrator- leadership position in an institution of higher
education (i.e. president, vice president, associate vice president, registrar, chancellor, vice
chancellor, provost, associate vice provost, dean, associate dean, etc.)
BIG HOOP ENERGY 12

CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
As discussed in chapter one, Latinas in higher education and other professional settings
feel as though they are not at liberty to wholly express their full identity. They have to negotiate
their identity as Latinas in historically white spaces for self-preservation and advancement. This
chapter summarizes recent and relevant literature to the study of Latinas in higher education.
Section one begins with the lens in which I approached the research. This includes an
explanation of the theoretical framework, my theory of change, and concludes with a description
of Transformational Resistance (TR) as a corresponding conceptual framework. Section two of
the literature review focuses on the social constructs of Latina/o culture, identity formation, and
the concept of Marianismo. Section three focuses on Latinas in the ivory tower. Here I discuss
the statistics of Latinxs in higher education as well as the role of Latinas in higher administration
positions. Section four discusses the impacts of microaggressions, racial battle fatigue, and
Latina mental health.
Theoretical Framework
Critical Race Feminism (CRF)
When developing this literature review and study, I wanted to emphasize the
intersectionality of race and gender. Therefore, the following literature review is informed by the
theoretical model Critical Race Feminism (CRF). CRF is influenced by Critical Race Theory
(CRT) however, instead of focusing strictly on race, CRF centers the intersection of race and
gender. Both frameworks also have a social justice agenda. Thus, both frameworks “foster some
kind of political, social, or economic transformation that benefits the people they study” (Few,
BIG HOOP ENERGY 13

2007, p. 457). Critical Race Feminism (CRF) is influenced by both Critical Race Theory (CRT)
and Critical Legal Studies (CLS) (Wing, 2003).
Critical Race Theory (CRT) is the concept that racism is part of the moral fabric of the
United States. Racism is both constructed and deep-seated into our society by the dominant
culture. Delgado and Stefancic (2000) state:
CRT begins with a number of basic insights. One is that racism is normal, not aberrant, in
American society. Because racism is an ingrained feature of our landscape, it looks
ordinary and natural to persons in the culture. Formal equal opportunity—rules and laws
that insist on treating blacks and whites (for example) alike—can thus remedy only the
more extreme and shocking sorts of injustice, the ones that do stand out. Formal equality
can do little about the business-as usual forms of racism that people of color confront
every day and that account for much misery, alienation, and despair. (p.xvi)
CRT is interdisciplinary, it acknowledges racism as both a de facto and de jure way of American
life, it challenges ahistoricism and adopts a stance that presumes that “racism has contributed to
all contemporary expressions of group advantage and disadvantage” (Matsuda, Lawrence,
Delgado, & Crenshaw, 1993, p. 6). Educators have utilized CRT as a lens to address educational
disparity Black and Brown students have endured (and continue to endure) in contrast to their
white counterparts. Yosso (2005) states that ‘‘CRT is a framework that can be used to theorize,
examine and challenge the ways race and racism implicitly and explicitly impact on school
structures, practices, and discourse’’ (p. 70).
Critical Legal Studies (CLS) states that the law favors the historically privileged (rich and
white) and purposefully disadvantages the historically underrepresented people (Kelman, 1987;
Unger, 1983). CLS brings to light how wealthy and powerful people utilize (and create) laws that
BIG HOOP ENERGY 14

are inherently racist and used as an instrument for oppression in order to create and maintain a
societal hierarchy (Kelman, 1987; Lucarello, 2012; Unger, 1983; Wing, 2003). CLS highlights
race and economic status as it pertains to the law are put at the forefront of all rules and
regulations.
Critical Race Feminism (CRF) is a transdisciplinary theoretical model that seeks to
address legal issues of ‘‘a significant group of people—those who are both women and members
of today’s racial/ethnic minorities, as well as disproportionately poor’’ (Wing, 2003, p. 1). CRF
builds on CRT, yet it centers the ‘‘roles, experiences, and narratives of women of color’’ (Pratt-
Clarke, 2010, p. 24) in analyzing systems, structures, and institutions. While CRT, CLS, and
CRF originated in the field of legal studies, the theoretical frameworks have increasingly been
used by educators to look at the numerous ways in which schools reproduce marginalization and
inequity, despite the rhetoric of diversity and equal opportunity (Childers-McKee & Hytten,
2015).
Sulé (2011) states “CRF adds to CRT a gendered intersectional epistemology” (p. 144)
that places the intersectional experiences of women of color “at the center rather than in the
margins or footnotes of the analysis” (Wing, 1997, p. 948). CRF is built upon the following eight
tenants:
1) Centers the experiences of women of color
2) Understands that race is a social construct
3) Racism is a fundamental part of American society
4) Counternarratives and storytelling are valid forms of methodology
5) CRF proponents do not follow the mainstream feminist movement
6) Embrace critical race praxis
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7) CRF advocates the notion of antiessentialism
8) The concept of “multiplicative identity” is embraced (Wing, 2003, p.7).
This concept emphasizes that “women of color are not white women plus color or men of color
plus gender; their identities must be multiplied together to create a holistic One” (Wing, 2003,
p.7).
Transformational Resistance
Transformational resistance (TR) is a conceptual framework that is also rooted in Critical
Race Theory (CRT). Solórzano and Delgado Bernal (2001) indicate that “resistance theories
demonstrate how individuals negotiate and struggle with structures and create meanings of their
own from these interactions” (p. 315). They theorized that resistance may be “political,
collective, conscious, and motivated by a sense that social justice is possible through resistant
behavior” (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001, p. 320). TR is divided into two categories,
internal resistance and external resistance. An individual practicing internal resistance “appears
to conform to institutional or cultural norms and expectations” (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal,
2001, p. 324). A person actively in external resistance refuses to assimilate or “conform to
institutional or cultural norms and expectations” (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001, p. 325).
They further contended that these resistance behaviors could be classified in four different ways:
(1) Reactionary Behavior; (2) Self-defeating; (3) Conformist; and (4) Transformational
Resistance (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). In all, the individual consciously grasps the
systemic oppression and maintains a social justice agenda, however the resistant behavior is
subtle and may go unnoticed as such.
While studying the experiences of Chicana college students, Delgado Bernal (2006)
mentions how being engaged an internal transformational resistance, “an individual’s behavior is
BIG HOOP ENERGY 16

subtle or even salient and might go unnoticed as resistance” (p. 115). She continues by stating
that the “subtle resistance strategies that are learned in the home and community can serve as a
cultural knowledge base” (p.115). This base includes negotiation of their identity:
in relationship to their language, culture, communities and spiritualties. When confronted
with the challenges and obstacles of higher education, these women, sometimes
knowingly and sometimes unknowingly draw from their Mestiza consciousness in ways
to help them survive and succeed in their educational journey (Delgado Bernal, 2006, p.
128).
Though Delgado Bernal was reviewing the experiences Chicana college students, I argue that
Latinas working in higher ed continue to tap into their cultural knowledge base and that these
principles allow them to overcome challenges they confront on their professional journeys
(Delgado Bernal, 2006). Latinas working at historically white institutions are themselves a form
of resistance intended to create change and bring equity to a marginalized population.
Theory of Change
This study is rooted in and driven by a desire centered theory of change. Tuck (2018)
states:
The theory of change shapes how we think things are known, what counts as evidence,
and what argumentation style will convince those we want to convince. The ethical
what is considered data, what is considered a finding, and what we share and what we
refuse to circulate (p.157).
The theory of change frameworks of research as it pertains to marginalized communities can
either be damage centered or desire centered. Damage centered is the approach “focusing on the
negative or the deficit within a community” (Tuck, 2009, p. 413). Desired centered is in direct
BIG HOOP ENERGY 17

opposition to damage centered and “focuses on the community’s resilience that goes along with
pain and suffering” (Tuck, 2009b, p. 416). Rather than further the narrative on the lack of Latina
administrators in senior-level positions in higher educational settings and the multitude of
systemic oppressions (gender and racially motivated) that correlate to this fact, this study
proposes that we focus on the ways in which senior-level Latina administrators protect their self-
efficacy and mental health in order to advance into higher level positions in higher education.
Critical Race Feminism (CRF), transformational resistance (TR) and desire-based theory
of change all work in alliance to center the intersectional Latinas identity and inform this
literature review. Because these theories explain “how individuals negotiate and struggle with
structures and create meanings of their own from these interactions” (Solórzano & Delgado
Bernal, 2001, p. 315), I wanted to depict them with a powerful symbol (see Figure 1).
Represented by a single hoop earring with the word “Latina” in the center, the hoop
demonstrates how the theories work in a fluid motion to effectively communicate the Latina
experience in higher education administration. The hoop earring was selected as a symbolic
marker because, “hoops exist across many minority groups as symbols of resistance, strength and
identity” (Pivet, 2017, para. 3). Therefore, with identity being the center, CRF, TR, and a desire-
centered approach to the research, the experiences of Latinas will be communicated in order to
empower and not discourage potential higher ed admin Latinas.
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Figure 1: Illustration of Theoretical Framework

BIG HOOP ENERGY 19

Latina/o2 Culture
Latina/o Identity Formation
Developmental theories of identity formation have been proposed to describe the
cognitive, social and emotional conflicts that individuals experience as they progress through life
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994; Erikson, 1994; Josselson, 1987; Marcia, 1980). These developmental
theories focus on identity formation on a macro level. More specific racial, ethnic, and cultural
identity development theories have been explored by various researchers (Atkinson, Morten, &
Sue, 1983; Cross, 1971; Ferdman & Gallegos, 2001; Helms, 1990; Horse, 2001; Kim, 1981;
Renn, 2003). Although a variety of ethnic/cultural identity development models and bicultural
orientation models have been applied to Latina/os (Phinney, 1996), for the purpose of this
literature review, Ferdman and Gallegos’ (2001) model of Latina and Latino Ethno-racial
Orientation model will be the central focus.
Ferdman and Gallegos’ (2001) model is composed of six different orientations: white-
identified, undifferentiated/denial, Latino as other, subgroup-identified, Latino-identified and
Latino-integrated. The model is neither linear nor cyclical. Although Latinos/as originate from a
variety of different countries and have different cultures, skin color, and social classes, they “are
treated as an ethnic and cultural category more than a racial one” (Ferdman & Gallegos, 2001, p.
44). Ferdman and Gallegos (2001) were cognizant of this and therefore indicate that these
orientations were to serve as lenses in which Latina/os identify themselves. The Latina and
Latino Ethno-racial Orientation model does provide a “looking prism” (González, 2001, p. 643)
that may be applicable to Latina administrators in higher education. While intersectionality is
considered, this model primarily centers itself on the assumption of a cisgender, heterosexual

2 The terms Latina and Latino (Latina/o) are utilized in this section to emphasize the socially constructed gender
binary that has historically been researched.
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Latina/os. The model also does not fully address the gender-cultural norms that have been
created specifically for Latinas.
Marianismo
Marianismo is the counter-part to Machismo. Machismo refers to the socially constructed
gender role ascribed to Latino men. The term is an exaggeration of masculine tendencies and
generally associated with sexism, chauvinism, and the hypermasculinity of Latino men (Segrest,
Romero, & Domke ‐Damonte, 2003; Stevens, 1973). Coined in 1973 by political scientist Evelyn
Stevens, marianismo refers to the socially constructed gender-roles ascribed to Latinas. Rooted
in Catholicism, it is the veneration of the Virgin Mary and the basis for Latina womanhood
(Comas-Diaz, 2013; Nieto-Gomez, 1974). Marianismo refers to the belief that Latinas are
supposed to be honorable, humble, modest, moral, self-sacrificial, loyal, subordinate to men,
while simultaneously spiritually superior to men, and above all virginal (Castillo, Perez, Castillo,
& Ghosheh, 2010; Comas-Diaz, 2013; Stevens, 1973). While marianismo reads like a
patriarchal, stereotypical, anti-feminist description of Latinas, it, unfortunately, continues to be a
layered and multidimensional social gender construct that refers to and at times dictates the
norms and expectations for Latinas (Castillo & Cano, 2007; Castillo et al., 2010; Gil & Vazquez,
2014). The principles of marianismo (un)intentionally highlight that the positive aspects of
Latina femininity are those which make her dominant in a domestic and collective settings, yet
simultaneously restricted in an activist or professional environment (Blackwell, 2016; Cofresí,
2002; Hurtado, 2003; Zinn, 2005).
Gil and Vazquez (2014) identified the following “ten commandments” of Marianismo
which may impact a ‘traditional’ Latinas self-esteem:
1) Do not forget a woman’s place.
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2) Do not forsake tradition.
3) Do not be single, self-supporting, or independent-minded.
4) Do not put your own needs first.
5) Do not wish for more in life than being a housewife.
6) Do not forget that sex is for making babies—not for pleasure.
7) Do not be unhappy with your man or criticize him for infidelity, gambling, verbal and
physical abuse, alcohol or drug abuse.
8) Do not ask for help.
9) Do not discuss personal problems outside the home.
10) Do not change those things which make you unhappy that you can realistically
change (p.19).
These commandments, specifically numbers 3 and 4, are in stark contradiction to American
ideals of individualism and the “pull yourself up by the bootstraps” mentality. Hence, why the
authors proceed to discuss how acculturation may be the antidote to the above-listed mandates.
The authors emphasize that no two mujeres will process being Latina-American the same way.
Some may shun the idea of acculturation, while others will embrace the concept and attempt to
blend both old-world traditions (Marianismo/Latin American) with new world (American)
ideals. Although, when forced to straddle two different cultures, Latinas may endure what is
referred to as acculturation stress (Gil & Vazquez, 2014). The authors beautifully illustrate this
constant balance and its impact on a Latina professionals with the following quote:
When something as trivial as the kind of shoes you wear to a job interview becomes vital
to your self-esteem when you're not sure whether or not to let your Angla friends even
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know you burn the Santería candles—the level of stress you endure is excruciatingly high
and painful. (Gil & Vazquez, 2014, p. 25)
Gil and Vazquez (2014) warn that when Latinas view this stress through the lens of marianismo,
their self-confidence can be severely threatened. It can lead to feelings of guilt, the uncertainty of
self, conflicted for drifting from traditions, feeling as though everything one did to gain approval
is no longer effective and in fact, working against you (Gil and Vazquez, 2014).
In an effort to advance Latina acculturation theory and research, Castillo et al., (2010)
developed a The Marianismo Beliefs Scale as a tool to study enculturation and acculturation
from a gendered context. The researchers conceptualized marianismo as being comprised of five
factors: (1) family pillar, (2) virtuous and chaste, (3) subordinate to other, (4) silencing self to
maintain harmony, and (5) spiritual pillar (Castillo et al., 2010). The family pillar is the belief
that Latinas are responsible for keeping their family united and are the primary source of strength
and happiness. The virtuous and chase factor is characterized by the idea that Latinas should be
sexually pure and moral. The subordinate factor refers to the belief that Latinas should avoid
being argumentative, avoid saying “no” to people, and adhere to and respect the power hierarchy
outlined by our culture. The silencing self to maintain harmony factor represents the belief that
Latinas should not make their personal thoughts or needs known as it will likely disrupt the
familial harmony. Lastly, the spiritual pillar discusses the notion that Latinas are solely
responsible for the spiritual and religious growth of the family.
Scholars have criticized the social construct of marianismo declaring that it creates and
reinforces a stereotype of Latinas (Castillo et al., 2010; Gil & Vazquez, 2014; Guyll, Madon,
Prieto, & Scherr, 2010; Niemann, 2001; Rodriguez, Castillo, & Gandara, 2013). However, these
Latina gender-role expectations continue to be espoused and endorsed by (often times female)
BIG HOOP ENERGY 23

members of their own communities (Castillo et al., 2010; Gil & Vazquez, 2014). Niemann
(2001) noted, “stereotypes can serve both descriptive and prescriptive functions and are often
internalized by in-group members as behavioral and attitudinal expectations. Stereotypes become
imbedded in an individual’s consciousness making them very difficult to change” (Castillo et al.,
2010, p.165). Latinas who do not subscribe to traditional gender roles may be thought of as
cultural sell-outs also known as “vendidas” or “malinchistas” (Blackwell, 2016; Hurtado, 2003;
Niemann, 2001) within their respective ethnic community by members who continue to
internalize marianismo (Niemann, 2001). So while Latinas may be actively fighting to break the
stereotype they may still struggle with members of their own community and even themselves.
The pressure of straddling a culture of marianismo with an autonomous individualist
Westernized/American mindset may cause Latinas to feel as though they live in the margins
between cultures or are in a constant state of nepantla3 (Anzaldúa, 1990). This can create an
internal conflict of what is expected of her versus what she wants to do. Earning a college degree
is a prime example of this internal battle symbolizing both professional upward mobility for the
family and personal enrichment.
Latinxs and Higher Education
The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) reported that in the past decade, 70
percent more Latinx have earned degrees than ever before (Snyder, de Brey, & Dillow, 2019).
Data also suggest that Hispanics (85%) also are more likely than whites (69%) to say a college
degree is essential (Taylor et al., 2009; Torres, Hernandez, & Martinez, 2019). The same survey
found that women are more likely than men to place a high value on a college education: 78% of

3 Nepantla is the Nahuatl word which means "in the middle of it" or "middle.” Chicana writer, Gloria Anzaldúa,
adopted this term, and used it to represent psychic/spiritual/material points of potential transformation (Keating,
2006)
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women say it is necessary to have one to get ahead in life, compared with 69% of men (Taylor et
al., 2009). In February of 2019, the American Council on Education (ACE) released its
comprehensive report, Race and Ethnicity in Higher Education: A Status Report (Bichsel,
Pritchard, Li, & McChesney, 2018). This report highlighted that between 2000 and 2016,
Hispanic undergraduate enrollment more than doubled, going from 1.4 million to 3.2 million
students (de Brey et al., 2019). At the post-baccalaureate level the Hispanic enrollment also more
than doubled in size going from 111,000 to 260,000 students (de Brey et al., 2019). However,
from 2010 to 2016, the percentage Hispanic adults over the age of 25 who earned a bachelor’s or
higher degree only by increased 2 percent, from 13% to 15% respectively (de Brey et al., 2019).
Despite this leap in educational Latinx student enrollment only 4.7% of all full-time faculty
identified as Hispanic, and the numbers of Latinx administrators are also not increasing at the
same rate as students (Bichsel et al., 2018).
The literature on exact statistics of Latinas in higher education administration is scarce
(Rivera, 2010). Much of the data is disaggregated only by ethnicity, not ethnicity and gender.
While people of color (POC) represented less than one-fifth of senior executives, 42.2% of
service and maintenance staff and one-third of campus safety personnel were POC (Espinosa,
Turk, Taylor, & Chessman, 2019). In terms of college presidents, the majority (83%) are white
and Latinas account for only 2.9% of all presidential leadership (Gagliardi, Espinosa, Turk, &
Taylor, 2017). Among college and university administrators, chief student affairs and student life
officers were the most diverse positions on campus, with Latinx folks accounting for 7.5% of
student affairs positions and only 3.8% of academic affairs positions (Bichsel et al., 2018).
Therefore, students of color are more likely to encounter people who look like them in service
roles rather than in faculty or leadership positions (Espinosa et al., 2019). So while colleges are
BIG HOOP ENERGY 25

experiencing an increase in Latinx student enrollment, college faculty, presidents, staff, and
administration are less ethnically diverse than the students they educate. In addition, when we are
hired, we are often selected for supplementary diversity-related work (Niemann, 2012).
Women of color in academia are often overburdened with additional service
commitments to their colleges. On top of their job descriptions, they are often tapped for
additional advising, committee participation, and are often expected to mentor Students of color
(Niemann, 2012). Reyes (2012) discussed how higher education administrators of color negotiate
the role of advocacy for social justice from positions of institutional power or authority. The
researcher identified potentially conflicting professional role expectations as well as the
negotiation and navigation of identity. The counter-stories provided by Reyes’ participants
discussed the common feelings of responsibility of educating others, responsibility for diversity
initiatives on campus, roles and expectations as professionals, and feelings of being alone but
also obligated to engage in social justice movements (Reyes, 2012). Higher education
administrators work in micro-ecosystem that have a self-governing city-like dynamic (Reyes,
2012). Navigating institutional issues such as shared governance, learning outcomes, tenure,
athletics (if applicable), budgets, security, student recruitment and retention, can create diverse
subcultures and silos within higher education. This may pose a substantial challenge to any
administrator who may want to change institutional culture for the betterment of the student
(Reyes, 2012).
In her 1993 article titled The Roadblocks Confronting Minority Administrators Yolanda
T. Moses indicates three institutional barriers that impede the progress of minorities who aspire
to leadership positions: (1) universities, administrators and faculty are unprepared to reorganize
institutional operations around issues of cultural diversity; (2) a deep-seated resistance to change.
BIG HOOP ENERGY 26

Administrators and faculty are complicit and content with the status quo and therefore see
cultural diversity as something that will interrupt their life in the academy; and (3) the continued
stereotypes held by those administrators in power at the institution (Moses, 1993). When the
stereotype of gender and race intersect it makes it doubly difficult for women to advance or do
their job on the first place (Moses, 1993). In addition to institutional obstacles, Moses also
discussed the roadblocks minority administrators experience at the personal level. Much like first
generation college students, administrators of color also experience feelings of isolation, token
syndrome, and what Moses calls the “shifting sand syndrome” (1993, p. B2). Moses describes
this as a “barrier that keeps administrators of color off balance: The rules of the game keep
changing as the move toward positions of increased responsibility” (1993, p. B2). While this
article is over 25 years old, the challenges remain the same (Gutiérrez y Muhs et al., 2012).
Administrators of color still have barriers they confront on a daily basis that may have an impact
on student growth, learning and development (Mena & Vaccaro, 2017; Suárez-McCrink, 2011).
Of the obstacles admin of color must confront, racial microaggressions are some of the more
impactful and hurtful actions on that list.
Racial Microaggressions
Chester Pierce first coined the term “microaggression” in 1969 (Pierce, 1969; Sue et al.,
2007) in his revolutionary work focused on the biased and bigoted nature of medical care in the
“ghetto.” Pierce (1969) explains:
To be black in the United States today means to be socially minimized. For each
day blacks are victims of white ‘offensive mechanisms’ which are designed to
reduce, dilute, atomize, and encase the hapless into his ‘place.’ The incessant
lesson the black must hear is that he is insignificant and irrelevant (p. 303).
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Pierce’s later publications in 1970 and 1974 further clarify how offensive mechanisms such as
microaggressions are cumulative, based on delusions of white superiority, and perpetuate racism
in the United States (Pierce, 1970, 1974). In sum, racial microaggressions are verbal and non-
verbal assaults that are committed automatically and unconsciously; they are a form of systemic
everyday racism and are subtle, stunning, layered, and directed toward people of color (Pierce,
Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez, & Wills, 1977; Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000).
Sue and colleagues (2007) further discuss how microaggressions appear in three forms:
microassault, microinsult, and microinvalidation. Microassaults are often conscious and
described as a “verbal or nonverbal attack meant to hurt the intended victim through name-
calling, avoidant behavior, or purposeful discriminatory action” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 274).
Microinsults are often conscious and refers to “communications that convey rudeness and
insensitivity and demean a person’s racial heritage or identity” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 274).
Microinvalidations are often unconscious and described as “communications that exclude,
negate, or nullify the psychological thoughts, feelings, or experiential reality of a person of
color” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 274). These forms of microaggressions can have a tremendous impact
on a person of color’s well-being, self-efficacy and overall mental health.
Studying microaggressions poses a unique challenge because they “are difficult to
identify, quantify, and rectify because of their subtle, nebulous and unnamed nature” (Sue et al.,
2007, p.272). However, Rivera, Forquer, and Rangel (2010) studied Latina/o experiences with
microaggressions and revealed eight themes among their subjects. Themes included:
acknowledgement and questioning of intellect (microaggressor sees educational success as a
surprise), feelings of second-class citizen (being ignored), pathologizing cultural
values/communication style, experiences, characteristics of speech (microaggressor questions the
BIG HOOP ENERGY 28

quality of speak), alien in their own land, assumed to be inferior or a criminal, invalidation of
Latinidad, other assumed stereotypical Latina/o attributes (exotic, poor, lazy, etc.). These eight
domains have an exhausting and significant impact on those who are at the receiving end.
While the term “micro” poses a thought of insignificance, the impact of microaggressions
can be powerful. Smith, Solórzano and Yosso (2006) explain:
The stress ensuing from racism and racial microaggressions leads people of color to
exhibit various psychophysiological symptoms, including suppressed immunity and
increased sickness, tension headaches, trembling and jumpiness, chronic pain in healed
injuries, upset stomach, elevated blood pressure, and a pounding heartbeat. Other
symptoms include constant anxiety, ulcer, increased swearing or complaining, insomnia
or sleep broken by haunting conflict-specific dreams, rapid mood swings, difficulty
thinking or speaking coherently, and emotional and social withdrawal in response to
racial microaggressions or while in environments of mundane racial stressors. Ultimately,
these symptoms may lead to people of color losing confidence in themselves, questioning
their life’s work or even their life’s worth (pp. 300–301).
A critical gap in the existing research on microaggressions is that few studies have examined the
specific consequences on Latinas and their various intersecting identities. What is known is that
constant exposure to racial stressors, micro or macro, can have a lasting impact on a person.
Racial Battle Fatigue
Racial Battle Fatigue (RBF) is a multi-disciplinary concept that refers to race related
stress on an individual (Franklin, 2016, 2019; Franklin, Smith, & Hung, 2014; Smith, Allen, &
Danley, 2007; Smith, Hung, & Franklin, 2011; Smith et al., 2006). Smith, Allen, and Danley
(2007) specifically state RBF is:
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A theoretical framework for examining social- psychological stress responses (e.g.,
frustration; anger; exhaustion; physical avoidance; psychological or emotional
withdrawal; escapism; acceptance of racist attributions; resistance; verbally, nonverbally,
or physically fighting back; and coping strategies) associated with being an African
American male on historically White campuses (p.552)
While the authors explicitly state African-American males in their definition, they do confirm
that the concept is applicable to women of color as well as other marginalized groups (Smith et
al., 2007). RBF refers to cumulative, negative effects of racial microaggressions or from specific
race-related interactions or relationships between a racially marginalized individual (or group)
and their environment that is deemed by the individual (or group) as taxing or exceeding their
resources and thus endangering their personal well-being (Franklin et al., 2014; Smith et al.,
2007, 2006; Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). RBF can be the long-term impact(s) of one
coping with racial microaggressions. If untreated these symptoms can have detrimental impacts
on one’s mental health
Hernández, Carranza and Almeida (2010) studied the responses that mental health
professionals of color used to cope with racial microaggressions in their daily professional lives.
The focus groups from various backgrounds discussed their experiences with racial
microaggressions and researchers found eight primary coping themes. They included: identifying
key issues in responding to racial microaggressions, self-care, spirituality, confronting the
aggressor, seeking support from white allies, documenting the experience of microaggression,
mentoring, and collective organizing (Hernández, Carranza, & Almeida, 2010). This study
continued the common narrative of professionals of color needing to engage in some form of
coping mechanisms against microaggressions to persist in their daily lives.
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Latina Mental Health
In general, women are likely to experience depression at twice the rate of men (Brody,
Pratt, & Hughes, 2018). While the Center for Disease Control indicates that prevalence of
depression among women was not statistically different for Hispanic (10.5%), non-Hispanic
white (10.5%), and non-Hispanic Black women (11%) (Brody et al., 2018), other studies indicate
that Latinas may be underreporting their conditions or referring to depression by another name,
such as nervios (Alegría, Atkins, Farmer, Slaton, & Stelk, 2010; Alegría, Sribney, Woo, Torres,
& Guarnaccia, 2011; Flores, 2013; L. Torres, 2010). Clinical psychologist Dr. Yvette G. Flores
(2013) summarizes,
The threats to the emotional well-being of Chicanas are largely structural; moreover,
social, and cultural factors also must be taken into consideration. Discrimination,
marginalization, microaggressions and othering, pressures to acculturate to an often-
rejecting culture, and lack of understanding from immigrant parents and relational
challenges rooted in acculturative stressors constitute risk factors for mood and anxiety
disorders. (p.73).
Latinas navigating the ivory tower can be exhausting and emotionally challenging. Healing
practices, cultural values, and traditions play an important role in identifying how professionals
as well as ourselves can best help the community. Therefore, it is important for Latinas in higher
education administration to have defense and coping mechanisms in place for self-care and
ultimately, survival.
One way in which Latinas have managed to protect their mental well-being in higher ed
is through the formation of collegial sisterhood. Inspired by the work of Solórzano and Yosso
(2001) researchers Burciaga and Tavares (2006) state that, “Developing a sisterhood is the
BIG HOOP ENERGY 31

antithesis of developing one’s place in academia because institutions of education tend to prepare
students to work in isolation, thereby creating and valuing individual learners and researchers”
(p.137). The authors of the powerful book Telling to Live: Latina Feminist Testimonios (Latina
Feminist Group, 2001) set out to develop a sustainable sisterhood in academia. The collection of
personal narratives of Latinas from across academia seeks to help other Latinas in higher ed and
remind us that we are not alone. The creation of a cultural coalescence is deeply rooted in our
ethos as Latinas and allows us to take care of our minds, our health, and each other (Ruiz, 1999).
Summary
The literature above discussed, the Critical Race Feminism (CRF) theoretical framework,
desire-based theory of change, as well as a description of Transformational Resistance (TR) as a
corresponding conceptual framework. The social constructs of Latina/o culture, identity
formation, the concept of Marianismo and their potential impact on Latinas was also highlighted.
Additionally, the statistics of Latinx folks in higher education, the reality of Latinas in higher
administration positions and how of microaggressions and racial battle fatigue have an impact on
mental health were also discussed. The chapter concluded with a focus on Latina mental health
and how the formation of cultural collegial sisterhoods has allowed for Latinas to prosper.

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CHAPTER THREE
METHODS
The following chapter contains the research methods that were employed to investigate
how Latinas working at historically white institutions navigate their identity in the workplace, as
well as institutional microaggressions for survival in the field. This chapter is broken up into four
sections. The first section discusses the importance of qualitative inquiry and the rationale for its
utilization. Second, I detail the research methodological approach of narrative inquiry and its
importance to this study. Third, I discuss the selection of participants and sites, along with a
description of the procedures for data collection and analysis. Lastly, the chapter concludes with
the set of strategies that were utilized to ensure an ethical and trustworthy study.
Qualitative Methods
Characteristics of Qualitative Inquiry
Merriam and Tisdell (2015) describe qualitative research as being “based on the belief
that knowledge is constructed by people in an ongoing fashion as they engage in and make
meaning of an activity, experience or phenomenon” (p.23). Qualitative research aims to
understand explore how people interpret their experiences, construct their worlds and simply
comprehend how people make sense of their lived experiences (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015). Qualitative methodologies allow investigation into nuanced issues in great depth with
special attention to “detail and context” (Patton, 2002, p. 14). Maxwell (2013) affirms the use of
a qualitative methodology as the best and most effective approach to explore a phenomenon of
interest. For this study, quantitative methods would not suffice in capturing the depth and
richness of Latina higher education professionals and their experiences with microaggressions.
Through open-ended, semi-structured interviews guided by a list of questions, the participants
BIG HOOP ENERGY 33

will be provided with an opportunity to discuss their experiences is designed in a manner that
would best address the research questions.
Rationale for the Use of Qualitative Methods
Qualitative research is appropriate for capturing the lived experiences of traditionally
marginalized groups whose voices and stories cannot be captured through quantitative research
and analysis (Brink, 1994; Okazaki & Sue, 1995). Merriam and Tisdell (2015) indicate that
because qualitative research focuses on “discovery, insight, and understanding from the
perspectives of those being studied” (p.1), one can have a more significant impact and possibly
make a difference in a reader’s life. Qualitative research allows participants the ability to express
the microaggression(s) they have experienced and openly discuss the tools and coping
mechanisms they utilized to navigate historically white spaces in academia.
Methodological Approach: Narrative Analysis
Narrative analysis as a methodology was well suited for this study due to its emphasis on
identity and social realities of the respective participants. Riessman (1993) stated that because
this particular methodology focuses on human agency, it is an effective research tool to examine
“gender inequalities, racial oppression, and other practices of power that may be taken for
granted by the individual speaker” (p. 5). Narrative analysis is contextually grounded, empowers
participants, and gives meaning to their experiences by organizing them in a narrative form
(Mishler, 1986). Riessman (1993) described narratives as “representations where individuals
construct past events and actions in personal stories to claim identities and build lives” (p.2).
Further, she defined it as speech organized around significant events. Individuals tend to make
sense of an experience by using the narrative form of communication (Mishler, 1986; Riessman,
2008). Riessman (2008) described the key features of narrative analysis as attention to
BIG HOOP ENERGY 34

sequences of action, focusing on the events and experiences of relevant people and places that
shape a person’s self-understanding.
Wing (2003) states that adherents of Critical Race Feminism “sometimes use the
controversial narrative or storytelling technique as methodology” (p.6). This is due to the
narrative inquiry ability to capture “the ways humans experience the world” (Connelly &
Clandinin, 2007, p. 2) in a methodological manner. Latinx culture and heritage has a strong
tradition of oral histories and storytelling utilized as a tool to theorize lived experiences, make
intergenerational connections, and as a vehicle to reassign agency to the respective speaker
(Beverley, 2008; Delgado Bernal, Burciaga, & Flores Carmona, 2012; Delgado, 1989; Huber &
Cueva, 2012; Moraga & Anzaldúa, 1981; Reyes & Curry Rodríguez, 2012; Saavedra & Pérez,
2012). Because this study is epistemologically grounded on the assumptions that gender, race,
social identity, and ethnicity influence the work experiences of Latinas in higher education
administration, the responses of the participants are the central focus of this study.
Research Questions
A narrative analysis will be used to explore the following research questions:
RQ1. How, if at all, do Latina administrators navigate their identity when working at
historically white institutions?
RQ2. How do Latinas in higher education administration navigate microaggressions
while working at historically white institutions?
Participants
Participants were selected using purposeful, snowball sampling. Purposeful sampling is a
common methodological technique used in qualitative research for the identification and
selection of information-rich cases (Patton, 2015). This involves identifying and selecting
BIG HOOP ENERGY 35

individuals who meet a specific purposeful set of criteria and are knowledgeable about or have
experienced a certain phenomenon (Creswell, Hanson, Clark Plano, & Morales, 2007; Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). The sample was purposeful because each participant met the following criteria:
1) self-identified as Latina, 2) held an upper-level higher education administrative leadership
position for a minimum of three years, and 3) experienced microaggressions while working at a
historically white institution. The purposeful sample created then created a snowball of
participants. This began with one Latina meeting the criteria who then led me to other interested
Latinas. These methods were appropriate because I wanted to discover, comprehend, and gain
insight (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) into the specific professional work experiences of Latina
higher ed administrators.
The U.S. Census Bureau defines Hispanic or Latino to refer to a person of Cuban,
Mexican, Mexican-American, Puerto Rican, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture
or origin regardless of race, and states that Hispanics or Latinos can be of any race, any ancestry,
and any ethnicity (United States Census Bureau, 2010). For the purpose of this study, the U.S
Census Bureau definition of Latina will be applied. Therefore, in order to answer the research
questions, the following four criteria were used to select participants:
1. Self-identify as Latina, Chicana, Cubana, Mexicana, Mexican-American, Puerto Rican,
Dominicana, South or Central American.
2. Hold an upper-level higher education administrative leadership position (i.e. president,
vice president, associate vice president, registrar, chancellor, vice chancellor, provost,
associate vice provost, dean, associate dean, etc.) at a 2-year or 4-year historically white
institution.
BIG HOOP ENERGY 36

3. Have held an upper-level higher education administrative leadership position for a
minimum of three years.
4. Have experienced microaggressions while working at a historically white institution.
This sample selection reflected the purpose of the study and allowed me as the researcher to
discover, understand, (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) and ultimately learn from the from my
participants.
Recruitment
Upon approval from the institutional review board (IRB), the recruitment of participants
that met the criteria outlined above commenced. I began by reaching out to those in my
professional and personal social circles. Once I identified and confirmed two participants I asked
them to refer me to other Latinas who met the criteria (snowball sampling). I also reached out via
social media outlets Facebook, Twitter, and LinkedIn (see Appendix C) and professional
development organizations to search for Latinas willing to share their experiences. Those who
demonstrated interest were asked to complete a Google Form (see Appendix D) to ensure that
they met the criteria. In the end, 11 Latinas met the criteria and were interviewed for this study.
Data Collection and Instruments/Protocols
Data was collected for this study through individual interviews. When possible,
interviews took place in person and in the office of the respective participant. If a participant was
unable to meet in person, the video conferencing application Zoom was utilized to connect with
them. Collecting data through interviews was the appropriate vehicle because microaggressions
in the workplace requires a recollection of events that cannot be replicated or easily observed
(Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Patton, 2002; Weiss, 1994). The interviews were
semi-structured with “a mix of more and less structured” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 110)
BIG HOOP ENERGY 37

questions. Exercising this approach allowed me to use the list of questions (Appendix B) to
manage the structure of the interviews while also permitting to ask follow-up questions if a
response given needed more clarification.
Interviews
Interviews and recounting narratives provide an audible window into people’s minds and
lives. They have been the way humans have recorded history and have made sense of our
respective experiences (Seidman, 2006). This is because “at the heart of interviewing research is
an interest in other individuals’ stories because they are of worth” (Seidman, 2006, p.9). Merriam
and Tisdell (2016) remind us that “interviews are necessary when we cannot observe behavior,
feelings, or how people interpret the world around them” (p.108). With this in mind, a semi-
structured interview was conducted to better understand how Latinas working in higher
education manage workplace microaggressions for survival in the field. Because of the flexibility
and ability to focus on a particular phenomenon (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) a
semi-structured interview approach was deemed appropriate to discuss workplace
microaggressions.
Interview Protocol

Each interview began by reviewing the interview protocol (Appendix A). The first step
was describing the purpose of the study, indicating the expected length of the interview along
with the framework for the questions. I then confirmed that the participant had received the
interview protocol along with the informed consent information. I proceeded with asking the
participant, if they had any questions, issues, or concerns. Semi-structured interviews took place
over 60-90 minutes with the first set of questions covering primarily demographics. Then the
question protocol asked about topics such as identity, direct experiences with microaggressions
BIG HOOP ENERGY 38

in the workplace and coping/combatting mechanisms (see Appendix B). With the participant’s
permission, I utilized various recording devices (2 Apple iPhones and 1 MacBook Air) to record
the interviews. The interviews were then uploaded to the Rev.com transcription service website
where they provided a transcript of each interview. Each participant interview was transcribed
with their respective pseudonym to keep data organized whilst concealing and protecting the
identity of the participant.
Data Analysis
Creswell (2014) compares data analysis in qualitative studies to that of peeling the layers
of an onion which consists of “segmenting and taking apart the data as well as putting it back
together” (p.195). He proceeds by discussing how one must prepare and organize data by
reducing the data into themes through a process of coding, and represent the data in figures,
tables or a discussion (Creswell, 2014). Patton (2002) recommends that data analysis be
conducted simultaneously with data collection. Therefore, the first step of my data analysis
began with organization and allocation of codes to my respective interviews.
Saldaña (2013) defines a code in qualitative research as “a word or short phrase that
symbolically assigns a summative, salient, essence-capturing, and/or evocative attribute for a
portion of language-based or visual data” (p.3). I listened to and/or watched the 11 interviews,
read the transcripts, several times before importing the transcription into the qualitative data
analysis software, NVIVO. Once uploaded, I re-read my data in NVIVO and began to pay
careful attention to any emergent codes. Once these codes were identified I created a list of a
priori codes, to form the codebook in NVIVO. The a priori codes were informed by the literature
review, Critical Race Feminism framework, and my own observations. This created a list of 43
codes. Once those 43 codes were reviewed, I began the process of condensing those codes into
BIG HOOP ENERGY 39

overall themes. NVIVO assisted with this identification by calculating the frequency of a priori
code (see Figure 2). A priori codes that arose were, microaggressions, navigation of self, thought
process, clapback, advice, and identity. Because coding is a cyclical act (Saldaña, 2013) I
reviewed my interviews several times to ensure that the narratives provided by my participants
are accurately and responsibly represented in this dissertation.

Figure 2. A priori codes by frequency

Advice
Clapback
Identity
Microaggression
Navigation of self
Thought process
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Limitations
Limitations of this study include the short amount of time allotted for data collection. Per
the parameters of my doctoral program, I was only able to collect data during a very limited
timeframe. This data collection period occurred between November 2019 through January 2020.
Given the busy and often cyclical nature of institutions of higher education, scheduling often
presented a challenge. In addition, upper level higher ed administrators often have to tend to
urgent institutional matters that may not allow for external invitations. Therefore, it was difficult
to find a time to meet with Latinas who were interested in participating but whose schedule did
not permit them to set aside an hour.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Maxwell (2013) cautions that researcher bias and reactivity are two very important
threats to qualitative research. While validity in qualitative research is not meant to imply an
“objective truth” (Maxwell, 2013, p.122) it is meant to contribute to a credible explanation or
description of a specific phenomenon (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016)- in this case
the phenomenon explored was the experiences of Latinas in higher ed. In an effort to reduce bias
and reactivity I reviewed the validity checklist provided by Maxwell (2013). The validity threats
checklist included intensive long-term involvement, providing rich data, respondent validation,
intervention, an active search for discrepant evidence and negative cases, triangulation,
utilization of numbers and explicit comparisons amongst groups (Maxwell, 2013). Given that
this dissertation had a specific deadline dictated by the semester, it was difficult if not impossible
to adhere to all of the points on the validity checklist. Therefore, the primary points utilized for
this study were member checks (respondent validation), providing of rich data, and asking my
BIG HOOP ENERGY 41

committee chair for feedback on my conclusions to possibly identify any biases, errors or
assumptions (searching for discrepant evidence and negative cases).
Ethics
Glesne (2011) stated, “research is a political act, involving resources, policy, power,
and ethics” (p.240). Ethical concerns are a major source of dispute in qualitative research
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The nature of interviewing, observing and a high potential for
subjectivity are the primary concerns researchers debate regarding qualitative methods, guided
by the list inspired by Patton (2015), Merriam and Tisdell (2015) provided a twelve-point ethical
checklist. The specific items utilized in this study were, thoroughly explaining the purpose of the
inquiry, ensuring confidentiality of the participant, verbal informed consent, data collection
boundaries, taking account of my own personal mental health, as well as informing participants
of their data access and ownership (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015; Patton, 2015). To protect my
participant’s identity I provided them with a pseudonym, I informed them they could end the
interview at any time, and that they would be provided a copy of the completed dissertation. All
of which are in conforming with IRB standards. In addition to staying committed to IRB criteria,
I remained true to my own ethical principles.
Intention and researcher intentionality are necessary in order to enact a study that is
aligned with one’s ethical stance (Tuck, 2009). Because my eyes and ears are the tools I used to
gather the information to make sense of what is going on (Maxwell, 2013) it was very important
that I remain cognizant of my personal ethical stance of avoiding a deficit perspective when
interviewing my participants. Prior to every interview I reminded myself of the following
questions: What can this research do to really improve the situation? Who are the participates in
the research? How are you posing your questions? How am I gathering the data? How does the
BIG HOOP ENERGY 42

framing of the research impact the ethics? What is the real short term and long-term benefits of
the research on my community (Tuck, 2009)? In addition, I adhered to my own personal ethical
guiding poem and principle of In Lak’ech. In Lak’Ech is a timeless Mayan proclamation that
Chicano playwright Luís Valdez incorporated into a larger poem titled Pensamiento Serpentino.
The poem excerpt is as follows:
Tú eres mi otro yo / You are my other me.
Si te hago daño a ti / If I do harm to you,
Me hago daño a mi / I do harm to myself.
Si te amo y respeto / If I love and respect you,
Me amo y respeto yo / I love and respect myself (Valdez, 1990).
This is my own personal mantra. The poem is serves as my ethical guide to life, love, education,
and research.

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CHAPTER FOUR
FINDINGS
Gloria Anzaldúa stated that “living on borders and in margins, keeping intact one’s
shifting and multiple identity and integrity, is like trying to swim in a new element, an alien
element” (1987, p. 19). The “alien element” as it pertains to this study are the historically white
institutions. This chapter presents findings from this study based upon an analysis of data
collected through interviews with eleven Latinas in higher education administration at 2-year and
4-year institutions. Specifically addressed is how they have navigated their identity and handled
microaggressions while working in these often “alien elements.”
This chapter provides an overview of the responses provided by the 11 participants of this
study in relation to the research questions. The two research questions addressed in this study
are: (1) How, if at all, do Latina administrators navigate their identity when working at
historically white institutions; and (2) How do Latinas in higher education administration
navigate microaggressions while working at historically white institutions? The literature
suggests that there are studies on Latinx faculty and Latinx students in academia, but very few
scholars examine the experiences of Latinas higher ed admin, and particularly how these mujeres
have continued to persevere while breaking through the adobe ceiling (Ramos, 2009). Therefore,
this work is an effort to address that gap, and to discover and share strategies for handling
microaggressions. I will subsequently present the data and findings, relevant to how they answer
each of my research questions.
Participants
Due to the sensitive nature of microaggressions, identity, and the very low numbers of
Latinas in higher ed administration positions, it was important to me that I honor the privacy of
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the participants and therefore provide very generic details about their specific roles and number
of years in higher education (see table 1). All 11 of the participants were provided pseudonyms
and each name represents a significant woman in my own family. Domitila was my maternal
grandmother, Erika is my sister, Gloria is my tia4, Guadalupe was my tia-abuela5, Isabel is my
mother, Julia is my goddaughter, Leandra is my tia, Maricela is my tia, Martha is the mother of
my two goddaughters (as well as my mother’s cousin), Reyna is my godmother, and Viviana is
my goddaughter. Much like the participants who took time to speak with me, all of the mujeres
in my family are strong, intelligent, and powerful women who are above all, Chingonas6.

4 Tia- Spanish for aunt.
5 Tia-abuela- Spanish for great-aunt
6 Chingona (noun)- a Spanish slang term meaning a woman who secure with herself. In other words, a “bad ass
woman”
BIG HOOP ENERGY 45

Table 1: List of Participants
Pseudonym Title Years in Higher
Ed
Domitila Vice President 10-15
Erika Dean of Students 20+
Gloria Assistant Vice President 15-20
Guadalupe Associate Vice President 20+
Isabel Vice President 15-20
Julia Interim Associate Vice President 10-15
Leandra Vice Provost 20+
Maricela Provost and Executive Vice President 20+
Martha Associate Dean 5-10
Reyna Vice President 10-15
Viviana Director 10-15

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Being Latina in Historically white Institutions
This section will discuss the findings pertaining to the first research question of, how do
Latina administrators navigate their identity when working at historically white institutions? This
section is divided into three parts. We begin with a discussion about identity, what being Latina
meant to the participants, and work-related stereotypes. Second, participants discuss how they
have navigated themselves with an emphasis on the constant awareness of their physical
presentation and code-switching. Lastly, participants discuss dealing with hypervisibility, being
the only Latina, a constant need to be overprepared, and overall how Latinas navigate their
careers in higher education administration differently than white women.
Participants Identity
It was important to me, as the researcher, that all of the mujeres interviewed defined what
Latina meant to them. The Latina umbrella term is vast and can mean many different things to
each individual. This was why the first criteria I set out when calling for participants was specific
to those who identified as Latina, Chicana, Cubana, Mexicana, Mexican-American, Puerto
Rican, Dominicana, South or Central American. I wanted to capture the heterogeneity of the
term, Latina. Latinas are often thought of as having a monolithic experience, yet nothing could
be further from the truth. When asked “what does being Latina (or however they identified under
the Latina umbrella term) mean to you” I was met with a variety of positive emotions and at
times, tears. Leandra spoke to the diversity and beauty of being Latina,
To me? That's a good question. It [being Latina] definitely drives a sense of optimism
that I think people don't quite grasp. It does, because I think it comes from a lot of other
experiences that you bring in terms of our own diversity of experiences as Latinas.
People try to make us very similar, like homogenous, and use that term in that way that
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carries a lot of...but, we all know that that's not the case. But, there is an aspect of
strengths that I see in the Latina community that our histories and our baggage of all sizes
and all weights. And, I think that sense of sharing, the overcoming part comes natural.
The overwhelming theme of community and deep connection to our culture was present in the
responses regarding being Latina. Martha stated,
Oh my gosh. So many things. And I always say that I use the term Latina in spaces so
that people understand, but I'm really a Dominican Puerto Rican person. I think, and it's
interesting how in the United States, Latinos who are born here, usually use that
terminology, "I'm Latinx, I'm Latino, I'm Latina." Or but when you are someone who's
foreign born, most folks identify with their countries. And so I always say I'm either
Dominican Puerto Rican, I'm Domino Rican, I'm Dominican and Puerto Rican, things
like that. But it's an easier thing to just be like, "I'm Latina." And I totally identify with
that… And also just for me, what feels very natural to Latinos of being community
oriented, being family oriented. I always say that unidad is something that I carry, my
family comes from very low means, but all the way back to like my great, great
grandparents and being farmers and campesinos from the mountains.
Erika,
I mean, I think for me the biggest are being not only Nuyorican but Latino, Latinx, and
identifying as a woman of color in general. Those are really huge identities for me. And
not just as a woman, but as a woman of color. And yeah, being a partner and a mom and
someone who values family over everything, that's a huge part of who I am. For me, my
identity and background is important and it's something that I don't hide. I never hide and
I try to let people know who I am, whether that comes out in like how I decorate my
BIG HOOP ENERGY 48

office or what I'm wearing that day, or what I talk about. It's very important and it's a part
of my identity that will always be at the forefront.
Domitila,
I'm very proud of who I am. That's something that I've always felt. I've always been
really proud of who I am. I love being Latina. I love ... this is going to sound really
cheesy, but I love the way I look. I love the way I speak. I love the way I think about the
world. I love the way that I even have sisterhood with other Latinas and other women of
color. I love the way that I feel like my family history is so rich and so deep and for me,
I'm very proud of who I am, and even though obviously there is a lot of negative things
associated with being Latina for other people, for me, I'm just so proud of it.
Maricela,
I identify as Latina, and I think that for me being Latina really means having a certain
cultural perspective, having a certain historical perspective and really seeing the world as
a woman with that specific ethnicity. So I don't separate my gender from my ethnicity.
When I say Latina, it also kind of embodies the gender into it as well. And so I think that
all of those things and the value of community and relationships is important to me.
The intersectional theme regarding being Latina was also key. Julia stated,
I think for me, it means being able to navigate all of the identities that intersect. I think
for me, it means being when it ... And I can't separate those, right? It means being a
daughter, being a sister, being part of my family. And when I think about how that
intersects with my career and in my professional life, I do have to take into account that I
am a daughter, a sister, a family member. Not only to my nuclear family, for lack of a
better term, but my extended family.
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Gloria,
I do identify as Latina, Chicana, it really depends on the setting, as well. Because I am
also a woman of color, if I'm with other women who don't identify as Latina, and I'm
trying to build community and really trying to really be inclusive of other people's
experiences. But I do identify as Latina, and I'm very proud of my cultural heritage. I
identify a lot with my immigrant background. You know, being daughter of an immigrant
has really shaped who I am in terms of understanding that my mom, in particular,
sacrificed so much to be here, the work ethic that she's instilled, the injustices that she has
experienced for me to be able to sit behind a desk. As she says, "behind your desk in an
air conditioning building." I really appreciate that. I really always find grounding in that.
Reyna identified as Chicana and discussed how her identity was important because of what the
term implies,
Chicana to me, means that I do not have the luxury of only thinking about self. So I have
been very clear that everything about who I am, what I get involved with is about
improving the broader community… So Chicana for me is not just about identifying as
Brown or identifying as female, but identifying as being a part of moving the quality of
life for all people, but predominantly for Latino, Latina, Chicano communities. Like just
being just really clear and unapologetic about it.
Isabel who also identified as Chicana stated,
For me it [being Chicana] means, I'm historically aware, I'm politically active. I'm not
just somebody who loves our culture and celebrates our culture, it's I know what
happened to people within my culture and I am politically working every single day to
undo the harms of that history. I'm aware of what's currently happening still.
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Viviana,
I mean I'm Latinx, that's what society calls me. I'm Chicana in circles where people
recognize that term, which is not everywhere. It's limited. But I do think more than
anything I identify myself as a woman of Mexican descent and first-generation college
student.
Guadalupe identified as Latinx, Mexican, and undocumented discussed how one’s connection to
their identity can inform their work,
I think the other piece for me is undocumented. I didn't use to talk about it obviously
before ever because you just didn't. And now I think in the last, I would say probably in
the last five years, definitely been comfortable talking about it because our students are
so brave and they talk about it. So for me, that's a big piece of who I am as an immigrant
coming into this country. I don't know, I don't really get to talk about it. So now that you
asked, I'm like, "Oh, I didn't expect for this one to be like this." But that's a big piece of
who I am and it definitely plays into how I view making decisions, how I make policy
decisions. What drives me and what guides the work that I do. It's very important to me.
Guadalupe was brought to tears discussing what her identity meant to her. She added,
I really strongly believe that there is a thing such as cultural DNA, and it's what
makes us part of who we are. So for me things, the fact that I'm very adaptable, flexible,
resilient, I hustle all those things, I feel like, sure anyone can have, but I feel that they're
in our cultural DNA because we've had to survive.
What it means to be Latina varied from mujer to mujer. The commonality of a strong connection
to our community, our family, embracing our intersectionality, our history, our pride, are all
BIG HOOP ENERGY 51

things that impact our work in higher ed. However, these values may impact how others work
with or view us.
Work-related Stereotypes
In discussing identity, the topic of work-related stereotypes came about because all
participants work at historically white institutions. I wanted to know if they believed work-
related stereotypes about Latinas existed. All 11 participants unanimously agreed that Latina
work-related stereotypes exist. This is important to note because understanding that these
stereotypes exist impact how participants navigate their Latina identity while working at
historically white schools. One of the common stereotypes about Latinas in the workplace were
becoming “too emotional” Maricela elaborates,
Yeah, absolutely. I think that one of the challenges that Latinos have to face is, I know
personally I tend to be very passionate about the work. I decided a long time ago that I
didn't really want to do work that I wasn't passionate about or that I didn't really believe
in. And so I think that our passion is easily confused with aggression or being too
emotional or being pushy and all those things about being pushy and emotional and
passionate which is the way that it's described is seen as someone who is not emotionally
stable and who's really dramatic and that kind of thing. I have seen that very much so.
The emotion and passion Maricela discussed above has often been confused for another negative
attribute, anger. The fear of becoming the “angry Brown woman” was prevalent. Guadalupe
discussed,
I think there's also in terms of work, the feeling that “there's the angry Brown girl” so that
I'm going to come in and I'm going to be in your face and I'm somehow always going to
be angry and that kind of stereotype.
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Julia also spoke to the angry stereotype, “I think if you're too loud, you could be kind of boxed
into or stereotyped as, "Oh, she's always complaining about something." “She's always angry
about something” or, "Oh, here she comes with her social justice agenda." The concept of being
“too loud” was a reoccurring theme. Domitila stated,
Oh yeah, for sure. I think that they assume we're loud, that we're sassy, that we can be
intimidating or that we're pushy or that we're bossy. I think those - I think people perceive
us as loud, as bossy, as intimidating, as pushy, everything under the sun.
However, Erika also made mention of the hypocrisy of the “angry” or “too loud” stereotype,
But the stereotypes that would be placed on me as a Latina or my admin as a black
woman, I think are a little bit different than would be placed on the Italian man or the two
Italian men actually that I have working in my office, because men are men... It's okay for
them to be loud and boisterous and aggressive where it isn't for women.
Erika also discussed how these stereotypes have impacted her,
I think they'd probably think we're too loud, we're aggressive, we are too emotional. And
I think for a lot of my career I have really tried to suppress some of those feelings and
displays. And there's always appropriate time for everything. So even if am an emotional
person, which by nature I actually am an emotional type of person. There is a time and a
place for emotion and there isn't. But I also don't think there's anything wrong with being
emotional. I don't think there's anything wrong with speaking the way I speak it is just
different, right? And so, no, I'm not in a meeting yelling at people, but I'm also not a quiet
person.
Viviana had a different approach to the work-related stereotypes. She stated,
BIG HOOP ENERGY 53

Sure. I mean they exist. I'm just trying to think, okay I could see myself being... Someone
saying, “She's real fiery and feisty. She's real... She's going to fight you. She's a chola
about it." It's like, I hear shit. Some of that is empowering to me.
Viviana and Erika were impacted by work-related stereotypes, yet both mujeres did not let these
preconceived notions from other people impact their work and dedication to their students.
However, knowing that these stereotypes do exist creates an awareness of one-self that most
participants are cognizant of on a daily basis.
Navigation of Self
The Latinas in this study discussed the various forms in which they were cognizant of
how they were presenting themselves at their institutions. From the way they spoke, to the way
they dressed, their identity was often at the forefront of their day. Gloria described the difficulty
of navigating oneself, “I think as the higher I go, it is difficult to navigate your identity as a
Latina, because you have to constantly battle the racism, the sexism” and the stereotypes. As
Latinas we are continuously aware of how we are presenting our intersectional identities and
have to employ the navigational tool of code-switching to thrive in spaces that can sometimes be
very hostile.
Physical Presentation. “I'm very mindful of how much I'm moving my hands” Julia explains.
The navigation of how Latinas physically and aesthetically presented themselves in professional
spaces was very prevalent. Whether it was their clothing or body movements, when asked how
cognizant they were about how they were physically presenting themselves, 9 out of the 11
replied with “every day.” Maricela,
All the time. And I think that that became more so as I climbed the professional ladder
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because the other stereotype is that we are these kind of sexy women who are always
ready to engage in some sort of sexual game. Right? With male counterparts. And so I
think that when you combine the stereotype of being sexy with the stereotype of being
passionate and aggressive, I suspect... Though I don't care why, but I suspect that
particularly male colleagues interpret that as we're giving signals that we might be
interested in something. So because of that, I have to be aware of the fact that, "I'm I
wearing clothes that are too tight, I'm wearing clothes that are too revealing? Is this
professional and is there anything in my appearance or in the clothing or items or jewelry
that I'm choosing that might be distracting in this particular interaction or this particular
meeting that I have to have?" Where it's already going to be hard enough showing up as a
Latina, I don't want to add any additional distraction to that interaction.
Maricela described how just “showing up Latina” at historically white spaces is difficult. Being
sexualized combined with the stereotypes of Latinas are enough to have one feel pressured to
purchase an all new wardrobe just to be taken seriously. Isabel,
An elder in our community sought me out at a community event where I was wearing a
twinset, a very nice matching sweater set from Macy's. He said, "Tienes que ponerte
chaqueta" [You have to wear a blazer] I said, "Por que? Tengo que trabajar." [Why? I
have to work] I have to feel comfortable. He said, "Porque si no van a creer que eres una
secretaria" [If you don’t, they will think you are the secretary] I said, "Pues, cuando me
conocen," [Well when they know me] "They'll know that I'm not." He said, "Ni te van a
conocer." [They will not get to know you]. He was like, "I'm just trying to teach you the
way." I was like, “ugh.” So over time, I saw what he was trying to help me see. I
remember going to Talbot's and opening a credit card there instead of Macy's, that
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switch. To me Talbot's is older, conservative, stuffy, classic. So every day it was a
deliberate, I'm putting on my costume now.
Isabel’s mentor knew that she had to aesthetically assert her presence in the white space that she
was in so as to not create confusion. He feared that her colleagues would not see her as the VP
she was, but as the secretary. He was aware of the racist preconceptions of Latinas in historically
white schools and wanted to spare her of those preconceived notions. Leandra describes the
reaction of people to seeing Latinas in these executive settings as creating a sort of “dissonance”.
She explains,
Oh, yeah. Absolutely. And that's something that I have chosen not to modify too much.
Somebody put a complaint about my cleavage once, at work at a Hispanic Serving
Institution. And my poor boss, a white male, had to come and tell me about it. He was red
from head to toe. He was apologetic, and he was like I just have to notify you and I'm
sorry. And there's so many aspects of that that are wrong. But there are certain aspects of
our culture and how we feel presentable that definitely create dissonance in people. I get
it a lot, it's supposed to be a casual day. And it's like, this is my casual. This is what
you're going to get. Or, I don't know how you are always in heels, and that aspect of it.
And so, the way that I dress definitely creates dissonance with the PhD, absolutely. And
yet, you have professors that come in Birkenstocks and jeans and tee-shirts and nobody
questions whether they're the professor of the class or not.
Leandra brings up two very important points in discussing how cognizant she is of her physical
presentation. 1) The fact that her physical appearance was called out while working at a Hispanic
Serving Institution furthers the point that a school’s student population has little to do with
campus culture and 2) that faculty do not have the same pressure of Latina administrators to “put
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on a costume.” Faculty credentials and those of white colleagues, are not questioned in the same
manner. Domitila,
Oh, every single day. Every single day. Every single day. I'd say that's another area ...
somebody told me once, and it really freaked me out, but made me think, and at first I
was very defensive and I was like, "What the hell?" But somebody was like, "Well you
have pretty privilege," and I was like, "What the hell does that even mean? What does
that even mean?" "Well, you have pretty privilege so people perceive you differently
because of the way you look or the way you dress and you always look so nice," and all
these sorts of things, and it's like, "Yeah, because I know that I can't come in in
sweatpants like my colleagues." Seriously. I'm going to be really honest. I have a fellow
vice president [white] who will come in, I'm not even joking you, in straight up sweat
pants. The other day she was wearing slippers in the hallway and I'm like, if I ever did
that ... I can't even fathom ever doing that.
Domitila being sexualized and accused of having “pretty privilege” indicated that somehow her
job was made easier by her attractiveness. Yet, she could not “even fathom” ever thinking about
dressing in an unprofessional manner because as a Latina, her executive level position is already
under scrutiny- regardless of her attire. The thought of her wearing something that does not
present as “executive” is something that Reyna echoes,
Well, “Teresa” (a Latina Vice President at a higher ed institution) and other hermanas, we
have this talk all the time, right? It's like to cardigan or not to cardigan? So on the one
hand, because I wearing dresses I tend to like sleeveless. Mostly because I sweat a lot and
so I don't do well with things that are fully covering, but entonces the cardigan for me is
a, "Oh, I want to cover my shoulders but I don't have to commit to a blazer." So there's
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always this thing where we talk about somehow the cardigan not showing enough
executive-level presence, but then if we're only doing blazers then are we endorsing that
it's a male clothing type that works. I know this seems crazy that you would have some
Chingonas like “Teresa” and I that would be talking about this, but we do, right? We're
like, "What do you do? What do you wear?"
Both Domitila and Reyna are executive level administrators with doctoral degrees, yet they still
question what to wear because we as Latinas are not afforded the benefit of the doubt. This is
what Isabel’s mentor was warning her about when he told her to change her wardrobe so she
would not be mistaken for a secretary. However, some participants described being very
intentional with how they presented themselves and brought forth the concept of professionalism
as something that is socially constructed. Viviana described being purposeful with her clothing,
How cognizant am I? One very intentional about the way I dress. Usually I wear T-shirts
that are going to have a message on them. T-shirts like my undocumented student scholar
shirts. I wear things that are intentionally purchased to support political causes. Whatever
political support we need to provide students or young people or community or whatever.
Erika furthered the discussion of what it means to be professional and intentional with your
presentation,
[Cognizant] All the time. And I don't care anymore. And I'll say that in terms of, I still
dress obviously “professional” I'll put that in quotes because we all know it's based in
white male patriarchy. But I will dress professionally for work, obviously, this is a job,
you know, and it's hard. It's something I try to talk to younger professionals about is the
fact that like there's still a game you got to play and you can't be showing up looking like
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you rolled out of bed. Like unfortunately this ain't the job for you if that's what you want
to do. And there's not a lot of jobs for you if that's what you want to do.
Erika proceeded to place an importance on the aesthetics one brings to a job,
I don't wear a suit every day. I mean, like today I'm in a ... I'm wearing obviously dress
pants, but I have like a sweater on. I'm still professional, but I'm not all decked out. But
beyond that, like something that I do do a lot, which I've actually talked about at
conferences is what are my aesthetics that I bring to this job? And sometimes it is big
hoop earrings and sometimes it's red lipstick, my favorite. I have ... A lot of the jewelry
that I wind up buying is made by women of color. So I try and wear that. So I will maybe
wear brighter things or I'll have like bigger earrings. I'll have a brighter lipstick and no
one has ever said anything to me like that's unprofessional.
Erika and Viviana both wore very specific articles of clothing that while still “professional” they
are also thought provoking and meant to challenge their co-workers. While this intention is
powerful, Reyna describes the reality of how exhausting it can be to constantly be aware of how
one is presenting herself; but also doing something about it,
Oh my God. Every fricking day. Every day. So about two years ago, maybe two and a
half years ago, coming up ... Anyway, I consciously stopped straightening my hair and
started wearing my hair naturally curly. You can't see it today because I haven't washed it
and I had a late travel day. So I was always so concerned with looking professional and
put together and I coded looking professional and put together as looking polished, which
meant straight hair, nothing that's all over the place. And two and a half years ago I just
was ... That was one of the ways where I'm like, "I'm so tired of that." So I went natural. I
have not straightened my hair, not once since then.
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Reyna, Viviana, and Erika mention being aware of how they physically present, yet by wearing
politicized clothing, jewelry, make-up, and/or hair they were engaging in a form of covert
transformational resistance. By practicing internal resistance and appearing to “conform to
institutional or cultural norms and expectations” (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001, p. 324)
they are decolonizing professional attire whilst asserting their ideologies.
Guadalupe stated she was not constantly aware of how she was dressing, but she
described how she was still not presenting her full authentic self,
[I am] Not cognizant at all. I think, I don't know if it's just because of my upbringing or I
was too naive. I just didn't care. I have always just been. I'm always very natural. And I
think the times that I have, I would say put on a mask or code switched is absolutely
knowing my time, place and manner in terms of I'm applying for a job. I naturally don't
wear any makeup. And I've always felt more comfortable in not wearing dresses. So I've
always just showed up with what felt most comfortable, which is like a suit. But I know
I'm going to show up wearing a suit because that's the industry standard. That's the
requirement. So of course, I'm going to do that, but other than that, I just have never been
really cognizant of it.
Guadalupe discusses “putting on a mask” while simultaneously adhering to the professional
norms that have been set by society. Although Guadalupe was not constantly conscious of her
own physical presentation, she did agree that Latinas are “much more cognizant of things like
dress, things like how we're perceived” and by engaging in code-switching, she was mindful of
how she was navigating her presence in these spaces.
Code-switching. The linguistic term “code-switching” is used to refer the alternating use of two
or more languages in a conversation (Auer, 2013). However, in terms of interpersonal
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interactions, the term describes how we “fluidly moving in and out of different contexts enables
us to engage in authentic relationships with staff, parents, and community members—as well as
our peers and colleagues” (Santamarí a & Santamarí a, 2012, p. 2). Viviana,
It's not that I go into Spanish-English, but it depends on who I'm talking to. I could
definitely see myself speaking to an administrator, my equity team or the equity director
or the VP or someone and saying stuff in Spanish, where I'm really trying to say
something and I feel like she's going to understand what I mean and I can do that. I really
do code switch when it comes to my white manager, she's not going to get that. I am
aware of things... the way I speak to people.
By engaging in code-switching, Viviana reveals a part of herself to her Spanish speaking
colleagues that her white manager is not privy to. Reyna discusses how she engages in code-
switching,
Oh, fuck. Every day. Yeah. Just getting to the point, like every day. Honestly, I think
when you get to these levels it's like having to speak an entirely different language. I call
it beyond code-switching because it's not just about do I understand the parameters and
the rules of engagement. I feel like at this level, oftentimes it's about finding the way to
drive it. Finding the way to create the space. So me, so I show up and I can be
professional, I can be articulate, I can convey and I can do that and still sometimes flow
in and out of Spanish. I do that quite regularly using examples or connection points that
are very culturally based. I am not afraid to do that. I'm not afraid to lead front and center
in saying things like a first-generation college student and professional person of color
and then say, "This is what I think we should do with the budget." Those really
intentional points to infuse into the narrative, but also the way that I show up at a board
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meeting, or when I'm at the legislator's office in Sacramento, or with a potential donor
that there's a level of that professional scrubbing that needs to happen. Then as I build
connections to people, then I choose how I want to allow for them to engage with other
parts of my identity. So I don't think of it as I'm whitewashing myself. I'm thinking of it
as I'm holding that professional line and boundary, and the level to which I think ... This
sounds so pompous as I'm saying it, but I believe it. The level to which I believe that you
are showing up to me authentically is then how I decide you get the more authentic me or
not.
Reyna discussed engaging in “beyond code-switching” to be able to move fluidly but also to
assert herself and her identity. As an academic executive, she had to “learn to speak an entirely
different language” to be able to work effectively. This concept can be very difficult to grasp if
you are a first-generation professional. It can render you vulnerable if you do not adapt quickly.
Guadalupe explains how she code-switches her personality for protection,
I think over the years I have learned to code switch better. So I'm a scientist by nature. I
studied, like I said, biology. Very different, very different world than the people in higher
education. And so for me, I had to go back, in some ways I lost that. But then about
halfway through my career I remembered that I was a scientist and I went back to data
analysis, almost kind of like the scientific method of questioning things, of being able to
provide information, factual information, clear. And so yes, that is something that I
learned, but in terms of is it natural? No way. So if you talk to my friends or family, I'm a
very relaxed person. I tend to be very, and I still am in the workplace, but very
communal, very inclusive. I am very tender. And I am really, I would say, a very heart
centered person. And I'm those things at work, but I have a shield, because people will
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take advantage, people will see it as weakness. So I've learned to, when I come to work, I
still show up as all those things, but with a shield and an armor around me, because I
know that puts me in a very vulnerable place. And I've gotten burned, and so that's just,
again, I'm not going to be taken down. So that's, I show up to work with a shield. So
absolutely, I've changed. I think because I learned English later, I can't say that I changed
my language, but I definitely code switch between formal and informal, academic and
nonacademic.
Guadalupe’s “shield” allows her to code-switch for the protection of her heart and soul. Having
been taken advantage of, code-switching and her shield are essential to her success and survival
in academia. Domitila discusses a different, lighter, way in which code-switching helps her,
One thing where I think for me I'm always code switching, and when I'm with my other
Latinx or people of color, our speaking communication sounds a lot different. It's much
more open and honest and I feel more like myself, but when I'm presenting in front of the
board of trustees, I can't be that person. So it's absolutely code switching. It's absolutely
code switching.
Code-switching was key to being a more effective colleague and also a healing practice. It allows
Viviana and Reyna to not lose themselves while articulating the needs of their students, aids in
Guadalupe preserving herself, and permits Domitila to be more of herself with other colleagues
of color. Code-switching is an important navigational, healing, and essential tool for Latinas in
higher ed.
Navigation of Career
Latinas navigate their careers in higher education administration differently than white
women. Dealing with being hyper visible and having to be overprepared, are points that
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participants mentioned impact the way in which Latinas steer and advance their careers in higher
ed administration. Erika elaborates,
100% I'll go back to the emotional. We're not allowed to be emotional show any
emotions. white women can cry all the damn time and everybody's like, "Oh we upset
Susie." And nobody ever cares that they upset you. And I don't cry my way into things or
out of things the way. Not that I never cried and I've actually cried at work and I'm
actually cried in front of supervisors. Like that's life, right? Sometimes it gets you down,
and I'm okay with that. Right? But I don't ... But I have seen white women's tears and
how they operate, and really gross and that's why there's literature on it because it's really
a real tool that is used against people of color, I would say women of color. The minute a
white woman is like, that person is aggressive or mean or they said something, that's it.
It's like believe the white lady. So I do think that they navigate differently and they
certainly don't have to think about the things that we have to think about. And not that
women in general don't have to think about emotions because I do think that yes, women
are tagged as overly emotional, can't do a job because their feelings will get in the way.
And I don't ... And I recognize for all women that that is a barrier and an issue. But I
think specifically for women of color, there's an intersection of like emotion plus anger
plus difficult to work with that white women, even when they are difficult to work with, I
don't think that they get that moniker placed on them.
Erika’s powerful testimonial discusses the reality that Latinas are simply not afforded the
privilege of the benefit of the doubt. Showing emotion tags us as “difficult” as opposed to
sincere or any other positive adjective. When Erika refers to the tears of white women being
“gross” and being used as a “tool against people of color” she is referencing how “white
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woman's reality is visible, acknowledged, and legitimized because of her tears, while a woman of
color's reality, like her struggle, is invisible, overlooked, and pathologized based on the operating
standard of humanity” (Accapadi, 2007, p. 210). In addition, white women do not have to
constantly worry about how they are presenting themselves. Maricela,
I think that having worked with other women that are non-Latinas, I find that particularly
white women probably navigate their careers differently in that they may still... And I
know they do because they've shared with me, they still don't have to worry about the
physical appearance and how they show up and they have to worry about those mixed
signals that might be misinterpreted, but they don't have to worry because they're part of
the same cultural expectation I guess, about being perceived too emotional or too
dramatic. The passion part, the way that we express ourselves with our hands and the way
that we come across, it's so rooted in our culture and our ethnic background that I think
that someone who has not grown up in that way would not have to pay attention to that as
much as we do. I think that my black colleagues, my African American women
colleagues do experience very similar ways of having to measure themselves and
navigate their careers because we've shared stories and they are very similar. So I do
think that there is a marked difference between women of color and women who are
white.
Guadalupe adds,
I think we are definitely much more ... we are much more cognizant of things like dress,
things like how we're perceived. Accents, those of us that have accents, those of us that
don't have accents. Names. I think we also sometimes the imposter syndrome is very real.
So we've questioned whether I'm ready for a role, not ready for a role. I think often times
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we differ in terms of either for authority, we might not feel as comfortable speaking up.
Very careful of how our colleagues perceive us, of how we, when we decide to apply for
a job, I think all those things definitely play into, at least for me, that's been my
experience. And my close friends who are also Latinos in higher education. We're
consistently thinking about those things. We will call each other and ask each other
questions or we'll say, "Hey, I saw this. What do you think? You think I'm ready? What
do you think people are going to say?" I think there's just a different level that often
doesn't get considered for white men and for white women. I think for other folks of
color, I think that some of those things are present, but I at least my experience as for
Latinos, yes, absolutely.
Maricela, Gloria, and Guadalupe eloquently highlight that because the culture higher ed
administration and higher education in general has been historically white, white women do not
have the added pressure women of color may have in fitting in. Latinas have to contest with our
intersectional identities, “imposter syndrome” and the questioning of how they can fit into a role.
Hyper-visible. Another professional navigational concern that was voiced was the optics of
having too many Latinas in administration. Martha discusses the hypervisibility of Latinas in
higher ed,
My VP is Puerto Rican, I am half Puerto Rican and this hire is going to be Puerto Rican.
So at an institution that's very white and how are we bringing in three Latinas, not just
three Puerto Ricans into these positions, very visible positions on a campus that isn't used
to that. And so we had to talk about that. And I just remember verbalizing the fact that we
even have to talk about this is incredibly frustrating to me. But you know what? My VP,
she was like, "So let's think about how are we going to respond if somebody brings that
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up." And I'm going to say, "Well you know I am absolutely trying to reach my goal of
Puerto Rican domination here at this college." So that's going to be my answer. Because
how ridiculous of a question is that? You know? And her and I both laughed. There's
some seriousness to us too, because we have to be thinking about that because we want
her to be successful and we're here to do work. But the fact that we even had to think
about that, it's something that is incredibly frustrating, but it's real.
Martha and her fellow Latina VP had to think about the optics of how the institution would react
to an all Latina led department. Gloria discussed how other administrators at her institution
reacted to having several Latinas in a department,
Actually, the provost is Latina, and my boss is Latina. So my boss reports directly to the
provost, and then I report to my boss. So at some point... you'll find this very interesting...
we were called the Latina mafia. And this was shared with me by a colleague who I
respect a lot, who has been a sponsor, to say the least, who I thought I could go for, like,
career advice, and who I thought was an ally. And so, I felt it was hurtful to be... No, it
wasn't hurtful to be called that. It was more angering, actually, to be called the Latina
mafia. Because I felt like, prior to this administration being in place, it was a very white,
male-dominated cabinets, or people in leadership positions didn't tend to look like me.
And so, my thought was like, "Well, did the cabinet, were they called a KKK? I'm a little
confused here by, are we the Latina mafia?" Right? And the connotations about the
mafia, right? It was thought of as funny. But I also think that there was notions that,
because more women of color, in particular, were getting into leadership positions, he
wasn't getting opportunities. Which I understand that it's a frustration of his, and he is a
hard worker and whatever. So he felt like the pie was being shared with others and not
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him. It wasn't because we were capable of being in those leadership positions, it was
because, and he was, right? So that was quite interesting.
The hypervisibility that both Gloria and Martha along with their Latina colleagues experienced is
something that white administrators do not have to deal with. Leandra summarizes,
A department can go 130 years being totally white and nobody questions that. Nobody
goes, what's wrong with that department? Everybody's white. Then you put a person of
color in charge, and you attract persons that are attracted to that aspect of it and now
everybody's paying attention. It's interesting.
The hypervisibility of Latinas in higher education administration is frustrating. As Leandra
described, no one will ever question why there are too many white men in charge. Thankfully,
there are diversity hiring efforts in higher education, but often that results in being the only
person of color at an executive level which Guadalupe described as “kinda sad” and a bit lonely.
Being the only Latina in the room can also leave you feeling as though you are now
responsible for representing your entire ethnic community and you are now responsible for
educating others. Leandra,
Maybe it's just crazy, but I feel a sense of responsibility if I am the first Latina that a
person has met. And so, that creates a sense of compassion for ignorance and I will
always start with ignorance. Somebody asked me question that is not right. Children are
beautiful, all the way to teenage years, they will ask things like why do you talk like that?
Yes, their parents should have taught them better. But, being able to position yourself in a
way that then you realize, let's not assume that the parents taught them to be racist or
anything like that, but you actually understand this is probably the first time their actually
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exposed to somebody like me. That sounds like me. Let's use that teachable moment.
Even though my accent is not something that is salient to me anymore.
Leandra’s compassion is admirable because she gives the microaggressor the benefit of the doubt
and provides a space for them to learn. Being the only Latina in the room can come with another
internal conflict, imposter syndrome. Julia,
We talk a lot about that imposter syndrome with our students. And I think I do want to
say that in my first two months in this role, that was very real for me. I think this is
something that is ongoing for us. I'm in different spaces, and sometimes I'm ... Yes, I can
own and I can own the space that I'm in, and then something changes, and then it's a little
bit like of a setback, right? But I think that in the first two months of me being in this
role, it was very noticeable to me that I was the only one in the room. And I think for me,
it just brought up a lot of questions in terms of, especially when we look at our population
here at this college, we are 60% Latino. I was looking at this number. We're almost 60%
female as well. And yet, I'm the only Latina. And I think the other part of it was not that I
was just noticing it in these spaces and trying to find my voice and making sure that I ... I
don't think that I'm not outspoken, but sometimes, there are other louder voices. But I
think the other piece of what I was also noticing is that others were noticing. And so I had
other, specifically faculty Latinas who came to me and they were like, "You know you're
the highest-ranking Latina on campus." And I think for me, that was a shock. I was like,
"Wait, what? Me? No way." And then I was like, "Oh, actually, yes, that is true." So I
think that it's noticeable. It was noticeable to me.
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Julia’s bout with imposter syndrome and having other Latina faculty mention her high ranking
status speaks to how impactful it can be to be represented at that level in higher ed. Julia’s
statement also highlights the disconnect between admin and students.
Being either the “only one” or the “first one” comes with the added professional pressure
that often results in being over-prepared for meetings. Viviana,
I already know, basically I'll get as much research as I can. What is this? Who's running
this? There's a lot of data that has to go into a meeting. I have to read up on the things. I
hate asking questions because you can't ask a question that has been shared in an email
within the last six months because it's like, didn't you read the email? And it's like fuck, I
have so many emails, no I didn't get it. I have to plan it. I have to get my questions in
order and when I go to this meeting I have to answer my own questions as they're
speaking. That's basically what I have to do. I don't say shit that's unnecessary. I have to
train myself to not ask what they would think is a redundant question. There's a lot of like
second guessing myself before I'm even in the meeting.
The overpreparing for meetings was consistent through all participants. There was a desire to
have all the data, agenda items ahead of time, and as many facts as possible. Martha,
So I always feel like I have to prove myself in that way. Yeah. Just in case somebody
decides to ask me a random like, "Where did that come from?" Can I cite it? And
obviously I can, it's like I can't just post citations out of my head, but I can point to
something and say, "This is what I'm thinking about this."
The over preparing stems partly from an awful concoction of imposter syndrome and
internalization of doubt. Domitila,
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Well, I always come prepared. I think I don't have the option of winging it or seeing how
it goes. So I'm always super prepared. I probably overthink a lot. I am aware that our
board is a bunch of old white men and they see me as probably this cute little Latina
who's a child and so I know I have to come correct, and I do, but I definitely think that
way, even though they've never done or said anything, and maybe that's my own
socialization that makes me think that that's what they're thinking, but definitely that's
kind of my thought process going in.
While it may appear innocuous and almost common sensical that one should be overly prepared
for meetings, there is an added layer of preparation for Latinas. Often times in meetings there are
those who are “thinking out loud” and while Latinas can, or maybe even do, engage in this
practice, the fear of being perceived as just “this cute little Latina” is what plagues us.
Participants in this study navigate their identity while working at historically white
institutions by being cognizant of their identity, presentation, professional preparation, and
hypervisibility. They discussed how as Latinas they do have to navigate their careers differently
than white women as well as how they employ the tool of code-switching to assist them. Being
conscious of oneself has not exempted them from criticism. In fact it has left them vulnerable to
microaggressions in their workplace. However, this does not and will not stop them from
achieving their professional goals while simultaneously laying the foundation for generations to
follow.

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Did You Really Mean to Say That?
This section will discuss the data pertaining to the second research question of, how do
Latinas in higher ed admin navigate microaggressions while working at historically white
institutions? All of the mujeres interviewed have experienced workplace microaggressions. In
this section I will discuss some of the microaggressions experienced by participants. However,
the focus will center on their thought process and respective reactions (clapbacks), impact(s) on
self-efficacy, and self-care for survival in these spaces. In addition, specific attention is paid to
how these women continue to persevere in their field, despite the exhaustion of combatting
microaggressions.
Microaggressions
The common microaggressions experienced were questioning of credentials, being
mistaken for a different role on campus, and being excluded in professional matters. These
microaggressions created workplace environments and circumstances varied from warranting of
an annoyed eyeroll to blatant instances of racism creating a hostile work environment.
Questioning. The questioning of a brown body “belonging” in a certain space is something that
was common amongst all participants. Guadalupe spoke about often being questioned on if she
was being honest about being Mexican. This is because she doesn’t “look Mexican” due to the
fact that “in their minds and a lot of people's minds, a Mexican is supposed to be dark skin, black
hair, short, not colored eyes, those things.” Guadalupe not fitting the phenotypic stereotype
creates the dissonance in people that Leandra mentioned earlier. However, this dissonance was
not limited to phenotypes. Gloria mentions how people are often impressed by “how articulate”
she is, as if it is an impossible feat to be Latina and articulate. The other trouble with
experiencing these microaggressions, is the frequency in which they occur.
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Isabel mentioned how “everyday people are surprised that I’m a Vice President.” The
daily interactions with microaggressions resonated with Domitila,
Oh my gosh, every single day. Every single day there's been some bizarre
microaggression. Whether it is the fumbling over the name or just completely not even
coming close to what my name is, to the comments on being overly impressed by what
I've been able to achieve or how I speak or how I present myself. I just parked out in
front where we have the A zone parking, which is for folks on executive staff and I just
pulled up here and I'll give you an example most recently is there's someone who does
check parking here and twice I've parked here and I've been told that this parking lot is
for executive staff, and so I'm like, "I know. I am on the executive staff." So stuff like
that. I just feel like it's all day, every day where it's the, "You can't possibly be on this
level," and so that happens often. I'm trying to think of other examples from most
recently. Yeah, The parking one has just bothered me so much.
Domitila mentions not only the disturbing frequency of how often she has to deal with
microaggressions, but also how she has to repeatedly correct the same microaggressor. Both
Domitila and Isabel embark on the exhausting task of constantly having to correct people on
nearly a daily basis. While it can take a toll on a person, both mujeres agreed that while
annoying, it doesn’t stop them from asserting their position.
Julia discussed how the micro-aggressive questioning can also come from our Latinx
community members,
The Latinos on the campus look at you differently. I think we had this conversation with
a friend of mine where we were talking about, "Well, yeah. They would see you as a
sellout that you've now sold out” because you're now doing something that may not be
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seeing as “Latino enough.” Then I had another conversation with somebody else. A
Latina who's just started in a doctoral program. And one of her questions that really kind
of made me pause a little was she's like, "How do you do it? How are you in that
leadership position? And how do you get to that position without letting go of your
brownness?" And to me, that was very like, "Whoa, I don't think that I let it go. That
comes with me. I walk into a room and I don't think I leave it out." I just think that there
are certain situations that I navigate differently, not because it's because I'm Latina or
because that's how I identify. It's because of the political landscape that exists in the
institution. And so I think that just as much as other stereotyping me in perhaps because
I'm Latina and maybe they expect that I'm not going to be as outspoken or then if I am
outspoken, then they're like, "Oh, she's trouble." Then there's that other part of how then
your Latino colleagues see you because you are navigating these spaces perhaps a little
differently.
Julia works a federally designated Hispanic Serving Institution. Her experiences again echo how
regardless of the student population of your institution, the underlying culture of whiteness and
micro-aggressive behavior can still be prevalent. The questioning of Julia’s “brownness” and
“Latinidad” by other Latinx faculty is painful. However, she understands the political landscape
of higher education administration and she does not let that impact her larger goal of
representing herself and her students.
Being Mistaken. Another common microaggression discussed was how often participants were
mistaken for a different, usually service related, role on campus. Erika describes a time when she
was identified as a note-taker,
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My first day as interim dean, my first executive council meeting, the president who's
obviously not the current president, the one that just retired, came, right? He came to that
first meeting of that semester, which nobody was expecting, but he's the president, he can
pop in wherever he wants. So he happened to come to the meeting and I walk in and he
says to me jokingly, he goes, "Oh hi." He's like, "Are you here to take notes?" And I
looked at him and I said, "No." In my head I'm like, "How dare you ask the only woman
of color in this space if I'm there to take notes?"
An apologist may say this was an honest mistake or even question the context of Erika’s
environment, however Gloria sheds light on the fact that context, dress, and environment are
completely irrelevant,
I think being confused, fully dressed in a suit with my name tag with my title, being
confused as someone who works in the cafeteria, in a workplace. Not that working in a
cafeteria is not something that I would be proud of, but it's not what I do. I don't know if
you've heard the term lazy racism? So thinking that I'm a janitor on campus or that I'm
the food service people. Being, "Oh, but you speak such good English," or "You're so
articulate." I'm like, "Was I not supposed to be?" People being shocked that I'm a doctor.
And I know that some of those things don't come from a bad place, but it's lazy racism.
So things like that are petty... and I think the sexism has been pretty obvious. I think it's
mainly, really, especially when they come from people you respect and care about. I
think it's really disheartening. I can try to make any sort of excuses for people. They
mean well. They're ignorant, whatever it is. But at the end of the day, it is coming from
somewhere. Again, being lazy about it. Am I not worth the effort to really think about
what's going to come out of your mouth? Don't we have this mutual, sort of, respect for
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each other? I hate, like, I have a mentor, or a person who I thought was a mentor, said,
"Oh, I don't see color." And I'm like, "Oh, dude, please don't go there." I want you to see
my color, because it's such an important part of who I am. Then you're not seeing me. I
think it's sad.
While being a secretary or a person who works on the janitorial staff are noble jobs, they are not
Erika or Gloria’s jobs. The fact that their microaggressor immediately thought of them in those
respective positions is as Gloria states, “lazy racism.” This “lazy racism” furthers the stereotype
that Latinas are simply in positions to serve. Somehow academia is entitled to their help (Haro &
Lara, 2003) but not their leadership. It is also what Isabel’s mentor was trying to have her avoid
when he told her to buy more expensive suits so she would not be mistaken for the secretary.
However, even worse than being mistaken, is being excluded.
Being Excluded. A common theme amongst participants was the feeling of exclusion. Whether
it was being completely ignored during meetings, being left off of important emails, or having
everyone in the room introduced as “doctor” except for them, this reoccurring dismissiveness
was one that participants grappled with. Erika explains,
Left off emails and me having to say, "Why am I left off of this email?" Oh, we're sorry.
That was a mistake. And I get it. I've left people off the emails too, but I'm like, "But you
keep leaving off the one woman of color." Like I just don't understand. And then not
being invited to certain things even though I sit on the executive team.
Erika understands that there is such a thing as human error in e-communications, however being
the only woman of color on the executive team and having this be a frequent occurrence is what
troubles her.
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Another form of exclusion that discussed was the feeling as though you are not being
heard, or being ignored all together. Maricela,
I think that the microaggressions that I have experienced the most are the one that I've
mentioned to you, and that is, I'm not being heard. So whether intentional or not, in a
room, in a meeting expressing something and having the majority of the people pass over
as if I never said anything. So somehow being silenced in that way or being made
invisible in that way is probably the most common one that I have used. And in the same
way just... I'm trying to think how we describe this other one which is very subtle, having
a supervisor not wanting to give you the time that you need with them when clearly other
people, other groups, other genders are getting time with that supervisor. And so you kind
of say, "Well, what's that all about?" Right? And I think the challenge with
microaggressions is that sometimes we're aware of them, sometimes you're not.
Maricela describes how being ignored or dismissed can really cause a person to question their
feelings of uneasiness. Because microaggressions do not appear as overt acts of racism, they can
leave the recipient feeling perplexed by the encounter. However, because the gestures are subtle,
they are even more dangerous and should be addressed with the aggressor.
Responses to Microaggressions
When discussing microaggressions with participants I was particularly interested in the
metacognition of the interactions. In particular, I inquired about what their initial reaction
(mental thoughts) to the microaggression was and how they ultimately responded (the
professional clapback). Since participants already have to navigate their identity, it was
important to learn what the initial reaction and responses to a microaggression are because this
adds another level to their identity navigation.
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Responses regarding the initial reactions to microaggressions ranged from “Fuck you!”
“How dare you!” “Excuse me!” to frustration, anger, shock, and sometimes complete emotional
shutdowns. Martha,
Yeah, so I think my initial reaction is like, "Huh." I'm just this bewildered, and like,
"What?" And I might say, "What?" But I might actually verbalize, "What?" And then
depending on the cues, like verbal or nonverbal cues that I get from that person, probably
what's moving through my mind is just a very quick like, "Oh my gosh, this is so sad.”
Isabel mentioned her initial reaction was “probably rolling my eyes without rolling my eyes. I
feel like, oh shit, here we go again.” These mental thoughts were not ever vocalized and Leandra
described them as “primal,”
The first reaction that you have is primal. It's that kind of okay, where is this coming of
type of thing. And it happens so fast. The only way that I can describe it is like it's a
muscle memory, you have to just remember. Let's shut down that, because that's not
productive. That's first sense. And they're physical reactions that occur too. For example,
I start feeling hot. And I know that a half an hour later you're going to see flush in my
face from that heat. So I sense the physical aspect of that. Sweating as well. So, typical
stress reaction to something like that. It has been important to me, because I tend to cry
when I get upset. Not upset in terms of sad upset, in terms of angry. My first reaction, my
first release, is to cry. And that has taken years, and years, and years of training of not
doing that.
Leandra states that it took years for her to train herself to not give in to her initial (and very
reasonable) reaction of angry tears. It should be noted that these impulses and thoughts arise
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within nanoseconds. Maricela describes the rapid negotiation that goes from initial frustration
and what follows is,
I have to check in with myself and say, "Okay, what...?" Kind of deconstruct this and say,
"What have I just experienced? What is it all about? Was this just a onetime thing or does
it continue to happen?" If it continues to happen, what I do is I strategize. I really go
back, I regroup, I try not to react, I think about how can I then work within the context to
develop strategies to overcome that.
Engaging in this mental negotiation is not easy. Reyna mentions how “on a really good day it
stays in my head a little bit longer before it comes out of my mouth.” The internal arbitration
occurs very rapidly and can often be taxing. However, it was one that all participants described
embarking on in some way or another. Domitila describes her process,
Well, I'd definitely start with, "Okay, that was an offensive microaggression," and I
immediately go to the judgment place of like, "Well, this person's an idiot and how could
they possibly do that?" But then I get to the point where I'm like, "Okay, I signed up for
this role in this community, and if I'm not going to take the time to educate somebody
else, how do I expect anybody else to do education with folks of their same or different
identity?" So I think that's my thought process in those moments, but it's exhausting.
The exhaustion is one that every participant mentioned. As was the almost sympathetic need to
have to educate the microaggressor- which in itself is problematic- but as Leandra mentioned
beforehand, she may be the first Latina they have ever met so there is a sense of responsibility to
represent an entire culture. Therefore, how one engages with said microaggressor can either be a
point of contention or education.
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Professional Clapbacks. The colloquial term clapback is defined as “quick, sharp, and effective
response to criticism” (Merriam-Webster, n.d.). It is a very strong and well-observed response to
criticism which can be either a verbalized or written retort. In discussing the rapid rate at which
participants had to process the microaggression they encountered and then what was actually
stated to the microaggressor in a workplace setting is what I will refer to as a “professional
clapback.” A professional clapback is defined as a strong and well-articulated response to a
microaggression that occurs in the workplace and is intended to simultaneously educate as well
as humble the perpetrator. Maricela describes her professional clapback,
Let me give an example because it might be easier to understand. If I'm in a meeting with
predominantly men and that situation happens where I have just offered an opinion or an
idea and they have clearly ignored it and moved on and five minutes later that's for
arguments say, let's say Bob says, "Well gee, what if we... What if we actually move
money from part A to part B?" And that's exactly what I had said five minutes ago. I
developed a strategy where as soon as my idea is re-introduced by another person, I
would say, "Bob, that is great. I'm so glad you heard me say that to begin with. Let me
tell you what... how I think we can expand that." And then I expand the idea which had
been originally mine anyway. And so I take ownership back and I take my voice back in
that moment by interjecting myself in that way. So that's what that adaption looks like.
The moment Maricela described was one in which she and her ideas were being overlooked by
her male colleague. She recognized what was happening, processed it, and addressed it in such a
way that she took back the agency that was being stripped from her and being assigned to a male
counterpart. Sometimes the microaggression is very strong and the clapback requires a bit more
directness. Viviana describes an incident with her supervisor,
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I had been pregnant since I got the job, but I hadn't told anybody. He comes in and he sat,
he's like, "Well I hear that you're going to have the baby." I'm like, yes because I think I
wrote an email. I'm like, yes, and I'm thinking, cool. He's like, "Well, I don't know if you
understand what it takes to do this job. But we've had other women in here be pregnant
and their chola boyfriends have come in here talking about we can't treat them poorly or
whatever. I just want to make sure that you're going to be able to do this job. I was
already an advocate for myself. I had a lot of experience in the community advocating for
myself, but I was also managing a single parenthood. I had just become divorced. This
job was really vital and important and I said to him, "I said, well, I'm really sorry that that
stuff has happened in the past." He was referring to a Latina woman that had a similar job
in his office previously. I said, "This is my fourth child." I said, "I've handled my other
three children really well and I'm pretty sure I can get this job done. I'm really committed
to getting this work done." He said "oh, you have other kids?" I've been working with
him for six months, he didn't know I had kids. That's personal business.
The encounter Viviana had with her supervisor required her to be explicit and yet strategic in her
response. While she had to disclose her private business to get her point across, she did it to
highlight his ignorance regarding working mothers. Her response put the onus of the
microaggression back on the perpetrator. Martha described her use of the professional clapback,
I've also been confused on this campus for people that I don't know, but in an instance
where I was confused for my supervisor and I said, “no, she's got a lot more experience
than I do and she's been here for like over a year and I just arrived and we look very
different.” That's usually what I've said and then just let them sit in that weird silence of,
"Oh crap." That's something that I definitely do is just sit quietly and just watch them,
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and let it, like observe and see it just permeating. The embarrassment and part of it is for
me in that I need to find some comic relief in this and part of it is for them to realize like,
"What is wrong with you?" I don't think we do enough of that, is let people sit in their
discomfort. We don't really use silence very often. So I do that, I just sit and look at them.
Allowing the microaggressor to “sit in their discomfort” is how Martha educated and humbled
the microaggressor.
Putting the responsibility back onto the aggressor was a common thread in the
professional clapback from participants. Many times these responses were in the form of
clarifying question. Examples participants asked include, “did you really mean to say that” and
“what do you mean by that?” and then allowing the perpetrator to sit in their discomfort.
Guadalupe discussed a time in which she had a discussion with a white faculty member who was
complaining about what he perceived to be low student retention rates due to the caliber of
students he was teaching,
"Well, you know why we can't graduate students is because these students that are
coming in are not prepared." So they made that comment, I took a note of it. And he kept
saying, "These new students that are coming in are not as well prepared. These students,
these students." So after about like the fifth time I knew what he meant. I stopped him
and I said, "Help me understand what you mean by 'these students.' Do you mean the
students that we're recruiting? And when you say not prepared, what does that look like?
What is it? Because we have the data that shows that actually our university is quite
difficult to get into…We can't take everybody. So the way we do that is we take in the
cream of the crop. Help me understand what you mean by 'these students.'" He responded
with "well, some of the students that are coming in from these areas." So I was like,
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"What does that mean to you?" And he said, "Well, you know." And I said, "No, I don't
know. But I can ascertain what you're trying to say. And that is these Brown students that
are coming in from [participant listed local cities with predominately Latinx populations].
That's the students you're talking about." He replied, "No, no, no. That's not what I
meant." I said, "No, I'm pretty sure that's what you meant." And it was in a group about
10 to 12 people. My vice president was there, the provost was there, and I knew I was
going way out, but I also didn't care, because it needed to be said.
While the microaggression was not directed at Guadalupe, it was directed at her community and
her students, thereby making it personal. Participants professional clapbacks put the burden of
sitting with discomfort back onto the microaggressor. The personal actions of these Latinas
became political acts of self-preservation and advocacy. With all that Latinas have to navigate it
became important to know if having to process microaggressions within seconds had an impact
on their self-efficacy.
Self-efficacy
Bandura defines self-efficacy as a “people's beliefs about their capabilities to produce
designated levels of performance that exercise influence over events that affect their lives. Self-
efficacy beliefs determine how people feel, think, motivate themselves and behave” (Bandura,
1994, p. 1). As a researcher I wanted to know if having to deal with microaggressions took a toll
on these mujeres in higher ed. While answers varied, it was refreshing to learn that most mujeres
tapped back into their cultural upbringing and community for strength. Isabel,
It would be difficult to be my mother's daughter and not be confident and have high self-
esteem because she raised me to always be strong and to believe in myself, our cause, and
not back down. She said, "mija, I grew up fighting with my fists against racism. I want
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you to fight with books and words." She didn't say, "Don't fight." She said, "You're going
to fight with books and words." I've not had a problem having self-esteem and self-
efficacy. No. Probably people would want me to have less which also makes me want to
have more.
Julia echoed,
Yeah, I do. But I also do think that my upbringing had a lot to do with my self-efficacy as
well. My immigrant identity is a very salient identity. And coming from that community,
being part of that community and seeing how not only myself but also just my
community has kind of gone through things and you're pushed down. It's okay, we can
move forward. That sense of resiliency, I think, has really helped with self-efficacy.
Isabel and Julia both credit their family with their strength. While Julia stated that her
experiences with microaggressions did have an impact on her self-efficacy, it did not undo the
generational legacy of perseverance that she carries within her.
The impact of microaggressions on participants self-efficacy is one that also evolved with
age and experience. Erika discusses her professional and personal development with self-
efficacy,
I mean, I don't know. I just think I am who I am at this point. And nothing you're going to
say or do at this point is going to is going to change it. I don't know. I'm just ... I think in
the beginning maybe, right? Like when I was younger, I mean I talk a lot about like back
in the day when I was younger, when I was a younger professional. But I think I'm at a
point in my life where I'm just like, "I know myself. I'm confident in who I am." I don't
let people tell me who I am. So I'm just at a point where I'm just like ... Not that I'm not a
person that isn't reflective or can't listen to feedback, because I do think I try and do that
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well, but I'm also at a point where I'm just like, "What are you going to say to me that's
going to make me different in the world?" Not different if you're like, "This isn't done
correctly to my standards." That's different. But like who I am as a person and how I
operate in the world, there's not a lot you can tell me at this point in my career and life,
like I'm awesome and you don't know that, that's on you. Which is what I tell people
sometimes.
Erika experienced self-doubts in the beginning of her career but has now firmly established who
she is as a professional and as a person. Juggling self-doubt with knowing who you are as an
individual and the responsibility you have to your community are some of the things that
Maricela grapples with,
Every now and then, you're going to have those moments where you're thinking, "This is
insane. Why me? Why can't I go back to when nobody knew me and I could be
anonymous and not have the responsibility or the weight that we have to carry?" Right?
But if you can tell yourself that those are... those moments will pass and not only that, but
that it's okay to feel that, okay, it's okay to have a self-pity party every now and then, it's
okay to feel insecure. If you can do that then... And remember the people that touch your
life and trust that you are touching people's lives in ways that you don't even know, then
you can get back to where you need to be to fight the next battles and the next big
decisions and get through your next struggle.
Maricela reminds us that it is okay to have moments of insecurity, but understand that those
moments are temporary. We need to remind ourselves that the work we do is not just about us
but about people who need us to represent them. An individual’s self-efficacy journey is a non-
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linear personal journey that at times can be quite convoluted. Reyna explains her self-efficacy
evolution,
Yes, and I would say that it's evolved. So early on I internalized everything and I think in
some ways really believed that it was something about me. That it was like, "If I just had
the doctorate you wouldn't be talking to me this way. If I just had a penis you wouldn't be
talking to me this way." If it was always like if I, fill in the blank, then you wouldn't do
that to me. And I really believe that for a very long time. I think I internalized it. I think I
felt like, "Okay, well maybe I'm not polished enough. Maybe I am too street, or too hood,
or maybe I am too emotive when I speak." So I spent a lot of the earlier part of the years
thinking it was me and it's been a little bit of a journey to figure out that it's not me, right?
It's the system. It's the way that it's set up. It's the way that the patriarchy works. It's the
way that racism works. One of my favorite quotes that I've been spending a lot of time
recently thinking about and talking about is Toni Morrison's address to Portland State
University in 1975 where she says, "The very serious function of racism is distraction."
Right? But honestly, sis. Hermana, I'm telling you, that literally has just been the last year
that I have felt this sense of strength around it, and I truly believe it has to do because I
am actively talking about it with my wife, with my really close friends, with my peer,
with therapist, with my journal. I'm having to choose to actively talk about it and work
through it so it doesn't stay in the hidden spaces of my mind where in my weaker
moments I'm like, "Yeah, maybe I am not something enough." In terms of my own self-
efficacy, even related to I would say productivity, then that has an impact on work, right?
Because if you're in this depressive spiral and you're not eating, and you're not sleeping.
Or you're overeating or oversleeping, then all of that contributes to not showing up as
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your best self and that is how discriminatory and oppressive structures work, right? They
work to box us in to not want to be our best selves to tear them down and I just feel the
work that I'm in now and the position that I am now and where I aspire to be, it's only
going to be fewer of us at those levels.
Reyna’s journey is powerful. The Toni Morrison quote she reflects on reminds her that all the
microaggressions that she has dealt with and may deal with in the future are simply distractions
from what we as Latinas in higher ed administration are trying to accomplish, equity in
education. Reyna also discussed the importance of proper self-care.
Self-care
Microaggressions can take a very physical toll on a person, therefore it is key for our
survival in academia to take care of ourselves. Participants were asked about their self-care
practices and the answers ranged from getting exercise, engaging in a spiritual practice, and
family game nights. Julia, Erika, and Isabel all stated that spending time with family and friends
were key aspects to their self-care. Another very important self-care practice was therapy.
Domitila,
I go to therapy about it. I have to make sure that I create time for myself. I think those are
the biggest pieces for me is that I try to manage it as best as possible, and then there's
times where I'm simply like, "I cannot deal with this right now and I need to step away
from it," and I think we all have to do that in this work because it's challenging and it's
exhausting and you'll burn out if you try to address every single microaggression all day.
She also added, “time with family, church and my faith life, enough sleep, working out, and
therapy are the things I need to feel good.” Domitila highlights the importance of both therapy
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and boundaries as significant elements for self-care. Being in nature was another practice that
participants stated was important for their self-care. Maricela,
I make time to be outdoors, which is really important to me to connect particularly. In [a
state on the pacific coast] it was easy because the ocean's right there, the mountains, [this
state] that were in is a little different. But I try to find the beauty wherever I am and spend
time outdoors. That's really important to me. I have a dog who's amazing, who's
gorgeous. I am an animal lover, so that's important for me to have in my life. I connect
with my family, I'm blessed to have my parents still alive, I have four brothers and
sisters, I have close friends that are few, but they're very tight. And I try to make sure to
take care of those relationships and connect with them. And I think it's the combination
of all of that.
Since most participants are key decision makers at their institutions it was fun to note that
Guadalupe’s self-care ritual includes not making any decisions when she gets home,
As simple as it sounds, I like to stay home and do nothing. I go to the beach. I read a lot. I
don't make decisions. So my partner was, I was like, when I come home, don't ask me
like me what should we have for dinner. I just can't make another decision because I have
to make so many at work. But I also, I think wrap myself in the cocoon of being
Mexican. It's also funny because my comfort is definitely the food and music. So I listen
to a lot, here at work, I listen to some music in Spanish, but mostly I'm not in my office. I
don't get to listen to music. But when I'm at home and it's just me and my partner, I listen
to music in Spanish. I surrounded myself with that. I go to Northgate. So if you've ever
been gone to the Northgate markets. I love to go. That's kinda like my Target. I love to go
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and just walk up and down the aisles and talk in Spanish and have the music store. I like
it just, yeah.
Guadalupe mentions going to the Latino supermarket in her community. She wraps herself in
“Mexican cocoon.” The music, the food, the people, the language, her Mexican culture is her
self-care.
One of the most significant self-care rituals that participants motioned engaging in was
connecting with other Latina higher ed administrators. Some participants discussed setting up
Zoom meetings with other Latinas across the country and having a virtual happy hour. Julia,
I think the other part of the self-care is also just having a strong network of Latinas who
are kind of my support network. Who I can turn to, especially when there may be some
things that I'm not quite sure how to navigate. Being able to turn to somebody. And yes,
networks can be ... And I do have a diverse network, but there are very specific women
that I would say are the people that I go to. And so we've organized. We're kind of
convening a group of just women of color that work in higher education that live in [the
local are] to kind of just form community and have this space where we can talk a little
bit about perhaps some of these things that we're experiencing on our campus because we
are women of color, but then also just how do you do that, and then do this, which is
family, which is whatever it is that you're doing.
Julia has other Women of Color higher ed administrators in her city that she reaches out to for
support. However, having Latinx folks who work at your institution can also provide a sense of
solace from the day-to-day operations of academia. Reyna discussed the value of having Latinx
folks who work with you,
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Yeah, so interestingly enough I went from being the only vice-president Latina to now
there are four of us, not Latinas but Latinos. Two male Latinos and then this other Latina,
and it's crazy because it has been just in this last year where we have almost our own
little Latino text thread going on. We reach out to each other. We literally send each other
these notes when we're having a particularly challenging day, often with our white
colleagues and it's like, "If another white person tries to tell me how to serve Latinos I'm
going to go crazy." Kind of thing.
Providing a safe space to be unapologetically Latinx is an incredibly powerful tool for self-care
and overall well-being. Knowing the importance of ally-ship and Comadres7, Reyna organizes a
weekend for her and other Latinas in higher ed,
I'm getting together with some hermanas in a couple of weekends and we're calling it our
brownie weekend. And it's all just about we just need space to reconnect and empower
each other, and needing to find those spaces. I would say the other is not be afraid to
continue to do your own identity development work. So just because I'm brown and I
identify as brown doesn't mean that I know how to talk about and with and walk with
being brown or I feel like some of our biggest perpetrators of microaggressions are those
that look me, but enact whiteness and embody whiteness, and prefer whiteness.
As Reyna mentions, the microaggressors aren’t always white people. Julia, Leandra, and Viviana
also voiced how some of the microaggressions they have experienced have come from people of
color who are preferring and enacting whiteness. Having people who look like you and may have
similar experiences and can provide sound advice is critical. Therefore, it is crucial to have other

7 Comadre- literally meaning “co-mother” in Spanish. It is used describe the relationship between a mother and the
godmother of her child. However, it has been extended beyond godmother to mean mentor, friend, and midwife
(Chin, Lott, Rice, & Sanchez-Hucles, 2008)
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mujeres in your circle that you trust. Gloria discusses the value of venting with colleagues you
trust,
But I think is again, having other colleagues to talk about, is really critical. I don't have a
lot of mentors. I think it gets really difficult when you start moving up the ladder to have
mentors that don't have an influence in your career advancement or who have some
power thing they're playing. It's really difficult, and I'm learning that. It's not impossible,
but it's definitely possible. So I really rely on my colleagues to have a sounding board, to
just vent. Those are the people that I rely on to just vent, get advice from.
Gloria mentions having fewer mentors the higher one advances in their career, therefore having
these key relationships with other mujeres is not only self-care but critical for the overall
perseverance and success of Latinas in higher ed.
This section discussed how participants in this study navigate microaggressions while
working at historically white institutions. The mujeres discussed how being aware of the
microaggressions and understanding the physical, mental, and emotional toll the microaggressor
was trying to inflict influenced how they chose to respond. They combat the micro-aggressive
behavior by filtering through the primal response, professionally clapping back, and putting the
onus back onto the perpetrator. They discussed how these actions can be exhausting and by
forming Comadrehood with other Latinas in higher ed admin, having solid support systems,
engaging in self-care, helped preserve their self-efficacy. This provided them with the tools and
strategies to flourish professionally.
Summary
This chapter presented an overview of the responses provided by the 11 participants of
this study in relation to the research questions. The two research questions addressed in this
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section were: (1) How, if at all, do Latina administrators navigate their identity when working at
historically white institutions; and (2) How do Latinas in higher education administration
navigate microaggressions while working at historically white institutions? This chapter
uncovered how Latinas working in higher ed persevere over the almost daily struggle to maintain
the integrity of their core identities, while navigating the rocky and sometimes unpredictable
environment of higher educational leadership.

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CHAPTER FIVE
DISCUSSION
This study was conducted not for me, but for us- Latinas in higher education
administration. We mujeres who often find ourselves being the only Latina in the room where
institutional decisions are being made. Through qualitative methodology using a narrative
approach, I captured the voices of my fellow hermanas and discussed how they navigated their
identity as well as microaggressions while working at historically white institutions. The focus
was not on the micro-aggressive actions, but to their perseverance through professional
clapbacks, their self-efficacy, and more importantly how they engaged in self-care.
This study provided a qualitative exploration of the reality pertaining to Latinas in higher
education administration positions, answering the following research questions (RQ):
RQ1. How, if at all, do Latina administrators navigate their identity when working at
historically white institutions?
RQ2. How do Latinas in higher education administration navigate microaggressions
while working at historically white institutions?
This final chapter is divided into four parts. The first section will provide a thorough discussion
of the findings and the contribution of the study to the literature. Next, the implications for
educational practice are discussed, followed by recommendations for future research. Lastly, the
chapter concludes with final thoughts and comments.
Discussion of Findings
The major findings of this study were that participants were engaging in Differential
Consciousness, Comadrehood, and exuding Big Hoop Energy for persistence in the field of
higher education administration. As mentioned in previous chapters, the majority of studies focus
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on the experiences of Latinx faculty and students in higher ed- not administrators. Therefore, the
following section outlines how the interviews of the participants assist in filling the research gap
pertaining specifically to Latinas in higher education administration.
Differential Consciousness
Scholar Chela Sandoval (1991, 2000) provides us the theoretical concept of differential
consciousness. Much like Critical Race Feminism (CRF) proponents do not follow the
mainstream feminist movement, differential consciousness addresses the inadequacy of
hegemonic feminist movements by creating a dynamic fluid mindfulness that functions “within,
yet beyond the demands of dominant ideology” (Sandoval, 1991, p. 3). Through differential
consciousness, “a new ‘tactical subjectivity’ can exist, where the subjects move along different
oppositional practices, depending on political needs” (Bañuelos, 2006, p. 97). This mode of
consciousness describes how women of color have the ability to see power and create tactics to
navigate it, as well as redistribute it. The mujeres in this study are employing differential
consciousness,
Because differential consciousness requires grace, flexibility, and strength: enough
strength to confidently commit to a well-defined structure of identity for one hour, day,
week, month, year; enough flexibility to self-consciously transform that identity
according to the requisites of another oppositional ideological tactic if readings of
power’s formation require it; enough grace to recognize alliance with others committed to
egalitarian social relations and race, gender, and class justice, when their readings of
power call for alternative oppositional stands (Sandoval, 1991, p. 15)
Participants in this study demonstrated how through code-switching and professionally clapping
back they went “within and beyond the dominant ideology” (Sandoval, 1991, p.3) of their
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institutions. By strategically navigating their identity and professionally clapping back when
confronted with microaggressions these mujeres interrupt and disrupt dominant ways of thinking.
Sandoval (1991, 2000) uses the analogy of manual vehicle transmission to illustrate how
differential consciousness allows one to shift between gears depending on the needs of each
situation. The mujeres in this study indicated that by being cognizant of how they were
physically presenting themselves, code-switching, and being aware of their hyper-visibility on
their campuses allowed them to shift their identity and process which microaggression to engage
and not to engage. For example, Guadalupe indicated throughout her interview the importance of
“time, place, and manner” when electing to respond to microaggressions. Upon contemplating
“time, place, and manner” she would determine how to steer her response. This was her shift in
gears. Isabel mentioned how she registered micro-aggressive actions and perpetrators as “data”
and then strategized her response by asking herself the following:
If I confront it, is it going to prevent me from doing something? If I confront is the person
really going to learn? If I don't confront it, is it going to nag at me that night or the next
day? If I don't confront it, is it going to harm students?
Isabel then discussed how sometimes her tactic involved immediately changing the topic and
providing a counter-story. She stated that by “offering a counter story a few sentences later the
person is learning in the moment but without me directly confronting what they said” she
changed the narrative and took the power back. In all, participants activated their differential
consciousness to read each situation of power and self-consciously elect the best ideological
position that can work against said force. To use Reyna’s words this is “beyond code-switching,”
it is another level of consciousness that these mujeres innately possess.
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Figures 3 and 4 depict the response to microaggression via professional clapback process
in more detail. Designed with my colleague, Dr. Dominique Lightsey8, the conceptual
framework of this reactionary principle illustrates the internal, metacognitive process by which
Black and Latina women in higher education administration respond to microaggressions in the
workplace. The figures demonstrate how when confronted with a microaggression, a Latina’s
differential consciousness is activated, there is a primal initial internal response, this then leads
them to select and prepare the appropriate tactic- the professional clapback. It should be noted
that all of the mujeres in this study are higher ranking leaders at their institution and that in itself
amplifies the magnitude of their clapback. These clapbacks are strategic and have the ability to
transform the culture of their institutions. The goal being that, hopefully, the next Latina in a
higher education administrative position will not have to experience the same microaggressions.
Lastly, sometimes the microaggressions are simply not addressed. I argue that electing to
disregard the microaggression is form of self-care and preservation because as Domitila noted,
“it’s challenging and it’s exhausting and you’ll burn out if you try to address every single
microaggression all day.”

8 Dr. Lightsey’s dissertation research focused on Black women in higher education administration at a Southern
California university. Her research and research questions mirrored the ones in this dissertation. Our cooperative
research methods were meant to highlight and bridge our experiences as Black and Latina women in higher ed.
administration. Figures 3 and 4 illustrates our complementary findings.
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Figure 3. Conceptual model of Reactionary Principle of Professionally Clapping Back

Figure 4. Detailed Response Process

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Participants engaged in differential consciousness are enacting a mode of consciousness
that third world women and the colonized innately possess (Sandoval, 1991). Like CRF, this
consciousness centers the experiences of women of color. Guadalupe referred to this as her
“cultural DNA” that has allowed her to be “adaptable, flexible, resilient” for survival.
With this consciousness, the participants in this study enact their “behavior of internal
transformational resistance by appearing to conform to institutional or cultural norms and
expectations, however individuals are consciously engaged in a critique of oppression”
(Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001, p. 324). When Latinas in higher ed administration are
confronted with an oppressive microaggression, the critique manifests itself via the professional
clapback. So while these mujeres are still adhering to cultural norms they are consciously
engaged and their response is their resistance. Per this mode of consciousness and resistance
comes the ability to handle micro-aggressive behavior, build circles of trust with other Latinas,
engage in self-care, and become advocates for other mujeres in higher ed.
Comadrehood
The greatest self-care activity and self-efficacy protector that participants stressed was
bonding with other Latinas or allies in higher education administration. This Comadrehood or
collegiate sisterhood helped them get though some of the more challenging days. This is because
sisterhood is powerful and healing. Burciaga and Tavares (2006) describe the concept of
sisterhood pedagogy as a “pedagogical strategy to sustain Latinas in academia” (p.133). Inspired
by the work of Burciaga and Taveres (2006) researchers Espino, Muñoz, and Kiyama (2010)
articulated that sisterhood pedagogy “involves support, encouragement, and friendship as tools
for resistance and agency in academia” (p.805). This is due to the fact that academia has been
(and continues to be) historically white in its ideology and relies on “notions of individualism
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and male supremacist ideas in spaces of learning” (Burciaga & Tavares, 2006, p. 140). Nguyen
and Duran (2018) indicate how “some institutions have groups that hold space for specific racial
or ethnic identity groups, such as an Asian American/Pacific Islander or Latinx affinity group”
(p.118). While it is great that institutions provide spaces for affinity groups to gather, I argue that
Latinas in higher education administration need safe spaces and community outside of the ivory
tower (like Reyna’s “brownie weekend”) to honestly engage in critical discourse with each other
and allow for sincere healing.
The mujeres in this study emphasized the importance of finding other Latinas or women
of color in higher education administration because “sisterhood is both powerful and mutually
empowering” (Kaplan & Rose, 1993, p. 557). These mujeres looked out for each other’s well-
being and professional future. Guadalupe mentioned how she and her Latinx colleagues will
often call one another regarding job opportunities and help coach each other for said position.
Isabel highlighted how through her Comadre relationships at her institution she is able to
properly assess the needs of her campus. She created a coalition of other Latinas that assist in
creating equitable institutional policy changes that uplift and serve the student body. By
effectively seeing power, and then redistributing it, these Latinas in higher education
administration are helping transform their institutions. This is why it is critical that Latinas have
spaces in which they and other mujeres can confide in each other- to express themselves
honestly.
Big Hoop Energy
This research was theoretically founded on the symbolism of the hoop earring as a
marker of “resistance, strength, and identity” (Pivet, 2017, para. 3). In reviewing the data
collected for this study it became evident that these mujeres were exuding an immanent energy
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that was incredibly powerful, it was Big Hoop Energy. Big Hoop Energy is defined as “knowing
your self-worth, loving yourself, being powerful, sassy, and not tolerating any bullshit” (“Big
Hoop Energy definition,” n.d.). This colloquial term came about because hoop earrings have
been a source of self-expression for Latinas for decades. Participant Reyna explains,
I actually have about four different types of hoops that I wear depending on my mood. If
there’s some where I want them to know that I’m here, I wear the ones that my Tia
Panchi gave me that are gold or a little bit bigger and they’ve got this cut to it so they
show bling no matter where you are, all the way to my softer really single, subtle set
when I’m like, “Oh, I want to wear hoops but I’m not trying to be in your face that
much.”
Reyna uses her hoops as markers of how much of herself she will a disclose to others. When
talking about a Latina colleague Gloria stated, “she’s the calmest person, but she does not let
anyone boss her around. I’ve seen her in meetings, and I’m like, “You go girl. Take your hoops
off,” like, she’s a bad ass.” When Gloria describes the taking off of one’s hoops she is referring
to the metaphorical concept that is when mujeres are ready to get down to business and there is
no room for tomfoolery. In other words, she is fully engaged in her deepest level of resistance
and will not stand idly by. Martha stated, “I always constantly say that I feel this fierceness, like
I'm surrounded by my female family members who just really trailed the path for me.” What
Reyna, Gloria, and Martha are describing is what every mujer in this study emanates, Big Hoop
Energy.
Whether conscious or not, these mujeres radiate Big Hoop Energy daily. This energy
debunks the tenants of Marianismo and its socially constructed oppression. Big Hoop Energy
provides these mujeres with the ability to navigate these historically white spaces, while
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simultaneously knowing the importance of creating community for self-healing purposes; that is
incredibly powerful. I argue that a Latina’s physical (or metaphorical) hoop earrings guide her
differential consciousness. In other words, her hoops assist in informing the tactics of resistance
she will use to engage. Much like a pair of hoop earrings, their experiences provide them
strength, power, and confidence.
Summary
The literature suggests that there are studies on Latinx faculty and Latinx students in
academia, but very few scholars examine the lived experiences of Latinas in higher ed
administration, and specifically how these mujeres have continued to persevere while breaking
through the adobe ceiling (Ramos, 2009). These findings are an effort to address that gap. These
conclusions highlighted how activating differential consciousness, responding to
microaggressions via a professional clapback, forming Comadrehood, and exuding Big Hoop
Energy, these Latinas are paving the way for future Latinas interested in higher education
administration as a career.
Implication for Practice
As mentioned in the beginning of this chapter, this study was conducted for us- Latinas in
higher ed administration. With that said, my implication for practice is also for us, by us. There
are numerous studies (Chun & Feagin, 2019; Mena & Vaccaro, 2017; Valverde, 2011) that
advise institutions on how to better their diversity and how to be aware of implicit bias and
impacts of microaggressions. Therefore, the implication for practice I am putting forth is not
specifically for the historically white institutions, although allies are more than welcomed to
review the implications and adjust practices accordingly. The implication for practice is for us, as
Latinas, to help another hermana in higher education administration.
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Building on the concept Comadrehood, I wanted to provide the advice that all the
participants had for Latinas who are either considering a career in higher education
administration, or are just beginning a career in higher ed. administration. The following table
(Table 2) organizes the advice each of the mujeres provided for younger higher ed professionals.
The table may also be utilized by faculty and allies to inform policy and practices for supporting
and understanding Latinas in higher ed administration. However, it should be noted that while
white women administrators may relate to some of the advice provided, the table was created
specifically for aspiring or new Latina administrators. Latina faculty are also welcomed to seek
solace in the advice provided, but please remember that Latina administrators face a very
different type of scrutiny in academia. We do not have the autonomy of the classroom or the
privilege of tenure. Therefore, I ask that you keep that in mind when reading the words of your
fellow hermanas. Common advice themes include the power of mentorship and networks,
bringing your authentic self to work, have community both in and out of academia, remembering
you are replaceable so take care of yourself, and helping other Latinas advance in higher ed
administration- because we are needed.

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Table 2: Advice from Participants
Pseudonym Advice for Latinas interested in a career in higher education
administration.
Domitila I think my advice is be sure of who you are, know what you’re getting
yourself into, know what you’re willing to fight for and what you’re not
willing to fight for, and don’t make this your life. I will never make work my
life, and I think I have ... right next to my coffee machine, I have that Toni
Morrison quote and I read it every morning when I make my coffee, and it
basically says ... the one I always stick with is like, “Your real life is with us,
your family.” This is great and I love my job and I love my work, but my real
life is so much more than any institution, and I know that if I leave I’m going
to get replaced with the quickness. These institutions are not loyal to us so
there is no reason I should be losing sleep or stressing, and I do, trust me. I
stress. There’s no reason I should be losing sleep for an institution that wasn’t
built for me and that isn’t loyal to me. So my suggestion would be for Latinos
entering the field, just always remember that it’s you first, and don’t go in
thinking that your institution’s going to have your back.
Erika One of the best pieces of advice I can give to any person of color in higher ed
is that you know there ain’t a lot of us walking around campus in our roles.
So you better have friends and family outside that you can talk to about this
because it can get you down. I would say, you’ve got to be confident in who
you are, know yourself, and it’s okay if you’re still learning that. But the
unfortunate thing of it is you’re going to have to work twice as hard than
anybody.
Have your network, have the people you can talk to, you can debrief with,
have people that are going to be honest with you. They’d be like, “No girl,
that’s not ... You shouldn’t have said that thing.” Right? Or who’s going to
validate you to be like, “Yeah, those people are crazy. You’re okay.” Because
you need that to get through. And then I would say, mental health is
important. You don’t have a therapist, go get one. You think you need to go
see a psychiatrist and get some medication? Go do that, and don’t feel like
you’re a failure because you’re doing that. Have your networks, have
professional networks, have personal networks. And those two things are very
important and can be very different because what you don’t want to do is talk
about higher ed all day long until you’re blue in the face, even if you love it
the way I do. I want to hang out with people that don’t do higher ed
sometimes. I want to talk to people that do other of jobs. So have a diverse
group of friends, go out, let loose, but remember, remember that you can
always be replaced. Never think that they won’t replace you. So keep that in
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the back of your head. Now I’m not saying that doesn’t mean your work isn’t
valued and then you’re not doing good work. But always remember that. I’ve
seen so many people say, “I can’t leave this job.” Or I can’t leave the job
right now, or my students need me. There are students everywhere that are
going to need you. Just because you’re leaving this institution doesn’t mean
you can’t have a relationship still with people you’ve met along the way and
you need to do what you do.

Gloria I think, definitely, authenticity is going to be key. Being true to who you are.
Being happy in what you’re doing. I think that those are really... I could have
told you, maybe a couple years, “Oh, make sure that you get all the money
that you can” or email, or like, whatever, or the fancy title or whatever. And
that’s really important. I think positioning yourself to do good things, but
being in an environment that you’re going to be able to be your authentic self
is so key. I think I’ve learned that really ensuring that you’re making an
impact. That it’s making an impact to the Latino community, or making an
impact in that Latinos are represented, you’re involved, impactful, and really
ensuring that there’s a voice. That you really take advantage of those
opportunities. That it’s about meaningful work. It’s not only about the busy
work, or it’s about the title, or it’s about all these things, because at the end of
the day, those things could easily disappear.

Guadalupe Show up as your authentic self. The thing that you want to be mindful of is if
those things are going to distract people from what you’re saying and who
you are, then think about not doing it.” But if you feel like that’s going to
help you to feel comfortable in your skin and who you are, do it, because the
industry standard isn’t going to change unless we all show up authentically.
So that’s the advice that I’ve given to students and I definitely take that
advice. I go to work. And I understand that there are times when we have to
be more formal, so formal, not informal. And I’m very comfortable in that,
but I still feel I show up with just exactly who I am.
Do it with panache and do it by your authentic self. I think when I first started
out, we didn’t have as much freedom I think, to be able to call some things
out. It just, the language wasn’t there, but also the understanding of the
education of others wasn’t there. I think now it’s not all the way better, but
it’s better. And I think there is much more expectations of other people to not
behave a certain way. So I would say give it everything, be totally yourself.
Find yourself some good people that are going to help support you, whether
they’re Latino or not. Find some good people that are going to be your
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mentors and help guide you and open doors for you. I think I would also say,
don’t be afraid to reach out.
I always tell all my Latinas that I’m helping to mentor, if you see a request
from another Latina that’s asking for help, support, I need, this or that, you
answer that call. I always tell them, you have the responsibility to answer that
call because we don’t have ... there’s not enough of us and we can’t expect to
get more of us if we’re not helping others. So I don’t want to hear anything
about competition. Like I tell the women that I mentor, I don’t want to hear
anything about competition or jealousy or feeling like, this person or that
person.
You answer the call, you help that person. We have an obligation to do it,
because I believe that the reason, for example, that I’ve never had a Latina
mentor or supervisor or felt that I could is because there was a sense of like,
well, I got here on my own so you have to figure it out. I think that was old
school, I call it the old school Latino mentality of like, well, kind of pull
yourself by the bootstraps thing or like I don’t have time to help you. We
need to break that, we need to break that. And the only way we do it is if we
ourselves answer the call and help others to do it. And I also tell everyone
like, we all want different things. Yes. Maybe all of you want to be vice
presidents, and that’s okay, but help each other out. Help each other out.

Isabel I would say not to be afraid of the things that I described, like walking this
tightrope, because I do believe that as time progresses, the conditions improve
for us. I can say also that until we really get into these roles and help people
see the value and assets we bring to these roles, we won’t be changing the
system. Also that you can have work/life balance
I would say that Latinas should know it gets easier as more of us are in the
roles so we are seen as assets. The cultural strength that we bring from our
background and making a familia everywhere we go and having empathy for
our students lived experiences, bringing that to our leadership and having that
show up in the changes we’re leading, I think that’s an asset we bring. It’s so
effortless. A lot of Latinas may think, “God, that’s a lot of hard work.” In
many ways it doesn’t even feel like work because it’s what we do all the time
as who we are. Not to put us all in a box of our culture, but I think there are
some shared similarities in our culture.
A high regard for others. We before me
That’s the power of Latinas. I would say be excited about it, welcome it and
make sure to build allies in all groups and with Latinas to sustain yourself in
the role.

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Julia I say do it. I think we definitely need more women Latinas in higher ed that
are especially, as you look up in those higher positions, we need more people
there. More women, more Latinas there.
To me, I think one of the biggest piece of advice is find your network. Find
those whether it’s women, men, whoever is there to kind of you touch point
when things are rough, because it’s not going to be if they’re rough, it’s when
they do. And being able to have kind of your support network, both
professionally but also in your own personal life that you can turn to. I think
it’s important. Because the work that we do is challenging, and it’s hard just
as it is just by the nature of the students that we support depending on the
institution that you’re in. And then having to navigate some of those spaces
alone can be really challenging. So being able to have that support network is
important.

Leandra Do it. We need more people. Honestly, the concept of critical mass is an
important concept, so that would be number one. Number two, if you were
fortunate enough to have somebody that recognized your talents, and the very
special perspective that you can bring everywhere you go. First of all, thank
them for doing that, but pay it forward. Do it for somebody else. More
importantly, if you were not fortunate enough to have somebody that did that
to you, make sure that you do it for somebody else. I think that that's an
important aspect of it. And it doesn't take long. It's just paying attention and
saying wow, you did great just a minute ago, or I read this or I heard from
somebody that you did that. That aspect of it. But, here is the other thing,
know that you are being watched by people that want to be like you and
people that don’t quite get you. Both equally. Yes, you will have to prove
yourself better at almost every step of the way. Everybody is going to doubt
whether you got there because you were female, brown, whatever. Whatever
is not like them. Because, people see it as a zero-sum game. You got the job
that somebody else was to get it with more merit than what you bring to the
table. And, it sounds defeatist, but the sooner that we accept that, the better
we can prepare ourselves to deal with it in positive ways. It is okay, once in a
while to actually say poor me, I hate the fact that I’m the one having to prove
myself harder, I’m better in more ways than one. But, tell me anybody else in
history, regardless of what space of the world you’re talking about that that
was not prior to when change happened. I mean, that’s just part of what that
is. And I think that we either can’t wear as baggage to weigh us down or
wield it as a weapon to open up the space in front of us. So, know that.
Understand that the more responsibility you have, the more power to instill
change you’re going to have. And so, that requires a certain aspect of
BIG HOOP ENERGY 106

sacrifice that just comes with the territory. I don’t know how else to sugar
coat it, but it’s true.
Credential yourself. Make sure that there are no way people to find proof that
you got somewhere for other reasons than your merit. And I do believe that
credentialing yourself is part of it. Again, it’s a short cut to...mine is as big as
yours, so let’s not even spend time showing each other our things. Move on
from that and it’s just a shortcut to be able to eliminate some of that stupidity
out of their questions.

Maricela Find someone you respect as a mentor. I think that... I was fortunate in some
ways to have good mentors, but to be honest with you, every single one of my
mentors have been men just because of the nature of the job I guess. And
because they never found women that were strong enough to feel like they
could be that mentor and role model. I think that it would be great for Latino
women to find... to not be shy about asking Latino women that you respect to
be there for you, to be a mentor
The other thing is, develop a passion for learning, reading books, workshops,
conferences, institutes on leadership, on communication, on conversation,
skills, on how to strategize. All those can be so valuable in helping you create
a toolbox of a variety of resources that can be really helpful and that you will
never know exactly when you need them but you will need them
And the third one is, give yourself a little grace. You will have moments of
doubt, you will have imposter syndrome, you’ll have bad days, downright bad
days when you just want to quit. Know that it’s okay to feel that way, figure
out what you need in those moments to kind of help yourself go through
them. For me it’s ice cream and Cheetos. Okay? And then know that they will
pass. As so don’t stay there. Give yourself enough grace to have those
moments to experience that. But then get out of that and find strength in those
key things in your life. Whether it’s your belief, whether it’s family, whether
it’s friends, whether it’s nature, whatever it is for you, find your grounding to
sustain you and take you to the next level.

Martha So the first thing that I would say is go for it, definitely. We need more
people in this field that have a passion for this work. The next thing that I
would say is to surround yourself with a strong network of people to
understand the difference between a sponsor and a mentor. To understand the
difference between a sponsor and a mentor, and kind of like your close circle,
that even though I came from a career path initially where it’s a dog eat dog
environment, when I was in media, and especially because I was working in
New York City top market, the whole thing people were really wanting to
push me down to get up the ladder and even though education higher
BIG HOOP ENERGY 107

education may not be that similar environment, it kind of is. I feel like there’s
a lot of unfortunately imposters in this work who weaponize their identities to
advance and end up hurting the work more than anything else. And so when I
meet other Latinas that are wanting to enter the work, I really talk about, and
I’m very serious about this. This should be a vocation. We are in a space
where our students are very vulnerable, especially if you’re working with 18
to 21-year olds. They’re in a transitional phase of their personal development.
And so it’s really important that we’re here to do a service for them. We’re
not here to make money. I mean, everybody’s got to pay bills and all that
jazz, but you really should be more selfless in this and understand that it’s not
about you.
I also try to be really candid about how as you climbed the ladder, there’s a
lot of talk about, it will be tougher because of your double, what some folks
may consider a double burden, which I think is really a gift of being female
and being Latina. And so you have to, for yourself, figure out what are going
to be your response and your defense mechanisms around that.
You have to be strategic about your own energy because this is how we burn
out. And until you understand that we’re operating in a system and that if you
want to change and disrupt the system, you can’t do it from this little space by
yourself.” You have to understand how the system works, how people are
going to listen to you. And yes, you may consider that you’re selling out a
little bit sometimes, but in my experience, that’s how I’ve been able to get in
there and push them buttons and make some change.
Reyna I would say don’t be afraid to do it. It sounds scary, but one, we can do this
and what I would say is we’ve negotiated more things in our own culture,
own family upbringings. You just finally get to be the boss of an
organization, not just the boss of your family or your community in that kind
of way. But in all honesty, I would say that it’s about having a close peer, like
hermanas network where I can talk about being Latina.
Keep working on yourself. Because if I don’t actively do that work, then it’s
going to come out in my decision making. It’s going to come out in how I
supervise. It’s going to come out in how I make a decision around budgets.
So that’s where doing the self-work matters because for me anyway, it feels
like that’s how I can still be genuinely and authentically myself without being
angry or dismissive or perpetuating that which has been done to me by others.
So there’s that for Latinas.
Then the other I would say is not to be afraid to figure out a way to be
authentically yourself and whatever that means. In language, in perspective,
in how you choose to share or not share parts of yourself. Literally, you have
to do you because you can only fake it for so long and unfortunately the
BIG HOOP ENERGY 108

higher up you go, everything is very visible in public. So unless you plan to
live an entire life of lies or an entire life of, “I’m just going to keep
pretending.” It’s not sustainable. So I’d rather someone know now that when
I disagree with something I might have a really strong emotion and a feeling,
but I’m going to come back from it and then we’ll get to solution. But I need
that space.
So I feel like I’m at least evolving to the next level of I have my feeling and
then I come down and work through it. But that one and then the other is you,
hermana, we need to become an educated force. We need to be writing the
stories and informing the narrative so that we aren’t the only ones. So that the
narrative is, of course, there are a growing number of Latinas in
administration. Of course, we’re moving major legislative agendas because
we’ve got this force behind us. So the more either on education or
professional experience that we do that the more we make it the norm then
the better off for hermanas who come after us. They don’t have to work so
hard to figure it out.
Viviana I would just say, take the first year and just observe. Don’t really form
alliances. Don’t really... Don’t shoot your shot in that first year. Wait to see
every aspect. One of the issues that I have a huge... One of the issues here on
campus that we have a big problem with is that we will hire managers and
we'll hire leads for areas. There'll be people that don't have any understanding
of the politics and we'll drop them and they won't have support. They won't
have access, they won't have the tools they need to do the right job.
I feel like use that first year to explore what this job really is and to talk to
everyone that program touches. The current state of the program. What do
your colleagues think? What do the faculty think? What do the students think
of it? To really do some research about the current standing of it. Because a
lot of managers want to come in and change shit. We have to change things.
You’re going to have to change things but when you do a very abruptly as an
administrator, what ends up happening is it trickles down to the people that
have been comfortably doing that job in that way for 20 years.

BIG HOOP ENERGY 109

The advice provided was not only powerful, but inspiring. I will conclude the implication
for practice with my own advice for Latinas aspiring for a career in higher education
administration. I echo all of the advice already outlined by the mujeres of this study, so my
additional advice is to find other Latinas and allies in professional organizations. Get involved
with professional organizations as much as possible. As a registrar, very few people know what I
do- even other higher ed professionals! Therefore, I have become very involved in both the
national organization, the American Association of Collegiate Registrars and Admissions
Officers (AACRAO) and the regional Pacific Association of Collegiate Registrars and
Admissions Officers (PACRAO). These organizations assist in the professional development of
registrars and admissions officers. They have been instrumental in my personal and professional
growth as a registrar and administrator. Currently, I am the Latinx Caucus Chair for AACRAO
and the Vice President for Professional Development for PACRAO. I also was recently elected
President for the 2022 PACRAO conference. I will be the first Latina president in the over 90-
year history of that organization. While these organizations are predominately white, my hoops
and I are making space for other Latinas to follow. Our voices are important and needed in these
organizations as well as our institutions. My final recommendation is the overarching implication
of this section, and that is for all Latinas in higher education administration to support one
another and remember to lift as we climb.
Future Research
My recommendations for future research are to formulate a longitudinal mixed-methods
study of Latinas in higher education administration, add to the advice table I have provided, and
keep telling our stories. The addition of a quantitative portion to a longitudinal study would
allow for ease in providing data visualization and may also provide opportunities for funding
BIG HOOP ENERGY 110

from various institutions/organizations. Additionally, when this research is conducted that it be
desire-centered and careful to not come from a deficit mindset. Researchers are encouraged to
recall and adhere to the principles of In Lak’Ech. We need more studies that highlight the
accomplishments of Latinas, our perseverance, and how our Big Hoop Energy is transcendent!
Studies should mention our (unfortunately) low numbers and barriers, but not have them be the
central focus. Latinas are not a monolith; therefore we need to provide more counter-stories of
our experiences in higher ed administration. Our narratives have power and the ability to make
another hermana feel like they do belong, they are not alone, and that they have a strong support
system.
Conclusion
Put your hoops in and remember who you are- Anonymous
This qualitative study researched the lived experiences of Latina higher education
administrators working at historically white institutions. The findings of this study highlighted
the experiences of 11 Latina upper-level administrators in 2-year and 4-year institutions of
higher education across the United States. The narratives and advice shared in this qualitative
study contribute to the limited research pertaining to Latinas as higher education administrators.
The participants in this study illustrated how they navigated their identities and microaggressions
while working at historically white institutions. Because this research was strictly focused on
Latinas, Critical Race Feminism (Wing, 1997) served as the primary theoretical framework.
Transformational Resistance (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001) was a corresponding
conceptual framework, and the study was overall approached with desire-based theory of change
(Tuck, 2009a), to center the experiences of Latinas. The study emphasized their strengths, self-
BIG HOOP ENERGY 111

care, and ability to persevere because of their abilities to professionally traverse the historically
white spaces in which they work.
Ultimately, Latinas in higher education administration are Chingonas who are
transforming the ivory tower. By developing Comadrehood, excelling at the professional
clapback, and radiating Big Hoop Energy everywhere they go, they are paving the way for future
Latinas. By lifting other Latinas up as they climb institutional ladders, Latinas in academic
administration are transforming the ways in which higher education functions. Because not only
are they laying the foundation for future Latina administrators, but also students. As more and
more Latinx students enter college, Latina administrators will be there to help them navigate
their new environments. Latina administrators will be in the rooms in which policy decisions that
directly impact students are made. Latinx students will see someone, with their hoops on, who
looks like them and they will know that there is someone who has their best educational interest
at heart. Because as the saying goes “the bigger the hoop, the bigger the heart” (Ontiveros,
2016).

BIG HOOP ENERGY 112

Epilogue
When I embarked on this work I knew it would be challenging yet rewarding. However,
what I did not expect was a global pandemic to interrupt my dissertation completion. In a
completely unprecedented turn of events the world was halted from daily routine and function
due to COVID-19. All institutions of higher education went virtual with their curriculum and all
administrative work is being conducted from home. COVID-19 has provided an added layer of
stress to my daily work. During one particularly difficult meeting I had with several other senior
leadership team members I was so frustrated listening to them discuss what I believed to be an
inequitable deferment of enrollment policy update that it brought me to tears. The tears did not
come in the moment, they came afterwards, in another meeting, with different colleagues. They
simply asked how my previous meeting went, and I unleashed a river of frustrated and angry
tears. I was upset that people could be so selfish and inequitable, it was painful. My coworkers
were great and cheered me up. My boss even called a one on one meeting with me to thank me
for my passion for equity and commitment our students. However, I could not help but feel like I
had failed myself. I let the get to me and I showed my raw emotions. I had never felt so
unprofessional. Later that evening I sent a text to one of my participants, Isabel. She replied with
a series of very kind and powerful text messages. One in particular that I will never forget; not
just because of its power, but because it exemplifies this dissertation in such a beautiful manner.
The text read, “Through a PWI lens—we’ve been trained that showing emotion at work is
unprofessional but we write the new rules. We create the new way of being in our work.” So my
final word for Latinas wanting to start a position in higher ed administration, is to remember that
WE create the new way of being in our work. WE can and will transform these institutions-
hoops and all.
BIG HOOP ENERGY 113

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Footnotes

1 In an effort to decenter whiteness, I chose to not capitalize the term “white” or
“whiteness” when referring to race. All other racial identities are capitalized.
2 The terms Latina and Latino (Latina/o) are utilized in this section to emphasize the
socially constructed gender binary that has historically been researched.
3 Nepantla is the Nahuatl word which means "in the middle of it" or "middle.” Chicana
writer, Gloria Anzaldúa, adopted this term, and used it to represent psychic/spiritual/material
points of potential transformation (Keating, 2006)
4 Tia- Spanish for aunt.
5 Tia-abuela- Spanish for great-aunt
6 Chingona (noun)- a Spanish slang term meaning a woman who secure with herself. In
other words, a “bad ass woman”
7 Comadre- literally meaning “co-mother” in Spanish. It is used describe the relationship
between a mother and the godmother of her child. However, it has been extended beyond
godmother to mean mentor, friend, and midwife (Chin, Lott, Rice, & Sanchez-Hucles, 2008)
8 Dr. Lightsey’s dissertation research focused on Black women in higher education
administration at a Southern California university. Her research and research questions mirrored
the ones in this dissertation. Our cooperative research methods were meant to highlight and
bridge our experiences as Black and Latina women in higher ed. administration. Figures 3 and 4
illustrates our complementary findings.

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Appendix A: Interview Protocol

Interview Session Protocol: After, I confirm that subjects signed the Informed Consent Form and
before I begin the interview, I will read the following interview script:

Introduction
My name is Soraira Urquiza and I am a doctoral student in the Educational Leadership with an
emphasis in Higher Ed Administration program in the Rossier School of Education at the
University of Southern California. You were invited to participate in this study because you
shared that you identify as Latina and are currently an administrator at a higher ed institution.
During this 60 to 90-minute interview I will be asking you questions about your background,
work experiences, and how your Latina identity may have impacted these experiences.

Purpose of the interview
The topics being addressed in this study are that of microaggressions, cultural capital, code-
switching, professionalism, and identity of Latina higher education administrators. Specifically,
how do Latinas working in higher education manage workplace microaggressions for survival in
the field.

Confidentiality
As stated in the Informed Consent form that you signed, your participation in this study is
voluntary and the interview will be recorded with a digital voice recorder if you granted
permission. Please note that you have full control of this interview and can end it at any time.
Information from this research will be used solely for the purpose of this study and any
publications that may result from this study. All conversations will remain confidential; your
name and other identifying characteristics will not be used in reports and presentations.
Thank you

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Appendix B: Interview Questions
Starter question
Tell me a little about your personal and professional background and history. Describe your
family, educational trajectory, and career?
Employment Background: This first set of questions is designed to gain insight on your
experience in the field of higher education.
1. What is your current title?
2. How long have you held this position?
3. How long have you been an administrator in a higher educational setting?
4. How would you describe your current institution? (provide examples like private vs.
public, research vs. liberal arts, small vs. large, hbcu vs. pwi, etc).
Workplace Setting: The second set of questions is designed to better understand your current
work environment and relationships with your colleagues.
1. What is the size of your current department (i.e., how many people do you work with
closely)?
2. Do you supervise any employees within the department?
3. What is the racial and ethnic makeup of the employees within your department?
4. How does the reporting structure (chain of command) work in your department and
where are you in that organizational chart?
5. Are there any departments (outside of yours) that you also work closely with? If so, how
often do you work with these employees?
Interactions with your department (and others, if applicable): The third set of questions is
designed to understand how you experience working with your colleagues in your department
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(and others, if applicable) and the feelings and thoughts that transpire for you during these
interactions.
1. Do you have direct access to working closely with other Latina administrators in your
department (or others)? If so, can you describe that relationship? If not, can you provide
further insight on whether or not that experience would be of value to you and why?
2. How would you describe your relationships with your superiors?
3. How many of your superiors would you consider to be people of color and does their
race/ethnic background make you more or less comfortable interacting with them? Please
explain in detail.
Check in on the participant and inquire about whether they would like to take a 5-10-
minute break before we continue with the interview.

So now we will be discussing a bit more about your identity and how that intersects with your

professional environment

1. How do you identify? What do you consider to be key aspects of your identity?
2. What does being Latina (or how they identify) mean to you?
3. Do you believe work-related stereotypes exist about Latinas in particular?
4. How often would you say you were cognizant of how you were physically presenting
yourself? (dress, hair, speaking with hands, etc.)
5. Do you believe that Latina higher ed administrators navigate their careers in different
ways than non- Latinas? Why or why not?
6. How do you think your identity as a Latina has impacted your work experiences and
career path?
7. Has there ever been a situation where you were criticized or called out because of your
cultural values or communication style (i.e. being bilingual, the way you speak)?
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Microaggressions: This set of questions are designed to determine if microaggressions have
taken place in your current or previous work environments.
1. Are you familiar with the term ‘microaggression’? (provide the definition of the term for
the participant if necessary).
2. In the (insert number of years the participant stated they have worked in the higher ed
field here) years in which you have been an administrator in higher ed, do you recall
experiencing any instances of microaggressions in the workplace? If so, what were they
and how did you respond to them?
3. Were any of the experiences you mentioned inflicted upon you by your superiors?
4. How did experiencing these microaggressions make you feel? Did they change your
perception of your colleagues and/or yourself?
Reaction to microaggressions: This final set of questions have been designed to gauge your
typical approach to the microaggressions you have experienced and whether or not you were
satisfied with your reactions to them.
1. Can you describe a time in which you altered your appearance, speech or opinion to
assimilate with others in your workplace?
2. In meetings with superiors, can you describe your thought process before speaking to the
group?
3. Can you describe your thought process when you experience a microaggression in the
workplace and how you decide how, if at all, you will respond to it?
4. What are some of the ways you have dealt with micro-aggressions outside of your work
environment (i.e. self-care rituals)?
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5. Do you believe these experiences have had an impact on your self-efficacy? Why or why
not?
6. What advice would you offer to another Latina who is interested in higher ed
administration?

Closing:
Thank you so very much for your time, for sharing your experience, and for your honesty.
I promise to share the results with you and provide a copy of the finished dissertation. Do you
have any questions, comments, or suggestions for me?
Thanks again, and have a great day/afternoon/evening!

BIG HOOP ENERGY 137

Appendix C

RECRUITMENT FLYER WORDING FOR FACEBOOK AND LINKEDIN

I’m looking for women who:
1. Self-identify as Latina, Chicana, Cubana, Mexicana, Mexican-American, Puerto Rican,
Dominicana, South or Central American.
2. Hold an upper-level higher education administrative leadership position (i.e. president,
vice president, associate vice president, registrar, chancellor, vice chancellor, provost,
associate vice provost, dean, associate dean, etc.) at a 2-year or 4-year historically white
institution.
3. Have held an upper-level higher education administrative leadership position for a
minimum of three years.
4. Have experienced microaggressions while working at a historically white institution.
My dissertation titled Big Hoop Energy: Latinas in Higher Education Administration, will
explore how the how Latinas working in historically white institutions navigate dealing with
microaggressions. Participants will be asked to complete a short demographic questionnaire, a
60-90 minute 1-on-1 interview, and have the opportunity to contribute to an advice guide for
Latinas in higher ed admin.
If you are interested or have additional questions feel free to contact me:
Soraira Urquiza
surquiza@usc.edu
626-524-4098

Please also share this message with others you think might be interested

BIG HOOP ENERGY 138

Appendix D

GOOGLE FORM

BIG HOOP ENERGY 139

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Latinas in higher education administration are often overlooked as an integral part of academia. Literature suggests very few scholars research the lived experiences of Latinas in higher education administration, and specifically how these mujeres have continued to persevere while breaking through the adobe ceiling (Ramos, 2009). This qualitative study addresses that gap and highlights the experiences of eleven Latina upper-level administrators in 2-year and 4-year institutions of higher education across the United States. Utilizing a narrative inquiry approach, the mujeres of this study discussed how they navigated their Latina identity and microaggressions while working at historically white institutions. Because this research was strictly focused on Latinas, Critical Race Feminism (Wing, 1997) served as the primary theoretical framework. Transformational Resistance (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001) was utilized as a corresponding conceptual framework, and the study overall was approached with a desire-based theory of change (Tuck, 2009a) to center the experiences of Latinas. The findings highlighted how activating differential consciousness, responding to microaggressions via a professional clapback, forming Comadrehood, and by exuding Big Hoop Energy, these mujeres are paving the way for future Latinas interested in a career in higher education administration.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Urquiza, Soraira (author)

Core Title Big hoop energy: Latinas in higher education administration

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 07/06/2020

Defense Date 05/18/2020

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag advice,big hoop energy,comadrehood,critical race feminism,desire centered theory of change,differential consciousness,higher education administration,historically white institutions,identity,In lak’ech,Latina administrators,Latinas,leadership,microaggressions,narrative analysis,OAI-PMH Harvest,professional clapback,self-efficacy,sisterhood,transformational resistance

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hinga, Briana (committee chair), Grant, Derisa (committee member), Zaragoza-Petty, Alma (committee member)

Creator Email scurquiza@gmail.com,surquiza@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-323652

Unique identifier UC11673607

Identifier etd-UrquizaSor-8632.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-323652 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-UrquizaSor-8632.pdf

Dmrecord 323652

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Urquiza, Soraira

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA