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#RepresentationMatters: constructing Black academic identities through popular and social media

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Content Running head: #REPRESENTATIONMATTERS: CONSTRUCTING BLACK ACADEMIC
IDENTITY THROUGH POPULAR MEDIA

#RepresentationMatters: Constructing Black Academic Identities Through Popular and Social
Media

by
Joshua Schuschke

A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the USC Graduate School
University of Southern California
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy (Urban Education Policy)

December 2019
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ii

Dissertation Committee

___________________________________________
Brendesha Tynes, Ph.D., Rossier School of Education

___________________________________________
Darnell Cole, Ph. D., Rossier School of Education

___________________________________________
Shaun R. Harper, Ph.D., Rossier School of Education

___________________________________________
Lanita Jacobs, Ph.D., Dornsife School of Arts & Science, Department of Anthropology

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Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................... v
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................ xvii
CHAPTER ONE: BACKGROUND, PURPOSE, AND OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY ............. 1
Statement of Problem .................................................................................................................. 3
Black Academic Identity ......................................................................................................... 8
Purpose of Study ......................................................................................................................... 9
Research Questions ............................................................................................................... 10
Significance of Study ............................................................................................................. 10
Definitions and Related Concepts ............................................................................................. 12
Organization of Dissertation ..................................................................................................... 13
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE...................................................... 15
Tropes of Intellectual Inferiority and Anti-Intellectualism ....................................................... 15
Black Identities and Ecologies .................................................................................................. 19
Ecological Theories of Learning, Human Development, and Media ................................... 19
Racial Socialization: Home, School, and Media .................................................................. 26
Theories of Black Identity ..................................................................................................... 29
Black Academic Identities and Popular Media .................................................................... 31
Future Selves and Afro-Futurism.......................................................................................... 33
The Role of Black Authenticity .............................................................................................. 34
Historical Representations of Black People on Screen ............................................................. 37
Black Film and Television Viewing Habits ........................................................................... 41
Black Youth and Stereotypes ................................................................................................. 43
Black Youth Online .................................................................................................................. 45
Black Adolescent’s Social Media Habits .............................................................................. 46
Online Racial Discrimination ............................................................................................... 47
Identity and Social Movements on the Internet..................................................................... 49
Representations in Other Forms ........................................................................................... 53
Synthesis and Summary of Gaps in the Literature.................................................................... 55
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS ........................................................................... 57
Rationale for Qualitative Methods ............................................................................................ 57
Methodological Approach: Grounded Theory .......................................................................... 59
Setting and Context ................................................................................................................... 62
Data Collection Procedures....................................................................................................... 63
Data Analysis Procedures ......................................................................................................... 71
Trustworthiness ......................................................................................................................... 74
Role of Researcher .................................................................................................................... 75
CHAPTER FOUR: PARTICIPANT PROFILES ......................................................................... 78
Participants ................................................................................................................................ 78
Participant Profiles ............................................................................................................... 78
CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS ...................................................................................................... 86
Presentation of Explanatory Model .......................................................................................... 86
The Central Phenomenon .......................................................................................................... 89
Black Social Identities........................................................................................................... 89
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Academic Aspirations ......................................................................................................... 101
Personal Aspirations ........................................................................................................... 112
Perceived Causal Conditions .................................................................................................. 120
Environment ........................................................................................................................ 121
Identities .............................................................................................................................. 143
Experiences ......................................................................................................................... 155
Intervening Conditions............................................................................................................ 166
Critical Media Engagement ................................................................................................ 167
Inauthentic Representations/Stereotypes ............................................................................ 169
Unidentifiable Black Representations................................................................................. 174
Identifiable Representations ............................................................................................... 180
Consequences of the Central Phenomenon ............................................................................. 188
Self-defined Success ............................................................................................................ 188
Community Progress ........................................................................................................... 190
Black History & Development ............................................................................................ 191
Summary of Findings .............................................................................................................. 193
CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION ................................................................................................. 196
Summary of Study .................................................................................................................. 196
Discussion ............................................................................................................................... 200
Constructing Black Academic Identity and The Afro-futuristic Self ................................... 201
Advancing Racialized Ecologies and Human Development ............................................... 208
“Academic” Representations.............................................................................................. 212
Nuancing Stereotypes and Addressing the Tropes of Colorism.......................................... 215
Black Adolescent Content Creators .................................................................................... 219
Representation Matters ....................................................................................................... 221
Implications for Future Research ............................................................................................ 222
Implications for Practice ......................................................................................................... 227
Limitations .............................................................................................................................. 230
Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 231
Reference .................................................................................................................................... 237
APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................ 269
APPENDIX A: IRB APPROVAL LETTER .......................................................................... 269
APPENDIX B: PARTICIPANT RECRUITMENT LETTER ................................................ 272
APPENDIX C: INFORMED CONSENT ............................................................................... 273
APPENDIX D: DESCRIPTIVE SURVEY ............................................................................ 277
APPENDIX E: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW PROTOCOL ..................................... 279
APPENDIX F: SOCIAL MEDIA OBSERVATION PROMPT ............................................. 283
APPENDIX G: FOCUS GROUP QUESTION GUIDE ......................................................... 284

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Acknowledgements

As my journey towards earning a Ph.D. closes, and another chapter ensues, I find it
vitally imperative that this accomplishment is shared with everyone who made it possible. This
dissertation, along with my professional and personal growth, was developed through
community. The networks of friends, family, mentors, community leaders, and youth that I have
been fortunate to build relationships with are the reason this study exists. Those that know me
know that I am neither the sentimental type nor have I always been reflexive. Now, as I continue
my development as a scholar, friend, family member, and community advocate, I want to take
considerable time to acknowledge the contributions of the many individuals and groups in my
life.
First and foremost, this study is the intellectual and creative work of my participants. The
17 boys and girls, young men and women, who took the time to talk with somebody they did not
know, are among the most introspective people that I have ever met. They are brilliant, hilarious,
authentic, and passionate individuals who have the abilities to generate liberating possible
futures. In fact, there were countless times during the interviews, and analysis, when I thought
“they are so damn smart”. I cannot thank this group enough for participating, making this study
happen, and also putting up with my annoying follow up e-mails and text messages. If any of
you are reading this, I am sorry I couldn’t mention you by name (for privacy purposes), but I am
always an open, and grateful, resource for you.
In addition to the participants, the organizations and individuals that helped me locate
them are owed the highest praise. Not just for their willingness to help me out, but for all the
incredible work they do throughout the community. In particular, I would like to thank Pastor
DK for opening up his church, and letting a lil ole sinner like me come up in the pulpit and
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recruit from the congregation. I also have to shout out Edwin, who was one of the first people to
respond to my recruitment letter and offered the opportunity to speak with his group of students
(and also putting up with my countless annoying texts). Lastly, but certainly not least, TRP (Oya,
Ma’at, Rock, and Kat) needs to be given credit for running the most thoughtful and inspiring
programs I know of. The work that they do in the community is what revolutionary organizing,
action, and care looks like. Thank you so much for opening your headquarters to me and
allowing a space to conduct research and build relationships. It is my sincere hope for all of us to
maintain bonds we forged, and that if you need me, for anything, that there is no hesitation to
call.
On a personal level, this academic journey (and, man, has it been a journey!) was enabled
by the unwavering support of my family. My mom has always given me her blessing to do
whatever it is I thought was best (even if it was clearly not the best). When I made the decision
to move to Los Angeles, without ever having visited the state of California, she supported me
and even took in my dog (shout out Thor). Her willingness to let me try things, fail, then learn
(multiple times) has truly be invaluable to my development as a scholar and as a person. I also
have to think my aunts and uncles. They have all done so much for me. John and Shell, our
weekly talks that keep me up to date with family gossip, and the not-so-subtle-reminders of all
the wild and dumb things I have done growing up have been priceless. To Bell and Clay, who
gave me a spot to sleep on the couch whenever I come home, and really served as my second
parents during my early undergraduate years. Also, Carol and Andrew who I can I always count
on to show support when we get time to talk. I am incredibly thankful your support over the
years. And lastly, the cousins. Where would I be without my beloved cousins? As a kid I looked
up to them, and in many ways, I relied on them to guide me when I needed it most. Each of them
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have played a significant role in my life, and our weekend visits over the summers produced so
many nostalgic moments.
I also owe a lot to the mentorship of professors at the University of Louisville, where I
met a group of scholars that truly initiated my current path and provided me with an intellectual
base that I still carry with me to this day. To my first mentor, Dr. Deonte Hollowell, who also
happened to be my first professor in Pan African Studies. Dr. Hollowell’s guidance and support
as the faculty advisor of the Cheikh Anta Diop Society (Shoutout to my Diop squad!) taught me
what it meant to build community and put what we learned in class into action. Of course, I have
to thank Dr. Latrica Best, who served on my master’s thesis committee, and throughout the years
has offered her wisdom on how to navigate academia. Dr. Best’s mentorship has helped us grow
a friendship, along with her husband Charles, in ways that now extend beyond the classroom that
I am forever grateful for. Speaking of my master’s thesis, my chair Dr. Carson Byrd deserves a
major thanks, not only for the work he put in on getting me through the program, but also
helping me lay out a plan to get into a PhD program. Our meetings about school and life have
been beyond helpful; thanks to Dr. Byrd I learned (through many failed attempts) APA
formatting. Dana Seay was another important figure during my time at Louisville, as I would
frequently hide out in her office and discuss the daily trials and tribulations of being a graduate
student. I also want to thank Dr. Tomarra Adams, who played a critical role in getting me out of
undergrad and on a path towards graduate school. I came to Dr. Adams with a 2.0 GPA, and
severely behind on credits. She worked out a challenging plan for me that would raise my GPA
to a 3.0 and help me graduate a year and a half later, with an acceptance into the PAS M.A.
program. No one can ask for better academic advisor than that.
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The training I received as a graduate and undergraduate student in Pan African Studies
can largely be credited to the vision of Dr. Ricky Jones, who crafted an environment for students
to affirm their intellectual abilities. This vision has been carried out by many important faculty,
such as one of my de facto mentors Dr. Shirletta Kinchen. Dr. Kinchen is hands down one of the
brightest and best professors I have ever had. A large part of my interest, and analysis, of Black
social movements is rooted in my time learning from her. Though we often disagree on sports
and music, Dr. Kinchen has become a truly invaluable friend during this journey. Another
special bond that I built, and grew from in PAS was with Dr. Kaila Story. Dr. Story is the
personification of intellectual realness, as it was in our time together that I had a fundamental
shift towards Black Feminism in my work. I am grateful for the time I get spend when I come
home and get to visit Dr. Story and Missy, as we trade laughs about what has happened in our
lives. Dr. Brandon McCormack also deserves an immense shout out, as I appreciate his
thoughtfulness on a variety of subjects, but in particular his authenticity in our discussions about
understanding our values as academics. I also want to celebrate the recently retired, Dr. Theresa
Rajack-Talley, whose leadership and kindness as graduate studies director was always
appreciated, and it was always fun being her go-to expert when the Strickler tech was acting up. I
also want to thank W.S. Tkweme, whom I had many insightful, and comedic conversations with
during my time at U of L. One conversation, however, was the most impactful. I am grateful for
the time he challenged me to raise game during the first semester of my master’s program. Dr.
Tkweme saw that I was not living up to my potential as a graduate student and gave me the
game, straight up. That moment is when I knew I could do more as a scholar and needed to raise
my effort in order to do so. To finish out my PAS and U of L acknowledgements I need to thank
the wonderful staff, which includes Ms. Chandra and Ms. Wendy, and of course, the
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incomparable Ms. Sandy. I also need to shout out the amazing graduate students I worked
alongside (Alexis, Nick, Leon, Schetauna, Megan, Shelby, Angelica, The Spears, Gully, Nia,
John, and many others that if I forgot, I swear it wasn’t intentional). Thank you U of L. Go Cards
for life!
With specific regards to my experience, and the work produced, during my doctoral
program; my time at the University of Southern California has truly been transformational. My
initial resistance to the ethos of the program evolved into appreciation, as considerable changes
were made institutionally, as well as by me, on a personal level. I am truly grateful for all the
staff and faculty I have interacted with at USC at-large, and the Rossier School of Education,
specifically. Laura Romero is hands-down the best program coordinator anyone can ask for.
Since day one, I know that myself and every other graduate student has been appreciative of her
work and guidance through the administrative tasks required of us. I also want to thank Cynthea
Jackson at the Race and Equity Center, who has played a vital role in helping with scheduling
and disseminating my letters of recommendations in a timely manner. Another key figure at the
Race and Equity Center has been Dr. Charles H.F. Davis, who has offered authentic support (and
a shared appreciation for fried chicken) that has helped cultivate a caring culture for Black
graduate students. There’s of course countess individuals at USC that I could continue to list,
that formally and informally assisted in my scholarly development, and I am appreciative of their
work and effort.
My time at USC has also been filled with the support of friends and allies in and across
various programs. To the Latinx collective, it has been a pleasure sharing this experience you all.
Specifically, future Dr. Cynthia Villareal deserves major credit for being that person that I could
share snacks and jokes with during our first year in the program. Cynthia and Elias game nights
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were also great times. Also shout out to Dr. Arely Avilez, another member of the Brownies who
has made this experience far more enjoyable. I am also greatly appreciative of the mentorship
and friendship of Drs. Roman Liera and Eric Felix who have been incredible role models in the
program. I also need to thank Dr. Ann Kim who worked closely with me during my early years
in the PhD program, and was in many ways a second advisor for me. Last, but most certainly not
least, my dear friend Dr. Hadass Moore. I am not sure I could think of a better, and more
thoughtful friend that I have made in my time at USC. Your allyship on social issues and ability
to provide a unique perspective and wit on life topics was instrumental in shaping my journey.
Now, for my riders. The Slaughterhouse. It has been this growing community of Black
scholars that has truly changed the culture and made my experience in the program truly worth it.
To the Super Six, future Drs. Aireale Rodgers, Akua Nkansah-Amankra, Kaylan Baxter, Taylor
Enoch-Stevens, Sarah Toutant, and Tara-Marie Desruisseaux, if they made me redo the program
(I would fight everyone), I would gladly join this cohort of brilliant Black women. I also need to
shout out future Drs. Eupha Jeanne Daramola and Nicole Yates who are foundational to our
community, and who also let me distract them when I was on campus and did not feel like
working. To the homie, future Dr. Sy Stokes, I appreciate you coming through in the clutch with
your insights and help in various ways. Even if the Warriors dynasty is over, you are still a
champ. Future Dr. Martin Gamboa, my Fortnite partner, and reliable friend who is always down
to hook me up with free food. I am thankful for our friendship and always enjoy our wide
ranging conversations. Also, my dear friend, future Dr. Liane Hypolite, I really want to be like
her when I grow up. She accomplishes more in a week than I do in a year, and I am thankful that
I had the opportunity to (kind of) learn from her ways. My cohort, Dr. Marissiko Wheaton, we
made it. We walked in together and we got out together! It has been an incredible journey and I
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appreciate all the support she has shown along the way. To the godfather of the Slaughterhouse,
Dr. Antar Tichavakunda words cannot describe how important his mentorship has been to me
over the years. Having Antar as a mentor has been critical to my personal and professional
development, and no one can ask for a better friend to help them through this process. Rounding
out the Slaughterhouse, of course, is my friend, my sister, my ace, #TheMachine, future Dr.
Ashley Stewart. This dissertation does not exist without your support as a friend and insights as a
scholar. I cannot convey how important her presence as a fellow mentee to Dr. Tynes has been
over the last three years has been. Whenever I needed help on a paper, or just needed someone I
could vent to, my first text was to Ashley. We’ve been in the trenches together and there’s
nobody Maria and I enjoy cooking for more than her. In sum, the Slaughterhouse, as my
community of friends has been instrumental in the production of this dissertation directly and
indirectly. I cannot thank this group enough.
To my incredible committee, the amazing group of scholars who molded my academic
journey, and whose intellectual fingerprints are all over this dissertation. I could not ask for a
better group of experts, who not only lent their expertise, but also their affirmations in my
ability. Before going further into each member, I want to acknowledge two individuals who also
played critical roles in this dissertation’s development. First, De’Andra Johnson, who was my
research assistant during the focus groups. De’Andra’s fieldnotes and inquisitive follow up
questions were essential to the collection and analysis phase. I appreciate what she brought to
this study, and I am excited to see her academic career unfold. I also want to thank my ghost-
committee member, Dr. Riana Anderson, who served as a member of my qualifying exam
committee. As a long distance mentor, she provided critical insights into the early formulation of
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this study that were important to its methodological foundations. The continued assistance of Dr.
Anderson throughout the process has been greatly appreciated.
To the chair of my committee, my wonderful advisor, Dr. Brendesha Tynes. These last
four years have flown by. I am literally not in this place without her guidance and desire for me
to follow my dreams as a scholar. More than just an academic advisor, Dr. Tynes, has provided
an authentic level of care and advocacy that I hope to model for those I work alongside, in the
future. The intellectual rigor and self-care that Dr. Tynes promotes helped make this dissertation
process an impactful and enjoyable experience. There are a million stories and lessons I could
tell of Dr. Tynes, and her value to me as a scholar, and I cannot think of any person who has
challenged me more than her. For that, I am thankful and I am happy that this dissertation has her
seal of approval.
I am also grateful for my outside reader, and committee confidant, Dr. Lanita Jacobs. I
met Dr. Jacobs when I took her class my second year; and it was hands-down, without question,
the best class I ever had in graduate school. Dr. Jacobs intellectual prowess and authenticity
when engaging weighty subjects cannot be captured and is greatly appreciated by anyone taking
her classes. This translated into the dissertation process, as Dr. Jacobs challenged me in ways
that made me think about the positioning of my research and the analysis of data that captured
what is truly “Black”. During my time at USC, Dr. Jacobs has served as not only a committee
member for this dissertation, but as a valuable friend who has assisted in my personal and
professional development by offering her insights and care. The meetings that we have in the
local coffee shops to debrief about life were truly rehabilitating and instrumental to my work.
Additionally, the relationship that I have built with Dr. Shaun Harper has been another
immensely impactful bond that has shaped my experience. As a committee member, Dr. Harper
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literally sat me down in his office and taught me grounded theory. Through Dr. Harper’s
mentorship, I was granted the opportunity to learn from one of the top scholars in the field.
What’s most important, however, is to note the ways in which Dr. Harper is always willing to
assist students in any way possible. Despite having a constantly packed schedule, his ability to
make time for me, and other students, is truly a testament to his humble, and remarkable
character. Dr. Harper’s desire to share his resources and accomplishments with his students is a
quality I wish to continue to emulate as a I continue my own career.
Finally, Dr. Darnell Cole, who has overseen my development during the course of the last
four years. Dr. Cole had the pleasure (all sarcasm) of teaching me during my first semester in the
PhD program, and has been an integral figure throughout the qualifying exam and dissertating
stage. I appreciate the philosophical and methodological challenges that Dr. Cole has routinely
encouraged me to engage. His willingness and excitement to help with this dissertation is another
positive aspect that he brought to this committee, as he continuously provided ways of thinking
about the “real-world” application of this work. To each and every one of my committee
members, I cannot express enough gratitude for your hard work, or take enough pride in the fact
that this is greatest, and Blackest, dissertation committee ever assembled in Rossier history.
The last group of individuals I want to thank is, of course, my friends. I would not be in
this position without them being the realest, most intellectually gifted, and hilarious people on
the planet. They are there to challenge me, make me laugh, and assist me emotionally at any
given notice, and I am always down to do the same for them. Special shout out to my long
distance friends, who I may not get to see often, but their texts and periodic phone conversations
(and online gaming nights) keep me fulfilled. Ash, Cierra, Kiana, Miranda, Shacoya, and Tiara,
are a bunch of nerds, but I love them all anyway. I cannot thank them enough for always being
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there. This dissertation does not happen if I do not get the chance to decompress and laugh with
them.
To the Squad, Ash, Bmore, Bricks, Chad, Dee, Kish, Ryan, and Trav, they are a wild
bunch, and a group of friends that I am so happy to see every time I come home. We started out
protesting in the streets together. Now, to see all the positive things that each of them is doing
individually makes me so happy. As far as I am concerned, this PhD is theirs too. They each
encouraged me to follow this path. They all listened and laughed with me through the ups and
downs, in ways that only we would understand. I appreciate each of them so much for keeping
me grounded during this PhD process; because, as we know, it can change people. Most certainly
I have changed, but not without their input. The squad remains my moral and intellectual
foundation, and through our experiences as unit, I was able to come out a better organizer,
scholar, and person.
As for my best friend, future Dr. Yasmeen Chism, what can be said that has not already
been said about us? And what can be said that I can publish without getting us both fired
eventually? There is not a more honest, giving, and brilliant person on this planet. This is not
hyperbole. Yasmeen is literally the smartest person on Earth. Do not debate me, I have a PhD
now, so it is facts. She has provided important feedback and insights on my scholarly work that
has improved my writing dramatically. This dissertation is just one example. In addition to her
intellectual prowess, however, is the nature of our friendship, which is truly regenerative. Our
ability to instinctively know when the other needs a joke (90% of the time) and when we need
assistance is what makes our friendship work. I know I can count on Yasmeen for a laugh and a
push forward in my work. I hope this dissertation makes her proud, even if I still do not know
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what passive voice is. I cannot wait until her dissertation drops and changes her field of study.
Thanks Yaz, for everything.
The final person I want to thank is my loving partner, Maria. I know she cannot believe
this part of the journey is finally over? It is not a coincidence that my enjoyment and love for Los
Angeles began at the same time we met. Since we have been together, a lot has changed. We
have grown and we even got ourselves a dog (shout out Logan Simone). I cannot thank her
enough for the love, support, and understanding throughout this process. Maria, more than
anybody, got to see how this dissertation unfolded. She dealt with me staying up until the early
mornings, working, and she heard all my thoughts as I planned, improvised, and rethought my
ideas. Our shared interests in television shows, movies, and documentaries provided the
necessary spark for this dissertation topic, as it came from a place of love. Maria’s support, along
with her own brilliant insights, were key factors in this dissertations completion. For all that you
do, and continue to do in my life, I want to thank you. I love you!
As I finally draw this acknowledgment section to its conclusion (I already wrote 200-plus
pages, what’s another 10 or so?), I want to remain cognizant of the fact that our people are still
fighting for freedom and that this dissertation is not going to get us free. However, each person
mentioned in this section is playing a critical role in the liberation of Black people, and I am
truly blessed to be connected with each and every one of them. As a study that uses a
constructivist grounded theory approach, it is important to note that, as a researcher, I bring my
experiences and funds of knowledge to my analysis of the data in ways that incorporate the
views of everyone special in my life. Although I am sure I did not name everyone who has been
instrumental to my development, I hope people understand that if we have ever been in contact,
and you have ever considered yourself a friend or mentor to me, that this dissertation is a by-
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product of your presence and that I am truly grateful. This is a special milestone in a continuing
journey and I hope we all are able to continue it together. #WhateverItTakes.

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ABSTRACT

Within the last half decade, Black oriented media and Black representation in film and
television has generated critical and financial success. The value of these images and messages
attached to these forms of popular media have prompted a discussion in Hollywood that suggests
“Representation Matters”. The foregrounding of representation in recent years has led to,
arguably, a movement that supplants the long history of racist tropes and stereotypes in
television and cinema. Proponents of #RepresentationMatters (the common tag on social media)
claim that diverse, positive, and nuanced Black characters and stories are critical to the
development of Black adolescent’s identity constructions and aspirations. Black adolescents,
historically, have been subject to harsh scrutiny and racist assumptions about their intellectual
ability, career pursuits, and cultural values. Representations in popular media and discussions on
social media have the potential to counter these long-held societal beliefs. The purpose of this
study is to use a grounded theory methodological approach that examines the process by which
Black adolescents evaluate and identify with representations of Black people and experiences in
film, television, and social media, with particular regard to their academic identities. This
dissertation seeks to uncover the ways in which the media ecologies of Black youth assist in their
agentic construction of their racialized identities. The theory developed from this study will
contribute to the scholarly literature by providing a framework to understand Black academic
identity construction with and through media.
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CHAPTER ONE: BACKGROUND, PURPOSE, AND OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY

The release of Marvel Studio’s Black Panther (2018) generated critical acclaim and
record-breaking box-office success. The film received the highest Rotten-Tomato score for a
Marvel film (Rotten Tomatoes, 2018) and earned over $1.3 billion worldwide (Box Office Mojo,
2018). The success of the film has largely been credited to Black audiences who were excited to
see a superhero film, featuring a majority Black cast. Fans eagerly awaited the film’s release,
with hashtag campaigns on social media, such as “#BlackPantherSoLit” capturing the excitement
for any news related to the film (Setoodeh, 2018). Upon its release, audience members dressed in
a variety of fashions, from cosplay of their favorite character, to traditional African garb, to even
the Black Panther Party’s iconic gloves and berets. Black Panther director Ryan Coogler, penned
a thank you letter to audiences after the film’s release, acknowledging the importance of the
film’s African setting and African-descended cast (Fernandez, 2018). The reception of the film
by Black audiences was bolstered by the larger discussion, and arguably, movement in
Hollywood, which has called for more diversity in the entertainment industry. On various social
media plarforms, this discussion is frequently tagged as “#RepresentationMatters”.
The value of diverse representation in front of the camera has been credited as a driving
force to the success of a number of films and television shows over the last few years. Starting in
2014 with Black oriented shows such as ABC’s Blackish premiering to a national audience, the
recognition for diversity in Hollywood swelled, as films such as Moonlight (2016) garnered
academy awards and nominations. In the wake of Black Panther’s success, Disney chairman
Alan Horn acknowledged that “representation matters” as a part of film making (Setoodeh,
2018). Historically, Black people have been both under and misrepresented in film and
television. Recently, however, a number of prominent movies and television shows have featured
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Black casts and stories, prompting a new era in Hollywood that recognizes a variety of Black
identities and experiences. “Representation matters” (or #RepresentationMatters), has become a
colloquial phrase to recognize the work and continued need for historically marginalized groups
to garner opportunities at seeing themselves portrayed on television and film, as well as in a host
of other arenas. Even as discussions pertaining to representation take precedent, and Black
oriented film and television shows generate financial and critical acclaim, there remains a
shortage of shows and directing opportunities for Black creatives (Directors Guild of America,
2018; Nielson, 2017). Equally important is that the movement calls for members of marginalized
groups to have creative control over their stories and portrayals in hopes of providing nuanced
and authentic stories.
For Black people, specifically, the role of representation in various forms of media has
functioned as a mechanism for promoting bodily control, state-sanctioned violence, and
perpetual discrimination. Bonilla and Rosa (2015) describe how news media’s representations of
Black people, and the subsequent critique on social media have frequently been at the center of
discourse pertaining to the movement for Black lives. Thus, representations in media matters not
only because of their ability to propagate stereotypes, but they also serve as tools of critique and
resistance by Black people. “Representations Matters” and the colloquial movement title, “Black
Lives Matter,” operate at the intersection of problematizing narrow constructions of Blackness as
a critical step towards Black liberation. The contemporary success and salience of Black oriented
media presents potential opportunities for reclaiming images and representing Black life in
diverse and complex ways.
When it the comes to representations of Black adolescents, it is important to recognize
the historical tropes and stereotypes of Black people as anti-intellectual, hyper-sexual,
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aggressive, and lazy (see: Cokley, 2015; Squires, 2009). These racist renderings in popular
media have perpetuated and [re]inscribed narrow societal constructions of Blackness. The call
for more accurate representations of the Black experience, in the media, requires creative work in
which Black adolescents can see themselves in their full humanity and intellectual possibilities.
Societal expectations of Black youth indicate that they are more likely to be viewed as adults
(Epstein, Blake, & González, 2017; Goff, Jackson, Leone, Lewis, Culotta, & DiTomasso, 2014),
have less interest in school (Cokley, 2015), and are more likely to be recognized for their
physical rather than their intellectual abilities (Nasir & Shah, 2011). Despite these historic trends,
the current rise in prominence of Black representations in popular media presents an opportunity
for depictions of Black youth to become more diverse and inclusive of the intellectual abilities
and possibilities. For example, Black Panther’s (2018) supporting character, Shuri (Letitia
Wright), represents an afro-futurist depiction of Black intellectual innovation in the fields of
Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM). The ways in which Black
adolescents identify with this type of character is this study’s point of departure.
The potential cultural and societal value of having access to a range of complex
portrayals of Black identities, on screen, pushes back against the historical trend of narrow,
stereotype-laden representations of Black people. Black youth watching popular Black oriented
television shows and movies can find a multitude of portrayals that they can seek to emulate or
feel that they can relate to. Beyond the critical and financial success of film and television that
seeks to incorporate diverse depictions of Black people, the potential influence and relatability
for Black youth and their multitude of identities, as a whole, is the most important reason as to
why representation matters.
Statement of Problem

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This study addresses problems at the intersection of race, identity, education, and popular
media entertainment. Black adolescents have historically been narrowly constructed in
mainstream media (Cokley, 2015; Squires, 2009). Relatedly, Black youth have also been charged
with taking up an “oppositional” stance towards education (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). The
interweaving of societal expectations and representations of Black adolescents as intellectually
inferior or lazy, has long been a source of contestation (Cokley, 2015; Harris, 2011; Nasir, 2011;
Tyson, 2011). Popular media’s ability to (re)inscribe images and messages regarding race has
been frequently broached by scholars from a range of fields and disciplines (Bobo, 2002; Hall,
1973; Nama, 2010, 2011; Tynes & Ward, 2009; Ward, 2004). One historical consistency that
contributes to the vast inquiries into Black oriented media, is youth consumption. Black
adolescents watch more television than other racial groups (See: Tynes & Ward, 2009). The rate
high of television consumption has led researchers to investigate the viewing practices of Black
adolescents, with specific focus on how they interpret representations and the factors that may
buffer the internalization of negative messages (Ward, 2004). The contemporary landscape that
promotes online streaming services, complemented by the social media marketing campaigns of
film and television shows, suggests research is needed that accounts for a more comprehensive
examination of media and race. The movement for more representation in Hollywood presents an
opportunity for Black youth to have their full humanity and diverse experiences recognized on a
larger scale. This dissertation seeks to examine the various, and at times, conflicting,
representations of Black youth in popular media, and the ways in which these images are
academically identifiable.
Representations in Media

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Historically, racist representations of Black people have routinely associated the trope of
intellectual inferiority as either an innate biological trait or a by-product of cultural Blackness.
Popular media, such as film and television, have propagated this logic over-time (See: Squires,
2009). Scholars contend that the history of cinema is forever-linked to the construction of an
intellectually-deficient, and criminalized Black body, due to the success of D.W. Griffith’s
(1915) The Birth of a Nation. Birth of a Nation was one of the earliest commercially successful
films in the United States. The film was lauded for its technological achievements in cinema, but
gained most of its notoriety for its narrative, which glorified white retribution on free Black
people in the Jim Crow South (Guerrero, 1993; Squires, 2009). The film reinscribed racist beliefs
of inherent Black criminality and intellectual inferiority, which would be continuously played
out in various ways overtime in film and television.
Although racist images continue to permeate through various forms of visual media,
representations have not always been one-sided or mutually exclusive to positive and negative
images of Blackness. The complex sociopolitical and financial history of Hollywood has, at
times, generated eras where Black representation onscreen were more nuanced and visible
(Boyd, 1997; Guerrero, 1993; Squires, 2009). The contemporary moment where “representation
matters” is perhaps either the beginning of another era or a monumental paradigm shift in the
entertainment industry. Regardless of the degree of permanence in the celebrated prominence of
Black oriented media in the mainstream, the images and messages conveyed offer an opportunity
to understand how they are interpreted and potentially taken up by Black youth.
Psychologist Kevin Cokley (2015) argues that films that highlight Black intellectual
ability often do not explicitly draw a connection between Blackness and education. Furthermore,
Nasir (2011) found that while Black adolescents do not associate academic failure with
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Blackness, some may identify with problematic representations of Black life that they see in
film. However, popular media theorist, accompanied with results from empirical studies, suggest
that Black audiences are particularly adept at deciphering racialized messages from television
and film (Bobo, 2002; Adam-Bass, Stevenson, & Kotzin, 2014; Adams-Bass, Bentley-Edwards,
& Stevenson, 2014; Ward, 2004). This study intends to contribute to the ongoing conversation
by seeking to understand how Black youth evaluate contemporary representations in popular
media, and in what ways do they identify with the images and messages they encounter.
(Social) Media Ecology Landscape
In the age of the internet and digital technology, popular media, particularly film and
television, no longer exist as stand-alone mediums. Social media allows audiences to interact
with media and other people across time and space. The media ecology landscape has drastically
changed in the digital age (Levinson, 2003). Youth can have discussions about their favorite TV
show, in real-time, with friends or strangers. They are even able to engage with films that are
older than them, and find spaces online to have discussion and analysis. Henry Jenkins (2006)
argues that this phenomenon is part of a “convergence culture” whereby individuals can access
multiple media from a single access point. For example, youth of all races can use their
cellphones to access the internet, watch television shows, play games, and communicate with
friends. The specific implications for Black youth, however, is their aforementioned
consumption of media and their disproportionately high use of mobile phones to access the
internet (Lenhart, 2015). Within this digital landscape, Black youth are able to forge spaces
online that engage their identities and various interests (Tynes, Garcia, Giang, & Coleman,
2011). With the hashtag campaign of “#RepresentationMatters” taking form on social media, the
connection between what is viewed in traditional iterations of popular media and the discussion
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surrounding them is engaged by a massive audience that contains numerous standpoints within
the Black experience.
The unique ability of social media to open lines of communication across networks has
also allowed for the proliferation of online racism. Online racial discrimination has offline
implications on mental health, socio-emotional well-being, and academic motivation (Lozada &
Tynes, 2017; Tynes, Umana-Taylor, Rose, Lin, & Anderson, 2012). The effects of online racial
discrimination on academic motivation are particularly troublesome; and the ways in which
Black adolescents navigate the racially hostile space of the internet, as they construct academic
identities is an essential phenomenon for this study to engage. Interpersonal and structural racism
on the internet requires additional awareness and continuous opportunities to engage stereotypes
and negative representations of Black people (Noble, 2018; Tynes et al., 2012). The ever-present
danger of online racial discrimination, disrupts notion of a utopic internet (Senft & Noble, 2018),
and raises the need for Black youth to find online spaces where their identities and interests are
affirmed (Schuschke & Tynes, 2016; Tynes et al., 2011). Research has also indicated that youth
with positive constructions of Black identity are able to buffer the effects of online racial
discrimination (Tynes et al., 2012). The ways in which Black youth engage in identity building
on social media requires an understanding of platform affordances, community, and online
racism.
Online social movements, such as #RepresentationMatters and #BlackLivesMatter are
representative of identity-based social movements (Carney, 2016; Tynes, Schuschke, & Noble,
2016). Discussions that occur through these hashtags, or related social networking sites, offer an
opportunity for Black youth to construct and represent multiple facets of their identity. Studies
have shown that youth tend to visit websites that center their identities and interests (Brock,
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2012; Tynes et al., 2011). Bonilla & Rosa’s (2015) hashtag ethnography is a prime example of
how youth use their complex identities as a form of protest in a larger social movement.
Furthermore, this study revealed the importance of understanding media representations of Black
adolescents, as youth engaged in a praxis of double consciousness. Black youth are aware of
their portrayal in news media, while at the same time, they exhibit agency and control over these
representations through their identification with Blackness. This study looks to engage the
process by which students partake in online discussions about Black identity relative to
discussion pertaining to representation in film and television. Black youth’s engagement with
these images on social media is part of an interconnected media ecology that allows for
continuous interactions between identity and media.
Black Academic Identity

Within the psychological (See: Cokley, 2015), sociological (See: Tyson, 2011), and
anthropological literature (See: Jackson, 2005), Black identity has long been a source of
contestation. Questions such as: “what does it means to be Black?”, “what is Blackness?”, and
“is being Black beneficial to educational and career success of youth?” are continuously asked
and dissected from a number of disciplinary and methodological perspectives. W.E.B. DuBois
(1903) famously pondered “how does it feel to be a problem?” (pg. 2) when interrogating the
meaning of being Black in the United States. Since the earliest arrival of enslaved Africans to the
Americas, Blackness has been defined socially, culturally, and legally, and has also been
quantified and qualified through research.
For Black youth, in particular, their constructions of academic identities has been equally
troubled by scholars who debate whether or not Black adolescents view academic success or
failure as inherent to their race. Fordham and Ogbu (1986) posited that Black youth disassociate
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with a school as a cultural practice to mark their affiliation with race. Scholars have since
debated and debunked this theory of resistance, with some suggesting that Black identification is
a positive indicator for school success (Atstchul, Osyerman, & Bybee, 2006; Rogers, Scott, &
Way, 2015; Yasui, Dorham, & Dishion, 2004), while others find that there is no connection
between Black identity and school (Chavous, Bernat, Schmeelk-Cone, Caldwell, Kohn-Wood, &
Zimmerman, 2003). Taken together the literature on Black student identity suggests that the
relationship with school is complex, and involves a nuanced understanding of the Black identity
is constructed by youth (Cokley, 2015; Nasir, 2011). For example, Nasir, McLaughlin, and Jones
(2009) found that Black youth identified who identified with popular Black gang films of the
mid 90’s and early 2000’s were more likely to develop a street savvy identity, which
coincidentally did not associate academics with Blackness in either a positive or negative way.
Problematic characters and themes in popular films and television, are not uncritically
examined then accepted by Black youth (Adams-Bass, Bentley-Edwards, & Stevenson, 2014).
Rather, Black adolescents are able to evaluate these representations as authentic and identifiable
for them. This study looks to complicate the narrative that media representations of Black youth
are “good” or “bad”, and looks to contribute to the literature by unearthing the ways in which
Black youth interpret diverse representations of Blackness. More specifically, this study
addresses the longstanding debate surrounding Black student identity by highlighting the
nuances involved in the process of constructing an identity relative to the images and messages
pertaining to Blackness found in popular and social media.
Purpose of Study

The purpose of this study is to examine the process by which Black adolescents make
sense and develop meaning from images they encounter in popular and social media. More
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specifically, this study seeks to understand how Black adolescents construct academic identities
through media ecologies. In the contemporary moment where representations of Black life are
garnering financial and critical acclaim, and where youth are engaging with these images and
their messages in highly visible online spaces, this dissertation hopes to unearth a theory of
understanding how media can be leveraged for the construction of Black identities. This study
offers a unique contribution to a diverse array of literature, by filling in gaps that connect
ecological understandings of identity development and education, as well as race and media
studies. Additionally, the findings yielded from this research aims to answer questions of how,
why, and when “representation matters” in popular media.
Research Questions

The primary research question guiding this study asks, “In what ways do Black
adolescents evaluate Black representations in assorted forms of media, as a way to construct their
academic identities?” The following research questions will also be engaged in order to narrow,
and provide depth to the primary research question: 1. How and where do Black students engage
messages about their race in media via social media platforms, discussions with parents and
peers? 2. In what ways do Black students see representations of Black life through media as
relevant to their academic trajectories, motivations, and success? 3. How do media
representations of Black identity facilitate the possibilities of identification with education and
career opportunities? 4. How do online communities of interests centered around Black
entertainment promote identity development? 5. In what ways do Black students accept, resist,
and/or negotiate messages they receive about race and intellectual abilities in the media?
Significance of Study

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The relationship between Black identity and education remains one of the most contested
debates in the literature (Cokley, 2015; Harris, 2011). Although school environments are logical
and fruitful sites for the study of Black student identity, Black adolescents construct their
identities in a wider ecology of venues and media that extends beyond the physical confines of
school. This study takes an ecological approach to understand influencing factors in student’s
interpretations and identification with media. Black youth’s disproportionately high consumption
of television and film media (Tynes & Ward, 2009; Ward, 2004), along with their affinity for
particular social media platforms (Brock, 2012; Lee, 2012; Lenhart, 2015) make the study of this
media ecology an important venue of analysis. As the current socio-political climate has shifted
focus to the importance of representation in popular media, it is important that research examines
the potential benefits and problematics of various images of Black people in media today.
The influx of new and complex renderings of Black people and lives in the media has
made the heterogeneity of the Black experience more visible, from a mainstream perspective.
The lives of Black people at the intersection of race, gender, sexuality, age, ability, and class are
at forefront of cinema, television, and social media. Online discussions pertaining to
representation frequently place value on these diverse images as a rare opportunity when Black
youth can see themselves in new and positive lights. Still, questions remain as to whether or how
these representations are interpreted and taken up by Black adolescents. Embedded within this
discussion is the debate pertaining to Black intellect and academic ability. Television shows and
films may not explicitly address Black academic identity, but it remains a readable narrative for
Black audiences acutely aware of stereotypes and their histories (Adams-Bass et al., 2014;
Cokley, 2015; Squires, 2009; Ward, 2004).
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The proposed study is unique in its contribution to the literature in a number of ways: 1.
The findings will unearth how the temporal salience of Black oriented media, in Hollywood and
social media, influences the construction of academic identity among Black students. 2. This
study will extend theories of education and human development, by centering the Black
educational experience of adolescents who represent multiple positionalities and intersectional
identities within the community. 3. Results will shed light on the day-to-day acts of racial and
media socialization and resistance to racism that Black adolescents engage in, as part of the
larger freedom struggle within the United States. The interconnected social movements related to
Black liberation have taken up the cause to pushback on and disentangle racist representations of
Black people and reclaim imagery that serves highlight the full humanity of all Black people.
The “#RepresentationMatters” discussion is a direct outgrowth of identity-based freedom
projects. This study seeks to shed light on the process involved in the construction of a multitude
of Black identities that adolescents may claim.
Definitions and Related Concepts

The following is a list of definitions for key concepts and terms that are essential to this
dissertation.
Black adolescent/youth: Individuals between the ages 14 and 19 who identify with the
socially constructed racial category of “Black”. This study works within a paradigm of social,
cultural, and political construction of Blackness within the context of the United States.
Participants in this study recognize and claim their African ancestry, regardless of ethnic
heritage, nationality, or multi-racial status (Omi & Winant, 2015).
Black oriented media: Film and Television that is produced/directed by Black creatives
and feature majority Black casts and topics (Tynes & Ward, 2009).
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Black identity: An individual’s mental construction, affiliation, adherence, and
understanding of the social and cultural markers of the designated racial group: Black.
Intersections/Intersectionality: The unique ways in which Black women and girls
experience the world along multiple axes of oppression based on their raced and gendered
identities (Collins & Bilge, 2016).
Learning Ecology: The various and, at times, interlocking contexts and settings where
humans learn about topics and themselves.
Popular Media: Although “popular” media is historically fluid and includes a variety of
different mediums, this study operationalizes the term to center commercial film and television.
Books, magazines, art, and other forms of media are excluded from this study.
Media Ecology: The environment through humans interact with multiple media and
messages in unique ways (Scolari, 2012; Strate, 2004). Media ecologies also accounts for the
various histories and functionalities of media, as the interact with each other.
Social Media: A multi-directional form of online communication (Hogan & Quan-Haase,
2010). This is represented by the various spaces and forms of communication through which
people interact with each other, news, and media on the internet.
Social Media Platforms: Web-based applications that house social networks, and enable
communication through unique sets of affordances and limitations (Kietzmann, Hermkens,
McCarthy, & Silvestre, 2011).
Social Networks: Communities of individuals linked through shared interest in either
online or localized contexts (boyd & Ellison, 2007).
Organization of Dissertation

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Chapter Two of this dissertation engages the existing literature related to the historical
tropes of Black intellect in media and society, sociological and psychological research on Black
academic identity, and ecological perspectives on learning with, and through, popular and social
media. Furthermore, Chapter Two identifies gaps in the literature at the intersection of Black
academic identity and media within the contemporary sociopolitical and digital entertainment
contexts. Chapter Three describes this dissertation’s methodology. More specifically, Chapter
Three provides details on sampling procedures, sites, and rationale for the iterative process of
data collection and analysis. Chapter Four describes this study’s participants’ profiles by
describing demographic data, as well as their home and school contexts, and their media
preferences. Chapter Five reveals the findings of the study, in relation to the newly developed
theory of media co-constructed Black academic identities. Chapter Six concludes this
dissertation by providing a discussion of the data relative to the existing literature, as well as
implications for future research.

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CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Throughout history, racist ideologies and representations of Black people have centered
on a belief in their intellectual inferiority (Graves, 2008; Kendi, 2016). From the educational
system to popular media, Black youth find themselves portrayed as academically insufficient or
unwilling to learn (Cokley, 2015; Harris, 2011). Black adolescents and their families, however,
continue to find ways to combat stereotypes in schools, media, and society writ large. The
construction of Black student identity through the contexts of home and the media, and the
interaction between them, is this dissertation’s foci of analysis. Studies have shown that Black
youth disproportionally view television (Tynes & Ward, 2009), and use social media platforms
such Instagram and Twitter (Lenhart, 2015). It is also important to note that, in Black
households, parents are primary influencers of children’s media use (Rideout, Scott, & Clark,
2016). Alongside their daily interactions with school structures, the ways in which Black youth
negotiate implicit and explicit messaging about racial and academic identities is key in
determining how, what, and why representations matter.
In this section, I will: 1. Contextualize the racist trope of Black anti-intellectualism. 2.
Synthesize theory and research on learning and media ecologies, as well as Black identity. 3.
Review literature pertaining to one-way (film/television) and multidirectional (social media)
media and its influence on Black student identity. 4. I will identify gaps in the existing literature.
Tropes of Intellectual Inferiority and Anti-Intellectualism

Within the paradigm of racist logics, the belief in the intellectual inferiority of Black
people, served as a justification for enslavement. The paternalistic attitudes of whites were built
upon the belief that the “uncivilized” and “unintelligent” Black person needed to be reformed
and put to appropriate work (Graves, 2008; Kendi, 2016). Religious and pseudoscientific
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research was manufactured to sustain and perpetuate the belief of Black intellectual inferiority
and the lineage of stereotypes that it birthed (Graves, 2008; Wilder, 2013). Today, the historical
weight of these stereotypes, and their proliferation through media and society writ large, is
theorized to have generated an effect on Black students’ testing outcomes and overall
educational experiences.
Stereotype threat (Steele & Aronson, 1995) is a widely researched phenomenon in
education. Stereotype threat occurs when members of a particular group are made aware of a
commonly held belief that they underperform on academic tests, which in turn can induce testing
anxiety and underperformance (Steele & Aronson, 1995; Steele, 1997). Early stereotype threat
research suggested that the threat must be activated in a particular setting for effects to manifest
themselves (Steele, 1997). Other scholars, however, suggest that the prevalence of stereotypes
pertaining to Black intellectual ability create an ever-present threat to Black students, making the
need for a situational prompt unnecessary to produce effects (Cokley, 2015, Nasir & Shah,
2011). Studies have examined how Black-affirming testing environments (Livingston, Pipes-
McAdoo, & Mills, 2008; Oliver, Andemeskel, King, Wallace, McDougal, Moneiro, & Ben-Zeev,
2017) and strategies (McGee, 2013; McGee & Martin, 2011) can mediate stereotype threat.
Black adolescent’s awareness of the historical tropes and stereotypes related to their intellectual
abilities is a key source of strain in their educational experiences.
The principle belief in Black people’s inherent intellectual deficiency undergirds all
stereotypical representations in media. In educational research, however, a shift away from the
innate abilities of Black students to a focus on the culture of Black students and their families has
produced the more contemporary belief of Black anti-intellectualism. Anti-intellectualism posits
that Black students, and their parents, simply choose not to promote learning and academic
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success (Cokley, 2015). Perhaps the most famous, and controversial, works used to promote this
belief are Ogbu’s (1978) “oppositional culture” theory and its extension the “acting white” thesis
(Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). “Oppositional culture” and “acting white” posit that the pervasiveness
of racism within the United States educational system has created a culture among Black parents
and students that is resistant to the ethos of school (Ogbu, 1978). Fordham and Ogbu (1986) add
that Black students associate academic achievement with “whiteness”, which, in turn, forces
students to choose between their racial identity and academic achievement. Fordham (1988)
argues that Black students should develop raceless attitudes towards education. Raceless
attitudes, however, among Black students is also associated with higher levels of depression and
anxiety (Arroyo & Zigler, 1995; Harris 2011) and is not necessarily associated with greater
levels of achievement (Cokley, 2015; Sellers, Rowley, Chavous, Shelton, & Smith, 1997).
Despite the popularity of “oppositional culture” and “acting white” across segments of
society (Cokley, 2015; Tyson, 2011), numerous studies have challenged the theories (Ainsworth-
Darnell & Downey, 1998; Cokley, 2015; Downey, 2008; Harris, 2011; Nasir, 2011; Tyson,
2011). Studies contesting “oppositional culture” theory and “acting white” often cite a lack of
nuance in understanding Black student identity and the educational structures that influence
school culture. The association between Black identity and academic outcomes has revealed a
complex web of research. Some studies have found positive associations between Black identity
and achievement (Atstchul, Osyerman, & Bybee, 2006; Rogers, Scott, & Way, 2015; Yasui,
Dorham, & Dishion, 2004), others have found negative (Cokley, McClain, Jones, & Johnson,
2011; Worrell, 2007), and some have even found no association between the two (Chavous,
Bernat, Schmeelk-Cone, Caldwell, Kohn-Wood, & Zimmerman, 2003). Scholars have theorized
that the nebulous findings pertaining to identity and achievement are a result of the numerous
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ways Black students construct what it means to be “Black” (Cokley, 2015; Nasir, 2011).
Furthermore, Cokley (2015) highlights research that suggests Black students do not necessarily
link academic self-concept and self-esteem to achievement.
Nasir, McLaughlin, and Jones (2009) profiled two Black academic identities from their
research: “street savvy” and “school-oriented.” Having a school-oriented identity linked school,
community, and culture; whereas, the street savvy identity did not connect with school. Street
savvy and school-oriented identities are not mutually exclusive and may, at-times, overlap
(Nasir, 2011). Nasir et al. (2009) also found that students who associated mostly with a street
savvy identity were uncritical in their performance of racialized scripts and problematic
representations of Black people in media. Neither identity associated Black identity with
underperforming in school, but rather, street identified students disassociated school from their
racial identity. This key distinction between oppositional culture (Ogbu, 1978; Fordham & Ogbu,
1986) and this strand of literature on identity (Nasir et al., 2009; Nasir & Shah, 2011; Nasir,
2011) suggests that Black students who are underperforming in school do not associate
academics with their racial identity, as opposed to intentionally underperforming because of their
race.
Karolyn Tyson’s (2011) Integration Interrupted revealed cases where race was connected
with academic performance, but was structured by school tracking policies. These policies place
students in classes and academic trajectories based on perceived abilities and are common across
the United States (Orfield, Kucsera, Siegel-Hawley, 2012). In cases where Black students were
acutely aware of racialized tracking practices (i.e. white students placed in advanced courses and
Black students placed in lower-level classes), beliefs about race and academic achievement were
internalized by some students. Tyson (2011) argues that racial dynamics in schools are often a
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product of policies that reinscribe stereotypes about Black intellectual ability. The role of schools
in perpetuating stereotypes, tropes, and inequality through tracking is not dissimilar; however, it
is, instead, connected to, the criminalization of Black students (Crenshaw, Ocen, & Nanda, 2015;
Morris, 2016). As explicated in these lines of research, racialized messaging through educational
policy reveals that Black students are overrepresented in classes that are considered lower-level,
while they are underrepresented in Advanced Placement, gifted, and honors courses.
Black Identities and Ecologies

Although schools and other formal education settings are key venues for understanding
how Black adolescents make meaning of intellectual ability and student identity, their learning
environment extends beyond the four walls of their schools. Black youth receive, comprehend,
and make meaning of racialized messages from home, media, the internet, etc. The number of
contexts in which Black adolescents construct their identities is seemingly unlimited. This study
focuses specifically on the representations Black youth receive through popular and social
media, and seeks to understand how they make sense of these messages in their construction of
identity. Evaluating images and making sense of them in an ecological context requires an
acknowledgement and understanding of the Black adolescent ecology, and how it influences
their learning process. In this section I will explore theories and perspectives on learning and
media ecologies, as well as review the existing literature pertaining to racial socialization,
identity, and authenticity.
Ecological Theories of Learning, Human Development, and Media

According to Bransford (2000), within a community, there are four distinct perspectives
on learning environments: learner-centered, knowledge centered, assessment centered, and
community centered. These environments shape the way people learn, and how they view
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learning. Similarly, there are various theories on learning and human development within
environments. According to Urie Bronfenbrenner’s bio-ecological systems theory (1977, 1986,
2009), a child exists within a system of relationships and contexts that mutually construct each
other. In the original conceptualization of this ecological theory, Bronfenbrenner (1977) posited
that there were four systems that impact a child’s development with their environment: 1. The
microsystem, which are a child’s most immediate environments, such as home and school. 2. The
mesosystem, which fosters connections between microsystem environments, such as interactions
between parents and teachers. 3. The exosystem, which are environmental settings that indirectly
affect child development, such as parent’s place of employment. 4. The macrosystem, which
contains societal beliefs, laws, and cultural values. Later, Bronfenbrenner (1986) added the
chronosystem, which accounts for passage of time and changes in environment and made explicit
note of a child’s biology having distinct impact on the microsystem (2009). Bio-ecological
system’s theory has been one of the most popular frameworks for understanding child-learning
contexts; however, it was not until Johnson and Puplampu’s (2008) contribution that it was able
to account for the rise in technology use and the internet.
Originally proposed as a mediating system embedded within a child’s microsystem, the
techno-subsystem contains all forms of technology that allow for communication, information
exchange, and recreation between living and non-living entities in the environment (Johnson &
Pulampu, 2008). Katz, Lee, & Byrne (2015) add that internet and technology use in the techno-
subsystem extends beyond the microsystem and can facilitate interactions between other systems
within a child’s ecology. Techno-subsystem theory is underpinned by Vygotsky’s (1986) socio-
culuralist position, which posits that cognitive and communication functions are learned through
a child’s participation in an environment. As such, children’s interactions with, and through,
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technology is imperative to their human development (Johnson & Puplampu, 2008). The techno-
subsystem includes, but is not limited to: television, phones, the internet, and computers. Johnson
(2014) argues that public and private online experiences are mutually influential and can help in
the organization of knowledge. The cognitive and social influence of the techno-subsystem has
been interrogated, typically through quantitative methods, in the literature.
Research operationalizing techno-subsystems has yielded findings that include cognitive
associations with technology use (Johnson, 2011), gender-differences in social skills (Johnson,
2011), and parental attitudes towards the internet (Johnson, 2010; Katz et al., 2015).
Additionally, Johnson (2010) used a techno-subsystem approach to understand patterns in home
and school internet use among elementary school children. Techno-subsystem’s also neatly lends
itself to the field of media ecology whereby multiple forms of media are interacting with each
other and humans (Levinson, 2003; Strate, 2004). This allows the theory to provide a textured
level of analysis that understands various media histories and functionalities in ways that may
assist with learning. Although not as popular as Bronfenbrenner’s (1977, 1986) original theory,
research that operationalizes techno-subsystems has highlighted the theory’s ability to unearth
social and psychological developmental processes with technology. Missing from this literature,
however, is the analysis of race and interlocking systems of oppression. This may be in part due
to the theory’s lack of refinement when it comes to technology’s interactions with the exo,
macro, and chronosystems.
Despite its layering of systems to provide an adaptable conceptual map, techno-
subsystems remains relatively nebulous in its interpretations of technology engagement beyond
the microsystem (Cross, Barnes, Papageorgiou, Hadwen, Hearn, & Lester, 2015). For example,
Johnson (2014) recapitulates the conceptual model of the techno-subsystem as embedded within
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the microsystem, then gives examples of how technology in other systems may have an influence
on a child’s development. This presents not only an inconsistency within the theory’s conceptual
framework, but also highlights a general neglect within the techno-subsystem literature on how
the less “direct” systems impact child development and learning within a technological
environment. The exo, macro, and chronosystems are distinctly important to the development of
Black adolescents, in particular, because these systems account for the histories and structural
influence of racism and other intersecting forms of oppression. There remains a need for more
appropriate theorizing on the racialized learning ecologies of Black adolescents, with particular
attention to their media environments.
Comprehensive Racial Learning: In her book, Learning Race, Learning Place, Winkler
(2008) introduces the theory of comprehensive racial learning, which links and extends theories
of racial socialization, social cognition, and schooling. Winkler (2008) defines comprehensive
racial learning as:
“…the process through which children negotiate, interpret, and make meaning of
the various and conflicting messages they receive about race, ultimately forming
their own understanding of how race works in society and their lives.” (p. 7)

Like Johnson and Puplampu’s (2008) techno-subsystems, comprehensive racial learning places
children at the center of their environment, where they are agents interacting with their
environment. Unlike the aforementioned theory, however, comprehensive racial learning is
particularly focused on understanding the process of constructing meaning, specifically in
regards to race. Parents, along with home and school environments are key actors and settings
that help adolescents conceptualize race. Additionally, Winkler (2008) adds that children learn
through and about “place.” Within this framework, “place” serves as a learning mechanism
through which geographic location, architecture, and political histories are racialized and
interpreted by children.
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Comprehensive racial learning is a unique ecological learning theory, in that it allows for a
nuanced analysis of race. Through the use of open-ended interviews and a grounded theory
approach, Winkler (2008) was able to able to uncover the numerous ways that race is learned
among participants. Differences in socialization tactics among working-class and middle-class
parents, yielded results related to schooling opportunities, which in turn shaped outlooks on race
for parents and students. Additionally, comprehensive racial learning also pays special attention
to the role of color and colorism within the Black community, as both a litmus test for
authenticity, and its effects on educational opportunity. How youth made sense of color was of
particular importance in the process of understanding what it means to “be Black” (Winkler,
2008). These conceptualizations of color also intersected with gender, and shaped the meaning
making process for identity among youth.
The understanding and performance of Black masculinity was another area in which
comprehensive racial learning offered adept analysis. Similar to previous work on Black
masculinity (Majors & Billson, 1992; hooks, 2004), Winkler (2008) was able to discover the
ways in which Black boys perform racialized scripts of masculinity in order to be seen as “hard”
or authentic in both the eyes of themselves and their peers. This finding, along with the
importance of “place”, represent the theoretical strength of comprehensive racial learning,
whereby youth see, interpret, and subsequently act based on the racialized messages they
encounter in their environments. The Black youth environment constantly changes context,
whether through travel, aging, connecting to the internet, or through immersion of television and
film.
One area of weakness in this theory is the seemingly static and hegemonic relationship
Black people, and their children, have with the concept of “place.” Though Winkler (2008)
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highlights moments in history where Black people seized political control of cities like Detroit,
the overarching presence of white-supremacy limits the possibilities of exerting power, and
ignores the agentic exercises of the individual in creating places. Hunter, Pattillo, Robinson, &
Taylor (2016) developed the framework of “Black placemaking” that recognizes the everyday
acts by Black working class, youth, and queer individuals in creating their own spaces. This
framework easily extends comprehensive racial learning’s understanding of agency and further
opens the possibilities in understanding Black identity and meaning construction. Additionally,
the concept of “place” needs to extend beyond the physical environment, and examine how
social media becomes a place of identity exploration and learning (Greenhow & Robelia, 2009;
Tynes et al., 2011). The influence of online communities in the daily routines of Black children
serves as a new venue through which race is learned.
Also missing from this theory is a media ecology approach to understanding how Black
youth’s media engagement extends beyond the shows they watch and the perceived messages
they interpret. Rather, a more complete understanding of a Black media ecology would examine
how the various forms of media interact with each other in an information processing and
identity constructing process. For instance, a media ecology approach to comprehensive racial
learning would not only examine the type of shows and messages Black youth watch, but also
how the messages are reconstructed in online discourse that can be politicized for movements
such as #RepresentationMatters (Treré & Mattoni, 2016). As such, it is critical in the current
media environment, which exists as traditional forms of media, as well as on the internet, that
research deepens the understanding of racialized messaging by examining the unique ways Black
adolescents act as agents in their construction of meaning pertaining to their identity.
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Media Ecology: As previously stated, in order to understand the learning ecologies of
Black students, particularly as it pertains to media, it is necessary to understand media as an
ecology itself. Often referred to as the intellectual founder of the field of media ecology,
Marshall McLuhan famously stated, “the medium is the message” (McLuhan, 1964 cited in
Strate, 2008). This quote highlights a necessary way of thinking about media in the 21
st
century,
which is that every medium uniquely shapes its content, and therefore to some degree alters the
message, and ultimately society itself. While there remains a debate among media ecology
scholars as to whether McLuhan was over-determining the importance of media (Levinson,
2003; Strate, 2004, 2006), most agree that we are currently living in a media environment that
shapes us physically, psychologically, and emotionally (Scolari, 2012; Strate, 2008; Stephens,
2014). Furthermore, not only do we interact with media, but media engage with each other and
create a unique experience (D’Arcy & Eastburn, 2009; McCreery & Krugman, 2015; Stephens,
2014). This way of understanding media is useful when we begin to interrogate media’s role in
shaping identities and learning environments.
Media ecology has important connections to education and social movements that make
particular strands of thought within the field essential to this paper’s goals. Gencarelli (2000) and
Strate (2017) discuss the necessary discernment needed when introducing new media into the
classroom. In contrast, Levinson (2003) argues that the development of digital media has
revolutionized possibilities for education and information sharing. D’Arcy and Eastburn (2009)
found that comprehensive use of diverse types of media in the classroom was beneficial to all
students, particularly girls. Furthermore, Treré and Mattoni, (2016), note the importance of a
digital media ecology as helping foster social movements by way of spreading information,
organizing events, and reflexively sustaining movements. Understanding how media fosters
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interactions with other media, and its implications on student learning, is important to
understanding not just the media ecology, but the learning ecology writ large.
Although media ecology offers the opportunity to theorize, scholars caution conflating
the field with a theory (Strate, 2008). A more appropriate operationalization, within this
dissertation’s context, is to view media ecology as a paradigm that can be used to further analyze
the interactions between youth, media, and environment. Bridging media ecology with Black
perspectives, critiques, and methods can serve as a monumental push forward for the field.
Furthermore, the use of this media ecology, along with a traditional ecological-learning
perspective adds depth to the exploration of the structural and nested domains within a youth’s
environment.
Racial Socialization: Home, School, and Media

Black parents play a unique and formative role in their child’s education from an early
stage, as a bridge between home and school. Howard (2003), for example, found that Black high
school students consistently cite their parents as a major influencing force behind their academic
achievements and motivations. The process by which parents prepare Black children for their
interactions in a racist society, as well as how to navigate inter-group differences and provide
intra-group identity affirmation, is defined as racial socialization (Peters, 2002; Anderson,
Hussain, Wilson, Shaw, Dishion, & Williams, 2015). Further, the racial socialization of Black
adolescents by parents plays a large role in identity construction and how youth make sense of
the representations they see in school and media (Thornton, Chatters, Taylor, & Allen, 1990).
The socialization of Black children has notable association with their school experiences and
behaviors.
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In a study of Black children and their mothers, Baker and Rimm-Kaufman (2014) found
that mother involvement at home was associated with higher teacher ratings of social skills in
primary school, particularly for Black girls. Black mothers also use a range of strategies that vary
by context. For example, Smith-Bynum, Anderson, Davis, Franco, and English (2016) found that
Black mothers used more racial socializing statements and provided more advocacy on behalf of
their children in racial incidents involving teachers. Black fathers also play an important role in
the racial socialization and educational experiences of their children. Reynolds, Howard, and
Jones (2015) interviewed Black fathers to understand how they advocate on behalf of their
children in school, and the barriers they face due to racist perceptions. The challenges of dealing
with a racist educational system has led some Black parents to remove their children and home-
school in order to protect them, particularly Black boys (Fields-Smith & Williams, 2008). While
much of the literature focuses on the detrimental effects of racism on Black children and the
youth, Anderson et al. (2015) found that encountering racial discrimination through their
children’s experiences contributed to negative mental health outcomes for parents. As evident in
this body of literature, racial socialization is an essential, yet burdensome task for Black parents
looking to affirm their children in a society where they experience racism in schools, and through
media, as well.
The ways in which Black students learn about their racialized identities occurs, not only
in homes and schools, but also through the media they consume. Film and television have
historically been two mediums through which societal messages are conveyed (Squires, 2009;
Ward, 2004). Along with social media, and the interplay between these three forms of media,
have created an environment where students are constantly engaged with representations and
messages about race (Maragh, 2017; Williams, 2016). As with schools, parents play a vital role
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in guiding youth’s media practices, particularly on the internet. In many ways, Black parents
raising awareness or passing down racial attitudes to their children is the first step to media
literacy (Tynes & Ward, 2009), whereby family histories and racial socialization become anchors
for youth to decipher messages they see in films or television. Additionally, it is not only Black
parents’ attitudes towards race that matter, but also their practices of mediating their children’s
media consumption (Rideout et al., 2016). For Black parents, racial socialization intersects with
media, identity, and education.
When it comes to the practices of Black parents involving media, mothers and fathers
deploy various strategies, often times based on the child’s gender (Anderson et al., 2015; Hill,
2006). Stephens and Eaton (2017) found that parents were central figures in shaping adolescent’s
racialized self-image and assisted in buffering mainstream media messages that have historically
criminalized Black males. Differences in parenting practices, based on the child’s gender, also
emerge in research focusing on social media use. Black parents are more likely to warn girls
about dangers on the internet or limit their access altogether (Rideout et al., 2016; Tynes &
Mitchell, 2014). This protective parenting strategy is likely linked to the awareness of the acute
dangers Black girls face when it comes to sexual solicitation on the internet (Tynes & Mitchell,
2014). This strategy, however, could also limit opportunities for Black girls to develop tech skills
and explore their identities online. More research is needed to examine youth responses to the
differential practices of parents, based on gender, and media.
In a racist society, whereby schools and the media are daily sites of prejudice and
discrimination, racial socialization requires laborious work for Black parents (Anderson et al.,
2015; Smith-Bynum et al., 2016). Black youth, however, are not passive receptors of messages.
Rather, they are agentic members of a society that now enables them to interact with a number of
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identity affirming communities and images that can assist in their racial socialization. The
representations that Black youth see of their group in the media is perhaps at an all-time high,
with the discussion of “representation matters” constantly present as well as the multiple modes
of accessible media. Nama (2010, 2011) posits that on-screen representations of Black people
that extend the definition of Blackness and its possibilities presents the opportunity for Black
youth to explore their own identities and aspirations. The ways in which Black students are
depicted on screen has the potential to refute or reinscribe notions of intellectual inferiority and
anti-intellectualism. Black youth and their parents, more than ever, have an opportunity to locate
affirming representations and make-sense of their meanings for their racialized academic
identities.
Theories of Black Identity

Theories pertaining to the construction and development of Black identity typically
examine processes by which an individual associates, or disassociates, with their racial group
through their experiences and understandings with external factors and the internal negotiations
of messages. Varied amongst theories is the level, and forms of analysis, of environmental
influences on the identity building process. Cross’ (1971, 1991) theory of Nigresence posits a
developmental model, by which Black people move back and forth between various stages
throughout their life. In correspondence with Cross’ (1971) original Nigresence model, Parham
and Helms (1981), developed a scale called the Racial Identity Attitudes Scale (RIAS). The
developmental stage model and its corresponding subscale are popular, yet dated gauges for
Black identity. Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, and Chavous’ (1998) highlight the lack of
longitudinal evidence that shows individuals cycling through the stages. The static categorization
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implicit in Cross’ (1991) conceptualization becomes theoretically binding when considering
shifting contexts and dimensions of Black identity across time and space.
Another popular scale, used to measure Black identity, is Sellers et al.’s (1998)
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity, and its counterpart the Multidimensional Inventory
of Black Identity (MIBI, Sellers et al., 1997). These scales measure four particular aspects of
racial/Black identity: Salience, Centrality, Regard, and Ideology. The benefit of the
multidimensional approach to identity is that it demonstrates the depth and complexities of the
racial identity development. Furthermore, measures such as the MIBI (Sellers et al., 1997)
provide researchers a tool to engage particular aspects of racial identity for focused analysis of a
phenomenon (Chavous et al., 2003; Sellers, Caldwell, Schmeelk-Cone, & Zimmerman, 2003;
Sellers & Shelton, 2003). To varying degrees, Cross (1991) and Sellers et al.’s (1998) models of
racial identity development take into account the individual’s environment. However, neither
explicitly focuses on the interactions a Black person may have with their environments that
shapes their development.
Using Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) ecological systems approach, Spencer (1995) introduced
the Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory (PVEST), as a way to understand
Black children’s resiliency to, and coping methods for, racism during an iterative identity
building process with their environment. In this five-stage developmental model Black youth’s
interactions with their environment play a unique role in their identity development, as well as
their reactions to oppressive systems. According to Spencer, Dupree, and Hartmann (1997),
PVEST’s ecological approach to understanding identity provides a theoretical point of departure,
where the concept of a Black youth ecology comprised of various systems, contexts, and
situations, filled with conflicting messages about race, presents a vast space to construct a
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multitude of racialized identities. There remains, however, a gap in theliterature that focuses
precisely on the academic identity of Black students within an ecology of media.
Black Academic Identities and Popular Media

As previously discussed, the link between Black identity and academic achievement has
been contested in the literature (See: Cokley, 2015). Academic achievement, however, is only
one aspect or dimension of academic identity. According to Osborne (1997), academic identity is
the extent to which academic motivations and outcomes shape an individual’s perception of self.
The complexities of academic identity are further fleshed out by Matthews, Banarjee, and
Laureman (2014) who highlighted the role of environmental or domain specific validations of
academic success/failure or motivation/demotivation. More specifically, academic identities
emerge as multidimensional conceptualizations of the self in relation to an individual’s
motivations, achievements, sense of belonging, and values within their various learning
ecologies (Matthews, 2014). The negation of external validations and internalizing processes of
youth of color, relative to their academic identities have become a frequent site of study
(Matthews et al., 2014).
For Black adolescent’s, academic identities intersect with racialized notions of what it
means to be a student. The managing of both a Black identity and a positive academic identity is
critical to the psychological well-being and academic success of Black students (Tyson, 2011).
Research shows that disidentifying with either a racial identity or academic identity in order to
boost one’s overall evaluation of self is problematic. “Raceless” or “colorblind” ideologies can
have detrimental effects on the psychological development of Black students who internalize
discrimination (Arroyo & Zigler, 1995; Harris & Marsh, 2010). An individual that internalizes
racism or stereotypes may develop similar feelings towards their own group (Tatum, 2003,
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2017). Students who lack academic motivation and perform poorly in school are theorized to
have disidentified from academics (Steele & Aronson, 1995; Osborne, 1997). Research suggests
that Black boys in particular are the most likely to disidentify with their academic identity as part
of a pursuit to solidify notions of Black masculinities (Osborne, 1997; Fergus, Noguera, &
Martin, 2014).
The idea that Black boys disidentify with academically has been challenged in multiple
ways. First, Nasir et al.’s 2009 mixed methods study revealed that Black students who do not
merge their racial and academic identities in positive ways are not necessarily anti-school.
Second, Nasir (2012) found that Black girls are susceptible to constructing racialized identities
that do not intersect with their academic identities. The previously discussed “street-savvy” and
“school-oriented” identities that are traced in Nasir et al. (2009) and Nasir (2012) provide
evidence that there is a need expand theory on Black academic identity beyond
identification/disidentification. Furthermore, there is a need to understand the psychological
processes and context by which student’s come to form these identities.
Previous research has already examined the in-school, home, and extra-curricular context
through which Black academic identities are constructed (Fergus et al., 2014; Howard, 2002;
Nasir, 2012; Tyson, 2011). While home and school environments are critical spaces where
identity construction occurs, the media environments that Black adolescents inhabit are also
important sites for inquiry. The interconnected forms of media that adolescents interact with,
coupled with the raised emphasis on representation in popular media makes understanding how
racialized and academic are formed an essential and timely inquiry. Imperative to this study is
the unique ways in which Black adolescents interpret representations relative to their academic
identities as “authentic”, and by extension, identifiable.
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Future Selves and Afro-Futurism

According to the ethos of “Representation Matters” social discussion, media
representations provide individuals with images and message that are inspirational or aspiring. In
essence, representation matters makes the argument that audience interpretation of media has the
potential, in some instances, to provide viewers with an opportunity to visualize their imagined
possibilities in the future. Within the psychology literature, representation matters speaks to the
concept of “possible future selves”. According to Markus and Nurius (1986), future selves are
individuals’ conceptualizations of who they would like to become, or who they are afraid of
becoming in the future. Future selves are not simply thoughts and aspirations, rather, they
contribute towards individuals’ values, motivations, and actions in the present, in order to reach
their desired identity (Osyerman, Bybee, & Terry, 2006). More specifically, according to
Osyerman, Terry, and Bybee (2002) adolescents construct possible selves which are their
conceptualizations of their present self along with the desirable traits in order to construct their
future self. The ways in which possible selves can be developed and thus achieved has practical
implications within education, as students are in a constant state of imagining their future
identities. Specifically, Black adolescents’ ability to construct their future selves through the
images and messages they view in popular media may have implications for their present
academic identity.
Though the development of Black academic identities relative to future selves, as
constructed through media, is a relatively unexplored gap in the literature, there is a vast
literature on Black futures. Afro-futurism represents a wide body of literature in terms of
speculative fiction and humanities based research. According to Sanford Biggers, as cited by
Castro (2012), Afro-futurism is a recontextualization of history that centers the future of the
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African diaspora through media, technology, and science. An extensive review of the Afro-
futurism literature is beyond the scope of this study, but it is necessary to acknowledge the
fundamental nature of Afro-futurism as counter-hegemonic, counter-Eurocentric, and distinctly
African paradigm of viewing world history (Gaskins, 2016). The theoretical implications of
Black academic future selves fits neatly within the clearly outlined definitions of Afro-futurism,
as media representations may serve as a recontextualizing tool for the African-centered self.
The Role of Black Authenticity

Since the construction of racial categories, debates pertaining to authenticity have often
been rooted in cultural, legal, social, and biological arguments. Within the United States,
“Black/Blackness” has historically represented the lowest rank in the racial hierarchy, in direct
contrast to “white/whiteness” (Bonilla-Silva, 2014; Mills, 1997; Omi & Winant, 2015). The
Black/white dichotomy has theoretically posited that Blackness and whiteness are incompatible
constructs, however, this belief system is easily troubled by the historical fluidity of race and
racism. Multiracial status, and the ability of certain ethnic groups to move between racial
categories highlights the faux-scientific methods of race as a valid system of judgement and
categorization (Bonilla-Silva, 2014; Omi & Winant, 2015). The socially constructed category of
“Black” adheres to a complex system of physical traits, socio-cultural understandings, and legal
rulings that inform perceptions of what is “real” or “authentically” Black.
Japtok and Jenkins (2011) define the “authentic” as the evaluator’s metric of how
something is made, by whom, and for what purposes. They go on to specify that the creators of
an artwork must be of the people that the art is used by or represents, for purposes deeper than
financial reasons. In addition to the appraisal of art, authenticity can also be a subjective measure
for Black identity. The way a Black individual speaks, styles their hair, and reacts to particular
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situations is a performance that can be assessed for “real” demonstrations of Blackness (Jackson,
2005; Jacobs-Huey, 2002, 2006, 2007). There also exists an environmental element that informs
perceptions of authenticity. Jackson (2001) describes Harlem, the historically Black, and
culturally rich neighborhood in New York City as a place where various groups of Black people,
artwork, and media collide to create what is perceived as an authentically Black space. From an
ecological perspective, determining what is authentically Black is a nebulous mix of people,
places, and media. Despite efforts by numerous scholars to lay claim to what is Black (DuBois,
1903; Boyd, 1997; Cruse, 1967; Japtok & Jenkins, 2011; Jacobs-Huey, 2009; Kelley, 1997),
there are tensions when investigating the problematics of racial authenticity.
E. Patrick Johnson (2003) warns of contradictory nature of authenticity as a “foreclosure”
of possibilities, yet an essential way of knowing. This is backed by his previous theorizing on
“’quare’ studies” whereby Johnson (2001) gestures towards notions of Black authenticity as an
exclusive identity marker that does not accept lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, transgender, or queer lives
as real Black experiences. Johnson (2011) explores the tensions of gay identity and experience in
his ethnographic work on Black men in the South. The binds of Black authenticity that Johnson’s
(2001, 2003, 2011) theoretical and empirical work grapples with also extends to Black
womanhood. Black feminists have historically dealt with exclusion and erasure on dual fronts.
Suffragist and women’s rights movements, past and present, have centered the experiences and
oppression of white, middle class women; while ignoring and at times contributing to Black
women’s struggles (Collins 2002; Davis, 1981; hooks, 1981). Black social movements have also
faced critique for their male-centered priorities and leadership (Collins & Bilge, 2016;
Combahee River Collective, 1979). From an intersectional perspective, Black women face
multiple forms of oppression that negates their experiences as women, and places their value
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amid Blackness on the margins of focus (Collins, 2002; 2015; Crenshaw, 1989, 1991; Hartman,
1997). The limiting nature of defining Black authenticity has reverberating implications on any
member of the Black community that is not a cisgendered-heterosexual male performing
masculine scripts (Neal, 2005; 2013). Despite its problematics, Black authenticity remains a
cultural way of knowing one’s identity (Jacobs-Huey, 2006; Japtok & Jenkins, 2011; Johnson,
2003), expanding the definition to include the experiences of the historically erased should be the
goal of any research invested in understanding Blackness as a marker of identity.
Within the education literature, the aforementioned debate pertaining to Black identity
and academics are underpinned by questions of authenticity. Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986) “acting
white” thesis is based on the belief that Black students do not see academic success as congruent
with a Black identity. Following this problematic logic, a student cannot authentically represent
Blackness while performing high achievement in school. More contemporary research has
worked to disentangle notions of Black authenticity and its negative association with whiteness
and achievement. Tyson (2011) and Nasir (2011) found that Black students do not conceptualize
“acting white” in relation to academic achievement, but rather, as a by-product of social stigmas
in how students develop friend groups and practice cultural norms in schools. The contestation of
the “acting white” thesis (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986) is bolstered further by quantitative findings
that suggest Black parents value educational success at higher rates than whites (Harris, 2011).
Not only does this finding upend a central tenet of oppositional cultural (Ogbu, 1978) and
“acting white”, it highlights the ecology of Black students living in households that affirm
education as a part of the Black experience. Whether at home, school, or in non-traditional
education environments, Black adolescents wrestle with social norms related to their identity and
appraisals of authenticity.
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As highlighted by the work of Jackson (2001), Jacobs-Huey (2007), and Winkler (2012),
the role of space or “place” is important to discussions of authenticity. Since the early 2000’s
social media has become a digital space for conversations pertaining to race and identity (Brock,
2009, 2012). The internet, in particular, social media offers a unique venue for the evaluation of
racialized text and images as authentic. With particular regard to text, Florini (2014) discusses
how Black Twitter users signify their racial identity through coded messages that require a
cultural competency of Black life and pop culture. Although many social media platforms
provide affordances where users can upload a picture of themselves, the inherent ambiguity of
the internet makes the evaluation of authenticity a necessary measure. Reading for Black
authenticity on the social media involves a complex, and at times problematic set of assumptions.
Margh’s (2017) analysis of tweets pertaining to societal notions of “acting white” demonstrated
the paradox of Black authenticity as a restrictive, yet subversive discourse that is necessary for
mobilizing against oppressive forces. With particular regards to race, the communal nature of
social media for Black adolescents relies upon a constant process of evaluating authentic images
and messages. The messages they receive and/or vicariously encounter hinges on their
perceptions of truth and authenticity, as part of what it means to be Black. Following this logic, it
is critical for research on Black academic identity to understand the complexities of adolescent’s
evaluations of authenticity in online and offline media.
Historical Representations of Black People on Screen

The history of popular filmmaking in the United States is forever linked to race and
racism through the critical and financial success of D.W. Griffith’s (1915) propaganda laden The
Birth of a Nation. Films such as Birth of a Nation (1915) shattered optimistic beliefs that film
could transcend culture and help audiences understand those who are different from them
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(Guerrero, 1993; Squires, 2009). Racist stereotypes of Black people as unintelligent, violent
brutes were reinscribed into the national conscious by the new form of media. Research
examining the representations of Black people on film has shown that racialized stereotypes are
fluid, similar to the broader concept of race and racism (Omi & Winant, 2015).
As such, stereotypes of Black people have evolved over time. Racist representations of
Black males as fearful “uncle Toms”, placating “coons”, and hyperfetishezed “mandingos” still
exist, but in far less discernible imagery than those from the early 20
th
century (Bogle, 1993;
Squires, 2009). More contemporaneously, stereotypes of Black males include the ever-helpful
“magical negro”, the physically-gifted “athlete”, and the dangerous “thug” (Bogle, 1993; Boyd,
1997; Guerrero, 1993; Henry, 2002). Even as the images change over time, Black males are still
portrayed as hypersexualized, overtly violent, and lacking intellectual foresight (Ward,
Hansbrough, & Walker, 2005). Generally, Black males are constructed as ontologically flawed
characters who, despite whatever redeeming qualities they may be assigned, cannot overcome
their nature and intellectual defects.
Some scholars have theorized that Black males leverage these stereotypes for cultural
capital (Boyd, 1997; hooks, 2004; Majors & Billson, 1993). Hyper-masculine constructions of
Black maleness that can be constructed as “cool”, intimidating, and even profitable as they
subscribe to the national conscious’ imagery of the “Bad Black man” (Henry, 2002). While some
scholars read this move as a subversive tactic deployed by Black males to game a system
designed to oppress them, most agree that the nihilistic attitudes and problematic performance of
racial scripts is ultimately detrimental to the Black community writ large (hooks, 2004; Majors &
Billson, 1993). In particular, Black women and children become victims of internalized
stereotypes of Black males.
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39
Black women have an equally long and overdeveloped history in film and television.
From the always-helpful/asexual “Mammy”, the hypersexual “Jezebel”, and verbose “sapphire”
(Adams-Bass et al., 2014), to the more recent constructions of the “gangster bitch”, “freak”, and
“gold digger” (Stephens & Phillips, 2003), Black women have always been constructed as
objects for bodily control (Collins, 2002; Young 1996). Even updated stereotypes such as the
“Welfare Queen” and the trope of the Strong Black Woman have tied Black women’s worth to
their bodies and labor for exploitation. Though much of the research focuses on the
hypermasculinity and criminality of Black males, a considerable amount of evidence exists that
representations of Black women as un-feminine and criminal are also prevalent and have
psychological effects (Jerald, Ward, Moss, Thomas, & Fletcher, 2016; Stephens & Phillips,
2003; Thomas, Witherspoon, & Speight, 2004). Stereotypes of Black women have been labeled
as “controlling images”, as they lock Black women into a rigid set of expectations that are
typically represented in mainstream media (Collins, 2002). For instance, the “strong black
woman” stereotype mammifies the success of Black women, as they take on the burdens of those
around them, often abandoning their own needs (Jerald et al., 2016). This image not only
defeminizes Black women, it also lays the groundwork for the pathologization of the Black
family (Harris-Perry, 2011; Spillers, 1987). Routine depictions of the controlling images of
Black women on screen continues the historical trend of limited possibilities for Black women.
Furthermore, the flattening and restricted expression of Blackness prohibits the exploration of
Black intellect on screen.
The historical shifts in Black representations on film has often been tied to the
sociopolitical climate of the time, and the financial health of Hollywood, which have allowed for
more (or less) opportunities for Black filmmakers during various eras (Guerrero, 1993; Nama,
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40
2011; Stephens & Phillips, 2003; Squires, 2009). For example, Guerrero (1993) and Nama
(2011) point to the rise of the Black Power movement and Hollywood’s failing business model
as creating a window of opportunity for Black filmmakers to take control of the representations
of Black life on screen. The Blaxploitation era of the late 60’s to the 70’s was a pivotal era in not
only legitimizing the financial possibilities of Black films, but giving Black filmmakers the
opportunity to uproot (and often times play into) the tropes and stereotypes of the past (Bogle,
1993; Guerrero, 1993). Blaxploitation films offered new character archetypes for Black men and
women, even though many relied on one-dimensional, problematic renderings of Black pride
(Nama, 2011). Blaxploitation stars such as Pam Grier and Melvin Van Peebles showcase the
era’s prime representations of hyper-violent and hyper-sexual characters, who fought against the
corrupt, white government (Guerrero, 1993). Blaxploitation films of the 70’s and the coming-of-
age, gangster films of the 90’s are exemplar eras in which Black filmmakers made noticeable
marks on the industry and its representations of Blackness (Boyd, 1997; Guerrero, 1993). In his
analysis of the shifting consciousness of Black filmmakers in the late 80’s and early 90’s, Boyd
(1997) suggests that the dominate race ideologies of the time only offered limited possibilities to
Blackness, and Black manhood in particular. Although these representations subverted white
supremacy on film, they also reinscribed existing stereotypical images of Black people on film.
Today, the “representation matters” dialogue puts forth the call for a diverse range of the
portrayals of Blackness, not only in film, but for television as well. In a commercial campaign to
highlight diversity in streaming content, Netflix recreated the iconic “Great Day in Harlem”
image with their own “Great Day in Hollywood” (Netflix, 2018). Black lead actors from Netflix
shows and movies stood together, as Caleb McLaughin narrates the significance of diverse and
nuance representations of Black people on screen. This commercial not only highlights the
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41
awareness of representation in Hollywood as “a movement”, but it also sheds light on the
interconnected media landscape. Accompanied with a Twitter handle to interact with,
“@StrongBlackLead”, Netflix showcased how the internet and social media have become a
prominent fixture in how contemporary society engages film and television. Within this new
ecology of social media, film and television, the ways in which students interpret these new
multidimensional and nuanced representations of Black life needs to be studied, in order to gain
insight on how they might create a more textured conceptualization of identity.
Black Film and Television Viewing Habits

According to Bransford (2000) children have the opportunity to learn through media,
particularly television. What is learned through television and other visual media sources is
contingent on the material, its interpretations, and the actors such as parent who can mediate the
messages. This study engages film and television due to the popularity of both media among
Black people in general, and Black youth in particular. According to the Motion Picture
Association of America (2016), 15% of frequent moviegoers were Black, a number that is
slightly higher than the general Black population in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau,
2016). Meanwhile, television is a medium by which Black-viewing habits are greatly
overrepresented. According to Nielson (2013, 2017), Black people watch more television than
any other race in the US, and they have a particular influence in driving program popularity.
According to The Common Sense Census (2015), Black adolescents watch an average of three
and a half hours of television per day. Previous studies have found that Black children can spend
up to 5 hours per day watching television (Adams-Bass, Bentley-Edwards, & Stevenson, 2014;
Roberts, Foehr, Rideout, & Brodie, 1999). Even as online content continues to expand, watching
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42
television remains consistently popular among Black youth (Adams-Bass, Stevenson, & Kotzin,
2014; The Common Sense Census; 2015).
The University of California-Los Angeles’ 2017 Hollywood Diversity report found that
Black households rated cable shows with diverse cast the highest of any group. This mirrors the
findings in The Nielson Report (2017) that revealed shows with diverse cast delivered
consistently high ratings, which were bolstered by strong viewership among Black households.
Additionally, the Hollywood Diversity Report (2017) found that Black moviegoers tend to have a
concentrated share of ticket purchases when it comes to movies featuring diverse casts. The
overwhelming popularity and cultural impact of Black television viewing, both within the Black
community and mainstream society, suggests there is a need to understand how Black youth
interpret the images and messages they see on TV. The contemporary representations of Black
life on film and television, which have been marked by their critical and financial success,
present new opportunities to understand Black media consumption and its relationship to
identity. It is important to note, however, that despite the increasing visibility of Black oriented
film and television, data shows that Black representation in front and behind the camera is still
lagging (Directors Guild of America, 2018; GLAAD Media Institute, 2019; Hollywood Diversity
Report, 2017).
This information complicates the narrative pertaining to diversity in Hollywood and
“representation matters”, but opens the door for research and theory to understand and
disentangle notions pertaining to the simultaneous hypervisibility and invisibility of Blackness
onscreen, the power of social media as promotion of Black television and film, and the range of
Black images offered to audiences. Though this new wave of representation on the big and small
screens are distinct and appealing, it is not the first time in history that Black representation has
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43
been foregrounded in these mediums (Guerrero, 1993). Given the historic trend in popularity of
Black oriented media (Ward, 2004; Tynes & Ward, 2009), among Black youth, previous
research has engaged the problematics of stereotypes and their perceptions among adolescents.
Black Youth and Stereotypes

The aforementioned stereotypes and high rate of film and television consumption among
Black adolescents has been cause for speculation by researcher for decades (Adams-Bass et al.,
2014; Allen, 1993; Berry & Mitchell-Kernan, 1982; Graves, 1999; Ward, 2004). According to
cultivation theory (Gerbner, 1998) and social cognitive theory (Bandura, 2002), frequent
exposure to particular images or messages, deemed to be realistic, lead to a greater likelihood of
acceptance by the audience. For example, Giaccardi, Ward, Seabrook, Manago, and Lippman
(2016) found that frequently viewing movies was associated with the acceptance of traditional
gender roles amongst men. Findings from this study are consistent with much of the literature
examining media exposure and ideals of masculinity and femininity (Ward, 2005). Given the
pervasiveness of stereotypes representing Black women and men, it is theoretically presumed
that Black youth would accept, and thus emulate these performances of Blackness. Research
indicates, however, that the process by which Black adolescents view, interpret, and internalize
these images is more nuanced.
Although mainstream media is replete with negative images of Black people (see:
Squires, 2009), Black youth tend to watch Black-oriented media, which is usually
produced/directed by Black creators and feature Black characters who are deemed to be more
authentic and relatable (Ward, Day, & Thomas, 2010). While Black-oriented media is less likely
to contain overt racial stereotypes of Black people, there remains a dilemma amongst creatives
and some critics. Often, the depictions of complex Black lives are met with concern by those
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44
who believe there is a need for positive representations to counteract the negative (Cornwell &
Orbe, 2002). Bobo (2002) argues that Black audiences are uniquely aware of racism on-screen
and unconsciously filter negative messages and find ways to identify with positive images. This
argument is congruent with Stuart Hall’s (1973) theory of encoding/decoding, whereby
audiences can construct various meanings from a visual text. This argument is bolstered by
studies, such as Coleman, Reynolds, and Torbati (2019), who found that engagement with Black
oriented reality shows containing stereotypes of Black women are not perceived as realistic by
some audiences. Their study’s sample, however, watched television less frequently than the
average Black American. Unlike mainstream media (shows featuring predominantly white casts),
which is less likely to be favored by Black teenagers (Ward, 2004), research has consistently
found that Black-oriented media has a distinct impression on the beliefs and psychological well-
being of Black youth (Adams-Bass et al. 2014; McDermott & Greenberg, 1984; Ward, 2004). As
such, Tynes and Ward (2009) call for media literacy education as a way to teach youth how to
decipher between positive and negative messages about Black people.
Adams-Bass et al. (2014) found that gender based differences emerged between Black
youth when they engaged with media. A key finding was that Black boys were less likely to
recognize stereotypes and more likely to internalize them than girls. According to Jerald et al.’s
(2016) study of Black undergraduate women, frequent exposure to film and other forms of media
was associated with acceptance of the jezebel, sapphire, and strong black woman stereotypes.
These findings are consistent with previous research on stereotypes of Black women and racial
identity (Thomas et al., 2004). Findings from both studies reveal that no group is inherently
immune from the effects of stereotypes; however, environmental and psychological factors are
also likely mediators when it comes to Black student’s acceptance of cinematic stereotypes.
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45
Ward (2004) found that mediating factors such as religiosity and viewing Black-oriented media
were associated with higher self-esteem. Limiting the potential harmful effects of media
consumption requires multiple mechanisms relating to gender, environment, and strength of
racial identification. More research is needed to understand how viewing Black-oriented media
within the context of a media ecology, which includes social media, may assist in the
construction of a Black academic identity.
Sullivan and Platenburg (2017) used survey data of undergraduate students to test the
association between racial identity and Black information sources (such as television, radio, and
films). The findings indicated a significant positive relationship between Black identity and
Black information sources, while also heightening awareness of day-to-day discrimination.
Future research should build upon this work, as well as Adams-Bass et al. (2014) and Ward et al.
(2010), to further explore how the information from Black media informs youths’ identities in
environments mediated by parents and schools. Additionally, research should also consider the
role of social media as a source for identity building and message negotiation.
Black Youth Online

The internet was once believed to be a space where societal inequalities and issues of
race and gender would be flattened to create a democratized utopia of ideas (Brock, 2009;
Daniels, 2013; Nakamura, 2002; Senft & Noble, 2014). Multiple lines of research, however,
have found that online spaces frequently resemble the offline in terms of patterns of racist
ideology and behavior (Brock, 2009; Daniels, 2009; Tynes, et al., 2011). Even seemingly neutral
tools, such as search engines, reproduce racist and sexist information (Daniels, 2013; Noble,
2018). Furthermore, online racial discrimination has been found to have a number of negative
effects on students’ academic and mental health (Stewart, Schuschke, & Tynes, 2019). Beverly
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46
Tatum (2017) points to online discrimination as evidence of segregation on the internet that
mirrors the offline. Despite this harsh online reality, Black people have found ways to develop
communities of online support and cultural forms of digital expression (Brock, 2012; Lee, 2012;
Schuschke & Tynes, 2016; Tynes, Schuschke, & Noble, 2016). Unlike television and film, which
are categorized as “one-way” or “uni-directional” forms of communication, social media is
considered “two-way” or “multidirectional” (boyd & Ellison, 2007; Hogan & Quan-Haase,
2010). Multidirectional forms of media increase access to diverse populations by allowing
audiences to interact and communicate with each other and the media (Shirky, 2011). The
diversity of Black identities represented on social media provide a ripe environment for Black
students to make sense of their own identities. With parental involvement mediating the online
experience (Rideout et al., 2016), social media has the potential to serve as an interactive space
for Black students to engage a multitude of identities.
Black Adolescent’s Social Media Habits

Messages boards and blogs were the birthplace of social media, contemporary platforms
such as Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram are among the most widely recognized. The
communicative ability of social media has been hailed as a tool for discourse and information
sharing (boyd & Ellison, 2007). According to Anderson and Jiang’s (2018) Pew Research Center
report, 95% of teens report having access to a smartphone, with 89% of teenagers reporting that
they are online several times, or nearly constantly, each day. This information is backed by
previous research with Pew that showed teenagers use more than one social media platform
(Lenhart, 2015). Furthermore, the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research
(2017), published survey results finding that Black teens use social media platforms, such as
Twitter, Instagram, and Tumblr at higher rates than whites. Specifically, their survey revealed
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47
that platforms such as Instagram described by Black teens as being used almost constantly. This
reports findings on Instagram is bolstered by previous findings that girls of all races are among
the heaviest users of visual-based apps (Lenhart, 2015). The disproportionate use of social media
by Black and lower income students is typically tied to access to mobile devices as opposed to
desktops and laptops (Brock, 2012; Sharma, 2013). This theory has been consistently backed up
by data indicating that Black youth still lag in access to wired technology, but have equal access
to mobile devices and tablets (Duggan & Smith, 2014; Lenhart, 2015; Tynes & Mitchell, 2014).
The presence of Black youth online has done more than provide access to information, it has also
helped shape culture through the varied ways Black people represent themselves online, and
navigate the a hostile internet environment.
Online Racial Discrimination

Despite the popularity of social media among Black youth, the internet remains a
contested place where positive identity construction and community building is met with racism.
Online racial discrimination occurs when symbols, voices, video, images, and/or text are used to
disparage an individual based on their race (Tynes, Umaña-Taylor, Rose, Lin, & Anderson,
2012). Research examining online racial discrimination has revealed effects on socioemotional
health and identity, along with uniquely oppressive experiences for Black girls (Tynes &
Mitchell, 2014). Individuals may experience online racial discrimination in the form of messages
and images directed towards them personally; or they may experience “vicarious” racism,
whereby they encounter racist material about their group indirectly, such as through a Google
search (Quintana & McKown, 2008). The ever-present opportunity to encounter online racial
discrimination, either individually or vicariously, renders the idea of a safe place on the internet
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an imagined environment, and raises awareness about the potential for detrimental effects on
those who are victimized.
Immediate and long terms effects of online racial discrimination have been reported in
the literature. Tynes, Giang, Williams, and Thompson (2008) tested the association between
individual and vicarious online racial discrimination and psychological well-being. Their
findings revealed that individual online racial discrimination was associated with feelings of
depression and anxiety among youth. In another study, Lozada and Tynes (2017) found that
among Black youth, using the internet for race-related purposes was connected to increases in
social skills, such as empathy, over the course of a year. Moderate to high levels of online racial
discrimination, however, were disruptive to this connection. Additionally, findings from this
study revealed age and gender differences, as online racial discrimination had larger effects on
younger adolescents and boys (Lozada & Tynes, 2017). The different experiences on the internet
for Black boys and girls is also marked by the kinds of victimization that occurs. Tynes and
Mitchell (2014) found that Black girls are more likely to be victimized through sexual
solicitation online than boys. The unique experiences of Black girls and boys online
demonstrates the complexity of examining and offering solutions to buffer the negative impact of
online racial discrimination. In addition to the psychological and social effects of online racial
discrimination, research indicates that there is a connection between racism on the internet and
academic pursuits. Specifically, Tynes, Del Toro, and Lozada (2015) found that among youth,
increases in online racial discrimination are associated with reciprocal decreases in academic
motivation. This longitudinal study revealed the compounding effect online racial discrimination
over time, and how encounters with racist text, images, etc. can generate barriers to student’s
desire to persist in school.
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The online implications of racial discrimination have real world effects on Black
adolescent’s psychological, social, and academic wellbeing. These quantifiable findings present
nuanced perspectives to online racial discrimination, not solely based on the various ways it may
manifest on the internet, but also the unique impact it has within groups of Black youth.
Although online victimization is an ominous threat for Black people, and youth in particular,
Tynes et al. (2012) found that higher levels of ethnic identity and self-esteem can moderate
anxiety brought upon by online racial discrimination. Racial socialization with parents and
positive racial/ethnic identity development among youth have been recognized as key protective
factors against online and offline racial discrimination (Jones & Neblett, 2017; Neblett, Phillip,
Cogburn & Sellers, 2006; Tynes et al., 2012) Given the evidence that indicates the longitudinal
effects of online racial discrimination, as well as the unique impact it has at intersection of race
and gender, it is particularly important that Black youth have their identities consistently
affirmed by their surroundings.
Identity and Social Movements on the Internet

Despite the problematic terrain of the internet for Black youth, it remains a place that
they frequent, and are able to foster positive relationships and construct spaces for supportive
dialogue. The internet is the home of millions of formal and informal communities. Social media
platforms provide distinct ways of communicating amongst members of these communities
(boyd & Ellison, 2007). The maintenance of social bonds on the internet is perhaps the main
function of social media for many users (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007). For Black people
in particular, social media offers a unique way to build and maintain social bonds, as well as
explore identity online (Brock, 2012; Tynes et al., 2011). The unique ways that Black people
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50
build community in online spaces, which at times have proven to be hostile, is as distinctive as
the platforms themselves.
Brock’s (2012) analysis of Twitter’s interface revealed that the platform’s affordances
enable a technological space for the construction of Black community and identity. By using
culturally relevant terms, spellings, and humor, Black Twitter users are able to signal, or
“signify” (Florini, 2014; Gates, 1988), to others their competencies in Blackness without always
making their race explicit. Due to Black Twitter’s status as an informal community, it serves as
an antithesis to the belief that a race-neutral internet exists (Senft & Noble, 2014). Tynes et al.
(2011) suggests that the affordances of platforms allow youth to have complex discussions and
share information about race in ways that are comfortable and communally understood. In
addition to the act of signifying through text, hashtags on platforms, such as Twitter and
Instagram, provide another way for Black people to communicate and share information in
culturally specific and identifying ways (Bonilla & Rosa, 2015; Schuschke & Tynes, 2016;
Sharma, 2013). Lee’s (2012) study of Black college students’ use of Facebook revealed that
while Facebook may not be sufficient on its own to build identity, findings from the study
showed that Black students used it to maintain bonds with family and friends, as well as build
local community. The importance of building Black community online is important, not only as a
protective function against online racial discrimination, but also to provide a space for identity
exploration through representation within a diverse intra-group environment.
The construction and representation of Black identity on social media has proven to be a
fruitful site for the expansion of social movements. According to Anderson, Toor, Rainie, and
Smith (2018), 52% of Black social media users say that the platforms they use are helpful tools
for getting involved with issues that are important to them. Most notably, the movement for
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Black lives represents the epitome of how social movements can be facilitated through the
synergy of online and offline communities (Schuschke & Tynes, 2016). The Black Lives Matter
organization and the hashtag, #BlackLivesMatter, has become synonymous with the movement
in the mainstream political discourse (Garza, Tometi, & Cullors, 2014). Issues pertaining to
police violence and the representation of victims are sites of confrontation online (Bonilla &
Rosa, 2015; Carney, 2015), whereby Black youth can engage conversations through their
identity. Carney (2015) found that advocates of the movement for Black lives used hashtags to
steer conversations and combat implicit and explicit forms of racist speech on the internet. The
overt identity of politics of #BlackLivesMatter in opposition to the “color-blind” race rhetoric of
#AllLivesMatters indicates the importance of identity as a communal marker for empowerment
around topics of race and racism on the internet. Hill (2018) points to the efficacy of social
media platforms, such as Twitter, Instagram, and YouTube, as digital counterpublics whereby
Black political resistance is formed and contested in technological and discursive ways that
foster activism and intellectual stimulation.
Social movements and discussion online offer the opportunity to learning about racial
identity in formal and informal ways. The informal web of networks on the internet and social
media provide spaces for implicit messaging about race, which can be theoretically leveraged, if
appropriately harnessed (Greenhow & Lewin, 2016). Research examining the ways youth
explore and learn about their identities, online, has uncovered unique results related to social
capital and education (Greenhow & Burton, 2011; Greenhow & Lewin, 2016; Greenhow &
Robelia, 2009). For instance, Greenhow and Burton (2011) found that youth’s customizations of
their social media, allowed them to express thoughts, feelings, and emotions that promoted the
building and strengthening of relationships and transmission of messages pertaining to education.
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In regard to Black youth, learning through and about identity on the internet creates the
opportunity to engage with more inclusive messages about race (Brock, 2009; Brock, 2012). The
ways in which Black adolescents represent themselves on various social media platforms can not
only help build community, but can also promote learning about identity. Tynes et al. (2011)
found that youth identity exploration through social media platform affordances can help
individuals construct identity through their online community, which in turn, also encourages
civic engagement and promotes agency. The multidirectional functionality of social media
enables conversations, critiques, and engagement with information in ways that was previously
less accessible. Learning about race on social media, however, is not a monotheism experience.
As previously discussed, the unique experience of Black women, LGBTQ members, and those at
other various intersections requires special attention.
For Black girls in particular, engagement with stereotypical representations through
social media allows them to critique messages. Williams (2016) found that teenage Black girls
used social media as a way to express themselves more freely. Specifically, they discussed how
social media could be damaging to their self-esteem when it came to the pervasiveness of Black
female stereotypes, Eurocentric beauty standards, and the desire to be popular. These students,
however, found that social media offered them the opportunity to reclaim the image of the Black
woman and showcase their diverse talents and intellectual abilities. These findings are similar to
those of Lindsey (2013) and Love (2012), who analyzed the role of hip-hop imagery and
YouTube as sites for critical identity engagement among Black girls.
The emergence of picture based social media platforms such as Instagram and Snapchat
has allowed for the proliferation of images about the Black female body that has reinscribed
stereotypical notions about Black womanhood. In a study of popular Instagram memes Tanksley
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53
(2016) found that Black girls have circulated empowering images that pushback against
intersectional forms of online discrimination, largely through the use of culturally distinct
messages and hashtags. The implications of these studies are powerful as they showcase how
Black girls are able to engage with negative imagery they come in contact with on social media,
and how they are able to manage their identities through critical awareness. What is noticeably
absent in this body of literature is how Black males interrogate their identities on social media.
Although the research on identity construction of Black boys on social media is sparse,
research has found that Black youth writ large do resist racist representations and leverage their
identities to promote positive and nuanced images. Bonilla & Rosa’s (2015) “hashtag
ethnography” of #IfTheGunnedMeDown, a trending topic on social media that critiqued news
media’s criminalization of Black victims of police brutality, showed how Black social media can
be a tool to combat negative images. The theory of “Digital Intersectionality” (Tynes et al.,
2016) asserts that the leveraging of identity and cultural assets among Black social media users
allows space for the reclamation of Black identity projects, which is routinely deployed online
within the movement for Black lives.
Representations in Other Forms

Although this dissertation is invested in the representations of Black people in popular
and social media, it is important to recognize how “representation” in other venues works as part
of an interconnected web of history and politics that informs identity and constructions of race.
Prior to the rise of modern cinema at the beginning of the 20
th
century, world-fairs and
ethnological exhibits were among the most popular venues where racist representations of Black
people could be found (Rydell, 2013). In these settings, Black people from across the globe were
literally “presented” as primitive humans for spectators and scientist to observe. The
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54
representation of Black people in these contexts served to reinforce and legitimatize notions of
Black intellectual inferiority, while providing opportunity for the voyeurism of Black bodies
(Rydell, 2013). Although the overtly racist practice of showcasing Black people in “human zoos”
has ended, the link between entertainment and the dehumanization has persisted throughout time.
The ethnological zoos of the 18
th
, 19
th
, and early 20
th
century represent an era whereby the
racism of faux-science and entertainment were essential factors in the construction of Blackness.
Closely related to popular media, and the ways in which Black people are represented, is
news media. News media differs from popular media in that entertainment is supplemented by
journalism, with the intent of reporting facts. Since the 2016 presidential election, however,
“fake news” has become an increasingly popular moniker and topic of discussion (Allcott &
Gentzkow, 2017). Traditional news sources, such as newspapers, television, and radio have come
under attack, as well as social media for its ability to spread (mis)information. Although
discussions pertaining to “fake news” have only recently reached mainstream audiences, for
Black people, misinformation and falsehoods in news media have been a long standing issue
(Daniels, 2009). According to a study on the representation of Black families in the news, Dixon
(2017) found that Black families are stereotypically shown in news media as poor, fatherless,
criminal, and unstable. Furthermore, the study revealed that conservative outlets and mainstream
sources were participants in the overrepresentation of negative images of Black people. The
prevalence of negative images of Black people in news media has been a point of contestation
for those participating in the movement for Black lives. The criminalization of victims of police
violence by the media, has been the catalyst for various social media campaigns (Bonilla &
Rosa, 2015). Challenging and reclaiming images of Black people in the news is an important
point of emphasis in demonstrating why representation matters.
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The political history of Black people in the United States is rooted in debates pertaining
to representation. Black political representation, either as bodies and/or blocs of voters, has been
used for progressive and regressive means since the earliest construction of the US government.
The 3/5
th
’s Compromise of 1757 is one of the earliest, and most problematic examples of Black
representation (Feagin, 2010). Contemporarily, the issue of mass incarceration serves as a new
way to constrict Black political representation (Alexander, 2012). Research has revealed,
however, that social movements bolstered by social media campaigns may be an avenue through
which Black political representation can be identified and operationalized. The transition of
Black people going from an enslaved group, to 3/5
ths
of a representational vote, to freedmen with
voting rights is a long and complicated history that extends beyond the scope of this study. What
is essential for this dissertation, however, is understanding how representations may assist in the
construction of a socio-politically identity rooted in the Black educational experience.
Synthesis and Summary of Gaps in the Literature

As evident in a number of different venues and mediums, Black representation matters as
a socio-cultural and political statement to counter racism and affirm the identities of Black
people. Given the influence of the Black community on social and popular media, and vice versa,
how Black adolescents make sense of the representations they see is important, especially as they
construct meaning related to Blackness and their academic identities. The existing literature
suggests that there is a historical precedent for the current visibility of Black representations on
film and television and that Black youth are able to critically engage negative images through
social media. Black youth’s preference for Black-oriented media and race-related internet
activities reveals the importance of identity affirming images and messages. Despite the various
strands of research examining race, identity, and media notable gaps exist in the literature.
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Specifically, qualitative research is needed to understand the process through which
Black youth interpret textured representations of Black life in media and how they might
construct more expansive definitions of academic identity. Future research should use an
ecological perspective to examine how Black youth construct meaning through media, which
would allow for a more complete understanding of the value of representations. Ultimately,
broad questions related to race and academic identities arise out of this moment where Black
media content is highly visible. Perhaps most importantly, it is critical for everyone invested in
the academic success and wellbeing of Black adolescents to hear them answer the question for
themselves: In what ways can representations matter? In the next chapter, I provide a detailed
account of the qualitative methods used for unearthing the process by which Black youth make
sense of the representations they see in media.

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CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS

This chapter provides a description of the research methods that will allow for data
collection and analysis in regards to the processes by which Black adolescents make sense of
representations they see in multiple forms of media in relation to their identities. In this section, I
first provide a rational for the use of qualitative methods. Next, I explain the methods, context,
data collection, and analysis procedures. I will end by assuring the trustworthiness of the study,
as well as the limitations, and the role of the researcher.
Rationale for Qualitative Methods

According to Maxwell (2013), qualitative research methods are defined by their “process
orientation” towards people, contexts, events, and phenomenon. Furthermore, Miles and
Huberman (1994) posit that the emphasis on process allows researchers to draw logical
connections between phenomenon and their outcomes or consequences. The emphasis on
“process” in qualitative research lends itself to the study meaning-making and identity
construction (Charmaz, 2011). Qualitative methods are used by researchers to analyze social
constructions, multiple perspectives, and the negotiations of social norms (Johnson &
Christensen, 2013). This dissertation’s goal of understanding the construction of Black
adolescent’s academic identities through media representations lends itself to the process
orientated, and agentic ethos of qualitative methods.
In addition to the unique orientation of qualitative research, there are defining features
that make it a more apt choice for methods of inquiry. First, qualitative research is not typically
concerned with generalizability, and emphasizes rich description of a phenomenon to produce
deep data sources, from samples that are typically smaller than quantitative studies (Johnson &
Christensen, 2014). The reason qualitative researchers focus on rich description and data analysis
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is to unearth nuanced and/or unexpected findings that cannot be found in the broader approaches
of quantitative methods (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The emphasis on gathering rich information
is exemplified through the tools of qualitative researchers, which are typically, but not limited to,
observations and interviews, as opposed to the assigned numerical values of quantitative
researchers (Johnson & Christensen, 2014).
Another defining feature of qualitative research is the raised importance of the researcher.
While quantitative researchers are typically removed from their environment of study, qualitative
researchers are engaged directly with their participants and/or context, making their presence an
integral part of the data collection process (Johnson & Christensen, 2013). Traditional qualitative
researchers try not to disrupt the normal functioning or interactions of the environment they are
studying (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992; Johnson & Christensen, 2014). This perspective on the role
of the researcher has been challenged, however, by participatory action research (PAR), critical
and constructivist paradigms, and scholars interested in social justice (Charmaz, 2011; Harper &
Kuh; 2009; Jacobs-Huey, 2007; Madison, 2012). Harper and Kuh (2009) add that attempts at
“objective” research limit the possibilities to identify inequalities and the role of context, which
in turn, shifts the power of research back into the control of the dominating group. Challenges to
the positivist paradigms of quantitative work and traditional quantitative methods are particularly
relevant to research engaging race and multiple forms systematic oppression (Bonilla-Silva &
Zuberi, 2008; Collins, 1999; Crotty, 1999; hooks, 1999; Zuberi, 2001). The elevated importance
of the researcher in this line qualitative inquiry calls for a reflexive analysis by scholars
deploying these methods, in order to check or challenge their assumptions and positionalities
(Jacobs-Huey, 2007; Madison, 2012).
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Every methodology has distinct advantages and disadvantages. Therefore, choosing the
appropriate methods is essential to the investigation, analysis, and the disruption of power. The
process orientation and the intimate nature of qualitative research with participants and data
make it an appropriate mode of inquiry for this dissertation. There are numerous methodologies
within qualitative research, for this study, I used a grounded theory approach. In the next section,
I will describe my epistemological stance towards grounded theory and the defining
characteristics.
Methodological Approach: Grounded Theory

This dissertation deploys a grounded theory methodological approach to understanding
the process by which Black adolescents engage and interpret representations in media. Grounded
theory was initially developed by Glaser and Strauss (1967) as “a systematic, inductive, iterative,
and comparative method of data analysis for the purpose of sociological theory construction.”
(Charmaz, 2011, p. 56). The initial goal of grounded theory was to develop constructs for
sociological processes that could be quantitatively tested (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). As the
methodology developed over time, it extended into other disciplines and deemphasized the
quantitative ambitions (Charmaz, 2011). Various epistemological camps also exist within the
grounded theory tradition. Glaser’s (1998) traditional, positivist approach cites the researcher as
a neutral observer in a data collection and analysis process, which seeks to understand the
functioning of institutions. Strauss and Corbin (1994) take a more post-positivist approach
whereby grounded theory follows a prescriptive guideline for methods to study human agency
and interpretation of events.
Although Glaser (1998) and Strauss and Corbin (1994) epistemological approaches are
useful foundations for the deployment of grounded theory, Bryant and Charmaz’s (2007)
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constructivist approach provides a more useful way of practicing grounded theory. The
constructive approach to grounded theory recognizes the potential for multiple perspectives in
the meaning-making process, which is informed by the participant and the researcher (Bryant &
Charmaz, 2007; Charmaz, 2011). Thus, the constructivist epistemology rejects the notion that the
observer is a neutral party, and instead forces the researcher to confront their own assumptions
about the phenomenon. In addition to challenging the positivist assumptions about the role of the
researcher, the constructivist perspective emphasizes the iterative nature of the grounded theory
methodology. The epistemological foundation of a ground theory study, with a constructivist
approach, encourages the exploration of nuances, particularities, and problematics of a
phenomenon (Charmaz, 2011). This study’s use of grounded theory leans heavily into the
constructivist epistemology.
With epistemology in mind, there are many distinguishing characteristics of grounded
theory. The first, and arguably most defining trait of grounded theory, is its theory driven nature.
Whereas most methodological approaches use theory to provide a lens of analysis, grounded
theory relies on data to inform theoretical constructs related to a phenomenon (Glaser & Strauss,
1967; Maxwell, 2013). According to Johnson and Christensen (2014), the theory must align with
the data; meaning that researchers must bracket any preconceived assumptions about the
phenomenon. Traditional grounded theorists assert that researchers should take a “blank slate
approach” to the data, however, others suggest that adhering to theoretical agnosticism is more
realistic (Henwood & Pidgeon, 2003; Charmaz, 2011). Theoretical agnosticism requires the
researcher to account for their inherent biases and assumptions, and rigorously challenge them
throughout the data collection and analysis process (Charmaz, 2011). Lastly, the developed
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theory should have real-world applicability that can be used and/or tested by researchers in the
future (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Johnson & Christensen, 2014).
According to Miles and Huberman (1994), most qualitative studies use small, purposive
samples, as opposed to the larger samples found in quantitative research. The second defining
characteristic of grounded theory is its use of theoretical sensitivity and theoretical sampling.
Theoretical sensitivity is a key feature of any grounded theorist’s study, because it requires the
researcher to consider what kinds of data and subsequent collection methods are best suited to
unearth information related to the phenomenon. Theoretical sampling involves abductive logic to
validate or challenge emergent concepts (Charmaz, 2011). Unlike other forms of sampling,
theoretical sampling does not require an arbitrary size to reach a level validity, nor does it need
to meet demographic requirements to assure diversity within a sample. The goal of theoretical
sampling is to assure that the constructs of the theory is supported by corroborating data
(Charmaz, 2011).
Third, grounded theory relies heavily on its coding process. According to Charmaz
(2011) codes “arise from” the data and are synthesized into conceptual tools that will inform the
theory. The process begins with open coding, when researchers examine the initial data to
identify key words and concept that emerge from the data (Johnson & Christensen, 2014). The
open coding phase is followed by axial coding, where researchers develop abstract categories
that organize the data into emergent themes (Charmaz, 2011). Selective coding represents the
final coding stage researchers analyze the connections between the themes and categories to
cultivate the theory (Charmaz, 2011; Johnson & Christensen, 2014). In addition to the coding
process, Charmaz (2011) also adds that memo writing throughout the coding process is essential
to the analysis and construction of codes, categories, and themes.
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The final distinguishing characteristic of grounded theory is its use of the constant
comparative method. The constant comparative method calls for data analysis throughout the
collection process, in order to identify emergent themes, confirm or refute ideas, and guide the
next steps in the collection process (Charmaz, 2011; Glaser, 2008). Glaser (2008) adds that
constant comparison helps researchers determine the limits of their theory, by allowing them to
reflexively explore data as thoroughly as possible. Once data analysis no longer yields new
results, the constructs are considered theoretically saturated, thus completing the grounded
theory process (Johnson & Christensen, 2014).
Setting and Context

This study has two distinct settings; the physical space where in-person interviews and
focus groups occurred, and the online space where adolescents’ engagement with media was
observed. The context of the study is relative to the geographic location of the participants’
residence. Participants were recruited from various neighborhoods in the region of Southern
California. Southern California offers a unique context for this study, due to its economic
stratification and political diversity. Furthermore, the region is home to a major entertainment
industry and various social media headquarters, which raises the salience of popular and social
media for this study.
Interviews and focus groups occurred in two locations: a private university and the
headquarters of local, community-based organization. The online settings observed included the
various social media platforms that participants allowed access to, which were Instagram,
Twitter, and YouTube. Each platform has distinct networks, which contain formal and informal
communities (boyd & Ellison, 2007), as well as unique affordances that enabled participants to
interact with images and messages related to race (Brock, 2009, 2012; Lee, 2012; Lenhart,
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2015). According to AP-NORC (2017), Black teens report using each platform at high rates,
Snapchat (86%), Instagram (77%), Facebook (65%), and Twitter (56%). This context, along with
the physical and online settings for this dissertation are key factors that can influence the
collection and analysis process.
Data Collection Procedures

In this section, I will describe the data collection procedures, from my sampling strategies
to the methods used in various phases. The phase model of data collection follows after the
grounded theory procedures of Harris (2006) and Harper (2007). A phase denotes a specific
procedural marker whereby participants are recruited and data is collected. Collecting data in
phases allows the researcher to choose appropriate methods for each participant group (Harper,
2007; Harris, 2006), and builds on the strengths of grounded theory by enabling a constant
comparison of data sources that will test and identify emergent categories central to the theory
(Glaser, 2008). Before data collection begins, it is essential that every researcher consider their
sampling methods.
Theoretical Sampling: Maxwell (2013) defines sampling as the decisions made by
researchers on where to conduct research and who to include. There are numerous sampling
strategies in qualitative research; each has its own distinct purposes, strengths, and weaknesses
(See: Johnson & Christensen, 2014). As previously mentioned, grounded theory is known for its
unique of theoretical sampling, whereby participants are selected based on the likelihood that
their involvement will generate useful concepts (Charmaz, 2011). Therefore, this study’s sample
is comprised of Black adolescents who engage with popular and social media. Although
theoretical sampling represents an overarching technique that is used throughout the grounded
theory approach, there are other sampling techniques that will be deployed for the purposes of
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this study. The mixing of sampling strategies can be useful in generating more nuances within
the data (Patton, 1987).
Purposive/Snowball Sampling: The study also used purposive sampling, where
participants are recruited based on suggestion, or otherwise prior knowledge of having
experience watching television and film, as well as using social media. Purposive sampling is
useful in locating participants that have characteristics and/or interests valuable to the study
(Johnson & Christensen, 2014). The purposive sampling of the first phase is also mixed with
snowball sampling, whereby participants and assisting organizations suggested potential recruits
for the study (Johnson & Christensen, 2014). The mixing of purposive and snowball sampling
allows the theoretical sample to grow as the individuals are recruited based on their connection
to the phenomenon and the potential for diverse perspectives within it (Charmaz, 2011).
Maximum Variation Sampling: This study also used maximum variation sampling; which
researchers use to ensure that a wide range of individuals participate (Johnson & Christensen,
2014). Because Black identity and the Black experience is not monolithic, this study seeks to
generate a theory that accounts for the various identities that interpret and construct meaning
through representations in media. Although grounded theorist are not typically concerned with
meeting requirements for even demographic distribution (Charmaz, 2011), this study is uniquely
attuned to both the shared and differentiated experiences of Black adolescents across lines of
gender, sexuality, ability, etc. In conjunction with the theoretical approach to sampling, the use
of maximum variation sampling, within the constructivist paradigm, strengthens the
comparative, reflexive, and nuanced tenets of grounded theory.
Sample: Grounded theory research relies heavily on the insights of the participants. As
such, participants in this study are diverse, and carry a multitude of perspectives related to their
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constructions of Black academic identity and interpretations of media. This dissertation used the
aforementioned, theoretical sampling, along with maximum variation and purposive sampling in
order to solidify conceptual categories. In total, 17 Black adolescents, between the ages of 14 and
19 years old participated in this study. Participating youth represented a diverse range of socio-
economic backgrounds, ethnic identities, and educational attainment. Additionally, participants
had a range in the level of engagement with popular media sources, including, but not limited to
Black oriented media. Finally, participating adolescents also identified as frequent social media
users who use a diverse array of platforms.
Recruitment: Prior to recruiting participants for this study, I gained approval though the
Institutional Review Board (IRB). Upon clearance from IRB (Appendix A), I emailed
recruitment material (Appendix B) to individuals and organizations that specifically work with or
tailor their missions to Black adolescents. The organizations included academic and non-
academic programs, as well as religious and political organizations. Participants who were
recruited via snowball sampling were emailed the same materials directly. The recruitment
materials outlined the purpose of the study, the time commitments, and the study’s interest in
monitoring social media. Perspective participants were asked to respond via, email, phone call,
or text message if they were interested or had any comments, questions, or concerns.
Upon expressing interest in participation of the study, these individuals were sent assent
forms (Appendix C), as well as a brief descriptive survey (Appendix D). The descriptive survey
asks adolescents open-ended questions related to their favorite forms of media. In particular, the
survey asks them to list their racial and gender identities, as well as their favorite, televisions
shows, movies, fictional characters, and social media platforms, along with a brief explanation as
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to why they prefer these shows. The purpose of the survey is to gather demographic data, as well
gain insights into the media habits of the participants prior to their interview.
Informed Consent: After receiving the recruitment email and expressing interest in
participating in the study, each individual was sent an informed assent packet. The informed
assent packet included a description of the study and its procedures, an outline of the risk and
benefits, and assured participant confidentiality. The packet also provided details on procedures
of withdrawal and contacting IRB. Verbal consent from parents and adolescents were attained at
the time of the first interview.
Individuals willing to participate in the study agreed to take part in individual interviews,
social media observations/think-a-louds, and focus groups. Participants were informed that they
may participate in all or some phases of data collection. Finally, all participants were notified
that member-checking will be utilized during the final stages of the study to verify that all data
collected was reported accurately (Johnson & Christensen, 2014). The following sections outline
the specific details of each phase of data collection.
Phase One: Semi-Structured Interviews
The first phase of data collection involved the use of semi-structured interviews with 17
Black adolescents. Qualitative interviews are open-ended questions that provide in-depth
information about participants’ thoughts and beliefs on a particular issue or phenomenon
(Creswell, 2014). Interviews can be conducted in-person, over the phone, or through electronic
communication (Creswell, 2012; Johnson & Christensen, 2014). For the purposes of this study,
interviews were conducted in person, which allowed the researcher to flexibly explore
unexpected insights or topics that may arise from participant responses (Groenwald, 2004;
Harper & Quaye, 2007). For example, semi-structured interviews can serve as tools of
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exploration into the meaning-making processes of Black youth in relation to representations they
encounter through media that may not be evident in observation or survey results. Due to the
intimate demands of this study and the potentially sensitive nature of the topic of identity, it was
important that I build a solid rapport with the participants (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992; Maxwell,
2013). Interviews, though structured, were conversational in nature, allowing not only for
unexpected data to come to fruition, but also generating trust between myself and participants,
which can assist in the data collection process (Maxwell, 2013). All interviews were conducted
as one-on-one, between the participant and researcher, with the exception of two where two sets
of participants wanted to be interviewed together (Jermain & John, Jordan & Jojo).
The interview protocol (Appendix E) is guided by this study’s purpose of exploring
Black adolescent’s evaluation of racialized images and messages in media and its relation to the
construction of their academic identity. Questions generated for the interview protocol were
constructed based on information found in the literature discussed in chapter two and participant
responses from the descriptive survey. Participants were asked questions related to their race and
intersecting identities, racial socialization, stereotypes and other representations in media,
academic pursuits, and their engagement with racialized topics on the internet. Given the
emergent nature of grounded theory (Charmaz, 2011), the interview protocol was revised
throughout the iterative data collection and analysis process, as themes and categories began to
take shape over the course of the study. All interviews lasted between 60-90 minutes, and were
audio recorded via digital devices, then transcribed for immediate analysis. Data was collected
until theoretical saturation was achieved.
Phase Two: Social Media Observations

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In the second phase of data collection, which occurred immediately following phase one,
the social media profiles of 17 participants were observed. The observations had two distinct
goals: 1. Observe the natural, everyday use of social media platforms by Black adolescents, and
2. Observe their interactions with images, messages, and other user’s regarding their favorite
show or movie. The first goal utilizes “online multisited ethnography,” which is a form of digital
anthropology aimed at discovering cultural practices on the internet (Bonilla & Rosa, 2015;
Gatson, 2011; Murthy, 2008). The second goal of the social media observations, is to understand
the online interactions of Black adolescent’s media ecologies. Participants were provided a
prompt (Appendix F), which asked them to post their thoughts about their favorite television
show or movie while they watched it, accompanied with a hashtag related to the show (i.e.
#Blackish). This part of the social media observations functions as a digital think-a-loud,
whereby participants share thoughts about media in real-time. Think-a-louds are a useful
technique for understanding cognition and thought-process when performing a task. Think-a-
louds allow for sophisticated articulation by participants (Ericsson & Simon, 1998). Research
using think-a-louds in online context are particularly useful in understanding how individuals
view and construct their identities and values (Vasalou, Joinson, Bänziger, Goldie, & Pitt, 2008)
This digital think-a-loud provides participants the opportunity to share their thoughts and
evaluations of television shows, movies, characters, and theme in an environment where they
may negotiate beliefs about Black identity with others. In total, 20 social media profiles were
observed.
Given the raised importance of privacy of among adolescents and their peers. Participants
were notified that I would take screen shots of their timelines and replies, but would not share
this information with anyone, including parents or colleagues. They also were informed that I
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would only observe and collect data that was produced after the designated start date of phase
two, and would end upon theoretical saturation. All social media handles, pictures, and avatars of
participants and those interacting with them were redacted in the final write up. The information
gained from the social media observations were useful in gathering ethnographic data that
provided a more complete picture of each participants’ popular and social media landscape.
From a grounded theorist perspective, phase two also enabled me to further develop theoretical
categories that emerge from phase one, and provided possible evidence of conflicting or
confirming data, which constructivist find useful in building theory (Charmaz, 2011). In other
words, the second phase of data collection allowed for the continuation of the constant
comparison method by comparing participants’ quotes in interviews with their words and actions
on social media.
Phase Three: Focus Groups
The final phase of data collection involved the use of focus groups. Typically used as a
method to triangulate data, focus groups are facilitated discussions among a small collection of
individuals about a particular topic (Luker, 2008). In this form of data collection, the researcher
leads the discussion by asking opening ended questions and moderates the discussion. The group
moderator is tasked with probing responses, ensuring that all participants are heard, and
mediating potential conflicts (Johnson & Christensen, 2014). Focus groups are particularly
useful in obtaining background information on a topic, stimulating new ideas, and/or providing
confirmatory evidence (Johnson & Christensen, 2014; Stewart, Shamdasani, & Rook, 2009). The
goal of focus groups, as the last phase of data collection in this study, is to explore and confirm
the existing themes in the data, while also seeking to understand any conflicting evidence from
previous phases.
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The focus group discussion guide (Appendix G) provided open ended questions designed
to encourage fruitful discussion that is relevant to the research goals (Liamputtong, 2011). Focus
groups provide the opportunity for participants to share diverse perspectives on phenomenon,
which can cause discussions to stray away from topic. Therefore, my line of questioning follows
Liamputtong’s (2011) guide of providing, introductory, transitionary, focus, summarizing, and
concluding questions. This guide allows the researcher to funnel discussion towards the topic of
interest in a natural way, while still allowing space for participants to share their perspectives
freely. Focus group questions related to this study used information gathered from the previous
phases, and sought to understand the overarching themes gathered from the analysis of the social
media observations.
I conducted 2 focus groups, comprised of 3 and 4 participants. Focus groups can be larger
(Johnson & Christensen, 2014), however, I choose smaller groups in order to encourage
interactivity among participants (Liamputtong, 2011). Each focus group session lasted between
60 and 90 minutes. The two groups were assigned based on the emergent themes and categories,
particularly as it related to gender. These focus groups were co-moderated by a research assistant
that was given approval by IRB and the participants to assist with the study. In total, 7
adolescents participated in these focus groups, and reflected the range of experiences and
identities that were present in the larger sample. Liamputtong (2011) highlights that focus
groups cannot assure confidentiality, however, researchers can establish norms and expectations
related to privacy at the outset of the discussion. With this limitation in mind, I understand that
participants may choose not to provide their commentary on particularly sensitive topics. As the
researcher moderating the discussion, I tried to ensure that every participant was comfortable
contributing to the discussion.
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Consistent with the previous stages, and grounded theory methodology, focus group data
was analyzed after collection in order to inform questions for the next session and to confirm the
overall findings of the study. Data collection, at this phase, was completed upon the achievement
of theoretical saturation. As the last phase of data collection in this dissertation, the focus groups
were essential to providing the final connections between the theory’s tenets, and the completion
of the tenets themselves. In the next section, I describe the data analysis procedures that occurred
throughout the study.
Data Analysis Procedures

Grounded theory proposes an iterative process whereby data collection and data analysis
are occurring simultaneously. The analysis of data in this study was conducted after each round
of interviews, social media observations, and focus group sessions. The analysis is informed by
the grounded theory process of open, axial, and selective coding. In this section, I describe the
coding process of each phase, in detail, as well as discuss the role of conditions, consequences,
and memos as part of the coding procedures.
The first phase of coding with a grounded theory approach is open coding (Johnson &
Christensen, 2014). Open coding occurs after the collection of initial data; and involves a process
where the researcher closely examines segments of the data, then labels important and/or
reoccurring phrases and words (Charmaz, 2011; Johnson & Christensen, 2014). Unlike most
qualitative research that involves the use of inductive and/or deductive coding, open coding
allows the researcher to look within the data, by analyzing quotes or segments line-by-line to
construct abstract codes that can later be pieced together (Charmaz, 2011). In each phase of this
study, open coding was used to label emergent concepts that arise from the data. Interview and
focus groups transcripts, as well as written text from social media observations were sources for
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the open codes. The coded concepts were later combined to create categories, based on the
unique relationships or similarities between the concepts.
Memos are a key analytic tool throughout the coding process, and can assist with the
construction of codes and categories (Charmaz, 2011). According to Charmaz (2011) memos are
used by researchers to reflect on the definitions, nuances, and relationships of codes and
categories. These analytic memos provide researchers with the opportunity to think critically
about the data they analyze, and provide potentially sources for ideas, as their theories continue
to develop. Memos were used throughout the data analysis process of this dissertation. I created
memos when developing codes and during the construction of the theory, as I contemplated
potential relationships between categories. The memos I created assist in the development of
solid definitions, providing limits to my theory, and investigating problematics that arise during
collection and analysis.
Memos were particularly useful during the second stage of coding, which involves the
development of axial codes. During the axial coding stage, the researcher examines the
relationship between categories, with the goal of uncovering how the phenomenon of study
operates (Johnson & Christensen, 2014). In particular, the researcher is interested in the context
and conditions that generate the phenomenon. Causal conditions are people, places, and events
that generate the phenomenon (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Within the context of this study, causal
conditions include, adolescents’ perceptions of themselves, their environments and experiences.
As such, I will use “perceived causal conditions” as a categorizing term. Another result of the the
axial coding stage is the development of intervening conditions. Intervening conditions are the
contexts that promote conscious action or inaction related to the phenomenon (Strauss & Corbin,
1998). For example, intervening conditions, in this study, occurred when Black adolescents
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viewed a character that they wanted to emulate on television. Finally, consequences represent the
outcomes of conditions and the central phenomenon (Strauss & Corbin, 1998), which in this
study, would be the identification with representations they see on screen or social media.
Conditions and consequences play a major role in the axial coding stage, as they generate the
tentative connections between categories of the theory. These connections between the
phenomenon and the consequences are then tested through theoretical propositions, where ideas
are tested with the data to verify or disconfirm their legitimacy (Johnson & Christensen, 2014).
The final stage of coding in the grounded theory process is called selective coding.
Selective coding is a dynamic process where the central theme of the theory is located, then has
its relationship with the other properties and categories tested and validated (Strauss & Corbin,
1998). Johnson and Christensen (2014) describe the selective coding process as the point during
analysis that theorists develop their “story line.” During selective coding, researchers analyze
the data with intent of solidifying their theory, and considering where it fits within the broader
literature (Johnson & Christensen, 2014). The completion of the selective coding process is
marked by complete theoretical saturation, when the data no longer yields new concepts and the
proposed theory can be validated.
The final data analysis should result in the development of a theory that has practical
implications and contributes to the existing literature (Charmaz, 2011; Johnson & Christensen,
2014). Researchers typically develop models of their theory that illustrate the properties or tenets
of their theory, the relationship between tenets, and the relationship between tenets and the
central theme related to the phenomenon (Charmaz, 2011; Johnson & Christensen, 2014). In
chapter five, I will present the theory’s model on the relationship between Black representations
in media and academic identity. This presentation is in the form of an explanatory model (Figure
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1) whereby conditions and processes are illustrated as constructs and their comprising
components.
Trustworthiness

In order to assure the validity, rigor, and appropriateness of this study’s findings, several
steps were included to assure trustworthiness. The trustworthiness of a study is determined by
the accuracy of the reported findings from methodological, theoretical, and interpersonal
perspectives (Creswell, 2014; Glesne & Peshkin, 1992). Creswell (2014) notes that
trustworthiness is a term that is synonymous with validity and credibility in qualitative research.
In this section, I describe the steps taken to assure the trustworthiness of this study. I begin by
describing the methodological rigor, followed by it’s a discussion of the findings validity, and
the confirmation of information by participants.
Trustworthiness in qualitative research is relative to the subjectivity of the researcher
(Glesne & Peshkin, 1992). With this in mind, it was necessary that I contend with my own biases
and presumptions by constantly questioning my positions and only confirming what was found
in the data. In order to ensure that my results were a product of the data, I meticulously followed
the collection and analysis procedures detailed above. The constant comparison method, along
with my memos, allowed me to consistently return to the data as my source of information, and
provide the opportunity for reflection. The grounded theory approach relies heavily on the data
provided by participants, ensuring that the proposed theory is valid and its interpretations are
authentic are key steps to assuring this study’s trustworthiness.
Miles and Huberman (1994) discuss the role of external and internal validity, which are
key concepts that are relevant to determining the trustworthiness of a study (Creswell, 2014).
Specifically, external validity describes the study’s relationship to the existing body of literature
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on a topic (Miles & Huberman, 1994). As a grounded theory study, this dissertation contributes
to an array of literature ranging from Black identity, human development, and media studies.
Though the findings are rooted in the data provided by participants, the results will be compared
with, and provide nuance to, prior scholarly work on the related topics. The literature reviewed in
chapter two informed the research question for this study, which helps place this study within a
broader context where the proposed theory can be assessed by future scholars.
Lastly, member-checking is a way to assure trustworthiness of the study. Member-checks
are a useful way to not only ensure the validity of your data, but they also are important to the
establishment of rapport with your participants (Johnson & Christensen, 2014). In order to assure
that participants are properly quoted and that data is appropriately analyzed, I provided every
participant whose quotes or social media observation I use as exemplars a copy of my write-up.
They were encouraged to provide any clarifications or contestations with my results. Providing
participants with this opportunity was useful, as I was able to check my work with the sources
that provided the data. Furthermore, it is important that participants are able to see the theory that
they helped construct, as it is their perspectives that drive the discovery of data.
Role of Researcher

As a grounded theory researcher, operating in a constructivist paradigm, my role in the
data collection and analysis is an integral part of this study (Charmaz, 2011). The ways in which
participants react to my online presence, and the conversational nature of our interviews and
focus groups has a distinct influence on the richness of the data and complexity of the proposed
theory. This perspective on grounded theory differs from traditional views on researcher
objectivity/subjectivity (Charmaz, 2011; Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Whereas positivist/post-
positivist grounded theorists believe that the researcher should operate as an impartial observer
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(Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Glaser, 1998; Strauss & Corbin, 1994), the constructivist scholar uses
their knowledge of the phenomenon and relationship with the participant to probe for deeper
meaning (Bryant & Charmaz, 2007; Charmaz, 2011). The constructivist approach is particularly
useful when discussing structural oppression and prejudice. I am able to lean on my
understandings of racism, intersecting forms of oppression, media, and identity formation as a
way to encourage participants to share their thoughts on those topics. The constructivist approach
allows for advocacy on behalf of the participants, agency for the researcher, and the ability for
the study results to be used to challenge hegemonic paradigms.
My role as a researcher, in this study, is to provide space for my participants to share
their thoughts and definitions related to Black academic identity through media in a way that
encourages theory and praxis. My ability to build the proposed theory relies heavily on their
constructions, and our mutual understandings of topics related to Black representations in the
media. I also provide a venue whereby participants with narrow or problematic constructions of
Black identity have the opportunity to think through their positions in individual or group
settings. The relationships I build with this study’s participants were predicated on rapport,
which was influenced by the reflective nature of my positionality.
Positionality Statement: The identity and belief system of the researcher, in relation to
their participants or subject matter, known as “positionality,” is an important aspect to any study,
particularly those using qualitative methods (Madison, 2012). The researcher, based on their own
life experiences, identity, and physical appearance can influence participant responses and data
analysis (Hammersly & Atkinson, 1995). Although this may be viewed as an inherent
methodological flaw amongst traditionalist researchers, others argue that a researcher’s
positionality can encourage rich data discovery (Collins, 1999). While this certainly is the case
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for many scholars conducting research with participants who share the same social identities or
communal ties, Jacobs-Huey (2002) posits that, as a “native” researcher, breaches in
expectations and interactions can still occur. Not only does a breach require the researcher to
reflect on their positionality, but it also may serve as a site for further exploration and data
collection (Jacobs-Huey, 2002). Researchers that are aware of their positionality, and are
reflexive in their analytical process, have the potential to unearth more nuanced findings within
their data.
As such, my entry into the field as a racially ambiguous, yet Black-identified multiracial,
cis-gendered male has a distinct influence on not only my perceptions, but the perceptions of
those I engage with. I simultaneously operate as an insider with experiential knowledge of the
Black community and as an outsider academic who has privileges based on education and
phenotypically non-distinct features. Therefore, conducting research with Black participants on
Black subject matter requires a reflexive position that understands the history of class, colorism,
and education within the United States’ construction of the Blackness (Bonilla-Silva, 2014; Omi
& Winant, 2015). Additionally, as a male academic who consciously uses Black Feminist
paradigms, it is vital that I recognize the intellectual work of Black women, from whom my work
is built upon. The erasure of Black women’s work and the theft of their intellectual property is a
historical trend that cannot be forgotten when working in this field. This reflexive approach to
my identity and subsequent work in qualitative methods can bolster the rapport with my
participants and strengthen my analysis.

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CHAPTER FOUR: PARTICIPANT PROFILES

In this chapter, I provide profiles of each adolescent that participated in this study. The
purpose of these profiles is to provide contextual insights into identities, media preferences,
along with career and academic aspirations of each adolescent that are essential to the study’s
findings. Participants represented a spectrum of ages (14-19), ethnic backgrounds, educational
attainment levels, and socio-economic statuses. In addition to the profiles, I have constructed a
reference table of participants. Listed in Table 1 are the names (pseudonyms), ages, sexes,
ethnicities, and the current educational status of each participant
1
.
Participants

Table 1

Participants____________________________________________________________________
Name Age Sex Ethnicity Education Status
Carlos 15 M African American High School
Darius 17 M Afro-Latinx High School
Drea 18 F African American Gap Year
Jay 18 F Nigerian American College
Jermaine 15 M African American High School
John 15 M African American High School
Jojo 17 M African-American Alternative School
Jordan 19 M African American College
Kayla 18 F Nigerian American College
Kristina 17 F Afro-Latinx High School
Logan 18 F African American College
Marcus 17 M African American High School
Michelle 14 F Afro-Latinx High School
Nay 18 F African American College
Traci 17 F African American High School
Rayshon 19 M African American Continuing Education
Xavier 17 M African American High School _____

Participant Profiles

1
Participants were not asked to reveal their sexual orientation. None of the participants identified
as transgender, nonbinary, or gender nonconforming. Participants used gender identifications and
biological assignment terms interchangeably throughout data collection.
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Carlos: Carlos is a 15 year-old African American male. He attends an urban high school
in southern California. Carlos lives at home with his mother, and has an older brother, Jordan,
who also participated in this study. His favorite school subjects are science and physical
education. He likes to use social media platforms such as Instagram and YouTube to learn
training exercises to help him with sports and body building. Carlos also uses YouTube, along
with his brother Jordan to raise awareness about hit-and-run accidents. They use YouTube to
share their experiences and journey of advocacy for passing bills at the state legislature to protect
victims of these accidents, as their brother was killed in a hit-and-run. Carlos is also an avid fan
of World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE), basketball, and wants to join the army when he
graduates high school.
Darius: Darius is a 17 year old African American and Mexican male. He attends an urban
charter school that focuses on technology in southern California. Darius lives at home with his
grandmother, aunt, uncle and cousin. Darius uses his Instagram page to post “sad memes” with
edgy humor as a way to invite individuals who are suffering from depression and anxiety to
share their thoughts. Darius wants to major in child therapy when he goes to college, because he
believes in helping other people. Darius is a fan of the TV show Power (2014), and particularly
enjoys the complex development of characters like Ghost (Omari Hardwick).
Drea: Drea is an 18 year-old African American female. She recently graduated from a
local magnet school in southern California, and is taking a gap year before going to college. She
lives at home with her mother and father, and two brothers, one of whom (Jermaine), participated
in this study as well. Drea decided to take a gap year, because she and her parents felt that it
would be in her best interest to experience “the real world” before going to college. She plans to
study at law when she returns to school, because of the unjust killings of Black people by the
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police. Drea enjoys watching television shows and films on Netflix such as Seven Seconds
(2018), 13 Reasons Why (2017), and Nappily Ever After (2018).
Jay: Jay is an 18 year-old Nigerian American female. She attends an urban university in
southern California. She is from a small town in a western state. She chose to attend her
university, because of its academic rigor and the weather in California. Jay’s career goal is to
become a physical therapist. She is currently majoring in the field of health sciences in order to
achieve that goal. Jay grew up with her mother and father, as well as a brother and sister. Her
parents are Nigerian immigrants. Jay watches a variety of television shows and movies, which
includes Grey’s Anatomy (2005), Grown-ish (2018), and Black Panther (2018). She also uses a
variety of social media platforms (Snapchat, Instagram, and Twitter), each for different reasons.
Jermaine: Jermaine is a 15 year-old African American male. He attends an urban high
school in southern California. He lives at home with his mother, father, brother, and sister
(Drea). His favorite school subject is Math. Jermaine does not watch a lot of television or film,
because he spends most of his time playing sports. He wants to attend a division-I school to play
football. John says that he does not want to be a pro-athlete; he just wants to play sports in
college so he can get an education and provide for his family. John mainly uses Instagram so he
can talk to friends and post pictures of his new clothes.
John: John is a 15 year-old African American male. John attends an urban high school in
southern California. He lives at home with his mother and his sister. He describes his mother as
“amazing”, but overprotective. His favorite school subjects are history and science. John likes to
play sports and watch television. In particular, John enjoys crime dramas and comedies such as
NCIS (2003), Law & Order 1990), and Brooklyn Nine-Nine (2013). John likes these shows,
because he wants to be an FBI agent when he grows up. He is drawn to law enforcement,
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because he views police as corrupt, and wants to change the system from the inside. John mostly
uses Instagram to post pictures and talk to friends.
Jojo: Jojo is a 17 year-old African American male. Jojo attends an alternative charter
school in southern California. He lives at home with his mother, father, and two sisters. His
favorite school subjects are U.S. and World History, thanks to his favorite teacher, Mr. V. Jojo
enjoys working out, and wants to open up a chain of gyms in his community one day. He also
enjoys making music, particularly rap. He describes his music as “thuggish”, but wants to
provide more context to his lyrics to provide knowledge, because he feels that is what makes him
a “real artist”. Jojo enjoys movies such as Boyz n the Hood (1991), because he feels that
characters such as Tre (Cuba Gooding Jr.) are relatable. Jojo mostly uses Instagram as a way to
learn about new workouts and post fitness videos.
Jordan: Jordan is a 19 year-old African American male. He attends a community college
in southern California. Jordan plays football at his college and hopes to earn a scholarship or
walk on to a Division 1 program next season. Jordan grew up in foster care, but now lives with
his mother and his brother (Carlos). Jordan is eager to continue playing football at a new school,
and wants to major in kinesiology as a way to stay connected to sports when he’s done. Jordan
enjoys sports movies and shows, like Remember the Titans (2000) and Coach Snoop (2016),
because they show the lives of football players. In addition to the videos he and his brother
Carlos make on YouTube, Jordan also uses Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat, and Facebook. He
mostly uses Twitter and Instagram to follow other athletes, teams, and recruiters.
Kayla: Kayla is an 18 year-old Nigerian-American female. She attends an urban
university in southern California. Kayla is from a small town in southern California, where she
grew up with her mother, father, brother, and step brother. Her parents are Nigerian immigrants.
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Kayla lives on an all-Black floor at her school, and enjoys the sense of community it provides
her. Kayla likes older shows such as Fresh Prince of Bel-Air (1990), A Different World (1987),
and Good Times (1974). Kayla also enjoys more recent films such as Black Panther (2018) and
Creed (2015). Her favorite social media platforms are Twitter and Snapchat where she typically
posts her political beliefs and reads about the news.
Kristina: Kristina is a 17 year-old African American and Guatemalan female. Kristina
attends an urban magnet school. She lives at home with her mother and father. Kristina enjoys
playing sports, such as softball, and volunteering for numerous activities. She identifies herself
as a human rights activist and feminist. Kristina wants to attend college and major in journalism.
She enjoys shows and movies from a variety of eras. Some of her favorite shows include 3
rd

Rock from The Sun (1996), The Proud Family (2001), and American Horror Story (2011). She
also enjoys older movies like The Warriors (1979) and House Party (1990). Kristina’s favorite
social media platforms are Instagram and Twitter, where she can communicate with friends and
stay up to date on the latest news.
Logan: Logan is an 18 year-old, African-American female. She attends an urban
university in southern California, where she is majoring in journalism and communication.
Logan is from a large metropolitan city in the Midwest. She chose her university, because she
always wanted to live on the west coast and the school is “good”. Logan grew up living with her
mother, grandmother, and sister. Some of Logan’s favorite television shows include The Fresh
Prince of Bel-Air, Scandal (2012), and The Bold Type (2017). Logan likes characters such as
Aunt Viv (Janet Hubert) and Olivia Pope (Kerry Washington), because they are inspirational and
successful Black women. She uses Twitter to stay informed on news and events, and uses
Snapchat to communicate with friends.
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Marcus: Marcus is a 17 year-old Black/African American male. He attends an urban
charter school in southern California. Marcus lives with his mother, father, aunt, brother, and
sister. His favorite school subject is Government, because he likes to debate. Marcus describes
himself as an open-minded person, who frequently hangs out with Darius. His favorite movie is
Deadpool (2016), because he enjoys the comedy and Deadpool is his favorite Marvel character.
Marcus’s favorite social media platform is Instagram, because of the variety of information and
pictures he can find.
Michelle: Michelle is a 14 year-old Afro Latinx female. She attends a suburban high
school in southern California. Michelle lives with her mother and grandmother. Her favorite
school subject is English, because she enjoys creative writing. Michelle has traveled extensively
and been involved in a number of social causes, including Black Lives Matter. Michelle credits
her mother as a source of knowledge and identity affirmation. Michelle is a fan of shows such as
Fresh Prince of Bel Air, The Good Doctor (2017), and Black-ish (2014). One of her favorite
actresses is Yara Shahidi (Black-ish/Grown-ish), because she is an inspiring individual in terms
of education and activism. Michelle mainly uses Instagram to follow celebrities such SZA, Will
Smith, and Zendaya.
Nay: Nay is an 18 year-old African American female. She attends an urban university in
southern California. Nay grew up with mother, father, and sister. Nay grew up with mother,
father, and sister. She is from a large metropolitan city on the east coast. Nay grew up with
mother, father, and sister. She credits her sister with sparking her interests in television shows,
such as The Flash (2014). Nay is a major fan of superhero shows and movies, such as DC’s
Arrowverse and Marvel’s Cinematic Universe. She is also a fan of Korean Pop (KPop) music.
She mostly uses Twitter and Tumblr to discuss her favorite shows and music.
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Traci: Traci is a 17 year-old, African American female. She attends an urban high school
in southern California. She lives with her mom, who is a registered nurse. Traci is enrolled in her
school’s STEM program. She wants to attend college and major in nursing. Traci enjoys using
Apple products and going shopping for beauty supplies with her friends. Some of Traci’s
favorite television shows are Being Mary Jane (2014), Orange is The New Black (2013), and
She’s Gotta Have It (2017). Her favorite movies are the films that she can watch repeatedly like
Love & Basketball (2000) and Step Up 2: The Streets (2008). Traci mostly uses Instagram and
Snapchat to follow beauty pages, and catch up on things happening at school.
Rayshon: Rayshon is a 19 year-old African American male. Rayshon is a continuing
education student who is seeking his GED. Rayshon lives with his father, who he credits as being
a positive figure that has helped him stay out of trouble. Rayshon especially enjoys playing
basketball with his father. After he completes his GED, Rayshon wants to get his license to
become a truck driver, because it is a lucrative job. Rayshon likes scary movies and comedies,
particularly Friday (1995) and the Halloween series of movies. He enjoys Black comedians like
Kevin Hart, Nick Cannon, and JB Smoove. Rayshon mostly uses Instragram to follow his
favorite comedians.
Xavier: Xavier is a 17 year-old African American male. He attends an urban high school
in southern California. Xavier lives at home with his mother, brother, grandmother, and
grandfather. Xavier moved to his new school, from the east coast, two years ago. He plans to
attend college and double major in Business and African American Studies. He enjoys the “vibe”
of southern California, and is looking to go to college in that area or in New York City. Xavier is
the president of his school’s BSU, and is an active member of the local Black Lives Matter
chapter. He likes television shows and movies that center unique Black experiences such as
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Atlanta (2016) and Love Jones (1997). Xavier is also an artist, which is why he enjoys the visual
aspects of Instagram and Tumblr.

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CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS

In this chapter, I present findings from 17 interviews and descriptive surveys,
observations of 19 social media profiles, and two focus groups. Over 22 hours of interview and
focus group data was analyzed, along with over 2000 posts from two prominent social media
platforms, Twitter and Instagram. This study also generated 25 memos, which were used to
develop categories, constructs, and connections within the data. This study’s central finding was
the unearthing of adolescents’ media co-constructed Black academic identities. Results relating
to the emergence of this phenomenon, as well as its causal and intervening factors, along with its
consequences are the focus of this chapter. The outline for the chapter is as follows: 1) I present
the explanatory model of media co-constructed Black academic identities, along with the
findings, in the traditional grounded theory format. 2) I finish this chapter by providing a
summary of the key points and nuances related to the central findings.
Presentation of Explanatory Model

Participants’ descriptions of their processes when it came to engagement with popular
and social media, relative to their academic identities, highlighted a number of conditions and
factors that determined the central phenomenon of this study. Specifically, participants indicated
that a number of environmental contexts and identity constructs were useful anchor points in
locating points of identification with characters, television shows, and movies. Analysis of the
data unearthed the central finding of media co-constructed Black academic identities (MCBAI).
This term was derived from the data as evidence that Black adolescents co-construct unique
academic identities relative to their engagements with media. More specifically, adolescents did
not form these identities from a blank understanding of their selves, but rather that these
socialized identities were constructed by media in ways that were aspirational and inclusive of a
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variety of Black group memberships. The intervening nature of media representations as points
of reference or sources of information for identity construction among Black adolescents was
contingent upon youth’s perspectives on race and education, which were generated from various
socializations towards their identities, environments, and experiences. The nuanced and complex
nature of this identity construction model is explored in this chapter.
In the following section, I present the explanatory model (Figure 1) by reporting the
findings relevant to: (a) the central phenomenon: media co-constructed Black academic
identities, (b) the causal conditions: racially socialized identities and their experiences within
various environments, (c) the intervening conditions: critical awareness of inauthentic,
unidentifiable, and identifiable media representations that academically and personally inspire
adolescents, as part of a developing sense of their racialized academic identities, and finally, (d)
the consequences of the central phenomenon: the development of Afro-futuristic selves. The
findings are presented in two forms: (a) direct quotes from interview and focus group transcripts,
open-ended responses to descriptive surveys, and micro transcripts from text-based social media
platforms (i.e. Twitter) and (b) visual evidence from picture-based social media platforms (i.e.
Instagram). The presentation of these findings are used to highlight the unique ways in which
participants constructed, and were observed practicing, the emergent concepts and categories that
were critical to this grounded theory’s foundation.

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Figure 1. An Explanatory Model of Media Co-constructed Black Academic Identities

Environment

Home-School-
Neighborhood-
Online
Identities
Ethnic-Gender-
Class-Sexuality-
Religious-Ability-
Color

Experiences

Social-Personal-
Academic
Critical Engagement with Media
Media Representations
Identifiable
Representations

Environment-Identities-
Experiences
Inauthentic
Representations

Stereotypes
Unidentifiable
Representations

Environment-Identities-
Experiences
Media Co-Constructed Black Academic Identities

Black Social Identities

Racialized Beliefs
Intellectual Affirmation
Inclusive Politics
Group Education

Personal Aspirations

Personal Inspirations
Career Paths
Financial Security
Community/Family Uplift
Academic Aspirations

Academic Inspirations
College Enrollment
Identification with Subjects
Learning with Media
Afro-futuristic Selves

Self-Defined Notions of Success
Familial & Community Based Achievement
Black Identity Rooted in History and Development
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The Central Phenomenon

This study’s goal is to understand the process by which Black adolescents interpret
and/or evaluate media representations. The findings revealed that Black adolescents construct
“media co-constructed Black academic identities” through film, television, and social media. As
displayed in the model (Figure 1), these identities are founded upon three distinct constructs: 1.
Black Social Identities, 2. Academic Aspirations, and 3. Personal Aspirations. The various points
of convergence of all three constructs, comprise an individual’s academic identity via their
ability to relate to/with media ins ways that are co-constructive with their racialized contexts and
conditions. As displayed in Figure 1, each construct is comprised of various components, i.e.
Black social identities are comprised of racial beliefs, intellectual affirmations, inclusive politics,
and group education. In this section, I will present the findings relative to each construct and
component.
Black Social Identities

Participants’ constructions of Black identity were processed through their interpretations
of representations, as they negotiated their socialized understandings of race along with the
messages relayed through media. In particular, participants were uniquely aware of cultural
definitions of Blackness, alongside society’s broader construction of the racial category “Black.”
Their Black social identities and their interpretations of media were mutually constructed within
a larger learning ecology that implicitly and explicitly emphasized race and its various
intersections. Adolescents in this study revealed that they were drawn to and desired more Black
representation in the media that 1) promoted racialized learning and beliefs systems, 2) affirmed
their intellectual abilities, 3) incorporated more inclusive politics and diverse representations of
Black people, and 4) allowed them to use film, television, and social media as an educational
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source for the Black community. These four components comprise the first of three constructs
for MCBAI.
Racial Beliefs: The first core component of Black social identities are the racial beliefs
that adolescents develop through their interpretations of media images and messages. These
racial beliefs are constructed via evaluations of messages through representations, and ultimately
inform adolescents’ Black social identities. Findings of racial beliefs emerged as adolescents
shared and discussed what they learned from film, television, and social media. Specifically,
media served as a pedagogical tool where adolescents learned through their interpretations
messages, and their racialized meanings that informed beliefs about the societal and
psychological plight of Black people. In this first quote from Carlos, he describes what the film
Get Out (2017) taught him about racism:
Carlos: And Get Out also taught me a lot. It taught me a lot. How a white person
can get in your head.

Carlos credits the message of Get Out with informing him on the psychological effects of racism,
on an interpersonal basis. On an institutional level, Jay described during her social media think-
a-loud how the short film Thug (2017) informed her beliefs on criminal justice reform and
protest:
Jay Tweet: #THUG is relevant because it realistically shows how the justice
system continues to fail Black people and that we have so much power when we
choose to speak up

In addition to sharing how media informed their racial beliefs, some adolescents, like Darius,
used social and popular media to express their racial beliefs. Figure 2 is a screenshot image of a
video Darius shared on his Instagram from the movie Shrek (2001). In the clip, Shrek explains to
his friend, Donkey, how it feels to be a social outcast. In the comments section of the post,
Darius, and his friends discuss how this clip is relevant to having a Black identity.
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Figure 2. Darius Instagram Post

The racialized beliefs shared by Carlos, Jay, and Darius show how media representations
are useful, and can be used by adolescents, to construct racialized beliefs. Specific to Darius’s
video using Shrek as an interpretation for race and social stigmatism, adolescents understood
their racialized beliefs from media as informative to their Black identities. The ability of
adolescents to interpret media in ways that shape their beliefs on race and racism is an important
component to how they ultimately co-construct Black social identities. This is demonstrated via
Carlos’ interpretation of Get Out’s message of racism on a psychological level, Jay’s belief in
Black agency for social change, as prompted by Thug, and Darius’ and his friends’ conversations
about Black people’s social positioning through the Shrek meme.
Intellectual Affirmations: Black adolescents also frequently described how they were
drawn to media representations that affirmed their groups’ intellectual abilities. More
specifically, these participants noted how the intellect of Black people is portrayed in a variety of
ways, including traditional academic achievement, street-smarts, and critical/strategic thinking,
all of which are useful to their constructions of intellectual ability. For instance, participants like
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Logan and Jay noted how Black intelligence is also portrayed through careers that require
advanced education:
Logan: I feel like most of the TV shows that I watch, if they have Black
characters, they’re smart. Grey's Anatomy, like they’re doctors, of course they're
going to be smart. Like Scandal, Olivia Pope is super smart. This Is Us, Randall,
super smart. Yeah, I feel like all the shows that I watch, a lot of them of just…
brilliant.

Jay: Watching it (How to Get Away with Murder), it was just like, how she
(Annalise Keating) has all that experience, but it's like she makes it work the way
she does. The way she gets her students out of trouble, she was just so smart, and
a good problem solver, even though some things she did weren't okay.

In these two quotes, Logan and Jay describe how they are most often drawn to television shows
that depict Black intelligence through the careers of the characters, which they have evaluated as
“smart”. In the examples they provided, Logan and Jay discussed the portrayal of Black doctors,
lawyers, politicians, and public relation consultants, all of which are considered highly skilled
jobs, which require years of academic and professional training. Beyond simply naming these
careers as simply “smart” jobs, Jay adds to the ways that television shows portray this
intelligence is by highlighting the problem solving skills and experience of characters, Annalise
Keating in particular.
While Jay and Logan provided examples and rationales for recognizing the traditionally
praised representations of Black intellectual abilities and achievement, other adolescents were
drawn to the multiple forms of intelligence that are culturally valued by Black adolescents. In
response to a question about whether or not he believes representation in film and television is
important, Jojo responded by saying:
Jojo: Yeah, yeah I do. But not just doing anything though, doing something
productive. Showing Black people with brilliance, showing their true, their inner
brilliance. 'Cause everybody has a brilliance, or has a brilliance in some area, in
some field. It doesn't always have to be academic, but right now it's sad to say that
Black and Brown people have been placed in a box that's like, that's so effed up.
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In this quote, Jojo explicitly states that representation for Black people in popular media serves a
distinct purpose. He believes that representation should be “productive”, specifically, he wants to
see Black people’s “inner brilliance”, which can manifest in different forms that are not
necessarily traditionally academic. He further underscores this point by alluding to how Black
and Brown people have been historically stigmatized and stereotyped in ways that limits the
portrayal of their humanity. When discussing the show Atlanta (2016), Xavier, describes a
similar sentiment, as he points other forms of valuable intelligences. In this instance, he
describes the concept of “street knowledge”:
Xavier: I feel like all of them show that we have different forms of intelligence. It
shows that, like in Atlanta, we have street knowledge, and that's a real thing.
You've got to know, really know how to move in the hood because, if not, it won't
be too nice for you.

Xavier’s example of street smarts being a form of intelligence that is essential to navigating the
intersection of race and class is important to note, because of how media representations can
affirm non-traditional and cultural ways of knowing that are important to identity construction.
Xavier’s ability to relate to the representations displayed in Atlanta (discussed in intervening
conditions) provide an intellectually affirming source of media that is not always explicit, but is
understood by those who deem these portrayals to be authentic.
The critical thinking and strategic skills demonstrated by these characters were often
cited as points of interest and identification between participant and character. For instance,
John, who aspires to become a federal agent for the CIA and/or INTERPOL was drawn to
Michael B. Jordan’s portrayal of Erik Killmonger in Black Panther:
John: And the thing I liked about his strategy was it was divide and conquer,
because they had multiple spies in a different parts of the country. They had spies
in New York City, like anywhere across the United States, across the globe. They
had some in Asia because, working as a spy, you do have to go deep cover in
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different situations, and they were going deep cover because they could keep their
cool in different situations.

John’s appreciation for Killmonger’s strategy was reflective of the level of respect he had for the
character’s intelligence, particularly when it came to military practices. John also demonstrates
his own knowledge of spy characteristics by identifying the scenarios and skills necessary to
fulfill the duties. This identification with the character’s intellectual ability alongside his own,
within the context of wanting to enter a similar career field, indicates how representations of
Black intellect are sought after and appreciated by the adolescents that identify with them.
The importance of seeing Black people’s intellectual abilities affirmed in media cannot
be understated, in terms of its importance to social identities. The association of Black
intelligence is multifaceted and includes participants’ own in-group evaluations of what
representations and actions are deemed “smart”. The adolescents in this study sought
intellectually affirming sources in popular media that they felt reflected their interests in seeing
Black people being shown to have numerous accomplishments, titles, and skills. This deep and
diverse understanding of Black intellectual ability was undergirded by an overarching
construction of the Black community being a heterogeneous social group, where representation
of all Black lives is important.
Inclusivity: Adolescents in this study not only identified with representations that were
congruent with their individual identities and experiences, but they also felt a desire to see more
inclusive representations of Black people that have been historically neglected. In particular,
participants especially desired to see more representations of Black LGBTQ identities and stories
in media. During the social media think-a-louds, Nay tweeted “I just finished the new episode of
#TheFlash… Lesbian Nora Rise!!!” In this tweet, Nay expressed excitement about the character
Nora West-Allen, a Black superhero’s revelation of her sexual identity. Nay’s interest in seeing
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Black LGBTQ representation in film and television was shared by Logan and Xavier who
speculated on intersectional forms of oppression in media as a reason for the lack of diversity.
Logan: I feel like we don't see a lot of Black trans people on TV, or like Black
LGBTQ community, really. I feel like maybe, the thought is, is we don't want too
many minorities in one? On a show, you have a gay character and you'll have a
Black character. But you rarely see a Black, gay character. And so maybe, they
don't want to show that?

In the preceding quote, Logan points out the lack of representation of Black LGBTQ community,
and references the idea of “too many minorities in one.” Her belief is that the entertainment
industry is not adept or willing to show multilayered representations of Black people that extend
beyond the singular concept of race. Logan goes on to speculate the same idea when it comes to
the lack of representation of Black people with varying levels of physical and mental ability:
Logan: So yeah, the LGBTQ community or like Black people with disabilities.
You don't see that a lot either. There is TV shows, with people with disabilities,
but the only TV show that I can think of with a Black person, with a disability, is
Malcolm in The Middle. There is not another TV show that I could think of… I
think it's probably the same, like the LGBTQ community, they just don't want to
show a Black person, with too many minorities. Especially with a disability, they
probably don't want to show more weakness. Because, not that disabilities are
necessarily a weakness, but it looks like that by society. So they don't want to
have a Black person come off, as less strong, when they already have being
Black, working against them.

In this portion of the one-on-one interview, Logan is specifically describing the oppressive views
and structure of society when it comes to race, sexuality, and ability. She again suggests that the
intersection of having “too many minority” identities is viewed as a detriment to the
development of a Black character. Although Logan desires to see more inclusive representations
of the Black community in media, she recognizes how multiple forms of systemic oppression
interact in ways that prohibit their proliferation. Xavier shared a similar sentiment:
Xavier: Definitely because of the intersectional oppression of Black trans people,
homophobia, transphobia. Transphobia comes from Black people and white
people. I think that's a large reason why. A lot of people just really don't
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understand. They're really ignorant to that experience. On the day-to-day, a lot of
people don't come in contact with trans people, let alone Black trans people, and
don't understand the struggles that they go through. I'm not a Black trans man, but
I understand that, and I can sympathize with their struggle, being both Black and
trying to be comfortable in their identity, so ignorance, mostly.

In reference to Black trans representation, specifically, Xavier notes that intersectional forms of
oppression are at play when media decides which types of Black experiences are shown in film
and television. In this quote, Xavier cites the “ignorance” of people, both Black and white, when
it comes to the experience of trans people, which is further complicated when intersecting with a
racialized identity. Xavier notes that while he is not trans, he sympathizes with the shared
struggle of Blackness and locating security with identity. In addition to Logan’s statement of
“too many minorities in one”, this quote suggests that these Black adolescents recognize how a
lack of understanding the heterogeneous experiences within the Black community results in the
deprivation of media representations for all Black people. When speculating as to why she
believes representation is important to groups that have been historically marginalized in Black
social settings, Logan stated that:
Logan: I think it would be very important for them. Probably very life changing
for them to see, representation, because it's really not on screen. It's hard to not
have anybody that you identify with.

Logan’s comment indicates that representation in media is seen as not only valuable for those
who are able to find relatable characters and stories, but also for those who remain at the margins
of popular culture. Logan’s suggestion that “it’s hard not to have anybody that you identify with”
suggests that she has personally found difficulty in finding adequate representation, while also
empathizing with Black LGBTQ and Black people with varying abilities, who she argues have
even fewer representations in media.
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Although participants generally espoused inclusive politics, some adolescents were
observed on social media using homophobic slurs and ableist language when joking on social
media. This problematic use of slurs generated an interesting tension among the participants who
used them, as their beliefs in one-on-one interviews suggested that they believe in an inclusive
community for all Black people. The following quote from Rayshon, when discussing the use of
homophobic language by comedian Kevin Hart, sheds light on the belief system of many of the
participants who thought that there is a blurred line between telling jokes and being offensive to
other people.
Rayshon: I look at it this way, it's just to make people laugh. It's stuff that they
don't mean, so I look at it like that. Some people take it, you know, too far.

Here, it is suggested that comedy should be understood as a lighthearted form of entertainment,
but there is an awareness that some comedians “take it… too far”. Within the context of my
interview with Rayshon about Kevin Hart’s history of homophobic “jokes”, it should be noted
how the Black LGBTQ community is often forgotten or negatively looked upon by Black and
non-Black folk, alike. Along with Logan, Nay, Rayshon and Xavier, the majority of participants
held inclusive social politics that indicated representation matters for every Black person, not just
straight, cis-gendered, able-bodied individuals. This was perhaps best captured by a retweeted
post from Kristina, who shared the sentiment the belief that Blackness must be inclusive:
Kristina Retweet: also if your definition of pro-black only includes straight/binary
Black ppl, unfollow me immediately please & thank you.

The inclusive perspectives born out of the (lack of) representations in assorted forms of media
suggest that Black social identities that are identified through media are generating a more
holistic socio-political understanding of Blackness, which was backed up by findings that
showed Black adolescents using popular media for educational purposes.
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Group Education: Participants used popular and social media to promote peer-education
and academic achievement, through content creation for the purposes of racial group education.
Adolescents did this in variety of ways, such as hosting movie nights at school and generating
discussions around popular memes. A majority of adolescents in this study were members of
their schools’ Black Student Union (BSU), and often used film, television, and social media as
ways to raise critical consciousness and awareness of Black issues in school. For instance, Traci
and Kayla talked about how their BSUs used the films The Spook That Sat by The Door (1973)
and Black Panther (2018) to engage their fellow classmates in discussions on race:
Traci: We'll mainly talk about discussions like how our grades are going, any
problems that we have. Sometimes we'll have movie nights. Like I think the last
one we had, we haven't really started up this year, but last year we watched 'The
Spook That Sat Next to The Door.”

Kayla: We just wanted to address that issue in terms of like, “why is that
important?” We wanted our club members to be able to analyze that. Why do you
feel a sense of happiness and joy or just pride when you see yourself up on the big
screen? Not just “Oh, look. This is a great movie.” But “why is it a great movie?”
What aspects of it make it great? We really dissected that, in terms of the Black
Panther in particular, the cultural representation. I’m African so just seeing that
was like beautiful to me, because I was like “Wow, they really got it right.”…
And then when we talked about it other people felt like that too, just in different
ways. Some people connected to T’Challa more, and then some people to
Kilmonger. Then we kind of delved into the issue of African American culture
and that culture clash with African culture, and like why there’s division amongst
us. And I feel like that movie kind of showed both sides of the spectrum. So it
kind of in a sense connected us more, because there’s a lot of things in common.
We’re both from the motherland.

The first quote from Traci highlights how movies are frequently used as part of the BSUs’ event
planning to grow community and foster discussions about race. The use of the film The Spook
That Sat by The Door indicates that these movie nights serve to not only entertain, but to provide
a backdrop for historical analysis amongst students. Kayla’s excerpt explains the unique of
ability of a particular movie, Black Panther, to generate conversations about race within an
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academic setting. Specifically, Kayla and her classmates’ ability to relate with the movies’
ideological conflict between African and African American perspectives was used to discuss,
nuance, and build connections across diasporic identities. The use of popular media in schools,
through the organizing of Black student leaders indicates that commercial films are valuable
sources of racialized learning and building tools for school culture. Again, this demonstrates the
multitude of Black social identities that exist in schools and how popular media serves as a
learning device for those who are represented.
At the intersection of popular media and social media is the use of viral memes.
Participants often discussed how memes are used as a source of comedic entertainment, but also
as awareness raising and learning tools. Adolescents in this study used memes to convey their
thoughts and share information through the use of images that were often times from popular
television shows and movies. In Figure 3, Xavier shared a meme on his Instagram story from The
Simpsons (1989) to encourage others to learn about Kwanzaa. Provided in the picture is the
source material from the television show, along with a link that provides information about the
religious holiday. As the president of his school’s BSU Xavier took an active role in providing
group education among his fellow peers. Other participants also used social media to raise
awareness about various cultural events, protests, and social activities at school. While Xavier
typically used social media and memes to spread information about Black history and BSU
events, he did describe a particular event where he used his Instagram to address a racist incident
that occurred at his school:
Xavier: I went on my story, and I did videos of why Black spaces are important
on campus, why we can't feed into that type of ignorance, and why people like
that are not only detrimental to BSU but detrimental to the school as a whole,
because BSU is a large part of the school.

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Figure 3. Xavier’s Instagram Story Post

Through the use of social media, participants like Xavier are able to provide valuable educational
resources to their peers, as well as other adolescents who may attend other schools, but follow
them on various platforms. The interconnected nature of popular and social media provides a
unique educational opportunity that blends creativity and cultural competency among
adolescents that engage both mediums. Participants that used media to provide opportunities for
group education highlighted the value of film and television to their learning experiences, as well
as their fellow students. This contributed to the development of Black social identities that are
actively engaging media representations in ways that educationally beneficial to all adolescents
within their learning environments.
Taken together, Black adolescents in this study sought to representations that affirmed
their groups’ various intellectual abilities, created a more inclusive understanding of Blackness,
and took up educational leadership roles, in school and online, to develop Black social identities
that are essential to the construction of their academic identities. These Black social identities
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represent one of the three key constructs that enable media co-constructed academic identities
among youth. Intellectual, inclusive, and educational understandings of media representations
are particularly useful students, whose identities are inherently tied to their academic and
personal aspirations.
Academic Aspirations

Academic identities that are constructed through the assistance of representations from
popular and social media were comprised of unique academic aspirations. These aspirations
often emerged through participants’ strivings towards their general academic inspirations, as
well as attending college, identification with subjects, and subject specific learning, which were
portrayed on film and television, as well as shared on social media. Academic aspirations often
manifested through participants’ explicit descriptions of their educational goals, as well as their
subtle and indirect interactions with academic institutions. As previously discussed, Black social
identities were expansive and diverse; the same is true for the adolescents’ academic aspirations,
which were informed by the media they engage and how they portray Black students navigating
educational spaces.
Academic Inspirations: Adolescents used media representations to develop academic
inspirations. Participants, in this study, located specific characters that shared similar identities
and academic interests that they identified with. These relevant representations were inspiring,
particularly when it came to their academic success. In the following quote from Nay, a STEM
major, she described how the character Shuri from Black Panther inspires her to become a leader
in her field of study:
Nay: Well, before the movie even came out, I heard that she was supposed to be
16 and I was like, “oh I’m close to that age.” And then, they were like, “she’s the
smartest in the entire MCU” and I was like, “okay, she’s gonna be my favorite.”
And then, I watched the movie and she was hilarious and she’s in charge of all the
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tech in Wakanda. I thought that was really cool, and I was kind of like, “that’s
what I want to be.” I want to be the authority in something.

Nay explains, further, why the representation of Shuri is particularly inspiring for her, and Black
students in general:
Nay: That Black people don’t have to stick to the idea that they can’t really go
into STEM fields and that they could really do anything that they want. And they
shouldn’t let other people stop them from doing what they want.

In another example of academic inspirations, Logan describes how the character of Aunt Viv
from The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air provides a representation of Black womanhood that she could
aspire to:
Logan: She was so strong, independent, and she was a good mother and good to
her family, a good wife. But she was a professor, and she still did what she had to
do to achieve her accomplishments. Like the dance episode; when they told her
she couldn't do something, and she proved that she could do it. I feel like that's
someone I could really look up to.

Here, Logan provides a holistic view of Aunt Viv as an inspiring character, but also makes a
specific point to highlight the characters’ role as a professor. As a college student, Logan’s
appreciation for Aunt Viv’s academic career provides inspiration to achieve in ways that can
develop her academic identity.
Attending College: One of the more prominent, and specific, ways that academic
aspirations emerged in this study was through participants’ identification with attending or desire
to attend college. Shows that center the Black student experience at college, such as A Different
World, Dear White People (2017), and Grown-ish were among the most popular shows for
adolescents, and were praised for their relatability and accurate depictions of college. In this
quote, Jay, a freshman in college describes how she gravitated to the show Grown-ish:
Jay: Okay, so it's new. I've wanted to watch it because, when it came out I was a
senior, and it was like oh, starting off the first year of college which is where I am
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now. So I was like, “Oh I can relate to this. It's just relatable, so that's why I like
that show.”

Logan, another college freshman shared a similar sentiment; pointing out how the show
portrayed an image of college that she could expect upon her arrival. Both Logan and Jay are
able to identify with the show based on its context and their own experiences as adolescents
going through the transition from high school to college. Both participants discussed the show in
remembrance of how it prepared them for college, and how it is more or less an accurate
depiction of Black college life.
Logan: Probably because they're geared towards a college student. That's the time
of my life, I'm in right now. And Grown-ish, I feel like that's probably more what
I expected college to be like. Like the diverse friend group and like, all this stuff
happening. I feel it showed her struggles really well. That is probably a college
experience, that is not, too far off in a lot of college experiences. So I like that
show. And then, Dear White People, I feel like it touches on a lot of stuff that
happens on college campuses when it comes to race.

Another important finding from this excerpt is how Logan compared the plot of Grown-ish to
Dear White People. Although both shows feature Black main and supporting characters, Logan,
feels as though Grown-ish speaks to the interpersonal experiences of Black college students;
whereas Dear White People specifically engages the topic of race and racism. Both portrayals
highlight elements of Black college life that these participants felt prepared them for college life
at predominately white institutions (PWI).
While Dear White People and Grown-ish offer contemporary, on screen, renditions of
Black college experiences at PWI’s, participants also frequently mentioned A Different World
(1987), as a formative portrayal for their academic aspirations. The prominence of streaming
platforms like Netflix and Hulu have allowed adolescents of today to engage television shows
and movies from the past and incorporate them into modern popular culture. Kayla retweeted a
post that simply said “A Different World and Chill?” An emblematic use of the popular phrase
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“Netflix and Chill” that also captures how the show has been taken up by the current generation
of adolescents. In an interview, Kayla describes how A Different World pushes back against
common tropes of college:
Kayla: With A Different World it was just like, I see all these other movies about
“Oh, this is how college is. Blah, blah, blah.” It’s one party after the next. No one
really goes to class, because classes don’t really exist, I guess, in those movies.
But A Different World gave me a more valid perception of what happens. It’s not
just, you know, running around rainbows and sunshine in college. They really
addressed serious issues that were going on. And that kind of opened my eyes.

In addition to providing a more accurate portrayal of the Black college experience, shows
like A Different World provide adolescents the opportunity to see themselves as college students.
In the following quote, Xavier describes how the A Different World gave him a visual
representation to aspire towards for attending college:
Xavier: A Different World, because you don't really think about us being in
places like USC. Even though I was always education-thinking, I still had a hard
time fathoming myself in these places. A Different World kind of gives you that
visualization of what it could be like being in college, being Black and being
young and living your life.

It is important to note that Xavier identifies himself as always “education thinking”, suggesting
that he had already developed a strong academic identity. A Different World, however, provided
him with the opportunity to see himself in contexts and having experiences he previously
believed were not accessible. Also, of important note from this quote, as well as Kayla’s, is that
the show gives adolescents an example of a holistic Black academic experience that included not
just going to school, but also matriculating through young adulthood.
Television shows and films were not the only forms of media that Black adolescents used
to construct their academic aspirations. Social media also served as an interest-based tool for
engagement with academic endeavors. Participants in this study frequently used social media to
share their academic experiences, as well as explore their desires and learn more about their
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academic futures and attending college. In the following quote, Traci, a senior in high school,
who is planning on majoring in Nursing uses a YouTube vlogging channel to learn more about
college:
Traci: There's one, it's like beauty and brains one, she recently just graduated from
Spelman, and I think she was a biomed major, and she just showed us the
everyday college life. Her dorm room, and when she would go to homecoming;
what they get to do in their free time… She does Q & A and she'll tell us her SAT
scores; things like that. What she put on her application, which made them want
to accept her…I learned what Spelman has to offer.

Here, Traci actively sought a YouTube vlogger who provided insights into what she could expect
when attending at an HBCU. Relative to Traci’s particular academic aspirations, the vlogger had
a similar major to Traci’s desired academic pursuit in nursing. Traci’s ability to find a common
interest in her academic aspirations is one major aspect of this finding. Another key point is how
Traci is able to learn as a passive viewer and as an active participant with this social media. The
multidirectional mode of communication through YouTube’s comment and messaging system
allows for the opportunity to learn more about how to reach her educational goals of attending
college. In sum, Traci, like other adolescents who are interested in exploring college admissions
and lifestyle was able to learn about the process, as well as the culture of specific schools. As
mentioned in this quote, Traci, felt that she learned a lot about Spelman, an Historically Black
College/University (HBCU), despite living in an entirely different region in the United States.
Additionally, social media provided a space for adolescents to demonstrate their
academic aspirations through their own posts and content creation. Instagram and Twitter, in
particular, were useful venues for these adolescents to showcase their aspirations and journeys
towards college. Participants shared stories about their experiences during finals week, school
events, and their college selection process. As seen in Figure 4:

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Figure 4. Kristina’s Instagram Story Post 1

In this post, Kristina takes on the role of content creator, similar to the one that Traci used to
explore Spelman, by posting a picture with an accompanying question. Rather than directly
answering Kristina’s question, the respondent pointed out Kristina’s Pennsylvania State
University (PSU) sweater. Kristina’s reply that she is only wearing the apparel because of her
cousin, is followed up by her revelation that she also was admitted to the school. Although
Kristina does not state whether she aspires to attend PSU, this post does indicate that there is a
sense of accomplishment in her acceptance and a desire to attend college.
Identification with Majors and Subjects: In addition to the aspiration of attending college
and living the Black student experience, popular media also assisted in the development of
academic identities relative to specific majors and course selections. As shown in Traci’s
previous example of the YouTube vlog she follows, Black adolescents sought representations in
film and television that were directly related to their current or desired majors of choice.
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Participants expressed interest in media portrayals that included a wide variety of majors and
fields of study, including journalism, STEM, law, music, and medicine:
Logan: I still watch Grey's Anatomy. But when I was little, I thought I wanted to
be a doctor, because of Grey's Anatomy. With the Bold Type, I knew I was
thinking about a journalism major, but that show probably pushed me more
towards being a journalism major. There's a Black girl there. She's being really
successful.

In this quote from Logan, discusses how Grey’s Anatomy initially drew her interest, because of
her desire to become a doctor. She states that as her interest in journalism became more apparent
she was drawn to the television show, The Bold Type (2017), which further encouraged her
decision to select that major. In particular, Logan focuses her attention on the “Black girl” (Kat
Edison, portrayed by Aisha Dee) as someone she deems successful in the field of journalism.
Logan directly credits the television show and its Black character as a point of identification for
her to pursuit of the major.
Social media served as a tool and venue for adolescents to demonstrate their
identification with particular subjects and their aspiring majors. Darius, an Afro-Latinx high
school student who plans to major in child development/therapy in college uses his Instagram
page to share memes that deal with depression and anxiety (Figure 5). In this post, Darius has
shared a video clip from the film Guardians of the Galaxy (2014), in which the character, Rocket
Raccoon (Bradley Cooper) is explaining his difficult life as a product of an experiment, and why
it makes him react negatively to various social situations and conflicts. Darius adds captions
“Rocket has it tough tbh (to be honest)” as a way to empathize with the character. This example,
again, offers insight into the interconnected nature of popular and social media, along with the
ways in which adolescents are able to link their interests to the meanings behind images. Darius’
entire Instagram page is dedicated to these “sad memes”, many of which feature pictures and
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videos from prominent films and television shows, and are often times accompanied by captions
expressing empathy and dark humor. People frequently leave comments on Darius’ page that
show support and empathy.
Figure 5. Darius’s Instagram Post 2

Key to this finding, and the example of Darius’ Instagram account, is his expressed
commitment to becoming a child therapist. While observing Darius’ page I asked him what
motivates him to post this content and if he feels like the dark nature of some memes is helpful.
Darius responded by saying:
Darius: I think it just mainly has to do with the fact that not everyone is how they
show it. I realized that a lot of people I follow are really positive and whatnot,
where it turns out they were really edgy, or they weren't positive and happy
because they wanted to. It was kind of like a face, pretty much. It's kind of like if I
opened another part.

In his response, Darius is critiquing the nature of Instagram as a platform that encourages users
to generate an unrealistic and unhealthy façade of happiness about life. Darius believes that his
account allows space for individual to have an honest conversation about unhappiness. Darius
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shares more about how his take to social media and memes reflects his perspective as a future
child development major:
Darius: As far as what got me into it? I'm not actually sure. It was just kind of
something that I thought was interesting, and I looked into it. I guess it's
interesting. For me, it's always been like, helping other people with their
problems. I realize that when it comes to younger kids, and teenagers, and
whatnot, you don't actually hear too much about how to help them. You don't hear
too many people understanding how to help them. I guess for my background,
pretty much, there was a bunch of different stuff going on as I grew up, so
someone going through a similar situation, I guess I'd be able to help them better
than someone that's never been through that situation, and just wants to try to
understand it.

In this quote, Darius, is describing how he is motivated by his own experiences growing up and
how they inform his interconnected personal and academic aspirations. Specifically, he describes
how he is interested in child development as a field of study, and then transitions into the ways
he sees himself currently, and in the future, using what he’s learned as a professional. Darius’
current use of social media, memes in particular, are his avenue to identifying with a subject field
and future career. Although Darius’ use of social media and how it is related to his academic
major is distinctly different from Logan’s example, they both unearth a finding that indicates
media representations are useful tools for assisting Black adolescents who identify with
particular fields of study.
Learning with Media: The final component that comprises the category of academic
aspirations, is the ability to learn with media. Learning with media was unearthed as an
important finding, due to the variety ways and topics that adolescents learned through media.
Distinct from the previously reported component of Group Learning, Learning with Media
focuses on the agentic use of technology and media as a communicative information source for
the individual. Participants discussed using social media to understand concepts and
communicate with friends about school work, as well as interpreting messages about race and
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Black history. In the following quote Drea describes how social media, group chats in particular,
are valuable tools for communication about school projects:
Drea: We created little group chats basically, we'd get little study guides or
something and say one person got everything right on the study guide, we'd just
basically share the study guide with each other to help each other out. Or, we'd
work together so that helped us.

Here, Drea is describing how social media group chats are created amongst friends, with the
specific tasks of developing study guides. Drea’s brother, Jermaine, spoke about the essential
nature of social media in allowing communication among friends (discussed below). Drea and
her friends use this affordance of social media to directly benefit their educational experience by
creating a collaborative learning environment through messaging and sharing of information.
Another way that adolescents use social media to assist in their learning experience is to
seek public discourse about academic topics that occur on various platforms. Darius describes
how he has used Instagram and meme pages to learn about specific topics that he needed
assistance with. The first quote describes his process of looking for help with math, and the
second explains the specific skills he was able to develop for computing coding:
Darius: I would honestly say, probably like messaging someone you know
understands it. Not someone you know, in a sense of someone that's been through
it before. I know I had someone ... Sometimes as you go through comment
sections on certain meme pages, they'll be talking about how they need help with
a certain math subject. I did that once, and I actually had someone message me,
offering me help.

Darius: Yeah. I used it a few times for computer coding. There are certain pages
that will post on how to do ... how to attach images to the background in websites
and stuff like that. That was last year heavily, because I had a computer coding
class. I needed a lot of help on that, and that's what I ended up using it for.

Darius begins the first quote by sharing similar a process that Drea describes, by sending a
message to someone who is viewed as an expert on a topic. He then notes that he has received
assistance on social media from someone he did not know personally. Specifically, he discusses
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how he may look for help by visiting meme pages on the topic and that people are open to
helping others learn more about the subject, in his case it was math. In the second quote, Darius
talks about the particular computing skills he’s learned through Instagram accounts. Again,
Darius is seeking assistance and developing academic skills via social media platforms that
incorporate memes as online learning tools. Critical to this finding is how Darius, and others,
initiate these learning opportunities with media, as they show a proclivity towards topics and
learning.
In addition to learning about specific academic subjects, adolescents in this study learned
through popular film about race, racism, and Black history. Carlos, describes how the
independent film 500 Years Later (2005) taught him “a lot about slavery and how they got out.”
When it comes to commercial film, Carlos, a fan of horror films, credited Get Out (2017) as an
insightful portrayal of racism. His appreciation for the film’s message was shared by Kayla who
thought the movie tied together contemporary issues alongside Black history:
Kayla: Get Out. Get Out was good. We talked about that in the sense that it
addressed the issue that racism is still very much here. There’s a lot of disillusion
going around Kanye West that racism was a choice—or racism—or slavery was a
choice, or that other people saying racism isn’t here. “African Americans or
minority groups are the one’s holding themselves down”, but that’s not the case.
So I feel like that movie, just the way it was enacted was just like “Wow, this is
what they’re doing.” They wanted to transfer their minds into the bodies of
African Americans. Trace that back into slavery. In the sense that we’re—they
didn’t see us as equal, but they knew that we were stronger.

In a previous quote, Carlos’ suggested that Get Out helped him learn about racism, in particular,
the psychological effects of how white supremacy can affect the mental wellbeing of Black
people. This sentiment was shared by Kayla, who also felt that Get Out provided her, and others,
learning opportunities and the chance to analyze misconceptions about slavery.
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In her quote, Kayla, links her interpretation of Get Out’s message with controversial
statements made by rapper Kanye West. She suggests that Kanye was under the same influence
that movie metaphorically portrayed, while also pointing to historically inaccurate perspectives
on the history of racism and enslavement. This critical engagement across media and topics show
the evaluation processes adolescents engage in, as active learners with media who apply their
knowledge sources with contemporary events. Kayla and Carlos’ crediting of Get Out as an
informative example of media, designed for analysis of race and racism, coupled with the
opportunity to learn subjects via social media point to the value of learning through media
among adolescents.
Personal Aspirations

Alongside adolescents’ academic aspirations were their personal aspirations, which were
similarly co-constructed by media. Personal aspirations emerged as distinct findings, yet
sometimes intersected with participants’ academic aspirations. Adolescents, in this study,
routinely discussed their life goals. For instance, John and Jermaine discussed their “5 to 10-year
life plans”, while others held personal goals that were not necessarily tethered to temporal
markers. Regardless of how they constructed their pathways to achieving their desires, the
personal aspirations emerged in four distinct ways when engaging with media: 1) Personal
Inspirations, 2) Choosing Career Paths, 3) Achieving Financial Stability, 4) Uplifting Their
Families and Community. These four components comprise the final construct of the central
phenomenon of media co-constructed Black academic identities.
Personal Inspirations: Similar to the previously discussed academic inspirations,
personal inspirations were also found as key components to adolescents’ development of media
co-constructed Black academic identities. The personal inspirations that adolescents located
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through media were important findings that go on to shape their personal aspirations. Unique to
personal inspirations was how adolescents used fictional characters, alongside their real life
actors and actresses that portray them to find inspiring sources. In the following quote, Jordan
describes how the actor, Michael B Jordan, and the characters he plays are inspiring for him to
continue his various personal goals:
Jordan: I mean, well Michael B, it shows that in his movies and stuff that ... And
Creed, you might fall but you always gotta get up. I might get knocked down, I
might get knocked out, but you always gotta get up.

Jordan feels that the characters Michael B Jordan plays, Adonis Creed in particular, provide
inspiring analogies for personal success and perseverance. Similarly, Michelle describes how
Yara Shahidi, who plays Zoe on Grown-ish and Black-ish provides a inspiring example on and
off camera:
Michelle: Yara, she’s literally her character on and off camera. She puts a little bit
of herself into it and out. I have not met but I went to a conference that she was
speaking at and I mean, she was the same way as when I watch her on TV. I really
kinda want to be like her when I grow up. I wanna be as successful as she is, cuz,
you know, she’s in Harvard and I don’t want to go to Harvard, but the fact that
she’s just an actor, a really good one, and a model, and she’s going to Harvard,
that’s really motivating for me. So, she’s very motivational.

Similar to Logan’s description of Aunt Viv, Michelle found that Yara Shahidi and the characters
she plays as all around inspirational sources. Like Jordan, as well, Michelle finds the personal
and portrayed success of Yara as personally inspiring in ways that include and extend beyond
academia. The validation of personal success that leads to motivating representations is captured
in this quote from Traci, as well:
Traci: Yeah. It was like, they do an award show called Black Girls Rock, and
basically they're just showing Black girls and applauding them for their
accomplishments and things like that.

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Traci appreciates the award show Black Girls Rock! (2006), because of the shows’ focus
on Black girls and women’s accomplishments. These shows that highlight the career success of
Black women in particular, and Black people in general, provide adolescents with real life
representations that are personally motivating. These personal inspirations broadly inform the
aspirations of Black youth using media to construct their academic identities.
Career Paths: As previously demonstrated with the selection of majors, adolescents were
drawn to popular media representations that they identified as useful to the development of their
identities, specifically as they pertaining to their desired career goals. Although some students,
such as Logan, found representations relative to her academic and career pursuits, other
participants took a more personal, and less explicitly academic, approach to engagement with
media that portrayed their desired career. For instance, Drea described in her survey, and
discussed in our interview, how she personally and ideologically identified with the Netflix
drama, Seven Seconds, in ways that fuel her aspirations to become a lawyer.
Survey Question 7: What are your favorite television shows? and why?
Drea Answer: Seven seconds because it shows what really goes on basically
almost everyday life for an African American

Drea: It made me want to do it even more because of how they try to put all the
blame on the little boy and all he did was ride the bike home.

Drea expressed her goals in attending college to study law, after her gap year, which again shows
how media representation encourage the development of academic aspirations, but here, Drea
was particularly motivated by the shows’ depiction of an unjust system that criminalizes Black
people. The connection between the academic aspirations and personal aspirations is key to the
larger phenomenon of media co-constructed Black academic identities, but the specific mention
of her personal connection to the show is the driving factor in choosing her career, in this
instance.
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Participants also identified with career representations in media that featured characters
with adjacent career paths, personality traits, and similar backgrounds. For instance, Jay, who
describes herself as a “reasonable” and “practical” individual that is majoring in sports medicine,
listed Grey’s Anatomy’s Dr. Miranda Bailey (Chandra Wilson) as someone she aspires to be like,
professionally:
Jay: She knew what she was doing. She had her experience. She was reasonable,
and she didn't do like stupid things like the younger doctors. Like, “Oh, this
person wants to take this method, but no, we should do this one”, and then she'd
do what she needed to do.

Jay identifies with Dr. Bailey on a personal level, locating their shared personality traits. This is
followed by her description of how Dr. Bailey uses those personality traits in professional
settings. As a sports medicine major, who also stated at one point she wanted to be a surgeon,
Jay believes that the shared traits between her and Dr. Bailey will be useful when practicing
medicine. An important note to make here is that Dr. Bailey is also the lead Black female nurse
on Grey’s Anatomy. Many participants found that representations that were congruent with their
identities were easiest to identify with (discussed below).
Although racial identity was a frequently cited point of reference that made most
representations more relatable for Black adolescents in this study, some notable exceptions
occurred, particularly with regards to career paths. Carlos cited Lieutenant Kelly Severide
(Taylor Kinney) from the television show Chicago Fire (2012) as a character he admired for his
professional and personal relatability:
Carlos: His dad. His dad walked out on him. And my dad, he kinda walked out on
me. I haven't known my dad since I came out of my mom. So it's just something
similar.

Carlos: The emotion that they give of their lives and them saving lives. That they
give it a hundred ten percent like it was their life on the line. That's how they treat
their victims…
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[Describing what the show teaches him] You don't have to always stay at the
bottom. There's positions that you can rank up and get higher and higher and
higher and higher and higher and higher. I want to go to the Navy, and Navy has
different ranks. That's telling me that there's chances for me that I can also rank
up and get up there, too.

In the first quote, Carlos is identifying with his favorite character on the show who is white, but
has a shared life experience of having a father that left at an early age. This aspect of the personal
connection to the character is something that Carlos praises the show for in the second quote,
when he says “the emotion that they give to their [the characters’] lives.” He goes on to say that
he admires the effort that the characters give, which leads into his further explanation of why he
values the show as an admirable representation for what he wishes to pursue as a career. Carlos
identifies both firefighting and enrolling in the Navy as service fields, where he can “rank up”
through hard work and dedication to the craft. In this instance, Chicago Fire, and Lieutenant
Severide, serve as guides for how to reach his own career goals.
When it comes to the specific ways that media representations can help co-construct
Black adolescents’ identification with careers paths, television shows can provide insight into
how to perform in the work environment. Kristina, a high school senior who wants to become a
journalist, talks about how Iris West (Candice Patton) from the television show, The Flash serves
as an informative representation for performing the duties of the job:
Kristina: I definitely think that's cool because in the show, she just attacks certain
platforms and tries to get her information, and tries to build up her person or her
portfolio, something like that. And it was definitely cool just seeing her being able
to be something that is a main part of the show, and yeah.

In her quote, Kristina admires Iris’ ability to get information about subjects she is passionate
about. She also describes how the show is unique in its portrayal of Iris’ journalism career.
Although The Flash is a superhero television show, Kristina appreciates how it intertwines the
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day-to-day work of a journalist, such as building a portfolio, into the larger narrative. Kristina’s
ability to identify with this plot point as an informative source for her own career reflects another
way that media representations are able to assist in the development of personal career paths.
Financial Stability: Another personal aspiration that media representations assisted in
developing were participants’ goals for achieving financial stability. With this component of the
personal aspiration construct, it is important to note that participants never discussed becoming
rich or wealthy, in directs terms, rather they sought financial independence and the ability to
provide for themselves and their families. This idea was expressly stated by Jermaine, when
discussing his desire to not play professional football, but rather to attend college and play semi-
pro football to “take care of [his] family”. When it comes to media representations in film and
television, specifically, participants shared this same view of achieving financial stability as the
characters that they identified with:
Jojo: In and outside of the show, he's a family man. There's nothing any of the
Wayans wouldn't do for each other. And inside the show, there's nothing he
wouldn't do for his family…He pretty much has it all. Nice big house, he's
financially stable, has three kids, beautiful wife, all his stuff is paid for.

In this quote, Jojo is talking about actor Damon Wayans and how his real life mirrors the life he
portrays on his television show My Wife and Kids (2001). Jojo pays particular attention to the life
that he sees Damon living on screen and in the media, when it comes to building a family and
having the financial means to support them. Jojo further elaborates on his perspective on
financial stability by saying:
Jojo: Making enough money to not necessarily move out of [the city], but move to
a slightly better part. Or just to have enough money--to have that money to where
we don't have to live this perversely.

Here, Jojo reiterates that he is not necessarily aspiring to become rich, but rather financial
independent enough to improve his living situation. Taken alongside with his admiration for
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Damon Wayans and My Wife and Kids, Jojo, along with other adolescents in this study
demonstrate how financial aspirations are more modest than they are extreme. Participants
aspired to emulate the characters and celebrities they see in media as a guide to their
achievement of monetary goals.
Community and Family Uplift: Related to financial stability was participants desire to see
their family and community uplifted, as it relates to the achievement of social progress. As noted
in Jojo’s excerpts on achieving financial stability, making “enough money” was a means to
improving situations and taking care of a family. The direct benefits of uplifting a family is one
component of a larger belief system, community uplift, whereby the adolescents’ viewed
themselves as part of a Black community where they are active participants. The representations
they engage with in popular media provide personally aspiring sources for these Black
adolescents to shape their views on family and community.
For family, in particular, participants cited television shows such as Black-ish, Fresh
Prince of Bel-Air, and This Is Us as having affirming representations of the Black family. Jay,
stated specifically that “I used to watch Family Matters. I just like the Black family. I love those
shows.” The appreciation for Black family oriented television was often discussed in interviews,
as well as focus groups. More insights into the value that Black adolescents put on to these
representations of family was evident in the data from social media. During her digital think-a-
loud, Kayla provided her thoughts on the Fresh Prince of Bel-Air:
Kayla Tweet: Forgot just how compelling of a show the Fresh Prince of Bel-Air
was and its teachings on racial integrity, family, strength, and perseverance

In this tweet, Kayla describe how the show provided teachable moments for its audience, around
topics of race, family, and social progress. “Strength” and “perseverance”, in this context, alludes
to the determination of individuals on the show within a racialized framework that centers the
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Black family. Kayla also expanded on Fresh Prince’s importance on helping her construct
personal aspirations in her descriptive survey:
Survey Question 7: What are your favorite television shows? Why?
Kayla Response: Fresh Prince of Bel Air ○ Successful black family, not divided
by drugs, violence, and social constructs, but still addressing these issues ○
Provided a basis for me as a young girl a successful model of a hardworking
family unit, but also understanding the importance of family values and how they
became successful.

Kayla’s thought process shows how she views the interconnected nature of Black family and
community, and how that ultimately is portrayed on television for individual aspiration.
Participants’ identification with popular media sources, such as film and television,
provides access to the ways that they understand themselves as part of larger communities. The
roles that Black adolescents take up in their communities are multifaceted and extend beyond
singular identities, such as “student”. Some participants, such as Xavier, identified themselves as
activists. In this sense, community becomes something Xavier is not only part of, but also fights
for. In the following quote, Xavier identifies Spike Lee’s Do the Right Thing (1989) among a
host of other movies that speak to his identities:
Xavier: Do the Right Thing, it speaks to me standing up for my community,
taking pride in my hood, taking pride in my people, taking pride in our culture,
loving hiphop, loving everything. I feel like all of these different films speak to a
different aspect of myself.

This quote serves as an exemplar for the broader ways in which media representations are
identifiable to Black adolescents in ways that shape the development of, and affirm, personal
aspirations. Here, Xavier is describing how Do the Right Thing affirms his identity as an activist,
specifically as an individual “standing up” for his community, “taking pride” in Black culture,
and “loving” all things Black. Xavier’s professed admiration for, and desire to, ensure the Black
community’s progress is a critical point of identification between himself and the films that he
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enjoys. The personal aspiration of community and family uplift is central to the construction
Black academic identities, which are informed by images and representations they see in popular
media.
In summary, the central phenomenon that emerged was the construction of media co-
constructed Black academic identities. The 3 core constructs: Black social identities, academic
aspirations, and personal aspirations, along with their components form an interconnected
matrix of racialized beliefs about the academic self. Specifically, the data indicated that, for
Black adolescents, academic aspirations are inherently personal and fueled by beliefs about race
and education. Related to these views, media co-constructed academic identities are the
expansive and diverse understandings of Black identity, which are identified with and desired in
the assorted forms of media participants engage with. Therefore, media co-constructed Black
academic identities are unique, because of the ways that adolescents engage and interpret media
to associate themselves, their pursuits, and their racial group to generate more comprehensive
understandings of their lives and their relationship to academic (personal) motivations,
achievement, and futures.
Perceived Causal Conditions

In traditional grounded theory research, causal conditions are the constructs and contexts
that are necessary to for the phenomenon to occur (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). In this study, I use
the term perceived causal conditions to indicate the various, overlapping social environments,
psychological constructs, and individual actors that socialize Black adolescents and their
perceptions of said conditions. In order for the aforementioned central phenomenon of media co-
constructed Black academic identities to occur, the interacting set of conditions must be in place.
These perceived causal conditions are located at the top of Figure 1 and are labeled: 1.
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Environment, 2. Identities, and 3. Experiences. All three constructs contain components that
interact with each other and the broader conditions. The perceived causal conditions are essential
to the model, as they play a foundational role in shaping how Black youth interpret, evaluate, and
ultimately identify with representations in media.
Environment

The various, and often times interconnected, environments that Black adolescents inhabit
construct their larger learning ecologies. In this study, four specific environments where
racialized learning occurred were identified by participants: 1) Family, 2) School, 3)
Neighborhood, and 4) Online. Each of these environments are comprised of individual actors
and/or institutions that assisted in the development of adolescents’ understandings of education,
race, and other identity based constructs, which were essential to their interpretation of media
representations. The various components of the environment construct in this model indicate
how the central phenomenon of media co-constructed Black academic identities are built upon
the learning ecologies adolescents engage with.
Family: Participants’ families played essential and formative roles in the development of
their racialized identities, educational values, and belief systems. Adolescents in this study had a
range of household structures, that included not only two parent homes, but also single mother,
single father, and extended family. Participants frequently mentioned the role of various family
members in their lives as racially socializing agents that provided information related to identity.
In this subsection I will cover the roles of parents, siblings, and extended family members, all of
whom were consistently cited by participants as influencing individuals in their development.
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Parents were central actors in the racial socialization of adolescents’ Black and academic
identities. Participants frequently described how their parents played instrumental roles in their
understandings of race, their social environment, and their educational aspirations.
Carlos: I have conversations with my mom, and she always tells me that you
shouldn’t hate yourself for being Black. It’s not our fault, and it’s nothing we can
do about it, and it’s not fair that people have to be mean because we’re this color
and they not knowing that it’s not our fault. You just have to deal with it.

Michelle: My mom, she’s very strong I’d say. My mom has always had a good
representation of what it means to be Black. You know, being unapologetic, being
who you are in any situation, but also knowing how to switch because we do live
kind of close to where I go to school. You do have to know how to switch
sometimes. Yeah, she’s really taught me so much.

In these quotes from Carlos and Michelle, mothers play an instrumental role by providing
insights on how to navigate a racist society, through their preparations for racial bias. Carlos
highlights how his mother’s acknowledgment of racism as an evident barrier to “deal with”
warrants the need to take pride in being Black. In a different way, Michelle’s excerpt provides
insight into how her mother serves as a role model for how to perform her Black identity in
various spaces by knowing “how to switch”. She credits the “unapologetic” nature of her
mother’s representation of Blackness as an authentic and admirable quality that contributes to
her development of racial pride.
Fathers were also credited by adolescents for their practices of racial socialization that
helped develop identities, and taught them how to navigate their environments:
Jojo: My dad just made it a point as I grew up to make sure that I found out at one
point where I come from and my roots. Even though he wasn’t well-versed in it
himself, he’s like, “You need to find out about yourself.”

Rayshon: He raised me to, you know, teach me what’s wrong or what’s right. So
far he did good. So I’m pretty much in the right area…Like, it’s just a lot of stuff
that people do out here and he taught me don’t do this, don’t go that way.

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In the first quote, Jojo describes how his father’s practice of cultural socialization encouraged
him to learn more about Black history, in order to learn more about his own identity. Along with
the previous examples from Carlos and Michelle, these forms of racial socialization show the
variety of ways in which Black parents educate their children about race. Furthermore,
Rayshon’s quote about his father teaching him right and wrong is particularly salient as a lesson
for how to navigate environments where institutionalized oppressions and violence are present.
In addition to playing formative roles in the development of racial identities and
navigating environments, parents also shaped the academic perspectives of participants through
the promotion of their own educational beliefs.
Jay: Well, my parents are Nigerian, so they’re strict with education, especially my
dad. So he was always like, “oh, knowledge is power”, like, “don’t take it for
granted”, because they immigrated over here… My dad, he was like “oh, you
gotta apply to all the Ivies”, and he wanted me to apply to selective schools with a
good program.

In this quote, Jay’s parents--her father in particular--emphasize the importance of education and
constructing an academic identity that is uniquely tied to her racial/ethnic pride and identity.
Jay’s father ties their ethnic identity and immigration status to his desire to see his children
succeed academically. This is a belief system that Jay inherits and believes is essential to her
academic identity. The core values of parents, along with their beliefs about race and education
were essential components to the environmental conditions for participants in this study.
Siblings were another group of environmental actors that existed in participants’
home/family environment, particularly as sources for educational aspirations, role modeling, and
interest sharing. Adolescents, in this study, noted how their similarities and differences with their
siblings, when it comes to various activities were important environmental components that were
essential to their development.
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Participants often credited their siblings as pathways to their various interests. For
example, Nay cites her sister as a directly formative actor for her interests in music, television,
and film:
Nay: It was my sister again. Everything my sister was into at one time, I probably
got into, as well.

Speaking more directly into this process of how participants become engaged with particular
media, Jay describes how her sister got her into the crime drama The First 48 (2004).
Jay: First 48? Okay. My sister, she put me onto that show. So, in the summer,
we're just bored all the time, and we were working, so before we'd go to work,
we'd just watch some TV. And she likes watching all those crime shows, so I was
like what is this? So I'm watching an episode with her, and I'm like “oh, this is
pretty interesting.” It was just like, wow, you don't know what's gonna happen,
like how this person got killed, or how they discovered it.

Although participants were often times directly influenced by their siblings’ choices, they still
asserted a level of agency in choosing how they related to their common interests. For instance,
Traci describes how she enjoys dancing and watched her older sister participate in school, but
she notes how she remains uniquely distinct from her sister in her passion:
Traci: My sister. She was a dancer when she went to Marathon High School
[pseudonym]. [Describing how she gained an interest dance] Because my mom
just only came get us at the same time, so after I got out of school, I used to have
to wait for her, so I'd wait at her practice and I used to just watch them…
Basically watched and learned. We had like two different genres. She's more of
like a hip hop dancer, and I'm more a majorette. We mainly different. Like
everything we do just is different.

Traci’s recollection of how she became interested in dancing centered on her proximity to her
sister’s dance practices, but she still asserts that although the interests was sparked by her sister’s
activity that she remains different. This data, along with the quote from Nay and Jay, show that
siblings are environmental actors who have the ability to shape adolescents’ interests in a variety
of ways, namely their engagement with media and hobbies.
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Siblings were also essential to adolescents’ conceptualization of academic success within
the family environment:
Jay: Yeah, I’m the middle. So, that’s fun. My brother’s the oldest, and he’s like
the super smart one, goes to Stanford. We were always expecting to be like him I
guess. Well, especially me, because I’m the first daughter.

Nay: Sometimes I’ll ask my sister to look at some of my essays. And, like, make
sure that I have everything the way it should be.

In these quotes from Jay and Nay, the role of siblings as models for academic expectations, as
well as assistants were made particularly evident. Jay associates her brother’s achievements with
intelligence and how that ultimately raised her family’s expectations of her, as the oldest
daughter. Jay, who also attends a prestigious university, describes how the shared experience
with her brother has been “helpful” to her college experience. In the second quote, Nay describes
her sister’s direct involvement in assisting with school work, as someone in their environment
that can help with academic materials.
In addition to looking up to siblings, and following their academic trajectories,
participants also noted how they served as supportive and inspirational role models for their
brothers and sisters. In the following quote, Jordan describes his relationship with Carlos:
Jordan: I always think about my little brother first, so I was like, "If I make it, he
obviously going to make it." You know what I mean? And I want to be that big
role model. To let him see that, "Okay if my big brother can do it, I can do it
also."… He’s a pain in the butt sometimes, but I love him man. I’ll try everything
and anything. Whatever he wants to do in life, he can do it…So it’s like,
“Whatever you want to do, I’m going to support you. No matter what. Even if I
don’t like it, I’m going to support you.”

Jordan’s desire to serve as a role model for Carlos is an inverted, and equally powerful, example
of Nay and Jay’s environment. Jordan views himself as a directly accessible representation of
academic success and achievement that he would want Carlos to emulate. The role that siblings
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play within the home/family environment is of particular importance given the multitude of ways
in which these relationships are leveraged for the development of identities and interests.
Extended family members, while not always living in the home with participants, were
also mentioned as individuals who played pivotal roles in the environment of adolescents.
Throughout data collection, adolescents cited grandparents, godparents, cousins, aunts, and
uncles as important figures on their understandings of race, identity, education, and interest in an
assortment of hobbies and media.
The relevance of extended family members as part of the home environment was made
particularly salient by Rayshon who described how he essentially “grew up with [his] cousins”
and “auntie” ever since he was little. The cultural value of having additional family members
within adolescents’ proximities were viewed as valuable to their racial and ethnic socializations,
and their understandings of the educational system.
Jay: Well, the culture difference between being African-American and things
within an African household, so like with my family, I guess they try connecting
me with the African side, of being from Nigeria, the culture there, the language,
the music. Because I was really close to my family, like cousins and all that,
going to parties with them. So they kept me connected to that part of me.

In this quote, Jay describes how the familial involvement of her cousins allowed her to maintain
connections to her Nigerian roots. Specifically, when it came to the language and music. Having
a connection to history, or cultural socialization, through family involvement was important
across Black experiences, as Jojo, an African American participant described how he developed
his understanding of what it means to be Black from his great grandmother:
Jojo: People that know the struggle that we went through, trying to get out of
oppression from Caucasian people back then and even ourselves, because
Caucasian people weren’t the only ones that owned slaves. Black people did too,
for two different reasons: purchasing their own people out of slavery as well as
purchasing slaves, because you did have nigga slavers back then. That was the
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lowest of the low, on the nigga food chain back then. My great-grandmamma
taught me that.

Jojo asserts that having knowledge of Black history, is informative to his conceptualization of
Blackness, and it is directly informed by the presence and teachings of his great grandmother.
The ability of extended family members to pass on history and information relative to Black
identity was a consistent theme that emerged during the construction of the family environment
component. The ways in which adolescents developed their understandings of race and racism
through family members also emerged when discussing their educational environments.
John: My auntie, she actually came over to my house one time. She said, "You
know something?" I said, "What?" She said, "Whenever I come over here I'll
always see gates." I said, "Why does that bother you?" She says, because she's a
substitute teacher and she says, "Because whenever I go to the outer reaches of
LA," like Norwalk. Somewhere far away from South Central, like West LA. She
said, "like the valley…They don't even have no gates up there." I said, "What?"
She said, "They can just walk right off the campus."

In this quote, John is describing how schools in his neighborhood are more likely to have barriers
to entry, which makes them feel less accessible or even carceral in nature. His aunt, however,
provides a socializing moment when she describes how this is unique to their area and how other
white/wealthier school in his city do not have these same barriers. Again, the presence of
extended family members, such as John’s aunt, in the environment provides the opportunity to
learn more about how race and educational structures by providing intellectual resources that
will promote critical engagement.
Neighborhood: In addition to the family environment, the neighborhoods and cities where
adolescents grew up and currently live have shaped their perspectives on race, and helped
develop a critical lens to systemic inequalities. Participants in this study were from a range of
neighborhoods. While all the participants currently live in an urban environment on the west
coast, many participants had spent time living in different neighborhoods, suburbs, or cities on
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the East Coast and in the Midwest. These neighborhood environments, in their unique ways,
fostered general ways of understanding race and place that were essential to participants’
construction of meaning, and ultimately their engagement with media.
The neighborhood environments described by adolescents were varied, with some
participants such as Kayla describing her hometown as a “farm town”, “retirement center”, with
“nothing to do.” Kayla went on to describe how the slow nature of hometown encouraged
exploration:
Kayla: I knew I wanted, of course, I wanted to leave. I wanted to just expose
myself to just a wider, diversity, different types of people.

Kayla’s neighborhood environment, which she also described as older and racially homogenous,
served as a motivating factor in her decision to leave. The environment also generated various
experiences with racism (discussed in experiences). Although Kayla’s neighborhood
environment served as an exemplar finding for how participants viewed their small town life,
others from more urban environments describe dire neighborhood contexts.
For boys in particular, a key finding was that their neighborhood environments were
often described as tough places to live.
Carlos: I've grown up in Kingtown (pseudonym) a little bit and then I went to the
Nickersons. I actually grew up actually down the street from here in the projects. I
grew up in the Nickersons. I stayed there for about six years. It was like you was
fighting for your life in the Nickersons. Because the moment you stepped outside
it felt like it was a target on you. Like someone is out there trying to get you.

In this quote from Carlos, he describes how growing up in the projects there was constant need to
stay alert for the threat of violence. The threat of being beat up, along with guidance from his
brother, Jordan, prompted him to take up boxing as a hobby. Carlos description of his
neighborhood presents his environment in a unique way that simultaneously dangerous, but also
fundamentally misunderstood. The following quote from Jojo underscores the finding when he is
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describing an incident with an acquaintance from out of town whose racist perceptions of his
neighborhood created an uncomfortable situation:
Jojo: If you come around here and you're not from around here, everybody's
gonna know because they've never seen you here before. But it's not like they're
gonna attack you for it.

In this excerpt, Jojo is explaining the rationale he relayed to his acquaintance for her apparent
perceptions of his neighborhood being a dangerous environment. Jojo acknowledges that there
are social stigmas attached to his neighborhood, but that they are unfounded and often rooted in
people’s racist perceptions of Black criminality, when he says “it’s not like they’re gonna attack
you” for being from out of town. Understanding the ways society perceives Black
neighborhoods, and the individuals who live in those spaces became a key finding as other
participants also discussed their annoyance and frustrations with the assumptions made about
their environments:
Logan: I mean, it's expected. I wouldn't expect them not to ask about it, because it
was in the media so much. But I wasn't affected by the water crisis. We don't
think. Because where I live, we didn't have lead in our water. So it wasn't every
part of Flint. I guess we lived in the better part of Flint.

In this finding from the interview with Logan, she describes how revealing that she grew up in
Flint, Michigan typically prompts people to ask her about the water crisis. Although she says it is
an expected question that she frequently receives, she makes explicit note to state that she grew
up “in a better part of Flint.” This signals both a classed response to her neighborhood
environment that also pushes back against racialized assumptions about the residents of Flint.
Another aspect contributing to the neighborhood environment, were participants’
descriptions of various organizations in their neighborhood that were instrumental to the
development of academic aspirations and personal interests. Participants from neighborhoods
described by Carlos and Jojo often had organizations designed for underserved youth of color. In
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the first quote from Rayshon, he describes how a local organization in his neighborhood provides
a comprehensive curriculum to teach youth about Black history and provides boxing lessons in
order to curb gang violence in the community:
Rayshon: Basically learn. You know, basically like from what's wrong and what's
right, and they teach you how to box and stuff like that. It's real good. it's
basically having kids and stuff away from it.

Jordan: YMCA. Just keep youth busy. Boys and girls club, TRP, The Reverence
Project, you know what I mean?

Similar to Rayshon’s quote Jordan names off various organizations in his neighborhood that he
believes are important to the community and that provide opportunity for Black youth to lean
and “keep busy”. In this study, participants’ neighborhood environments helped shape their
critical lens in a variety of ways, which emerged as a product of their various and distinct
conditions. The various neighborhood environments contained drastically different cultures and
were supported by local organizations. Each neighborhood, and its Black residents, were also
uniquely affected by structural racism and the external perceptions, which participants wrestled
with. Participants critical eye towards racism and their neighborhood environment was also used
to provide a lens for their description of their formal education settings.
School: Another environment that participants frequently mentioned, and that is essential
to this study’s goals, is that of the school environment. Adolescents, in this study, attend or have
attended a wide variety of schools. As shown in the Table 1, participants included college
students, high school students, as well as a gap year student, alternative school student, and
continuing education student. The schools that these students have attended, or currently attend,
were uniquely structured in ways that informed their racial and academic identities. In addition
to the school structures, participants also mentioned how particular school officials, such as
teachers and counselors influenced their personal and academic trajectories in a variety of ways.
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The final way that the school environment encouraged racialized academic identities was
through student agency and participation in organizations. Most frequently, participants noted
their involvement in their schools BSU, as an aspect of their school environment. Student
involvement in organizations writ large provided unique spaces within the larger school ecology.
As such, this subsection will discuss school structures and policies, teachers and counselors, as
well as student organizations.
Participants, throughout interviews and focus groups, discussed their school structures
and polices as critical elements in their school environments. Some participants described the
physical layout of the school as a source of information about the education they were receiving,
while others noted how specific policies produced a racialized environment where students’
academic abilities and social lives were partially molded. In the following passage from a focus
group discussion, Carlos, Jojo, and Jordan describe their past and present school environments.
Jojo, begins by describing a charter school he used to attend:
Jojo: They ran it more as a penitentiary. Think about it. Everybody's wearing the
same thing. You walking in gates where you can't see outside of, and a bell tells
you when to come out of a room, when to go back into a room, and you're given a
certain amount of time to eat; or you're getting written up for being out past that
time after you're done eating, or after you're getting time to be on yard.

Carlos: Sounds like jail.

Jojo: Yeah, and I'm just describing the school.

Carlos: My school was similar. Before you walk inside class ... Even if your
parents come in to try to let you out, they have a certain time you got to wait until
the bell rings, until all the kids leave. Yeah, have to press the button to talk to the
teacher so they can buzz you in, because they've got you locked up. If you do get
out of class and try to go to the restroom, you can't go, because they lock up the
restrooms. You can't really go to the restroom.

Jordan: I understand the safety, but the safety ... Some of that stuff is too similar to
jail.

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The conversation between Jojo, Carlos, and Jordan yielded an important finding, as these
adolescents noted how their school environment was similar to prison. Each participant went on
to describe how that type of environment affected their educational experiences and motivations,
because of how the physical construction of the school environment promoted social control as
opposed to learning.
In addition to the physical layout of the school environment, participants also noted how
classroom constructions, and course placement practices, prompted identity ques and social
difficulties when it came to maintaining a connection with the rest of the Black student
population. In this first quote, Xavier describes the various school environments he’s inhabited
during his academic career:
Xavier: Those years, even though I was going to a predominately white school,
and I was in a lot of white spaces, I was in the hood. I lived in the hood. It was a
very interesting. I felt like I was always comparing those two atmospheres. It kind
of made me conflicted at different points in my life, especially in middle school
when you're trying to figure out your identity, who you are. I knew that me being
in these super-high academic classes with people who don't look like me was
rough, not only for me, but I figured, "Why am I the only one in here? What is
causing people that look like me to not be in these spaces?"

In Xavier’s quote, he describes his process of negotiating school environments with the
neighborhood environment. In particular, he cites how it became an identity struggle where he
noticed that he was the only Black student in high achieving classes, which prompted him to
question the underlying reason as to why more of his Black peers were not in the same
environment. Similarly, Michelle noted how her school’s demographics, and policies with
tracking generates a socially isolating environment:
Michelle: Hmm. You know I go to a predominantly white school so a lot of them
are white, um, but it’s also a lot of Asians, too. And predominantly like either
Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese. Not a lot of like Indians or anything, that part of
Asia. I do have some Black friends, but the way that my school runs it’s really
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hard to find those groups. Because let alone the school’s predominantly white, the
city itself is also. So, it’s hard sometimes to create space for one another.

In her description of her school environment, Michelle notes how the lack of a large Black
student population, plus with how the school designates class assignments, it is particularly
difficult to build strong connections with her peers. Michelle, like Xavier, compares the
neighborhood environment to her school. In Michelle’s case the predominantly white school
reflects the neighborhood, and contributes to the construction of the environment.
Although participants like Michelle and Xavier were critical of their school and
classrooms environment, because of their lack of Black presence, other participants such as Jay,
praised their high school’s diversity:
Jay: It was big. There's 2,400 people at my high school. We had a lot of spirit, and
it was very diverse. They always say that about school, oh, diversity. I guess I
liked the energy, back in Aurora, because people, some people are crazy. So it's
like, it's funny. What else about my school? In our district, it was a school, like
everyone wanted to go to. The culture was nice at the school.

Jay describes her high school as “big” and that the large student population was also diverse in a
way that promoted a culturally engaging environment. The culture or climate of the school was
praised by Jay, because of the diversity of individuals who attended. The school environment
that Jay grew up in, was one that was highly sought after, in which “everyone wanted to go”. The
school environments’ culture was particularly important for participants. In the aforementioned
focus group discussion, Jojo described one of his former school environments as a prison that did
not promote a culture of learning. Jojo contrasts this with his current alternative school:
Jojo: My school is an alternative high school. You walk in there, you see babies
and little young convicts, basically. But it's so different from your average charter
school or high school. I say that in a good way. It's like a family there, you find a
different type of camaraderie there. It's like being in just one big team. I think it's
because the different, teachers there have a different level of sensitivity for the
kids coming. Like, they actually have a care for the kids coming into this
particular campus.
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In this quote, Jojo describes the student population, and notes that the environment of the school
is different than a typical school, in a positive way. He describes the culture of the environment
as being familial, where school staff take a vested interest in the students. The affirming school
climate and culture, in Jojo’s opinion is a product of the caring individuals within the
environment.
As found in Jojo’s praise of his current school, participants often highlighted individuals
within their schools that were instrumental in creating an affirming and responsive environment.
In particular, teachers, counselors, and principals were all actors in adolescents’ school
environments that shaped their academic trajectories. Jojo goes on to describe the general,
positive outlook of his teachers, as well as one specific counselor that he admires:
Jojo: Constant uplifting, like, you missed a day or you missed… Say you missed
almost two weeks. You come back, they don't get on you for being gone, they're
like, "We missed you, where was you at? Is everything okay?" You don't get that
at usual high schools… One of the peace-builders there, Miss Carla
[pseudonym]… Miss Carla, "that it is." That's her favorite little phrase. She keeps
the kids smiling, laughing a whole lot. Keeps us in check, too. She's like, let's just
say, a hood auntie. You know how you go to some places, there's that one elder
that everybody knows and respects too deeply? She's like that. She's that person.

In Jojo’s quote he appreciates the way that teachers care about the students on a personal level, in
a way that was absent in his previous school environment. Jojo goes on to provide an example of
counselor, Miss Carla, who he is particularly drawn to, as a role model and family member. Miss
Carla serves an instrumental figure within the environment of Jojo’s school who helps create an
engaging and caring learning environment. Similarly, Jordan also recalled a counselor from high
school who provided personal and academic support in a way that was beneficial to his life
trajectory:
Jordan: Philicia McRoberts [pseudonym]. She was always there for me, man.
Even if I just didn't want to talk about anything, she was always there. And when
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my brother passed away she was always there to let me go on her room and like...
She was always there, man. Just there to talk to, because she actually sat down
with me during her job hours man. She sat there and did my financial aid with me,
picked my classes with me, told me different opportunities to do to transfer. Told
me when to take the test and when it's a bad time to take the tests. The placement
tests, I got for college. So she was a big help.

As described by Jordan, Ms. McRoberts’ presence and work within the school environment
provided a space to deal with traumatic personal events and also helped with his educational
pursuits. Jojo and Jordan’s interactions with school consolers present examples of school staff
who positively engage students in their environments.
For other students, however, some teachers contribute to developing a negative school
climate that has the ability to influence adolescents’ inclinations towards school or particular
subjects. In this quote for Marcus, he describes how a teacher’s insensitivity towards racism
exacerbated tensions within the school:
Marcus: Because basically, my sister and this Hispanic girl got into it with each
other, and the girl made a few racial slurs to her. And when they was in office
having a conversation about it with the counselor lady, the lady told my sister,
"That's in the past, let's just move on from that." Because she was talking about
how the girl doesn't understand racism and stuff. She's just naming off a few
things that has happened in the past with slavery and all that. And then she just
said, "That's in the past, let's just move on from that." Ms. Williams [pseudonym]
said that.

In the events described by Marcus, the dismissal of racism by Ms. Williams contributed to a
larger issue within the school, between Black and Brown students. The ways in which teachers
perform in the racialized school environments, and their interactions with students when racial
tensions occur has the ability to effect adolescents’ perceptions of school climate and culture.
Similarly, adolescents’ engagements with teachers in the classroom was shown to push students
towards or away from topics of interests. In the following quote from Kristina, she describes how
her white teacher’s curriculum pushed her away from her favorite subject at the time, history:
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Kristina: It was history until I had the worst AP US History teacher in 11th grade,
and I wanted to... She was white… It was so bad. History is not my favorite
subject anymore... This is one thing that I have about these issues. I feel like more
schools should place Black teachers in schools, especially in predominantly white
schools, because I feel like white teachers are only giving their history on the
white past and it's not right because I'm finding out from other social media
platforms that there's so much with Black, and Mexican, and Native history that
we have not been taught in school.

In this finding from Kristina’s interview, she notes how her teacher’s racial group membership,
and perspectives as a white person, produced a less inclusive curriculum, which Kristina was
unsatisfied with. Furthermore, Kristina posits that having Black teachers in predominately white
school environments can provide a more accurate history curriculum that is diverse and inclusive
of various groups. Kristina’s quote also highlights how the online environment and social media,
can supplement the school environment, when individual teachers are not equipped to teach
particular subjects.
Adolescents in this study also served as participants in the environment as members of
school-based organizations. The organizations that students took part in were important to not
only adolescents’ academic experiences, but also provided spaces for belonging, particularly
their Black Student Unions. Throughout interviews, social media observations, and focus groups,
adolescents described and demonstrated how their school organizations were typically identity
based, as well as instrumental to their learning environment. Adolescents, as members of these
student organizations, took on leadership roles in ways that shaped the larger school
environment. In the first quote, from Kayla, she describes how along with a group of her friends,
she founded her school’s Black Student Union:
Kayla: Me and my four friends actually formed our first Black Student Union at
our school. We just celebrated—well the school celebrated—their hundred year
anniversary, and there hasn’t been one since the founding of the school. I don’t
think there was ever one. So, we formed that first.

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Traci, another adolescent who is involved with her school’s BSU, describes the various activities
that her organization conducted:
Traci: And then when it comes around Black History Month, we'll play games
with the advisory, so it'll be like bingo, things like that. It was like this man was
an activist for da da da, and if you know who it is you place it down, and you get
a line, you'll say bingo. We'll say like a quote. Most of them was from Maya
Angelou and Tupac, like they'll say a quote of the day every morning.

Kayla and Traci’s involvement as founders and members of their school’s BSU indicate the level
of involvement Black adolescents have in constructing their racialized school environment. The
programming of BSUs, as decided on by adolescents, helps to center Black history and
community within the educational environment. In the following post from her Instagram story,
Kristina promotes a BSU meeting on school grounds:
Figure 6. Kristina’s Instagram Story Post 2.

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In the following quote, Kristina explains why her BSU, and her role in shaping the
organization, is so important to her, and her school environment:
Kristina: We're very ... I wouldn't say woke, but we are very opinionated. And
like for example, we're all in BSU, Black Student Union. When we do get the
chance to speak out, we do speak out on matters that are important, which is why
I like my friend group so much, because we are educated on things that are
happening inside the world, especially that are happening with our race. Again,
sometimes we'll do human activist stuff, or sometimes we'll support things that
are supposed to be supported for black people and Mexican people or Hispanic
people.

Kristina’s role as a leader with her school’s BSU creates an educational environment where
diverse and inclusive learning is encouraged, and is driven by students. This was reiterated by
Michelle, who described how these organizations were important in predominantly white
schools:
Michelle: I think I really wanted to try to find a community in my school. I’ve
been going to Northmont [pseudonym] for basically my whole life, and it wasn’t
until probably, like two years ago that I got “woke.” I really did want to try to find
others that look like me and that have the same interests and that I can share the
same experiences with, and that would understand. That’s kind of what drew me
to it. Like, it’s not just gonna come easily. So, that’s what drew me to these clubs.

Michelle’s desire to find community within her school was met when she became a member of
her school’s BSU and women of color organization. Her description of becoming “woke” points
to an emergent desire of wanting to become more socially aware, and having a connection to her
fellow Black students. To reiterate her earlier cited point about school structures creating
racialized social experiences, she describes how finding a community of Black students in white
spaces is “not gonna come easy”, but is necessary. Along with the organizational structures and
staff, students within their school environment shape the culture and develop a community where
Black students, in particular, are able to create spaces for themselves.
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Online: The final environment that adolescents located as essential to the development of
their understandings of race and education was the online space, which included the internet and
social media. Specifically, participants described the online environment as a place to learn about
topics on race, politics, and entertainment. The adolescents in this study also described the
affordances of social media as a communicative tool that allowed them to maintain and build
connections with friends beyond physical spaces. The online environment is key component to
the construct of environments, within this study’s model, because of the unique ways in which
adolescents were able to create learning ecologies around their interests and friend groups.
The online environment of adolescents operated as a learning ecology for a variety of
subjects, as well as an affirming source of information relative to their Black identities. The
internet and social media functioned as a vast environment that promoted learning, particularly
as it related to adolescents’ interests. Multiple participants described how they used various
social media platforms, such as Snapchat and YouTube to get information:
Kayla: Snapchat--I just like to get updated with the news, I guess, if that makes
sense. Because they have a CNN little link. And then other links to just get an
understanding of what happened. And then, is YouTube considered? I love
watching the Daily Show [on YouTube]. I love watching with Trevor Noah. I
enjoy that show so much, cuz it’s so funny to me. Because to me, it’s like it
makes me feel better about what’s going on in the world. Because he can turn it
into a joke, but he also makes people aware this is an issue.

In this example, Kayla is describing how Snapchat enables her to keep up with news information
through the platforms “stories” feature, which creates short videos about various topics, curated
by different companies. She further describes how YouTube provides a platform to watch one of
her favorite shows, The Daily Show with Trevor Noah (2015). She credits the show with
providing a comedic insight into serious political matters in an informing way. Kayla’s example
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provides a broad example of how the internet and social media function as place where interest-
driven learning is encouraged within a vast media environment.
Similarly, Jay describes how platforms like Snapchat and Twitter provide access to fast
and easily digestible information:
Jay: Snapchat, I feel like that's the easiest way to send people things. Like you can
show them what you're doing, with the camera. And the stories, you can always
see what's happening in everyone's lives. And politically, the stories, you can see
like the “Now This” stories, of what's happening in the world, they report news.
Like politics, weather, that kind of stuff, because it's just really quick and it's
straight to the point and simple. I feel like I learn something every day, if I'm
looking on Twitter. Just like small facts. If people posts articles about an issue
going on, like read it, and educate myself.

Here, Jay is praising the unique affordance of Snapchat as an easy way to get “straight to the
point” and “simple” information about politics through a curated story or via her connections
with other users. She also credits Twitter as being another source of information where “she can
learn everyday”, and is encouraged to continue her exploration of topics through the sharing of
articles that interest her on the platform.
Although many adolescents, like Kayla and Jay, used social media as an entry point into
learning about topics. Others, such as Kristina found that using the internet to access direct
sources was more beneficial, when she said “Not on Snapchat. I go on CNN by myself just on
Apple News.” Here, Kristina still relies on the internet as a learning environment whereby Apple
News, as opposed to social networking sites, serves as an information curating source. Similarly,
John describes how he mainly uses direct sources, with the help of some social media platforms
to get information:
John: Sometimes I go to BBN, CNN. I'll go to YouTube sometimes. I actually go
to Google sometimes. I just found out today that, Voyager II that was launched in
1977 actually exited the sun's protection, and then I think it's gone as far as
Neptune. It has gone as far as Neptune, we've got about like 300 more years until
they access the ... I don't know, what is it called? It's in interstellar space though.
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John’s provided an example of blended direct internet sources, like BBN and CNN, along with
social media (YouTube) in order to gain knowledge on a variety of sources. He notes how he
learned, on the internet, about the NASA satellite, Voyager. His inclusive use of online websites,
social media platforms, and search engines illustrated the unique environment of the internet as a
learning space for the participants.
In addition to promoting learning on various special interest topics, the online
environment also encourages Black adolescents to engage with racialized learning. In this first
quote, Drea describes how she follows particular Instagram profiles that are most relevant to her
identities as a Black girl:
Drea: Well I follow a lot of Black pages, they promote basically loving yourself--
for people with more coarser hair than people with more mixed hair. Showing the
good things Black people do, successful Black people.

In this finding, Drea describes how she is drawn to social media platforms and online media that
is affirming to her identities. In particular, she seeks out Instagram profiles that promote loving
her hair texture, and showing “successful Black people”. This type of affirming and racialized
use of the online environment also served more traditional academic purposes, as noted by
Jordan who turned to the internet to assist him in writing a paper for a class:
Jordan: I go online, and since I study it in class, how much killings happen in a
month, or how much killing happens in a week. So I used to study it in class.

In this excerpt, Jordan is describing his process on writing paper about police violence and
targeting of Black people for a class. This finding emerges as evidence of the ways in which
adolescents not only engage topics relevant to them, in school settings, but also within an
interconnected online environment of racialized learning. Although each were distinct in nature,
Jordan and Drea’s use of the internet to explore racialized topics for the purposes of learning
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about Black experiences highlight a unique finding in the data. The learning ecology of Black
adolescents features points of intersection between media interests, race, and academic tasks.
The second emergent component of the online environment was its communicative
functionality for adolescents to stay in touch with friends and share information. Throughout the
social media observations participants routinely shared their opinions and reshared stories and
tweets about various topics to their followers and friend groups. This function is the primary
affordance of social media, which allows for communications to and from an abundance of
sources. Participants frequently cited this ability to connect with others as an important element
to their online environment:
Jermaine: Why do I like it? Well, I get to text people and then, usually I can text
people on regular messages too, but I don't have an iPhone, so I can't see, did they
look at it? Did they read the message? Are they typing? And things like that. But
on Instagram, I could see they looked at it, I can call them, on voice call and stuff,
to hear their reaction and stuff. I'll just use it to communicate with friends.

Kristina: Yeah, it's just another way to connect with your friends as well. I know I
have relatives that are also living out-of-state and I can connect with them through
social media as well.

In these two excerpts from Jermaine and Kristina, the unique affordances of social media
platforms are, again, found. Jermaine’s quote specifically points to the advantages of Instagram’s
messaging system as a useful way to communicate with, and pass along information to friends.
Furthermore, the finding from Kristina’s interview points to the ability to connect with friends
and family that live far away.
In addition to staying in contact with friends, Black adolescents also used the
communicative functions of the online environment to build connections with other students at
their schools. In the following excerpt from a focus group, Kayla and Jay discuss the pivotal role
of a Black student group chat, on the platform GroupMe:
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Kayla: Anybody who has like, a project they want to work on or like, have an
opportunity they want to share they just post it [to GroupMe]. You got a party you
want people to go to, just post it on the group chat. It's a great promotion. People
offer job opportunities, internships. If you want to be a part of this club, here's the
flyer. So it's actually really cool.

Jay: People actually help with it. Like, take this survey or listen to my new song,
that kind of stuff.

Kayla: It's like self-promotion and spreading knowledge.

This finding revealed the unique way that the social media/online environment extends the
academic environment of Black adolescents in a way that connects them to a larger Black
student population. This connection to the larger Black student community allows them to not
only grow their network, but to participate in functions, as well as assist each other with school
work and pass along information.
Within the model of Media co-constructed Black Academic Identities the core construct
of environments provides an interconnected web of contexts where Black adolescents derive and
co-construct racialized meanings and messages pertaining to their interests and education. The
home, neighborhood, school, and online environments appeal to Black adolescents’ identities
and generate experiences in ways that allow them to generate their own perceived causal
conditions, which are necessary for their critical engagements with media.
Identities

The explanatory model (Figure 1) places the perceived causal condition of identities as
the center construct. The ways that the environment (discussed above) and experiences
(discussed below) of Black adolescents assist in the development of identities are mutually
constituted. The identities and group memberships of participants shape their views of their
environments, their experiences within them, and how they ultimately identify with media
representations that shape their understandings of their academic selves. There are many
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different social identities that adolescents develop, as well as various social groups that they
identify with. In this study, participants explicitly mentioned how their Ethnic, Gender, Class,
Color, and Religious identities and memberships shaped their views on the society, race, and
media.
Ethnic: The socio-political construction of the racial of category “Black” can have many
different definitions. As outlined in Chapter I, I use an expansive definition that allows for the
connection of Black identities across the diaspora. With this definition in mind, it is important to
note how the various ethnic identities within Blackness constitute unique identity formations,
particularly around notions of race and education. In this study, African American, Afro-Latinx,
and First Generation African Immigrants all expressed how their ethnic identities informed their
worldviews.
Two participants in this study, Jay and Kayla, identified as first generation Nigerian
Americans, their ethnic identities shaped not only their views on race, but its intersection with
education as well:
Kayla: My parents are immigrants to this country. I’m Nigerian-American. So,
my parents always told me and my brother that. The only real way to succeed in
this country is through just getting an education, and following your dreams. Not
in the sense that you always just have to be just about getting money or getting
fame and fortune... They just wanted us to be secure in life, and then go further to
pursue or do what we love to do in life, pretty much.

Jay: Well, in academics, they're like “oh, I got a C in this”. And I'm like “I cannot
bring home a C to my African parents, because I don't know what's gonna happen
to me”. So I guess they're a lot stricter.

In the first quote, from Kayla, she is describing her parents’ status as immigrant, and their
perspectives on education as a formative belief system for her developing academic identity.
Specifically, she is ties her ethnic heritage to the desire to succeed in school. Similarly, Jay, links
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her parents’ “African” immigrant perspective to education, and compares their more “strict”
practices to her perceptions of African Americans.
African American participants, meanwhile, frequently cited history and hardships to their
constructions of identity; and like the Nigerian American participants, looked to education as an
informative construct. In this first quote, Jermaine, an African American participant, describes
what it means to be a Black student:
Jermaine: I think it's just going to be tougher, really, 'cause they already judge me
how my skin color, how I look, how I dress, so, it'll be tougher, harder, more
challenges.

Jermaine eludes to the history of racism, and how it requires more effort on his part as an African
American to succeed in school. Xavier credited his experience with an educational program
abroad as giving him a greater appreciation and understanding his identity as an African
American:
Xavier: What really, really made me just think differently about Black people as a
whole, especially Black Americans, is that all of the Black people there, most of
the Black people there, can tell you what specific country they're from. I felt like
that really just was like, "Whoa, there are Black people in different parts in the
country that know exactly where they're from, know exactly their culture." It just
had me in awe because I was like, "Wow." I'm light-skinned, so I know I'm Black,
but I also don't know all parts of myself, so it took me kind of on a journey where
it made me want to learn even more about myself, about my people, about my
culture and what that means to me. What is it to be a Black American? That
experience was so valuable and probably the most fulfilling because it started up a
new venture, a new thought, a new adventure.

Throughout this quote, Xavier links his ethnic identity to the broader African diaspora in a way
that connects him globally, while also opening the possibility to explore himself within an
African American context.
Ethnic identity was also an important construct to explore for Afro Latinx participants as
well. Afro Latinx participants, in this study, often described an internal negotiation of
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understanding their racialized, Black identity, alongside their various Latinx heritages. In this
quote, Darius, a Black and Mexican adolescent describes how being “mixed” became a part of
his identity that he developed over time:
Darius: As far as that part, it's actually really interesting, because at first, growing
up, it was like ... didn't forcibly choose a side, but everyone kind of assumed it
was one of the sides because they only saw my mom. They were like, "Oh, he's
only Mexican." At first, it was kind of just something I accepted. Slowly, over
time, I realized that it's not really a big deal, being mixed. I just let them know
whenever they would assume that. As far as my own identity, I guess it was
something like self-accepting it, really.

In this quote, Darius describes how his predominately Latinx neighborhood and closer
relationship to his Mexican mother initially fostered a strong Mexican identity, but he has since
developed a stronger “mixed” identity that incorporates his Black heritage from his father.
Conversely, Michelle describes how growing up with her Black mother, has generated a strong
Black identity, and has been encouraged to explore her Latinx background:
Michelle: I’m half like African American and also half Latin American. So, that’s
kind of like a little identity crisis that goes on. But now, I mean I’m way more
grounded with it. I’m still trying to learn about both sides. But, I remember a long
time ago, I was just like really confused. And, you know, it was kind of hard
because my friends, they would just see me as Black. But I knew, like, okay, well
that’s one part of me. You know? That’s not all of me. Then my mom, too. Well,
my mom was not really acknowledging my other side either because since my dad
is not present in my life. I really only learned about my Black side. And that’s
what was present, that’s what I knew, that’s what I was taught, and that’s what I
love. So, when someone asks me I say I’m African American cus that’s just what
I am; but at the same time I’m still trying to acknowledge that other part of me by
like for instance, taking Spanish II and really putting effort into it, and learning
more about my culture.

Michelle describes her Latinx ethnic identity as an emergent construct that she actively works to
develop. She foregrounds her African American identity as salient because of environmental
actors, such as mom, but acknowledges that her complete self includes a Latinx identity. The
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negotiation of identity within a familial context is perhaps best captured in the following quote
from Kristina, an Afro Latinx adolescent:
Kristina: I did always struggle having to pick, like my grandma on the one side,
the Black side, she'd be like, "You're Black, and that's that." I'd be like I thought I
was also Guatemalan, and she was like, "No, you're just Black." And growing up,
I was thinking like I always had this thought, like “why can't I be both?” So
sometimes, I wouldn't say toxic family because my family isn't toxic. It's just that
some families just want to pull you to one side and just make you one race. In my
opinion, since I'm Guatemalan and Mexican, there's so much to celebrate about
the Mexican side and it's such a beautiful experience. And on my Black side, it's
like I can get two of the best worlds. Yeah, best of two worlds.

In this interview excerpt, Kristina describes her internal tension between her racial and ethnic
identities. Similar to the experiences of Darius and Michelle, Kristina found that her family
played an important role in the formation of her identity; and like the other youth she came to
terms with her own identity construction. Kristina describes her multiethnic identity as the “best
of two worlds”, which signals a level of security with a construct that was formerly tentative.
Class: In addition to the ethnic identities of Black adolescents, socio-economic class
served as a salient group membership. Participants frequently mentioned how their class
backgrounds shaped how they viewed themselves, their environments, and political outlooks.
Adolescents in this study were from a range of socio-economic backgrounds that included the
working class, working class poor, the middle class, and upper-middle class. Although this study
did not seek to ascertain the exact household income of participants’ families, qualitative
proxies, through direct participants’ quotes were used to understand how adolescents grouped
themselves, in regards to class. In the first quote, Drea reveals her class group membership by
describing her family’s financial situation and the neighborhood she lives in:
Drea: Well my family struggles are like a lot of people, the neighborhood I live
in, there's three major projects around within 10 miles of my house. There's a lot
of people, the apartments I live in, you can use Section 8 for them. A lot of people
are on Section 8, I'm on Section 8. So it's really hard, you can't make too much
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money but then you can't make less money, a little bit of money, because how are
you going to provide for your family?

Drea describes the hardships and predicaments of living on government assistance. This response
from Drea was elicited after a question regarding a recent election, where class politics were at
the forefront. Drea response shows how she identifies with, and is personally invested in the
well-being of people from the same socio-economic background. Similarly, Darius describes the
stigmas of living on government assistance:
Darius: I think the main thing that's probably misrepresented is the whole--it's
something I hear about a lot, whenever someone brings up, not Section 8, but any
time of government assistance. It's like, "Oh, they don't want a job. That's why
they're living there." I feel like that's the main thing underrepresented. People
have that idea because they hear it so much that that's kind of what they see or
think of every time they see someone or hear someone say that they're from that
area. With my case, we lived in it, not because we wanted to, but because it was
the only thing we could afford, especially since it was four of us in a single
household. We couldn't afford to actually go get a different place or something.

In this quote, Darius described how people with the same class identity as him are often
misrepresented in society. Like Drea, Darius pointed specifically to the hardships of growing up
in his situation, but is also bothered by the lack of understanding from those who have not
experienced his reality as an adolescent from a working class family.
Though many participants described themselves and their families as having working
class backgrounds, other adolescents provided insights into their middle class group
membership. Participants, such as Nay, described her family’s career and educational
backgrounds, that constructed her socio economic status:
Nay: Well, I’m the first in my family to pursue architecture, and I think I’m only
the second to pursue any type of STEM career. The first is my sister. She’s
studying electrical engineering at East Coast University [pseudonym]. My mom,
she works in marketing at a library, and my dad works on college campuses. He’s
the director of residence life, and he’s worked a lot of different colleges, but it’s
always been the same job. And then, I think my aunt’s a teacher… I don’t
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remember if she’s a teacher or a dean. I feel like she’s had both of those jobs at
once, but she’s one of those two right now.

Nay’s upper-middle class identity was constructed through her family’s high status careers. The
educational backgrounds of her mother, father, sister, and aunt demonstrate Nay’s relationship to
her class background. This is further contextualized by her identification with STEM, which was
fostered by her enrollment in a STEM magnet school.
The range of class group memberships observed in this study demonstrated the unique
experiences of adolescents that they carry with them into any environment. The salience of class
group memberships and identities for Black adolescents were implicitly and explicitly gathered
from the data in ways that marked a simultaneously distinction and connected Black identities.
This is perhaps best captured by John, who provided his analysis of Black class stratification:
John: I'm not going to say “because if you're Black then you know what's up” or
“if you're Black then you know what's going on”; but, I think that, if you come
from a low priority community, if you come from a middle class, come from a
higher class, then you know what it is that you have to do… Your parents will
always tell you ... no matter what class you from, your parents will always tell
you, "You see that skin color, you can't change your skin color." And, I think
that's really what connects everyone, because the skin color that your born with, is
the same color that you got to stay with.

In this quote, John notes that not all Black people are socially aware of various issues facing the
community, but he relays the belief that across lines of class there is a connected struggle. He
cites generations of parents who espouse this belief system as a way to recognize class
differences under the umbrella of Black identity. As such, Black adolescents’ class identities
were a key construct in the formation of a larger causal condition that will inform their
interpretations of media.
Gender: Gender identities were another salient construct among adolescents, as both boys
and girls discussed how their experiences were shaped by gender and race. With specific regard
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to this study, adolescents spoke about how their gendered experiences shaped their view on race
and education in ways that were formative to their academic identities. Black girls in particular
were attuned to the intersectional nature of their educational experience, which drew many of
them towards becoming Black Feminists.
Gendered group membership were also particularly salient for Black girls throughout this
study, as their unique positionalities as “Black” and “woman” generated a range of perspectives
and intersectional analysis. Most Black girls, in this study, aligned themselves with feminism and
other social justice causes as a product of their experiences and understandings of Black
women’s role throughout history. In this first quote, Jay describes how she came to understand
herself through the tracing of history and engagement with courses in school:
Jay: I feel like everything goes back to slavery. I've seen this, because in one of
the classes I'm taking now, it's called Daughters of Africa, it talks about black
women struggles from the Antebellum period, with like leading up to now. And I
feel like, just being black, that's one factor, but being the female aspect of it
changes things, like making it different from a Black guy or a Black girl, the
struggles are different.

Here, Jay begins by tracing her perspective on race and gender back to slavery, then positions
herself within that context as having an understanding that is inherently different than a Black
man’s. The specificity and salience of Black women’s struggles and experiences were an
important finding to the her understandings of a racialized gender group membership. In
particular, youth discussed how they engaged social media as a way to reach race and gender
specific content:
Michelle: Yeah. There are some accounts that I like – the ones that I follow.
There’s a Black women appreciation account that I follow, and I love that account
because it’s not just Black people as whole but sometimes I really just do need to
be like for Black females because being a Black female in America can be really
struggle at times. And it kind of keeps me grounded too with knowing what mom
goes through, knowing what my grandma goes through, my aunties.

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This quote from Michelle begins with her acknowledgement that she follows Instagram accounts
that are specific to Black women. She says this is important because of the intersectional
oppressions that women face, and that there is a need for Black women-specific affirming
content. She wraps this quote by referring to the experiences of her mother, grandmother, and
aunts as Black women she admires, but also as women who have endured multiple forms racist
and gender-based discrimination. Born out of these intersecting oppressions, for many Black
girls in this study, were political identities rooted in feminism. In the following quote, Kristina
describes her perspective on dealing with racism and sexism:
Kristina: I'm a feminist. The Women's March thing, friggin' loved that. I thought
that was amazing. I went this year, or the last time they had it, and it was an
experience that was amazing. I feel like if you are white feminist but you are only
fighting for your rights and not using your privilege to help other Black feminists,
you are not a feminist, because feminism is all women to have equal power with
men, not white feminism only having equal power with men. And not a lot of
people get that, especially white feminism. It becomes a whole different argument
between feminism and men, and white feminism and black feminism.

Kristina begins this quote by identifying as a feminist, then clearly outlining her racialized
politics on what being a “feminist” means. She makes a clear distinction between white
feminism and Black feminism in a way that shows how her gender identity and racial identity are
mutually constructed. Kristina adds that the debates around feminism is not just between men
and women, but also emerges as a bifurcated issue around race among women.
Boys, in their own unique way, found their gender identities particularly attuned to their
understandings of masculinity and desire for academic achievement. Xavier demonstrates the
importance of education to the construction of Black manhood:
Xavier: Definitely very passionate about Black causes and Black struggle, Black
experience, all that type stuff because I just feel like it's my duty as a Black man
to educate myself about my people, my history, our struggle, and to fight so that
my children and the people that come after me don't have to deal with those
struggles. Yeah, that's one thing that I'm really passionate about.
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In this quote from Xavier, his Black masculinity or identification with maleness is constituted by
his desire to educate himself about Black history and the drive to “fight” for the community and
future generations. This quote highlights how Xavier’s passion for Black liberation is tied to not
only his Black identity, but his gender identity as well. For both boys and girls, in this study,
gender identities were inherently tied to the racial identities. Girls located how intersectional
forms of oppression created unique histories and perspectives for them, while boys solidified the
manhood through their devotion to Black history and the freedom struggle.
Color: In addition to race and ethnicity, the topic of colorism, and identification with
color was particularly salient among girls, in this study. Although one boy, Xavier, spoke about
dealing with issues of color, girls routinely mentioned how colorism shapes Black community
discourse around beauty and intelligence. The girls in this study, however, also spoke about how
they are able to find validating representations of their color, hair texture, and body types in
media. For dark skin girls, the ability to locate images and messages that support their
appearance within an ecology of media that typically promotes light skin features as beauty
standards is vital to their identity construction at the intersection of race and education.
Kayla Tweet: Beware of colorism inside and outside the Black community.

This tweet from Kayla highlighted the need to understand how colorism has internal and external
implication for Black people. Kayla discussed, in her interview, the perplexing and problematic
nature of colorism in media:
Kayla: Why am I not seeing things, like, more dark skinned women? Why is that?
Like, it’s just—you have to take notice to it. I don’t feel like it’s being discussed
much, because now we’re still addressing the whole issue of African American
representation in the media. So it’s like a sub-category of that, but you know most
people are putting their attention into the bigger picture and not like the small
details that are still so affecting that picture.

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Kayla feels, as a Black girl with a darker complexion, that colorism emerges in media due to
myopic perspectives on race. She questions why dark skinned women are less prominent in
media, but then asserts that because Black people, as a whole, have been historically
marginalized that content creators are uncritical in their bias of promoting light skin actors,
actresses, and models. According to Drea, this shapes how audiences, men in particular, view
Black women’s bodies and assert beauty standards:
Drea: A lot of people, they want the light skin, mixed, slim waist, big chest, a big
butt that type of stuff. They want stretch marks but stretch marks they say “in the
right places” and stuff. You have to be a certain type of skin color; skin has to be
pretty nice. You have to have really good hair. They don't do like the "nappy".

Drea highlights how the beauty standards of men promote light skin color, certain body types,
and hair textures that are less kinky. Traci also discussed how these images play a role in the
expectations women have for themselves as well:
Traci: Yeah that they was light skinned with long hair. And they started making
women change their appearance. Like many celebrity girls, they feel like they're
not going to be it unless they have a sex appeal, so they get butt injections and
things like that.

To Black girls in this study, color and colorism has a pervasive grip on the ways that Black
women are viewed in society. In addition to beauty standards, lighter skin was also viewed as a
marker of intelligence, in media. According to Jay, media depictions promote the belief that “the
lighter you are, the more educated.” The role of color and colorism on the identities of Black
girls was heavily pronounced, and perhaps best summed up by Kayla:
Kayla: Me and my friend we’re both dark skinned. Our group of friends, we’re all
African, so we’re all full-blooded—dark skinned—and it’s a matter of taking
notice. Cuz obviously if it’s not a problem to you, then you’re not gonna really
pay attention to it. But I just see a lot…

Kayla’s quote how the salience of color, particularly for darker skin Black girls is a group
membership that subjects them to a form of discrimination, of which they are keenly aware.
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Although the findings indicate that Black girls spoke about color and colorism more
routinely than boys, Xavier provided insight into how color was a unique construct for boys as
well:
Xavier: I've always been in Black educational programs, so that had a large part in
me understanding my Blackness and being okay with my Blackness. But also my
mom, because when I was little I used to get into a whole bunch of fights because
I'm light-skinned. There was a couple of times where we really had to sit down
and talk about what it means to be Black, and how I don't have to be dark-
skinned, and my hair doesn't have to be completely tight-knit to be Black, and
how I can be secure in my Blackness no matter what skin tone I am. Yeah, my
mom has definitely helped as far as that's concerned.

In this quote, Xavier is describing the process of developing a secure Black identity, whereby he
had to struggle with feelings of authenticity. In particular, because of his light skin he felt the
need to involve or defend himself in physical altercations to validate his masculinity and identity
as a Black male. As was found with the Black girls, in this study, color was a particularly
formative construct, given its role in creating stratified experiences for Black youth.
Religion: The final identity construct that was particularly important to some participants
were their religious identities and group memberships. Similar to class group membeship, this
study did not explicitly seek to ascertain participants’ religious affiliations through the
descriptive survey, but religion emerged in the data as a salient group membership, particularly
among Muslim identified participants. In particular, adolescents who identified as Muslim spoke
about how their religious identities shaped their educational experience and desire to learn more
about themselves.
Jordan: Through my mom, to be honest. She was a Muslim, so she know about all
of that stuff. And I actually started going to the mosque to learn more. I actually
wanted to become one, but I wanted to become one slow so I could understand
about the Black race.

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Jordan, along with his brother Carlos, discussed how they were developing Muslim identities,
particularly from the perspective of the Nation of Islam. Carlos mentioned The Honorable Elijah
Muhammed as a source for Black knowledge, and Jordan, in this preceding quote discussed how
his emergent religious identity would help him learn more about the race. In the following quote,
Xavier discussed his experience as a Black Muslim who attended a predominantly traditional
Muslim school growing up:
Xavier: Going to school to start, I'm Muslim, so I went to a private Muslim school
until about third grade. At the time I didn't know, but I always felt like an outcast
because I went to a very foreign Muslim school. There weren't many Black
people, and they were, I would say, pretty racist. Subconsciously it affected me,
but at the time I couldn't name that oppression. Going on after that I went to a
public school, predominately white, and then I went to a predominately white
Jewish school, but then my ninth grade year I went to pretty much an all-black
high school.

Xavier’s description of feeling like “an outcast”, even within a religious school where he shared
a group membership, highlighted the pervasiveness of anti-Blackness. He described how his
educational experience at other schools would remain similar, until he attended an all-Black high
school.
Religious group membership represented one of many social constructs that coalesce to
create adolescent’s global sense of identity. The intersection of race with each of these social
constructs contributed to unique identities, which within the model of media co-constructed
Black academic identities provided unique perspectives and experiences within their
environments. These identities are ultimately the key constructs that will help adolescents
evaluate media representations that are informative to their academic identities.
Experiences

The final core construct that comprises the causal conditions of media co-constructed
Black academic identities are the experiences that adolescents have within their environments
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and during various points in their lifetimes. In particular, three types of experiences emerged
from the data: Social, Personal, and Academic. The social experiences of Black adolescents
discovered within the data showed that youth learn, and gain experiences through, moments that
are salient, and were often times a product of interactions with systems and individuals within
their non-academic environments. On a personal level, adolescents emotional and behavioral
responses to experiences also shaped their perceptions of the world and media. The academic
experiences of Black adolescents were particularly important within the context of this study, as
well as in the lives of these participants. Their experiences with institutionalized educational
structures, along with important events that occur within classrooms and between school officials
shape their academic perspectives. In sum, the experiences of Black adolescents are important
moments that link their lives to the images portrayed through media representations.
Social: The social experiences of Black adolescents speak directly to the salient moments
or events that occurred in their lives that shaped their world views. Social experiences included
interactions with friends outside of school, or online, as well as interactions with members in
their communities or families. The nature of these experiences were varied, with some being
empowering, and others being traumatic. The formative nature of these social experiences were
often essential to adolescents of understands of their identities and their larger community.
The following finding from Jojo’s interview shows the way in which, traumatic social
experiences can mold adolescents’ perspectives:
Jojo: I had a friend, he was killed, actually, for not gangbanging. Somebody ran
up on him while we were at a liquor store. Him and his girl was posted outside, I
went inside to get some chips, bean dip and a strawberry-kiwi soda. Before I
could even pay for my stuff, I seen a dude coming across the street. I don't think
much of it, but I hear him out the door once he comes up a little bit. As I'm
handing the cashier my money, I hear him say, "Where you from, blood?" My
boy says, "I don't bang. That's not my thing." He says, "Oh well, should've said
something anyway." Clipped him two times in the chest and then bang, shot his
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girl in the leg… After a while, it actually becomes numbing for a person like me.
Kind of grew up a little rough, but I started seeing death and destruction pretty
early on in life, so it kind of hardened me a bit to it.

The experience of losing his friend to intra-communal violence admittedly shaped Jojo’s
perspective on the world, as he says that witnessing death has “hardened” him. Other participants
such as Carlos and Jordan described how traumatic events, such as the loss of a loved one were
life-altering in ways that promoted self-reflection and action. These traumatic social experiences
were also important points of reference to adolescents’ interpretations of media representations.
In addition to personal traumas, adolescents often discussed experiences in dealing with
racism when navigating various social spaces. These experiences with racism were often
memorable to participants because of how they validated their racial beliefs in an unjust society.
In the first quote, from Kayla, she describes two racist experiences that occurred in hometown,
one in a grocery store and another occurred during a traffic stop:
Kayla: The town I live in... not a lot of action. You know, small, but me and my
fam been through a lot, in terms of discrimination. Me and my brother went to the
store to buy some milk, and then this guy walks past us, and the sensor goes off,
and he’s a white guy; he just keeps walking, nobody stops him, but they stop me
and my brother. Even though, we got the milk, one item in our hand, and the
receipt. They stop us. They ask us questions. They check our receipt multiple
times. Then they finally let us go, but it’s like, we didn’t—That guy had like three
bags, and we had one thing in our hands.

Kayla: Me and my parents were stopped in that same town. We were stopped,
about to turn going towards the highway. I don’t know, he just stopped us, but he
never told us why he stopped us. Instead of asking my dad for his license, he
asked my mom and brother, older brother who was just 14 for his license. He’s
just tall. So it looked like there were four Black adults in the car, but we didn’t do
anything wrong, but until my dad was finally like “why are you doing this?” then
he’s like “there’s this tiny little hairline fracture” on my dad’s windshield that’s
the reason why I stopped you, but that was like 15 minutes after the fact.

The two experiences that Kayla describes show the routine nature, in which Black adolescents
and their families deal with racism. Also, Kayla’s interpretation of the two experiences show
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how situationally aware she is, in terms of understanding the context through which these social
interactions are indeed racist. When she points out the man with multiple bags or the police
officer not explaining why her family was pulled over, it indicates, to her, that this experience is
discriminatory. In a similar incident with police, John describes an experience that is reflective of
the type of racial profiling he sees consistently in his neighborhood:
John: All right. He's a fashionable guy, and he likes to rock his belt out and his
chains hanging loose or whatever. And, the police pulled him over one time and
said, "Let me see your hands, we finna frisk you over there." So, I'm like, "Why,
what did he do?" He said, "We just checking to see if he got any contraband up on
him." I say, "I ain't see you pull up with nobody else down the street." It was a
whole bunch of people coming down the street. "I didn't see you pull nobody else
down the street, you ain't hopped on nobody else." And this other time I was at
the mall and when I was at the mall, these security guards, they were frisking.
Like I just seen them frisking Black people, I'm like, "What's going on?" And I'm,
"You touch me ... " Because, they tried to frisk me, I'm like "Bro, if you touch me
we gonna have some problems," and I had to let them know that right away
because you can't just be touching on me.

In these experiences, described by John, he talks about how local law enforcement randomly
search members of his community, particularly if they do not match society’s expectations of
how individuals from that neighborhood should look. Like Kayla, John’s use of contextual
factors in his experiences allows him to validate his perceptions of racist evens. Furthermore,
John’s experiences with racism show that he takes an active approach by pushing back in the
moment. John’s direct confrontation with police and security show how adolescents are not just
subjects to racist experiences, but are also agents of resistance during their social interactions.
The role of adolescents in shaping their own social experiences was perhaps best
captured by their involvement with various social causes. Some adolescents, in this study, were
self-identified activists who engaged their community in a number of different ways, particularly
through protests. The experiences adolescents gained from their involvement with social
movements was an important finding that highlighted youth agency and identity development.
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Adolescents such as, Michelle, described her growing involvement in the movement for Black
lives as an evolutionary experience:
Michelle: Yeah. I think it was sixth grade when I went to my first protest and I did
not like it. Honestly, I did not. I was very uncomfortable, I was really scared
because there were a lot of police there and I didn’t know why. And I was really
sad too because of what we were marching for. And that was when I kind of first
time that I learned about police brutality. So, that was a lot. I think if I were to go
to a protest now I’d definitely better and more conscious and aware, but Michelle
from sixth grade was not very woke. So, it made sense, like, she was
uncomfortable. Well now, it would definitely be different.

Michelle, describes her first experience at a protest as scary, and also as a learning experience.
She goes on to say that her early involvement with social movements was a starting point for her
becoming “woke” or socially aware. Michelle goes on to describe herself in the third person, as a
way to claim that she is different now, and that the first experience with social activism has
transformed her into a new person. Michelle was not the only adolescent who gained valuable
experiences through activism, Kristina also attended protests, and then captured and shared these
moments on Instagram:
Figure 7. Kristina Instagram Post 1

Here, Kristina, who has a passion for photography shares pictures from a local teachers’ strike
that she attended. Kristina, a self-identified “human right activist” stood in solidarity with
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teachers, while capturing the experience through her camera. Kristina’s ability to capture this
important experience and share it with her followers, via Instagram, shows 1) how important the
event was to Kristina and 2) how the experience could also be appreciated by those who
followed her and were not in attendance. The number of “likes” and supportive comments
Kristina received in posting this picture provides a sense of validation for the moment that
marries social and academic experiences.
Personal: Alongside adolescents’ social experiences, were the personal experiences they
dealt with internally. Personal experiences emerged as participants discussed their emotional and
behavioral responses to academic and life events. Throughout interviews and focus groups
adolescents described a range of emotions that dealt with feelings of happiness, stress,
depression, as well as an expressed desire to see changes in media based on these personal
experiences. In this quote, Kristina’s describes the “stressful” experience of navigating college
applications as a first generation student:
Kristina: College applications have to be one of the stressful things I've ever went
through in my entire life, especially being a first generation student and there's
just so much that's on you. Like FAFSA, CSUs, UCs, common app, privates. It's
definitely new, like especially being a first gen student. It's new because you're
seeing all this new, like okay, what do I do now? Yeah, you have to apply for
college, but how you're going to do it? Especially, I know a lot of first gen
students don't get the emotional back support that they need, because parents that
didn't go to college are like, "Okay. Well, she has it, so we're just going to leave
her alone," or things like that because they assume that college apps are easy. But
thankfully, I turned in all my college applications, so I'm done with that.

Kristina’s recollection of the college application process as “stressful” speaks to the
psychological and emotional effort that it takes for students, like her, who do not have familial
resources that can help with the college going experience. Specifically, Kristina describes the
need for “emotional back support”, as parents of first generation college students do not know
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how to help with the process. Kristina is expresses relief after completing the application
experience.
In addition to the personal experiences that adolescents had in their academic ventures,
participants also described their feelings in dealing with traumatic experiences. As previously
mentioned, some adolescents like Jojo and Jordan experienced the unexpected loss of friends and
family members. During their interviews they both described how they dealt with these personal
experiences:
Jojo: I build new relationships. After that point, I learned that I can't really hold
people as close as I was, because I'm a really hard lover and a loyal person, but I
had to develop, like, kind of a shell to keep my emotions in, not necessarily keep
people out, but keep my emotions in… Yeah, I was depressed for a long time. But
I came to get over it.

Jordan: Yeah it was hard bro. It was hard. I found myself getting angry at little
things I didn't get angry about when he [his brother] was alive. So it was like ... It
was a long ... And I'm still going through the process right now. But it's like I had
to realize, "I can't change it. It happened. And I can't stop here. He wouldn't want
me to stop here, so I have to keep pushing somewhere."

In both these quotes, Jojo and Jordan described the socio-emotional processing of grief, and how
they modified their behaviors in reaction to these personal experiences. Specifically, Jojo
describes how he felt “depressed” and had to learn to keep his emotions in check while dealing
with his situation. Similarly, Jordan found himself becoming “angry”, and was still processing
those emotions and behaviors as he continues to come to terms with what his brother would have
wanted. Not all personal experiences were emotionally traumatizing or stressful, however. Some
adolescents also described positive personal experiences that made them happy. For instance,
Rayshon, who is an avid basketball fan that enjoys playing with father said, “I think when I beat
him the first time, I was happy. I was real happy.” This personal experience was a fond memory
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that highlighted Rayshon’s love for basketball, as well as an appreciation for the time spent with
his father.
Another form of personal experience that adolescents described dealt directly with media.
Some participants noted how their personal engagements with media have led to negative
emotions, but also have the ability to illicit positive feelings. This finding was exemplified by
Traci’s feelings towards news media reports of police violence, and how movies like Black
Panther reject trends in popular media:
Traci: It's making me sad. It's like how an incident with a cop killing a Black can
repeatedly happen, and then yet, they don't find nothing coincident about it. Like,
recently, it was a police officer, she was coming home from work and she went to
the wrong apartment, and she thought that it was a burglar and she thought that
that was her house and when a man opened the door, she thought that that was a
burglar so she just immediately shot him.

Traci: More of us being positive, and not really be oppressed, sad, or angry about
anything, just living a happy life. It's like when you see mainly shows who are,
besides Black Panther, but like predominantly Black shows, it's always drama
between them.

In the first quote, Traci is describing her personal experience with watching reports via news and
social media about policy killings, and how they make her “sad”. The repeated occurrences,
followed by the reporting has created, for her, an experience with media that emotionally taxing
and racially salient. Popular media, however, is one area where Traci believes that positive
personal experiences can be felt. She is particularly interested in depictions of Black people
“living a happy life.” She notes that this is not often portrayed in media, but Black Panther is an
exception that promotes feelings of positivity.
Personal experiences adolescents had dealing with academic ventures, traumatic events,
fond moments, and media were shaped by their emotional and behavior responses. The personal
experiences of adolescents were marked by their internal processing of life events that shape
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their perceived conditions. At the intersection of the social and academic experiences were the
participants, and how they experienced their environments on a personal level. This is
represented by MCBAI, by listing personal experiences as the middle component of the
experiences construct.
Academic: In addition to the social and personal experiences that occur within
adolescents’ broader community, were their specific academic experiences. Academic
experiences were often informative to their constructions of academic identities, along with their
understandings of how race shapes their educational perspectives. Moments and events that
occurred within schools or through educational contexts were considered academic experiences.
These experiences typically included interactions with peers, teachers, and counselors, as well as
other formative academic moments, such as field trips and class assignments. As noted in the
school environment, participants attended a range of different schools, which produced an
expansive and deep data set relative to their experiences in academic settings.
Xavier, as previously noted, encountered racism in schools, as a product of the
intersection of between his racial and religious identities. His academic experiences, however,
were not always rooted in racism. In fact, Xavier credits race affirming academic experiences as
“life changing” as well:
Xavier: There was this program I was in where we studied the African diaspora
through the arts, and we traveled to a different country every year, it definitely
changed my life. Those experiences as a child learning how to channel my energy
into a single art form, a single piece, a single experience, it really helped me learn
how to just deal with those emotions in that way.

The importance of gaining a valuable experience through an academic program was a critical
learning opportunity for Xavier. Through his experience in this program he was able to center his
racial identity within a learning context that enabled him to use his skills and passions as a Black
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artist. This is underscored by the final part of the quote when he says he learned how to deal
with his emotions, as the “emotions” he referred to were the feelings of being marginalized in
prior academic experiences. This quote provides an example of how academic and personal
experiences are, at times, intrinsically tied to one another.
Academic experiences, in this study, were also non-traditional. Given that some
participants were taking alternative routes to their education. The academic experiences of these
adolescents emerged in different ways. For example, Drea, a gap year student, discussed her
decision to take a year off between high school and college, and how that experience has
provided her insights:
Drea: Well, I wasn't a great student at Malcolm-Washington High School
[pseudonym]… I struggled a lot. So they [her parents] didn't really think that I'd
do well in college where I wanted to go. So they just let me get a job and didn't
really get mad as much that I didn't go to college. They was like, "Once school
starts back, you get a job, you have to go to college with the job, you should just
to part-time." Now I see how hard it is to get a job. They was like, "Now you see,
now that should make you want to go to college even more." I didn't want to jump
right into it. Then, my parents wanted me to experience the "real world" and to
actually make me want to go to college even more and to see how hard it is.

Drea’s academic experience as a gap year student grew out of her experience in high school,
where she “struggled.” With guidance from her parents she decided to work before going to
school. This generated an appreciation for school, given how “hard” the “real world” was to
Drea. This academic experience, though not traditional, allowed for Drea to learn more about
herself and relationship with education.
This study’s findings suggest that all academic experiences allow for adolescents to
reflect on key moments in ways that shaped their views of themselves and education. Unlike,
Xavier and Drea, however, some academic experiences were not fond memories of self-initiated
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growth. Some adolescents experienced racialized hardships that stuck with them. In the first
example from Logan, she describes an experience from high school:
Logan: My principal just really irked my nerves. She asked me to make a speech.
I was like, “okay... I made it.” Then she would always talk to me and my friend
about--she tried to get us into this Black History Month, thing. It's like, “why?”
Obviously, representation matters, and we need stuff like Black History Month.
But, it's like, why do you have to come to us? Why do I have to be the face of the
school? I felt like I had to represent, but at the same time, I didn't want all, of the
representation.

In this quote, Logan is talking about a frustrating experience she had with her school’s principal,
who suggest that she, as one of the few Black students at the school, organize a Black History
Month event. Logan details this experience as a tokenizing example of a microaggression that
exemplified her high school experience. These types of salient experiences at school were often
discussed by adolescents, when recalling interactions with school officials:
Nay: Oh, well there was this one teacher. I have no idea what her problem was.
But there was this one time. This was one of the only memories I have from my
middle school. Cuz it was such a bad experience I tried to erase it from my head.
But there was this one day... We were doing presentations for our projects. It was
a science class, and we were supposed to be talking about different diseases in the
human body, and a lot of them were caused by smoking. So then, as a joke the
teacher asks, “who thinks they would smoke when they get older, since all these
diseases are caused by smoking?” These two kids raised their hands. They’re both
the class clowns. And then she was like, “Nay, you didn’t raise your hand. I
thought you would.” I was like, “I don’t even know what that means.” But, the
year before, my grandmother passed away from lung cancer, caused by smoking,
and it was still very fresh for me. So I started crying. She either didn’t notice, or
didn’t mention it for the entire class. I told my mom. My mom e-mailed the
principal, the principal talked to my teacher. She said she was talking to one of
the other kids who had already raised his hand. So then I had to give a statement,
and, I think the principal asked two kids in my class and they all said the thing—
that she was talking to me. Nothing happened to her… They didn’t do anything.
And I was like that’s pretty shitty, because she literally made me cry in the middle
of class... Yea, so then I avoided her for the rest of my time in the school.

Nay’s recollection of events with her science teacher, was an experience that she attempted to
block from her memory, but was one of many she had during school. The harmful experiences
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that Black adolescents endure in academic spaces was an important finding, that often shaped
how they navigated school and molded their identities and perspectives.
The academic, social, and personal experiences of adolescents, though distinct within the
framing of this model, can also inform each other. In the following quote from Jojo, he continues
his thought process from his “hardened” social experiences, and how it translates to his academic
experience:
Jojo: After a while, it actually becomes numbing for a person like me. Kind of
grew up a little rough, but I started seeing death and destruction pretty early on in
life, so it kind of hardened me a bit to it. Like, I feel for people that go through it,
it's why I'm in the little field that I am at my school. I have this position that I
work that's called Lobos, bailing my brothers and sisters out of the system. What I
do there is go to political movements against police brutality and stuff like that.

Jojo’s traumatic social experiences, personally motivated him take up a particular role in his
alternative school, where he serves as a student liaison. Jojo takes great pride in this experience
and uses those lessons to advocate for causes he believes in.
Within the model of media co-constructed identities, the perceived causal condition of
experiences informs and is informed by adolescents’ identities and their interactions with the
environment. The three perceived causal conditions allow for the development of racialized
perspectives that are critical to youth’s interpretations of media representations. The
environments, identities, and experiences of Black adolescents are complex and multifaceted,
which sets up a diverse range of evaluations of images and messages. Engagement with media
representations, as interpreted by the conditions of Black adolescents are the necessary
contingents for constructing media co-constructed academic identities.
Intervening Conditions

As previously discussed, in chapter three, intervening conditions are the contexts and
constructs that promote action or inaction relative to the central phenomenon. In this study, the
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intervening conditions begin with: 1. Critical engagement of media representations, followed by,
2. The evaluation of representations as inauthentic, unidentifiable or identifiable. The model
depicted in Figure 1 indicates that these intervening conditions are distinct constructs that move
individuals’ engagement with media from a broad environmental source of entertainment and
information towards a particular form of identity construction.
Critical Media Engagement

Within the model of media co-constructed Black academic identities, critical media
engagement is the first intervening process that moves from the causal conditions towards the
central phenomenon. This is an important step that is indicated by a bi-directional line, signaling
that the media representations are also distinct constructs informing the environments, identities,
and experiences of adolescents. The critical media engagement of adolescents contributed to
their interpretations of media representations as stereotypical, unidentifiable, or identifiable. The
critical thought process of participants was most evident in their descriptions of deciphering
information via social media. In this first quote from Michelle, she describes how she deciphers
if sources are reliable on Twitter:
Michelle: I kind of want to see who writes it first. You know, depending on what
their ethnic background is, that kind of has to go in first. And, depending on the
topic, sometimes the gender matters too. If I want to know about certain things, I
kind of really want to see what’s their level of knowledge on this. I might ask a
friend, “Oh. Have you read this article?” or “Have you been to this website?” Or
maybe I’ll ask my mom because sometimes she can identify certain things on a
website that might not be trustworthy or are trustworthy. Mostly just doing that.

Similarly, Jay discussed the process she uses to determine an unreliable source:
Jay: Well, if I look at the profile of the account, like the profile page is not even a
real person. Or if you keep scrolling, and all the tweets are the same, like their
main goal is just to I guess tick people off.

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The complex, and at times, iterative nature of getting information from social media platforms,
such as Twitter, was also discussed by Kayla:
Kayla: I really like Twitter. Not that it’s reliable news all the time, cuz sometimes
I have to fact check. If somebody says “such and such happened…” it’s like,
“nah” you look it up and it’s like, “nope, didn’t happen.” So, I like using Twitter,
because it just exposes you to a multitude of perspectives, because you post your
thoughts and your emotions, and how you’re feeling. You just kind of put it out
there. And then, in that sense you can find, like, a double edged sword.

In these three quotes from Michelle, Jay, and Kayla it was revealed that adolescents use a
multitude of validity checks when engaging social media platforms. These critical engagements
include knowing the social group memberships of the source, their history of posts, and a
synthesis of perspectives. Each participant noted how social media is useful in providing
information relative to their interests, including race and education, but they were keenly aware
of the potential for misinformation.
The complexity of critically engaging with media messaging also emerged in
adolescents’ evaluations of film and television. Participants engagement with media
representations typically fell into three categories: inauthentic/stereotypical representations,
unidentifiable representations, and authentic/identifiable representations. Though adolescents, in
this study, made clear distinctions between these constructs, their critical eye towards these
representations revealed a nuanced process of media evaluations. In the following quote, Nay
describes her distain, yet complex understandings with stereotypes in media:
Nay: A lot of times you'll see the sassy Black woman in media. And it's starting to
get annoying just because they're so often. So like, anything where one of the
main characters is a sassy Black woman, I try to stay away from it. But then I also
try to stay away from that behavior as well. And then pushing myself to, I guess,
do better than them? But, at the same time, I don't want to put them down,
because it's not really the character's fault that they're like that. It's the writers who
wrote them. And it's also still based off of real people even if it's not how
everyone acts. There's nothing wrong with the people who act like that. It's just
that they're being used as a harmful stereotype and everyone expects us to act like
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that. And then once, if you do act like that, then they immediately write off
everything, every one of your opinions as if they don't matter.

In here quote, Nay distinct locates a historical stereotype of Black women, which she finds
“annoying”. She even discusses how she actively disengages with these images when she finds
them in shows, and how they become motivating tools to resist performing stereotypical
behavior. Interestingly, however, her evaluation of these representations oscillates between being
critical of the fictional writing and having empathy for actual people who may behave in these
ways. This quote captures the critical media engagement process of adolescents, whereby the
authenticity and relevance of representations to adolescents’ lives are iteratively evaluated.
Inauthentic Representations/Stereotypes

When engaging media representations, participants’ used critical perspectives to evaluate
media representations. These evaluations, in some instances, led to adolescents identifying some
images and messages as stereotypes. Stereotypical representations were labeled by adolescents as
problematic remnants of societies historical renderings of Black people. The adolescents, in this
study, noted that stereotypical representations were not the same, and appeared less frequently in
today’s media. Although, these participants were still able to locate tropes and stereotypes in the
more contemporary representations. The evaluations of representations as stereotypical was
important for adolescents’ academic identities, as some noted that these images have the ability
to motivate them to aspire towards their personal and academic goals.
Given that the current “representation matters” mantra argues for more authentic and
nuanced images of underrepresented groups; participants were asked if they still see stereotypes
in contemporary media. For the most part, adolescents in this study generally agreed that
stereotypes are sighted less frequently, yet they emerge in different ways in today’s films and
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television shows. In this first quote, Darius describes how stereotypes are depicted within today’s
media:
Darius: It's actually something I don't see as often anymore. As of now, I would
say it's getting better. It's not like pure stereotypes. There's a few stereotypes, but
it's mainly followed by authentic stuff. It's usually stereotypes will come in with a
joke or something, but it's getting way better than it used to be.

Darious’ assertion that there are less “pure” stereotypes implies that these representations have
evolved overtime, and have become less frequent and more difficult to label. Xavier, also agrees
that there are less stereotypes in the contemporary media environment, and suggest that social
media plays a role in preventing these representations:
Xavier: I feel like it's gotten better, but I still feel like there's an abundance of
stereotypes. It has gotten better, though, especially with the access to just
communicating period via social media, via movies.

Xavier’s acknowledgement that stereotypes still exist is important, as it points to an awareness
that these representations are prevalent, despite the changing media environment. His belief is
that that communicative power of social and popular media has allows for more public discourse
that can push back against these representations.
Although adolescents agreed that stereotypes were less prominent in the contemporary
media environment, participants still found that some problematic representations and tropes
remained in media. For instance, participants like Jordan and Rayshon noted how the Black
person “never survives” in horror films. Other participants, referred to how certain actors and
actresses play into stereotypes in harmful ways. In the following excerpt from the girls’ focus
group, Jay, Kayla, and Nay discuss the ways Tiffany Haddish and Kevin Hart perpetuate
stereotypes:
Nay: Tiffany Haddish.

Kayla: I knew you were going to say that.
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Jay: I hate how the roles they put her in are always the same.

Nay: It’s the same thing. She did that movie with Kevin Hart and like, as soon as I
saw her character I was completely turned off from the movie.

Josh: You're talking about Night School?

Jay: Yes.

Kayla: Girls Trip. Classic.

Nay: I like that movie.

Kayla: But then I saw her in Night School and I was like, "Okay. So she just
jumped from that into ..." She just played the same person…I feel like she's a
funny person. She's just true to herself and true to her, but I feel like she's not
exactly seeing what's going on. Because some people aren't noticing like, they
can't really take her seriously anymore.

Kayla: Like, eventually the laughter and the jokes and the whole thing, that
stereotype, there's an extent to that to where people start being like, okay. Where's
the seriousness? As an up-and-coming actress, I feel like she has to diversify
herself and not just go towards, okay, like, you need a funny Black woman. I got
you. I'm here. I'll do it, because eventually it's going to get played out. It's just
going to be like, okay. This is the fourth movie where you've been the same
character. It's time for change.

Nay: While we're on the topic of Night School, Kevin Hart also plays the same
character.

Kayla: Yes, he does.

Nay: He has never changed ever, in his life.

Jay: He needs to chill out.

In their discussion, Jay, Kayla, and Nay are voicing frustrations about the perpetuation of the
“sassy Black woman” stereotype by Tiffany Haddish, and noting how her one-dimensional
portrayals are also similar to the male characters portrayed by Kevin Hart. They note how these
consistent portrayals led to stereotyping Black people as noncomplex humans. Similarly, John
and Jermaine questioned specifically the portrayal of Black anti-intellectualism:
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John: But, what I don't understand about TV is they always have--I don't know
why, but I don't know if I only see this, but it's like whenever they put on a Black
character, they always portray them as, "Oh, they're stupid or whatever." And,
like older stupid or whatever. And I'd be like, “why are they always acting stupid
in these TV shows?” They do stupid things and I guess that's what they have to
do.

Jermaine: It's the role.

John: Yeah. I guess that's the role that they have to do, but I don't understand why
they do that role.

This finding from John and Jermaine revealed how adolescents are perplexed by the
representations that consistently depict Black people as unintelligent. This finding also shows the
connection between stereotypical representations and inauthentic representations. In the
following quote, Xavier locates specific stereotypes and how “educated” audiences can locate
their inauthenticity:
Xavier: For one, drug dealing and Black men, angry Black women, sapphire. You
still see the jezebel, even though it may be disguised every now and then. That's
the thing, I feel like now these representations aren't as outward. You got to really
seek to understand these misrepresentations, why they're misrepresentations. A lot
of people saw The Hate U Give, and was like, "Oh, it was such a good movie
because it was so emotional, and it ended up having a happy ending. The girl can
now be happily with her white boyfriend who tried to discount her whole race,
like discount her whole existence." You really have to seek and educate yourself
on why these are misrepresentations, how these representations can be
detrimental. That's how I feel about that.

This quote from Xavier specifically identifies stereotypes as misrepresentations of Black people
and Black experiences. He also notes how uncritical engagement with media, in his opinion,
demonstrates a lack of social awareness.
Although stereotypes were roundly critiqued by participants as problematic and
inauthentic, contemporary tropes and representations were present in the portrayals that
adolescents enjoyed and related to. As previously mentioned in the excerpts from Nay and
Darius, critical engagement with media included negotiating stereotypes with images adolescents
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perceived as authentic. In the following quote, Xavier describes how one of his favorite
characters from Grey’s Anatomy demonstrates some stereotypical traits:
Xavier: Even though that is like a slight Jezebel [Mammy] stereotype because she
is like the mother of the show, I still feel like it's a testament to Black experience
because it wasn’t Jezebel [Mammy] like, "I'm going to take care of your babies.
I'm going to be your nanny." It was like just caring mom and real. That's why I
like Dr. Bailey.

Similarly, Darius discussed how his favorite character, Ghost, from the television show Power,
fits into a stereotype of the Black thug or drug dealer, but does it in a way that provides nuance:
Darius: It's just like, he knows he's doing it wrong, and he knows it gets the
money, but he knows that it also keeps his family where they are. He thinks about
it, and he doesn't like it, yet he still does it anyway.

These examples from Xavier and Darius, along with Nay, demonstrate how stereotypes are still
located in “authentic” representations to Black adolescents. The key difference, however, is the
nuance that prevents these characters from being one dimensional, like those played by Tiffany
Haddish and Kevin Hart.
As an intervening condition stereotypes are unique representations, in comparison to
unidentifiable representations, because adolescents are able to reflect on these images in ways
that promote action towards developing media co-constructed Black academic identities:
Nay: There are instances where people will see a stereotype and it's a negative
stereotype and they're like, well I want to prove them wrong, I want to show them
that we're not all like that.

Here, Nay is keenly aware of the stereotypes attached to Black people through media, and views
them as labels to actively avoid. The trope of Black anti-intellectualism or the belief that Black
students do not want to achieve in school are images and messages these adolescents recognize
and critically evaluate:
Jojo: For so long, just going back to media, for so long, oftentimes, the smarter
people, the smarter kids, or the adults were primarily played by Caucasian actors
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or actresses. So that would lead the people watching it, after watching it for so
long, to believe that, maybe these people are a little smarter than the rest,
sometimes, in some cases. And then when you have an equally smart African
American or Hispanic, it's looked at as we're trying to do too much or born with a
silver spoon up our ass, or is a stickler for the rules. When in actuality, we're just
trying to be looked at an accepted mentally and physically, as much as the others,
as much as white people are in America.

The perspective shared by Jojo, in this quote, shows an historical understanding of the trope of
Black anti-intellectualism, while also providing a critique to its misrepresentation of Black
people. The inauthentic representations promoted through media, via stereotypes, as discussed by
these adolescents show their ability to resist these messages through a knowledge set of history
that promoted critical media literacy. These evaluations of stereotypes motivated youth to further
develop their Black academic identities.
Unidentifiable Black Representations

In addition to evaluations of media representations as stereotypes, adolescents also
categorized some representations as not relatable, which in MCBAI has been labeled as
unidentifiable. Unlike stereotypes, which participants saw as potentially motivating for their
academic identities, unidentifiable representations prompted inaction towards the central
phenomenon. The unidentifiable nature of certain representations was a subjective evaluation by
each participant. Relatedly, an important caveat to this intervening condition was that
unidentifiable representations did not prompt adolescents to stop engaging shows and films they
found entertaining. Rather, these media representations were viewed for passive enjoyment, as
opposed to having any intrinsic, identifiable value. This study found that unidentifiable
representations were comprised of incongruent identities, unidentifiable experience, and
unidentifiable environments. These three components relate directly to the core constructs of
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adolescents’ perceived causal conditions that build their perspectives and critical lens towards
media.
For adolescents in this study, one of the main components for determining if a
representation was unidentifiable was if characters’ identities were incongruent with their own.
Participants cited characters’ race, age, and color as identity markers that made it difficult to
identify with shows, even the ones they liked. For example, multiple participants expressed
interest in the show Riverdale, but found it difficult to relate to characters, because of race:
Michelle: Mm, nah, not really. They’re all White. They’re not really relatable.

Traci: They're white. There's one Black one, her name is Josie, but she's more
like a supporting.

Both Traci and Michelle were among a group of participants who enjoyed Riverdale, but found
the show difficult to identify with, because of the predominantly white cast. Incongruence
between adolescents and characters’ racial identities were a critical component in their
evaluations of media representations. Though a majority of participants listed racially congruent
characters as those that related to the most (discussed below), one participant, Nay found some
white characters’ relatable:
Survey Question 8: What are your favorite movies? Why?
Nay Response: Spider-Man: Homecoming: My favorite character is Peter because
he’s a relatable teenager and a teenage superhero who’s up to date with memes
and social media is amazing.

In her interview, Nay expands her thoughts on why she finds Peter Parker relatable:

Nay: Just like the fact that he acts like an actual teenager. Since it came out last
year he’s up to date with all memes and stuff, and social media is more
prominent. I thought that was really cool. Cuz, you don’t really see that in other
MCU movies. They don’t really have a lot of teenagers and I’m sure the Avengers
don’t stay up to date with memes. So it’s I love putting memes in everything. So
having a movie, where memes are spoken about, it’s fun. And then, just in
general, him making jokes a lot. Him just generally being a teenager—a genuine
teenager was cool.
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These findings from Nay’s survey and interview highlight how, in some instances, race is not
necessarily a sole determining factor, and that other congruent identities and group memberships,
such as age, may make a racially incongruent character relatable. This finding, however, served
as a caveat to the larger finding, which was that incongruent racial identities were not as easily
identifiable for adolescents.
As evident in Nay’s example where age was a salient group membership for identifying
with a character. Age was also key for adolescents who felt less relatability with characters.
Some adolescents, such as Logan and Kristina found that incongruence, whether feeling too old
or not old enough, made representations less congruent for them on a personal level:
Logan: I can't relate to Dear White People, because they all just seem so mature.
For me, I would probably have to say, Grown-ish.

In this quote from Logan, she is comparing Dear White People and Grown-ish, and their
depictions of Black college life. For her, the characters on Dear White People feel more
“mature”, and closer to adulthood than the characters on Grown-ish, who she feels closer to, as a
college freshman. Conversely, Kristina describes how media representations are less inspiring,
because she is older and more secure in her identity:
Kristina: Now that I'm older, it's like okay, that's cool. She's a journalist, and she's
Black. But if I was younger, I'd definitely be like, “oh wow, she's a journalist, and
she's Black, like that's something I could do.” Now, that I'm older, it's like we
definitely need more Black actors, such as Iris. But since I'm older, I know
internally that I can be a successful journalist. But if I was younger, it's like I'd
probably have doubts.

In this quote, Kristina returns to the character Iris, and the television show The Flash, which she
found useful for its depiction of journalism, but notes how the power of representation was less
pronounced for her because she already sees herself as a journalist.
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The final emergent category that adolescents noted as important to determining an
unidentifiable representation was through incongruence with color. As previously mentioned,
color and colorism was particular salient for girls, in this study. This was found within the data
as an important point of disidentification with media representations, particularly on social
media:
Kayla: Well people are Instagram famous, but most of them are light-skin. I
haven’t really seen a lot of darkskin, Instagram famous individuals, and their
platform is their appearance. Like, “go, sis do your thing.” But, why? Why is that
all can be seen? Why is that all over my feed? Why do I have to keep seeing that?
Where are people that look like me, pretty much?

Here, Kayla notes how beauty standards that are perpetuated through visual based social media
platforms, such as Instagram promote lighter-skin. She is particularly annoyed with the lack of
representation and admiration for women with darker complexions. This incongruence between
the skin tones she sees “all over” her feed and her skin tone is salient for her.
In addition to incongruent identities, adolescents also found that unidentifiable
experiences contributed to a lack of authenticity and inability to identify with media
representations. These unidentifiable experiences that are portrayed on film and television occur
in social and academic settings. Participants also described how their perceptions of whether a
show was realistic contributed to their interpretations of the portrayed experience. In this
exchange between Logan and I, she describes how one of her favorite shows Keeping Up with
the Kardashians (2007), generates unidentifiable stories and experiences:
Josh: So with the Kardashians, do you feel like they're just entertainment to you?
Or do you feel there's relatable about them, in any sort of way?

Logan: I think Kardashians are purely entertainment. Because I think the majority
of things they do, are staged.

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Logan’s separation of The Kardashians’ “pure entertainment” from her inability to identify with
the show is rooted in her belief that the experiences of the characters on the show are
manufactured. Reality shows, however, were not the only genre of television that Logan felt was
inauthentic and unidentifiable. She described how Riverdale’s depiction of high school
experience was unidentifiable:
Logan: I want to say Riverdale. Because even though it's like a high school show,
the stuff that happens in that show is so--they seem like they're not high schoolers.
I cannot relate to that show, at all.

Logan notes how despite the fact that characters are the same age, and going through academic
experiences, the events that occur are not “at all” relatable to her. The unidentifiable experiences
depicted on screen place a show, like Riverdale in the “pure entertainment” category and away
from any potential academic identity building.
Adolescents were also critical of representations of social experiences. These
unidentifiable experiences, as depicted in film and television, were often incongruent with
participants’ perceptions of real life events. For example, Xavier, a student activist offered his
insights on how the movement for Black lives was depicted in the movie The Hate U Give
(2018):
Xavier: I'll go with The Hate U Give since I already named it. The problem that I
had with that movie was that it misrepresented police brutality, police brutality in
that it made it seem like the reason that the young man got killed was because he
was selling drugs. But, they didn't really go in depth with why is he selling drugs,
Black people already know that selling drugs is a problem. We know that, but
what people don't know is that the police are unlawfully killing Black people. It
does not matter whether you sold drugs or not. The Hate U Give. I know that's not
real. I know drug dealers aren't the problem for police brutality because I know
people that get beat up just because. I feel like, for one, you can determine
whether something is an accurate representation based off experience, and just
educate yourself on whether something is a real experience or not. Then, just go
with your gut. You would know.

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As a student organizer, Xavier has intimate experiences pertaining to activism and the history of
the movement for Black lives. His critique of The Hate U Give centers on the misrepresentation
of the social movement, and how the experience depicted in the movie is not real. This lack of
authenticity, as perceived by Xavier, makes this unidentifiable for him in ways that are not
beneficial to his already developed identity as an organizer.
The final component of unidentifiable representations are unidentifiable environments.
Similar to the unidentifiable experiences that are depicted on screen, adolescents noted how the
portrayals of their environments in media is often incongruent with their settings. This finding
emerged multiple times when discussing the show Grown-ish. Although it was a popular show
amongst adolescents, some felt that its depiction of the college environment, in particular the
main character, Zoe’s (Yara Shahidi) friend group was inaccurate:
Logan: The difference is, would probably be, like the diversity. Like her friend
group is, it's diverse, I would say. Yeah, it's diverse

Jay: Because like the cast, I guess it's diverse, and they don't really show it in
classrooms, it being all white… Just so it looks like they're representing
everybody. So you have a Black, like “oh, you can see everyone in this show”,
even though it's not really like that. Because that's one thing that's inaccurate
about this show, I'd say.

Both Logan and Jay are critical of Zoe’s social circle on Grown-ish, because of its diverse
members. These adolescents cited their own experiences of attending a PWI where a majority of
their friends are Black, which is inconsistent with the show’s depiction of a multiracial
environment.
The intervening condition of unidentifiable representations is part of a complex vetting
process by adolescents. As evident in the example of Grown-ish’s unidentifiable environment,
whereby adolescents found the environment inauthentic, other elements from the show may be
useful for developing identities. While these unidentifiable representations restrict, and at times,
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prevent actions towards developing media co-constructed Black academic identities, adolescents
still, in some cases, are able to glean valuable information. Overall, however, the incongruent
identities, unidentifiable experiences, and unidentifiable environments make images less useful
for identity development than representations deemed as authentic.
Identifiable Representations

The third intervening condition is the identifiable representation, or what some
adolescents labeled the “authentic” Black representation. These representations are evaluated by
youth as being congruent with their identities, and carry relatable themes that pertain to
adolescents’ experiences and environments. The identifiable representation directly promotes the
development of media co-constructed Black academic identities by shaping their personal and
academic aspirations, as well as their social identities. Of the three intervening conditions,
identifiable representations offer the most affirming sources of information pertaining to
adolescents’ identities.
As previously mentioned, authenticity was a subjectively evaluated quality of media
representations. This subjectivity, however, was explained by participants as inherent
understanding of what is “real” when it comes to Black identity and experience:
Darius: I feel like you can tell something is authentic…When it's said, you're just
like, "Yo, I went through that as a child. I remember that." This comedian would
do that. I don't remember who it was I was listening to, but they were talking
about, "Remember when you could get whooped by your friends’ parents because
that's how close everyone knew each other?" It was funny at first, because almost
anyone that grew up that way can remember that… I guess that's how you can tell
whether or not something is authentic. That, and how it's said. If it's said where
you don't understand how they're trying to say it, then it's probably because
they've never experienced it firsthand…It's like off a script or something. That's
the main way you can tell whether or some something is authentic. If it just
catches you as soon as they say it.

Xavier: I feel like, for one, to represent something it has to be authentic, it has to
be real. It has to be honest, so representation is honesty. Based off of my personal
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experience, especially when it comes to Black people because I know Black
people. I'm around Black people all the time. I am Black. If I feel like something
is not true to us I can trust my own instinct, my own experience on whether that's
real or not. Also, I feel like even if it has to do with different cultures, whether
that's correct indigenous representation, I feel like you have this feeling. I can
only speak for myself. I have this feeling when I know something is real. It's
something in your gut that you just know, so go with your instincts. Educate
yourself too.

As demonstrated in these quotes from Darius and Xavier, adolescents’ have a pre-existing
understanding of Black identity and culture that informs their evaluations of media
representations as authentic. Logan provides examples of how her understandings of Black group
members apply to shows like This Is Us (2016) and Scandal:
Logan: I watch a very selective amount of shows to know how representation,
across all shows are Black. The shows that I watch I feel are authentic to that
character, how that character grew up. Like Randall, for example, I know I keep
going back to this, but he grew up in a white household, so how he acts is a
portrayal of that. Or who else? Olivia Pope, she grew up sheltered. So how she
acts, is like a betrayal of that. And she was educated like dad was educated, so
how we see her, is how she acts, because that's how she grew up.

Logan’s stated selection of shows that feature Black characters is underscored by her perceptions
of authenticity. She situates the characters of Randall and Olivia as Black characters that live
particular types of experiences that she understands as valid and real. The perceived causal
conditions of identities, experiences, and environments of adolescents inform their perceptions of
authenticity that directly relate back to those same conditions in the intervening nature of media
representations.
Whereas incongruent identities restricted adolescents’ ability to relate to characters,
congruent identities allowed participants to see themselves as or within characters. In the
previous quote from Logan, she noted how she was drawn to Black characters on television
shows. This was a generally consistent finding across interviews. Along with identification with
characters based on race, adolescents also located congruent identities when it came to gender,
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ethnicity, and color. In this first quote, Xavier describes how he relates to Darius (Larenz Tate)
from the movie Love Jones:
Xavier: The leading male character from Love Jones is one of my favorites,
because I rarely see people in movies that I can so closely relate to. He wasn’t the
stereotypical “Black man in the streets” but he also wasn’t the Black man that was
completely distant from his culture and people. I’d like to think of myself that
way.

Xavier contrasts the portrayal of Darius with stereotypical depictions of Black men in cinema,
then describes how he relates to that contrast. Similarly, Jay, in her description of why she
enjoyed the movie Black Panther, relied on her identity as a first generation Nigerian American
as a point of identification with the film:
Jay: The first time, I watched in the theater, so you get like the whole cinema
experience. I really liked the costumes, the music they picked out for it, they have
great actors. Just watching it was just like amazing, to see people like me lifted
up. It's like when people think of Africa, they think of only the poverty and all
that. But Black Panther showed the good aspects.

Jay’s references culture, such as the costumes and music, as points of congruence, along with
seeing affirming images of people like her. Like, Xavier, she contrasted the stereotypical
portrayals of her identities with the more authentic versions displayed in Black Panther.
Adolescents, like Kayla, also appreciated authentic representations of characters with their same
skin tone:
Kayla: You’re seeing actresses like Viola Davis, like How to Get Away with
Murder. Really enjoy that show—haven’t finished watching it yet, so no spoilers.
But just as a dark skinned woman, like winning an award for her role in that; and
she played it so well. It’s like you see the turmoil. You see this price of success.
Here she is, but here’s what she has to deal with. In this status, it’s just nice seeing
that happening.

For Kayla, congruent complexions of characters are critical identity markers that carry historical
significance. Representations that portray congruent identities, accompanied by nuanced and
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authentic stories are essential for adolescents’ ability to identify with them, and ultimately inform
their identity development processes.
Adolescents also interpreted representations in film and television as authentic, based on
their ability to identify with characters’ experiences. Participants, in this study, found that
identifiable representations directly resembled their experiences. These identifiable experiences
were also social and academic in nature. The social experiences that adolescents identified with
involved their personal decisions, careers, and families. In this first quote, from Drea, she
describes how she found the experiences from the movie Nappily Ever After relatable, when it
came to her decision to switch to natural hair styles:
Drea: I feel that it was nice that she cut her hair, because I recently just did the
same thing. I just cut some of my hair and a lot of people were mad, telling me
why I cut my hair and all this type of stuff. I was mad about all the straight parts I
had in my hair, the dead hair. People were like, "Oh, you should have just got a
perm and evened it out." I was like, "Nah, I just don't have time for that."

In this example, Drea identified with the character’s experience of cutting her hair, and the
response she received. This identifiable experience was affirming of Drea’s decision to change
her hair. In addition to the social experiences brought on by personal decisions, adolescents also
described how media provided accurate representations of work environments:
Logan: And there's another show that I watch called, The Bold Type. It's about,
they work at a magazine and I feel that's really authentic, because it just shows the
struggles and how it runs, everything behind the scenes of a magazine. Yeah, I
think that's very good.

As an aspiring journalist, Logan believes that The Bold Type’s depiction of the daily work
environment is authentic, making it identifiable to what she has experienced or plans to
experience. The other social experience that adolescents noted were Black family experiences. In
this example, Kayla describes the family dynamic portrayed in The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air:
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Kayla: A successful Black family living in an upper class, predominately white
neighborhood. You never see them. They’re just living successfully. But even in
that, they still faced the same struggles that any regular African American or
minority family would face in this country. There’s still discrimination. There’s
still the need to uphold family values and preserve that bond of unity between
them.

Kayla’s appreciation for the show is indicated by her perception that the representation of an
upper class Black family is rarely shown on television, along with the authentic representation of
their social experiences dealing with racial discrimination.
Adolescents, in this study, also described how portrayals of academic experiences were
also authentic and identifiable, based on the shows they watched. The relatability of television
shows to their academic experiences began at an early age for some. In the following quote,
Kristina explains how the show The Proud Family was an identifiable show in middle school,
because she shared the same experiences as the main character, Penny:
Kristina: The Proud Family only because I guess I related to Penny, because she
was growing up in junior high and things like that, and as I was growing up. I
could kinda relate on things that she did.

Older television shows also offered authentic representations of academic experiences for
adolescents, as well. As a specific example, Jojo describes how he identifies with A Different
World:
Jojo: It's just the whole cast. It's what it's about. It's a predominantly Black school
that it's a show about. It's a predominantly Black show that shows you a
predominantly Black school with predominantly Black issues to say the least… It
shows how Black people handle things and reality, because they're actually Black
people. Actual Black ideas and shit, but like it shows you how differently it is.
Like how different it is between the mindsets of Blacks and different races.

Jojo finds the academic experiences portrayed in A Different World as authentic and identifiable,
because of the uniquely Black experiences depicted on the show. A more contemporary example
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of a television show that adolescents described as having identifiable academic experiences is
Grown-ish:
Jay: I guess the academic side of it, having projects, party, that's what it always
talks about, friend groups… I've wanted to watch it because, when it came out I
was a senior, and it was like “oh, starting off the first year of college”, which is
where I am now. So I was like, “oh, I can relate to this”, it's just relatable, so that's
why I like that show.

Jay is particularly drawn to Grown-ish, because of its depiction of college life, which is
simultaneously academic and social. This sentiment was shared by Logan, who also identified
with the main character, Zoe, because of their shared life and school experiences:
Survey Question 7: What are your favorite television shows? Why?
Logan Response: Grownish- Because it depicts real life college struggles

Logan: I think Zoe is probably the most relatable to me; Black, of course. Kind of
sheltered, she was the shit at her old school, and coming into this big community
of people and not really knowing your way around. People know each other and
you're just like ... there, trying to find your way.

Logan identifies with Grown-ish in several ways. First, she identifies with Zoe based on race,
and as a college freshman. She also relates to the specific experiences of Zoe, which includes
college lifestyle adjustments. As the second key component of identifiable representations,
identifiable experiences emerged as an important finding linking the social and academic lives of
adolescents.
The final component of identifiable representations are identifiable environments. The
environments that adolescents’ view on film and television are evaluated as identifiable based on
their proximity and understandings of spaces that Black people are part of. Adolescents
described a variety of environments that they found identifiable. Some participants described
academic environments like their school or college campuses, while others discussed
neighborhood and sporting environments.
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In the following quote, Jordan, a student-athlete describes his favorite movie, Remember
The Titans, and how he identifies with the movie’s depiction of the on-field and off field
environments:
Jordan: Because it's actually a racial thing too. The African American people that
are on the team was always fighting for something. So it's like ... I put myself in
that too. I'm always fighting for something, on and off the field. So it was like,
that relates to me. A lot.

Jordan’s recognition of and ability to identify with the “on and off the field” environments, with
particular regards to race is what made Remember the Titans a meaningful film for him.
Similarly, Jojo explained in his descriptive survey and interview why the environment depicted
in Boyz in da Hood was identifiable to him:
Survey Question 8: What are your favorite movies? Why?
Jojo Response: “Boyz in da hood” is my favorite movie because it displays hood
life from the hoods perspective.

Jojo: Well it's basically a movie depicting life in the ghetto, in the hood. And the
way it's depicted is not usually from, well it's low key from the eyes of an
outsider, but from somebody that started off from the hood.

As mentioned in earlier findings, Jojo’s environmental upbringing shaped his worldviews.
Specific to Boyz n da Hood, he believes that this depiction of “the hood” as accurate and
congruent with his upbringing.
Adolescents also mentioned how portrayals of academic environments were authentic or
identifiable. Participants noted either personal ties to academic environments or validated the
portrayals of educational environments as authentic. In this first quote, Traci explains why the
movie Love and Basketball was one of her favorite movies:
Traci: Well, mainly I went to Marathon and Love and Basketball was filmed at
Marathon…And I just find it interesting, like no matter how many times I watch
it, I'll still be entertained like it was for the first time of me watching it. For me, I
go to Marathon, and then after he started going to USC, I like that movie too.

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Traci identifies with the movie based on her school’s involvement with the film, making it a
personal favorite. Traci’s persistent interest in Love and Basketball is largely rooted in its
portrayal of her academic environment. Fictional academic environments were also evaluated as
authentic by adolescents as well:
Michelle: I love the fact that on Fresh Prince, Will is in an environment that’s
totally different to him, but is still able to maintain being himself. Being himself,
and staying true to where he comes from. And he’s not changing the way he goes
about life and changing the way he sees things. He’s still learning because that’s
the whole point of him being in Bel-Air, but he’s also still growing and I love
that… That was some good representation and that was a perfect example of
representation of Black culture, you know? He was in an environment where he
did go to an all-White school, an all-White school in Bel-Air, but he still had a
preference for who he chose to love. That speaks out to me a lot. Even being away
from his mom who was in Philadelphia.

Michelle praises the representation of Will on Fresh Prince, within his new environment. In
particular, she appreciates how the environment molds the character’s identities and the
experience portrayed on the show. Michelle’s evaluation of the show’s environment as authentic
helps construct a meaningful representation of Black academic spaces and Black culture writ
large.
The intervening condition of authentic and/or identifiable Black representations is an
important construct to the development of media co-constructed Black academic identities, due
to adolescents’ evaluations of media as identifiable to their perceptions of their various causal
conditions. Unlike the unidentifiable representations, images and messages that participants
evaluated as authentic were often times affirming their identities and experiences in ways that
they viewed as beneficial. These identifiable representations prompted the development of
academic and personal aspirations, along with evolving Black social identities that assist the
larger development of their media co-constructed Black academic identities.
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Consequences of the Central Phenomenon

The consequence of the Black adolescents constructing media co-constructed academic
identities is the development of “Afro-futuristic selves.” The aspirational constructs of MCBAI
promote the development of a future self, rooted in Black social identities that are informed by
media and technology. This is portrayed in Figure 1 through the development of media co-
constructed Black academic identities as constructed in order for youth to identify with learning
subjects and pathways to achieve their future goals, which were rooted in three distinct,
interlocking concepts: 1. Self-defined Notions of Success, leading to 2. Community Progress,
through 3. Black History and Development. These three components that comprise the Afro-
futuristic self indicate that through a media co-constructed Black academic identity, Black youth
are able to redefine learning through awareness and (re)imagine future possibilities and global
self-concepts in ways that uniquely center their Blackness. The Afro-futuristic self is portrayed
in Figure 1 as a bidirectional construct that mutually informs the MCBAI.
Self-defined Success

One of the central components of the Afro-futuristic self is the self-defined notion of
success. In this study, adolescents constructed their own definitions of success that centered their
happiness and achieving personal goals that were not necessarily tied to traditional measures of
success. Participants’ redefinitions of success eschewed capitalist ideologies of attaining excess
wealth or achieving specific academic outcomes. Rather, these adolescents viewed financial
stability and academic achievement as stepping stones to more internally rewarding notions of
success. In the following quotes, Darius and Michelle provide their definitions of success:
Darius: As far as how I would define it, I would really just say it's if you're happy
with what you're getting paid, or if you're happy with what you're doing. You
think you can see yourself doing it for the rest of your life. That's really success
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right there, because you don't have a problem with waking up and doing what
you're supposed to be doing.

Michelle: I would say my definition of success is like, just truly being happy with
what you've done over your lifetime. Like, getting to a point in your lifetime
where you're like, this is it. I've done everything I need to do. I've changed some
people's lives. Like, I think that's success. Just looking back and not regretting any
of the decisions that you've made. That's being successful.

Darius’s definition of success places personal happiness at the center, and projects outward into
the future as something worth doing “the rest of your life.” This view of success is counter to
traditional measures of success that privilege financial wealth, alongside academic attainments
and prestige. Michelle defines success in a similar way, and adds that, in a reflective way,
changing people’s lives is also an important marker of lifelong success. Both Michelle and
Darius describe how success is internally determined through a futuristic vision of the self that is
not tethered to contemporary standards. Kayla describes how these traditional views of success
are not as rewarding as adolescents’ redefined notions:
Kayla: More people are realizing that this country isn’t the land of milk and
honey. It’s not a white picket fence. You got to work for what you want to get in
the future. So, it’s like you go to go to school--and some people, you know,
school’s not for them--but, you want to succeed in life your own way. If you’re an
artist do art. If you’re a scholar go to school, study, do research. If you want to be
a mechanic. If you want to be anything, really, it’s just about devoting your time
and making sure that you’re the best you can be pretty much.

This outlook on personal and academic success stresses that adolescents believe in achieving
their desired goals in ways that cannot be measured through test scores and financial measures.
Also, at the heart of this redefined notion of success is the continuous effort to improve
throughout personal development. This idea was also shared by Jordan:
Jordan: Just strive for success, keep pushing, don't give up. Whatever you're going
through, even if everybody's saying there's going to be no way, no how. You can
get through it, but just keep pushing. Because there's always going to be an
outcome.

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The self-defined notion of success that Jordan describes, along with Darius and Kayla, centers
personal satisfaction in ways that requires a lifelong commitment to goals that are not easily
measured. Success, as defined by these adolescents projects into the future in ways that is not
only internally valuable, but also speaks to the broader Black community.
Community Progress

In addition to redefining their personalized notions of success, adolescents’ Afro-
futuristic selves also incorporated a desire to see their communities progress. The desire to see
their social group and localized communities overcome systemic oppression was a central
finding within adolescents’ envisioning of the future. Participants, in this study, described their
hopes for better futures, along with their possible roles in contributing towards this desired
progress. At the heart of most participants’ desire to see community progress was the
dismantling of systemic racism. In the following quote from Jordan, he describes why he took an
initial interest in becoming a Criminal Justice major when he first enrolled in college:
Jordan: I wanted to change the system, bro. I see that there's racial problems
around here, around in L.A. You know, African Americans mostly getting killed
by a cop, just because probably he's Black or he looks suspicious or he has
something in his pocket that I seen or I thought he had something in his pocket.
So I always wanted to change that.

Jordan’s goal to “change the system” is driven by his desire to see his family and community to
survive and progress. Jordan draws back to media representations of survivals as an explanation
for why he has developed this outlook:
Jordan: Walking Dead is the type of movie, it's not really about the zombies it's
about the survival, and that gets to me because it's the same as we get here, but
without the zombies. You know what I mean? My family, personally, just trying
to survive. That's really why I watch that show, because of that.

Jordan’s desire to see his family, and by extension, his community survive and progress within a
racist system provides a vision for himself in the future that uniquely centers Black people.
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Similarly, Xavier shares how he envisions his future education and work helping people in his
community:
Xavier: I'm definitely going to college, but, in the long run, I want to use art to be
a community organizer, to be an activist no matter what I do. I'm a producer, and I
want to be a producer, but I want to use that voice to do much larger things than
just making music. I want to make someone feel at home when they're listening to
something. I want to make someone feel accepted no matter what they may be,
what they may be into, what they may like. I'm excited to see where this journey
takes me, but the next step is definitely college, and we'll see what happens after
that.

In his Afro-futuristic vision for community progress, Xavier envisions himself as going to
college, but also describes how he has larger aspirations as a community organizer. The broad
visions adolescents had of themselves in the future were also accompanied by specific future
goals for community progress:
Jojo: I want to open a line of gyms geared towards everybody. Youth to adults,
from people that want to do combat training to just lifting, or even yoga.
But I want to do that for the physical training, I could bring that back and then
train others with that and make a profit off of it as well as teach others for free
that can't afford it. That would also start out, that money right there would go
towards not only getting myself on my feet from coming out of that situation, the
military situation, but starting my first gym or business that I could use to start a
small gym.

Jojo’s Afro-futurisitc self includes his personal aspiration of becoming a fitness trainer, but also
includes a communal element, where his talents contribute to assisting his community.
Specifically, Jojo’s desire to train and provide access to fitness resources shows unique ways that
adolescents envision themselves as agents for progress in their communities. The desire to see
themselves as successful individuals promoting community progress is underscored by their
knowledge of Black history.
Black History & Development

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The final component that constructed the Afro-futuristic selves of adolescents was their
understandings of Black history and how it was tied to the present and future. Adolescents’
aforementioned desire to dismantle racism was rooted in their understandings of history. Black
history was also tied to identity and the understanding of the present self. In terms of the future,
Black adolescents saw history as a way to imagine possible realities. Understandings of Black
history were a central finding that supported the previously discussed components of self-defined
success and community progress. In this following quote from Michelle, she returns to the
concept of being “woke” as an important intellectual development to her future self:
Michelle: So I feel like if I don’t keep this wokeness a part of me, I’m just gonna
get lost in it all. I’m just gonna be lost. I need to be aware about these things and
have this intelligence so I’m not in the stone age. You know? I feel like being
woke is the best thing that anybody can be, because it’s just…you’re woke! You
got it! You know? You got it. And that’s what I want to be. I want to be aware
and conscious of everything so that when I’m going to college, when I’m going to
university, when I’m interviewing for a job I can be prepared for any difficulties
that might come.

Michelle believes that being woke is critical to development of a future self. She specifically
explains what woke means, to her:
Michelle: Well, I don’t really know if there’s a definition, but I do know that, to
me, if you’re ‘woke’ you have knowledge about what’s going on in the world
right now and what has been going on for a very long time. You’re aware and you
also take time to understand, and you want to continue to understand, you know?
Most ‘woke’ people…I believe you can’t be ‘woke’ if you don’t wanna – if you,
if you just read one book, that doesn’t mean anything. You want to keep on trying
to learn as much you can because each day we progress. So, to be ‘woke,’ you can
go to protests and you can have all the hashtags, but at the end of the day it all
comes down to your understanding of everything that’s happening around you.

The key finding from the previous quotes from Michelle reveal that being woke, includes having
a social awareness of past and current events, relative to Blackness. Most importantly, to the
Afro-futuristic self, she believes that developing a woke identity improves the ability to navigate
oppressive structures and moments in the future (“going to college” and “interviewing for a
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job”). The development of a socially conscious perspective on Black history is critical for
adolescents’ view of themselves in the future. This idea was shared by Kayla, who described
why Black history in media was important:
Kayla: I feel like it’s very important. Not in the sense like Marcus Garvey, like,
“Let’s all go back to Africa”, but let’s understand where we came from, because I
feel like a lot of what makes African American people so lost in this country, at
times, is just because they don’t know where they came from; or they don’t know
what their purpose is in the sense that why are they here? Cuz they never asked to
be here, but they were brought here, but now they have to deal with it in that
sense. But I feel like if you understand where came from, then you know how to
move forward.

Kayla’s acknowledgment of Marcus Garvey indicates a recognition of history, and how there is a
possibility of reimagining those goals, in a future sense. She ties African American identity to a
larger Black freedom struggle. Most importantly, she believes that understanding identity
requires understanding the past to know the future.
The Afro-futuristic self, according to Kayla and others, requires a rigorous knowledge of
Black history that informs the development of future identities. The desire to define success on
their own terms, both personally and for their communities was essential to constructing an Afro-
futuristic self. This Afro-futurisitic vision was made possible, by their media co-constructed
Black academic identities. The bidirectional nature of the Afro-futuristic self with these
academic identities indicated that adolescents not only saw their present selves in media
representations, but also what they aspired to become. These Afro-futuristic selves are the
resulting consequence of media co-constructed Black academic identities.
Summary of Findings

Black adolescents’ evaluations of media representations, which this study sought
to explore, lead to the development of their academic identities. Specifically, the central
phenomenon of media co-constructed Black academic identities was found to have
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multiple constructs. The academic and personal aspirations, alongside the inclusive Black
social identities helped co-construct, with media, their academic identities. The finding of
media co-constructed Black academic identities points to the importance of media
representations as identifiable resources, within an expansive media environment that
serve explicit and implicit academic purposes.
The central phenomenon does not manifest within the vacuum of a media
ecology, however. Perceived casual conditions, such as adolescents’ environments,
identities, and experiences shaped their views on race and education, along with media.
The racialized learning ecology, identities, and group memberships of Black adolescents
generated a variety of unique perspectives that are already in development prior to, or
alongside, their media engagement. The perceived casual conditions provided unique
contexts, along with fundamental understandings and socializations that allow for
interpretations of representations as inauthentic, unidentifiable, or identifiable, for the
academic identity development of Black adolescents.
Findings from this study indicated that media representations were the intervening
conditions, and offer a bidirectional source of information back into the perceived casual
conditions. Within the progression towards the central phenomenon, however, the critical
engagement with media sources led directly to adolescents’ evaluations of images and messages.
Adolescents’ evaluated representations as inauthentic, unidentifiable, or authentic/ identifiable.
The inauthentic and identifiable representations provided sources of relatable and motivating
information for the development of academic identities. Specifically, inauthentic representations,
which adolescents cited as stereotypes, were motivating images and messages about Black
people that they sought to disprove. Identifiable representations were relatable media sources
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that they were personally invested in, due to the accuracy of their portrayals, with their
environments, identities, and environments. These intervening conditions promoted or restricted
the development of media co-constructed Black academic identities.
The consequence of the central phenomenon was the construction of Afro-futuristic
selves. Media co-constructed identities informed, and were informed by, the ways that Black
adolescents saw themselves in the future. Specifically, adolescents, in this study, were found to
have uniquely envisioned their ideas of success in ways that incorporated personal growth and
community progress. The development of the future self was rooted in a knowledge of Black
history that centered the racialized understandings, and desire to improve the social welfare of
Black people as a whole. The consequence of the Afro-futuristic self provides a pathway to
understanding how media co-constructed Black academic have potentially long term, and
psychologically global, identity construction implications.
The central finding of media co-constructed Black academic identities, along with its
perceived causal and intervening conditions, and consequences provide critical insights into the
role of media representations for Black adolescents. The evaluations of representations within a
vast media environment provides Black adolescents identity building sources relative to race and
education. In the following chapter, I will discuss the implications of the findings from this
study.

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CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION

In this chapter, I provide my concluding discussion about this study’s findings.
Specifically, I situate this work within the broader literature on Black academic identity, Black
social movements, and Black media environments. This study contributes, broadly, to the fields
of Educational Psychology, Black Studies, and Communication in ways that extend discussions,
and provides points of convergence of these respective fields. In addition to the generative
research contributions, the implications of this study are also useful for educational practitioners
that are teaching with media and technology, as well as entertainment and education content
creators. As such, this concluding chapter will present as follows: 1) Provide a complete
summary of the study and MCBAI, 2) Engage in a discussion of the findings within the existing
literature, 3) Consider the implications of the results for future academic research, educational
practices, and media environments, 4) Conclude with final remarks.
Summary of Study

The purpose of the study was to understand how popular and social media provide
representations that are identifiable for Black adolescents. The contemporary, and unique, media
environments of Black adolescents were specific sites of study that were bolstered by a larger
social discussion of “representation matters”. Representation matters argues that diverse and
nuanced images of underrepresented groups contribute to a wider societal understanding of the
heterogeneity, and possibilities, for Black people, in particular. As such, the research question
that guided this study asked, “in what ways do Black adolescents evaluate representations in
assorted forms of media, in ways that inform their academic identities?” The focus on the
academic identities of Black adolescents provided the opportunity to specifically investigate the
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role of representations as information sources to the co-construction of a racialized identity
construct.
Academic identities, as discussed in the existing literature, are comprised of multitude of
factors that are internalized by youth or shaped by their environments (Matthews et al., 2014).
Osborne (1997) provided a rudimentary definition of academic identity when describing it as a
construct developed by the evaluations of academic motivations and outcomes relative to an
individual’s self-concept. For Black adolescents, in particular, research on Black academic
identity has focused on the external racialized/racist systems and structures that shape youths’
perceptions of themselves as students (Cokley, 2015; Nasir, 2011; Tyson, 2011). Missing from
this literature, however, is an explicit focus on the media environments of Black adolescents.
This gap in the literature requires particular attention, due to the historical and contemporary
engagement of Black youth with film, television, and social media (Adams-Bass, 2014; AP-
NORC, 2017; Lenhart, 2015; Tynes & Ward, 2009). Today, representations that contain images
and messages of Black people are shared within an interconnected ecology of media. Public
discourse topics, like #RepresentationMatters, blend popular and social media sources in ways
that are perhaps beneficial to Black adolescents who spend an abundance of time with these
media environments. As such, this study sought to contribute to the literature by focusing on the
media environments as a racialized ecosystem that can shape adolescents’ academic identities.
This study focused on Black adolescents, ages 14 to 19 years old, due to their emergent
engagement with social media, and their developmental transition into young adulthood. In total,
17 adolescents participated in this study (Table 1). There were nine boys and eight girls. All
participants identified as Black, and were ethnically diverse. Ethnic groups included African
Americans, Afro Latinx groups, and Nigerian Americans. This study deployed a mixture of
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snowball, maximum variation, and purposive sampling. As such, adolescents were not only
ethnically diverse, but were from neighborhoods and families that were socio-economically and
regionally variant. Lastly, these participants represented a range of educational statuses that
included high school, community college, university, gap year, alternative school, and continuing
education. The diverse representations of Black identities, backgrounds, and experiences within
the sample created the opportunity for in-depth and nuanced findings during data collection and
analysis.
Through the use of multiple qualitative methods, a grounded theory model of media co-
constructed Black academic identities was unearthed from the data. Findings from this study
emerged in the form of a model of media co-constructed Black academic identities. The MCBAI
model’s title was developed due to the perceived causal conditions of the study, whereby
adolescent’s previously existing identities were co-constructive conditions, which were inspired
by media representations that inspired, motivated, or affirmed their educational and personal
goals. Specifically, the perceived causal conditions, in this study were adolescents’
environments, identities, and experiences. Within an ecological framework, adolescents’
identities and group memberships (race, gender, class, etc.) were the salient constructs that
shaped their personal and academic experiences within four key environments: Home/family,
neighborhood, school, and online. These conditions provided unique and diverse contexts
whereby Black adolescents were able to interpret and evaluate media representations.
Media representations, within MCBAI were the intervening conditions. The ways in
which adolescents’ evaluated media representations as inauthentic, unidentifiable, or identifiable,
restricted or allowed these images and messages to assist in the co-construction of their academic
identities. In particular, stereotypes were viewed by adolescents’ as inauthentic representations
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of Black people, but were academically and personally motivating sources that they sought to
disprove. Meanwhile, unidentifiable representations, such as Xavier’s incongruent experiences
with protests and their representations in The Hate U Give, were not deemed useful to
adolescents’ academic identities constructions. Identifiable representations, such as Zoe from
Grown-ish and Black-ish, provided adolescents sources from popular media that helped co-
construct their personal and academic aspirations.
The aspirations and social identities that adolescents developed helped construct the
central finding: media co-constructed Black academic identities. Specifically, the central finding
was upheld by three interlocking core components: Black social identities, academic aspirations,
and personal aspirations. This study found that media representations helped shape adolescents’
racial ideologies and provided sources for racial learning. This assisted in adolescents
constructing more expansive and inclusive Black social identities. Representations also helped
co-construct personal and academic aspirations, which included the desire to major in certain
fields and pursue particular career pathways. Examples include: Logan’s favorite show The Bold
Type giving her insight into her major and future career in Journalism; and John’s appreciation
for crime dramas as sources of information on becoming a member of law enforcement.
The consequence of these media co-constructed Black academic identities are the
development of a future self, in particular, an Afro-futuristic self. Through these identities that
adolescents have co-constructed alongside media representations, they are able to construct an
identity that is rooted in their racialized visions of the future. Specifically, these Afro-futuristic
selves were constructed through adolescents’ self-defined notions of success, commitments to
community uplift, and understandings of Black history and development of social awareness.
The aspirational identities created by media representations led the development of self-concepts
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that adolescents seek to actualize in the future. In particular, adolescents viewed academic
experiences as part of a larger, lifelong process to develop their racialized commitment to
themselves and their communities, which begins with representations that provide them glimpses
into the future.
As a result of these findings, the implications of the study indicate that there is an
explanatory framework for understanding how media representations are useful for academic
identity development. This study fills the aforementioned gap in the literature by providing a
detailed and complex model of media co-constructed Black academic identities. Although this
model was not developed with quantitative testing in mind, the constructs within this model have
the potential to serve as theoretical starting points for researchers testing the influence and
impact of media representations on Black academic identities. Furthermore, the implications of
the study provides researchers, practitioners, and media content creators the opportunity to better
understand how popular and social media can serve as educational and identity development
tools for Black adolescents, by appealing to their cultural assets and aspirations. In the following
section, I provided a more detailed discussion about how this study is situated within the various,
intersecting bodies of literature it engages.
Discussion

This study’s examination of Black academic identity construction through popular and
social media contributes to ongoing discussions pertaining to the education of Black adolescents,
as well as their engagements with media. Specifically, findings from this study generated a
model of academic identity that explicitly focused on the role of media representations and
technology as sources of information for racialized learning and identity construction. In this
section, I provide a discussion of this study’s findings within two broad literatures: 1) Black
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academic identity, and 2) Black youth media practices. Relative to each of these literatures, I will
begin by exploring how this research expands, extends, and fills gaps within the academic
identity literature. Specifically, in regards to how adolescents co-construct academic identities
within a racialized learning ecology of media. I continue this engagement with the literature by
situating this study within the discussion of Black adolescents’ interpretations of representations,
relative to their contemporary practices with media.
Constructing Black Academic Identity and The Afro-futuristic Self

This study’s central finding was Black adolescents’ process of co-constructing academic
identities through their interpretations of media representations. Specifically, participants
described a type of critical engagement with media that, given the particular representation, led
to their identification with characters’ identities, environments, and experiences. This process of
identification with characters and television personas is in alignment with Ward (2004), as the
findings revealed the saliency of racial group congruence between adolescents and the
representations they engage through Black oriented media. Adolescents listed numerous
characters and celebrities that they identified with, such as Michael B. Jordan/Adonis
Creed/Killmonger, Viola Davis/Annalise Keating, and Yara Shahidi/Zoe. This work also extends
and connects the work of Ward (2004) and Winkler (2012) by revealing the importance of not
only identifying with the social identities of characters, but also how identifications with
environments and experiences that are portrayed in media is important to adolescents. Namely,
adolescents described how they identified with particular environments, such as schools, and the
experiences of college students that are represented on television. This finding reveals that
identification with media representations goes beyond characters and television personas, but
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extends to the physical environment and the salient or every day events that adolescents find
recognizable.
An important nuance to this finding, however, is the subjectivity of identifiable
representations. Identifiable representations were largely rooted in adolescents’ perceptions of
Black authenticity that are relatable on a cultural and individual level, as demonstrated by
comments from participants such as Darius and Xavier. Jackson (2005) argues that
understandings of racial authenticity, as a nebulous and subjective term, remains distinct from
racial honesty, which speaks to an individual’s truthful account of racialized artifacts and
phenomenon. The findings from this study, however, suggest that there are numerous ways that
Black adolescents’ make sense of media, via their perceived notions of authenticity that is
simultaneously diverse, yet culturally specific. Racial authenticity, for this study, is in alignment
with the work of scholars (Jacobs-Huey, 2006; Japtok & Jenkins, 2011; Johnson, 2003) who
have posited that knowing what is “real” is inherent to the understanding of Black identity. Thus,
while certain unidentifiable representations may not promote identity development for one
adolescent, another may find that same representation identifiable for their specific experience as
a member of a heterogeneous racial group. In either case, this study’s findings show that the role
of racial authenticity in media is essential to the identity construction of adolescents.
This study’s findings are especially unique, as these identifications are ultimately used
for adolescents’ constructions of Black academic identities. As discussed in chapter two, the
existing literature on Black identity is expansive. There is also a body of literature that examines
Black academic identity. Black identity, generally, and Black academic identity, specifically,
have been viewed through various lenses that include individual psychological dimensions and
stages (Cross, 1971, 1991; Sellers et al., 1998), sociological institutions (Nasir, 2011; Tyson,
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2011), and ecological contexts (Spencer, 1997; Winkler, 2012). This study’s findings continue
the conversation by shifting the lens towards Black adolescents’ individual co-constructions of
academic identity development within an interconnected ecology of media. Specifically, MCBAI
provides a framework for understanding individual’s academic identity development within
larger sociological and ecological contexts. According to Matthews et al. (2014) academic
identity research tends to fall into two distinct categories: internal conceptualizations and
external analysis. Matthews and colleagues (2014) call for a more nuanced approach to this
research that is cognizant of both the individual’s psychological processes and an understanding
of societal systems the privilege and limit particular groups. This study answers the call by
unearthing the ecological settings and individual constructions of meanings pertaining to media
for Black adolescents. In particular, the perceived causal conditions of environments,
experiences, and identities lay the ground work for the identification with media for the purposes
of academic identity construction.
This study is underscored by its epistemological approach to a constructivist
methodology. This approach was reflected in the findings, as adolescents described a variety of
perceived contexts and conditions that helped them shape their engagements with media in ways
that were co-constructive. For instance, parents’ cultural socialization (Hughes, Rodriguez,
Smith, Johnson, Stevenson, & Spicer, 2006) of adolescents helped them to interpret media
representations, and fashion identities that were congruent with their understandings of
themselves and their racial/social group(s). For example, Traci’s appreciation for the Black Girls
Rock award show, or Jojo’s admiration of Damon Wayans on My Wife and Kids. These
identifications with television shows and movies were constructed through adolescents’
interpretations of media, which were informed by their identities and experiences within various
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environments. As to the specific development of academic identities, adolescents identified with
particular components of characters and stories in ways that they defined as academically
beneficial, such as Logan’s identification as journalism major with the show The Bold Type, or
Darius’ use of Instagram memes to facilitate conversations about mental health, as an aspiring
child therapy major. These examples provide evidence of the co-constructive and multifaceted
nature of Black academic identities that are developed via engagements with popular and social
media. The explanatory presentation of the MCBAI model provides insight into the various
constructs and components that comprise these identities and asserts itself into existing
discussions about Black adolescents’ identification with academic subjects and ventures.
This grounded theory approach also unearthed constructs that shape academic identities,
particularly for Black adolescents. These constructs: academic aspirations, personal aspirations,
and Black social identities provide ways of conceptualizing academic identity through a more
holistic, and racialized lens. Common constructs that are related to academic identity are
academic self-esteem, efficacy, sense of belonging; among others (Butler-Barners, Varner,
Williams, & Sellers, 2017; Gray, Hope, & Matthews, 2018; Matthews, 2014). Howard (2003)
found that “college aspirations” were essential to the development of academic identities. This
study builds upon these findings by adding adolescents’ personal aspirations as part of this co-
constructive identity development. Additionally, Matthews (2014) provides a multidimensional
understanding of academic identity by borrowing from Ashmore, Deaux, and McLaughlin-
Volpe’s (2004) frameworks for social identities. This study’s findings contribute to this
discussion on academic identity by focusing, specifically, on Black social identities, their
constructions alongside media, and by adding new, aspirational constructs to consider when
examining Black academic identities. Specifically, these constructs capture the developmental
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trajectories of adolescents’ academic identities. Adolescents were able to identify with, and
construct identities using media representations that aligned with who they aspired to become,
via their personal and academic goals. It is important to understand the aspirations of Black
adolescents as both inherently academic and personal. Though distinct constructs, as indicated in
the model, Black adolescents view their personal aspirations as contingent on their academic
success, which in turn leads academic aspirations that align with how they view themselves in
the future. This was evident in the findings, where participants like Jay identified with Dr. Bailey
from Grey’s Anatomy or when Nay identifies with Shuri from Black Panther. These
identifications with characters, for aspirational purposes, were specifically located by adolescents
as relevant to their identities, and emerged in numerous ways.
The findings of this study reveal that there are non-traditional constructs of academic
identity that capture the culturally valued forms of intelligences, affirmations, and goals of Black
adolescents. Adolescents’, in this study, identified with representations that affirmed multiple
forms of intelligence. In addition to traditionally valued forms of intelligence (i.e. science, math,
etc.), adolescents like Jojo and Xavier appreciated other forms of cultural knowing, such as
“street smarts”. Jojo makes a specific point to note that “everyone has a brilliance… it doesn’t
have to always be academic”. Although certain traditional constructs of academic identity
capture the personal (i.e. emotional) dimensions of an individual’s self-conceptualizations, they
are typically contextually specific in ways that do not account for the unique ways that Black
adolescents identify with learning or education. Throughout this study, participants described
their learning processes through entertainment media in ways that are culturally specific and
individually nuanced. For instance, when Kristina, an aspiring journalism major, described how
the character Iris, from The Flash, was informative to her understandings of the skills and tasks
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of journalist. This type of identification with a school subject and a Black character from a
television show helped adolescents throughout the study co-construct academic identities in
ways that are not typically evaluated in education research.
The importance of this identification with academic subjects (academic aspirations),
career fields (personal aspirations), and Black (social) identity is another contribution of this
study. In alignment with portions of Nasir (2011) and Tyson (2011), this study found that
academic identities of Black adolescents are inherently tied to their racial identities. Black
adolescents, in this study, routinely identified with images and messages based on race and
representations of intellect and achievement. Although quantitative research that examines the
strength of the relationship between racial identity and various academic identity constructs is
common (see Cokley, 2015), this study highlights the inherent nature of Black social identities to
the academic and personal constructs of the MCBAI. Specifically, the ways in which adolescents
identify with education and representations are typically through a racialized lens that shape their
academic identities. Thus, disentangling racial identity and academic identity, as commonly
practiced, subverts the meaningful ways that adolescents identify with, and co-construct their
own identities with media representations.
This study also diverges from other conceptual academic identity work, such as
Matthews (2014) and Nasir (2011), who construct profiles of identities that exist on a spectrum.
Rather, this study presents the comprising constructs and processes of a particular type of
academic identity. This opens the possibilities for conversation between works, as the academic
identity profiles generated by other scholars may work in tandem with their media co-
constructed identities. For example, Nasir’s (2011) street-savvy identity may disassociate
traditional academic achievement from their racial identity, but within MCBAI, their non-
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traditional and cultural funds of knowledge are valued in ways that provide aspirations rooted in
personal achievement and intellectual development. Similarly, Matthews (2014) describes
“sensitive-poor” students as alienated from school, but still use educational evaluations to
construct their academic identity. In these cases, MCBAI provides opportunities for adolescents
who may be indifferent towards school the opportunity to identify with academic and intellectual
representations of Black people in their media environments, as a supplementary source for the
school systems that have pushed them away. MCBAI enters the conversation of academic
identity by providing an understanding of the central construct in ways that capture the inspiring
possibilities and futures that Black adolescents see in media as tools for shaping their present
understandings of their academic selves.
Following the explanatory model of MCBAI, the aspirational nature of the academic and
personal constructs, alongside developing Black social identities led directly to the development
of an Afro-futuristic self. This term was used to represent the findings in a way that converges
two distinct, but mutually constitutive concepts: Future selves and Afro-futurism. According to
Markus and Nurius (1986), future selves are the broad conceptualization individuals have for
who they see themselves becoming, in the future. Along these futuristic lines, Afro-futurism
represents a vast array of scholarly, literary, and popular work that centers the African
perspective within possible futures, typically through science and technology (Castro, 2012;
Gaskins, 2016). This study’s finding of adolescents’ Afro-futuristic selves highlights the ways in
which adolescents use media and technology for distinctively Black purposes in order to
construct a future version of themselves and their community. Adolescents’ demonstrated this in
the study by redefining success on their own anti-neo-liberal and anti-Eurocentric terms. They
also centered their communities’ plights and visions for liberation and agency, via their
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connections to Black history. This uniquely Afro-centric vision for their futures ties together
fundamental concepts of future selves and Afro-futurism. To date, there has been little scholarly
work merging the psychological and literary concepts of future selves and Afro-futurism. This
study’s findings offer a potential entry point for future lines of research (discussed below).
The emergence of Afro-futuristic selves, as consequences of media co-constructed Black
academic identities highlights the outcome of a global self-concept for Black adolescents that
they can aspire towards in the future. Adolescents discussed a range of future selves such as,
becoming doctors, lawyers, activists, and entrepreneurs. Specifically, these Afro-futuristic selves
were aspirations that adolescents saw as advancing and serving their communities. These future
selves were developed via the construction adolescents of adolescents using media
representations and technology. The representations that adolescents used to help develop their
academic identities were useful in providing pathways for understanding how their personal and
academic pursuits translated into a Black future where they were social agents for change.
Consistent with Afro-futurism literature, the envisioning of the racialized self through
technology shows the importance of the media environment and the socializations of Black
adolescents as tools and processes that develop a future self within a racialized learning
ecologies.
Advancing Racialized Ecologies and Human Development

Adolescents critically engaged their experiences across multiple environments, along
with their consumption of media, in order to process information that is relevant to their
academic identities. This study adds to the literature on learning outside of school contexts,
similar to the work of Barron (2006), in ways that focus on a specific, developing psychological
construct. The findings from this study provide an understanding of how racialized learning
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across contexts are critical for academic identity development. Barron (2006) and Ito et al.
(2013) both provide learning frameworks rooted in adolescents’ ecologies and interests with
technology. This study aligns with, and provides a detailed framework for analyzing, specifically
popular and social media. An important critique of previous ecological technology frameworks,
such as Ito et al. (2013), is their lack of explicit focus on race (Tichavakunda & Tierney, 2018).
This study’s unique contribution to the literature rests in its privileging of the media
environment, while also considering the role of other physical environments that adolescents are
part of. Most importantly, the findings from this study offer a pathway for understanding the
ways in which these learning ecologies of media mediate identity constructs in ways that are
highly racialized.
Similar to the work of Spencer’s (1997) canonical work, PVEST, using Bronfenbrenner’s
(1977) bio-ecological systems theory, this work takes an ecological approach to understand how
Black adolescents interpret representations they see in popular media to construct academic
identity. This work is distinct in its focus on multiple, embedded ecologies that include
interconnected environments that are also interacting with media ecologies. Although Johnson
and Puplampu’s (2008) techno-subsystems theory provides a useful analysis of individuals’
media use within the Bronfenbrenner (1977) model, the present study critically engages
systematic racism and multiple forms of oppressions in ways that are not addressed by bio-
ecological or techno-subsystems. For instance, the stories told by adolescents like Jermaine and
Kayla about interactions with police, Drea’s desire to become a lawyer because of racial
injustice, or encounters with online racial discrimination are part of a larger finding that situates
the ever-present reality of racism within Black adolescents’ environments.
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Throughout the findings, adolescents described how four distinct environments:
homes/family, neighborhoods, schools, and online settings generated unique circumstances and
experiences for their identities. Winkler (2008) discussed the importance of adolescents’
racialized interpretations of environments for identity development in her work on
comprehensive racial learning. This study adds to the conversation by engaging the online media
environments that have since emerged as prominent spaces for Black adolescents (AP-NORC,
2017; Lenhart, 2015). Additionally, this study’s findings re-center Black youth agency in ways
that make them “placemakers” (Hunter et al., 2016), through content creation and intentional
actions, as activists and student leaders. Black adolescents, in this study, interacted with their
environments in ways that mutually constructed their identities and their settings. Education
scholars have examined the role of counter spaces (Carter, 2007; Tatum, 2003; 2017), while
social media scholars have noted the ways Black internet users have carved out unique spaces
online (AP NORC, 2017; Brock, 2009; 2012). This study’s findings reveal how Black
adolescents shape and are shaped by, and across, multiple ecological contexts. The role of the
four environments adolescents discussed are critical to the model of media co-constructed Black
academic identities as they set parameters for adolescents’ understandings of media and the
ability to relate to the representations they encounter.
With particular regard to schools, some adolescents, like Carlos, Jojo, and Jordan
described their structures as prison-like. Other adolescents, like Kristina and Nay talked about
bad experiences they had with teachers that influenced their academic aspirations. These
examples of academic environments, and the experiences that occur within them, are part of a
critical learning ecology that shapes adolescents’ interpretations of media representations. These
representations adolescents engage occur within an expanding media ecology that is racialized in
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ways that feature Black oriented media (Ward, 2004) and Black social discourse online (Brock,
2012). Black adolescents’ emersion into this media environment, according to this study’s
findings, has helped shaped their academic identities by providing access to a variety of sources
that promote racialized learning through identification with images and messages. Particularly
salient for adolescents were their racial, ethnic, gender, class, and religious identities that helped
them understand and identify with particular representations. For instance, Jojo’s ability to watch
Boyz N the Hood and relate to Tre on racial and socio-economic levels. The interpretation of
popular film and television, alongside social media provided opportunity for youth to select
content uniquely tailored to their interests, identities, and aspirations. For instance, adolescent
use of YouTube to follow vloggers or watch The Daily Show provided opportunities to not only
keep up with the news and interests, but provided racialized academic and political identity
building sources.
Media ecologists argue that the evolution of media involves the “folding” of old media
into new, in ways that shape humans psychologically (Levinson, 2003; Strate, 2004, 2006). The
racialized media ecology of Black adolescents has done that by providing access to older Black
oriented films and television shows to supplement the existing media, which is also supported by
the affordances of social media to interact with representations in a communal and
multidirectional way. The findings of this study show adolescents have ability to access and
identify with older television shows, like Fresh Prince and A Different World. The rise of
streaming services like Netflix and Hulu have provided today’s youth with the opportunity to
engage with representations from previous generations. Almost all the participants discussed
using a streaming service or digital video platform. The current, and rapidly evolving, digital
media ecology of Black adolescents allows for unique interpretations of messages, and
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identifications with representations, due to temporal dissonance and a historical vantage point
that streaming services and content hosting sites allow for. This helps in the construction of
Black academic identities by providing more resources for interactions, and potentially more
social media users and popular media images to engage with.
The cultural significance of a Black adolescent media ecology was evident within this
study’s findings. Media ecology scholars have argued that the digital age of media has enhanced
the ability for media to interact with each other (D’Arcy & Eastburn, 2009; McCreery &
Krugman, 2015; Stephens, 2014). This study, however, provides a racialized lens through which
to understand media ecologies, as Black adolescents are co-constructive agents interacting with
media, and simultaneously subverting the inherently racist structures of multiple forms of media
(Daniels, 2013; Guerrero, 1993 Squires, 2009; Noble, 2018). In particular, Black adolescents use
of social media to create content, and communicate through culturally specific texts mark a
unique intersection of race and popular culture. The memes generated and shared by adolescents,
in this study, are part of a larger phenomenon of Black cultural expressions and forms of
communication happening via popular and social media (Brock, 2009; 2012; Florini, 2014;
Sharma, 2013). This study’s finding of the multiple and overlapping ecological contexts that
adolescents construct their identities in provided the opportunity to examine and expand
discussions around the various context through which media can serve as tool and a venue for
development.
“Academic” Representations

Scholars such as Kevin Cokley (2015) and Na’ilah Nasir (2011) suggest that media plays,
or could play, a role in the development of academic identities for Black adolescents. This study
fills this gap by directly examining the role of media and adolescents’ interpretations of
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representations they see in popular film and television, alongside social media. An important
finding from this study is that representations do not necessarily have to be explicitly “academic”
for adolescents to locate intelligence and connect it to their Black identity. Cokley (2015) asserts
that a lack of media representations that directly connect Black identity and academic
achievement is problematic and contributes to a lack of proper representation. Although this
assertion is true, adolescents in this study interpreted representations in ways that unearthed the
implicit messages that affirmed academic success, intellectual ability, and Black identity. For
instance, Black girls like Jay and Logan were drawn to the intellectual representations of Black
female characters like Olivia Pope (Scandal), Annalise Keating (How to Get Away with Murder),
and Vivian Banks (The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air). Similarly, Black boys were drawn to the
specialized forms of intelligence and creativity represented in characters like Erik Killmonger
(Black Panther), Darius Lovehall (Love Jones), and the male characters from Atlanta.
Participants related to these characters, often times, based on the convergence of race and
gender, and admired the multiple forms of “authentic” intelligence represented in their shows.
In addition to the finding that explicit connections between race and academic identity
are not necessary for their utility for adolescents, it is important to note the temporal and
technological implications of this study, relative to Cokley’s (2015) original statement. The rise
in Black representations, as denoted by #RepresentationMatters, has made particular Black
television shows and movies highly visible. Films like Black Panther, and television shows like
Grown-ish make explicit the intellectual abilities and academic experiences of Black people. The
popularity of these shows and movies indicate that these representations of Black intellectual
strength and achievement are becoming more sought after. Findings also indicated, however, that
these representations were never non-existent. Adolescents like Jojo, Kayla, Michelle, and others
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expressed an affinity for older shows like A Different World and The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air. In
both of these shows, adolescents who viewed them were drawn to the academic and intellectual
representations of Black people. For instance, Xavier’s description of A Different World, as a
show that presented a “visualization of what it could be like, being in college, being Black…”
Also, Michelle’s appreciation for Fresh Prince’s depiction of Will Smith navigating an all-white
school was another example of past television shows providing a Black academic representation.
This finding reveals that: a) Black representations of intellectual abilities and academic
experiences have existed long before a #RepresentationMatters campaign, and b) Black
adolescents have access to these representations through the technological affordances of
streaming services that enable shows to remain relevant beyond their airtime.
Nasir (2011) also explored the importance of media representations to the construction of
Black academic identities. According to her findings, adolescents’ with a “street savvy” identity
were less critical of racialized and stereotypical scripts than those at the opposite end, those with
a “school-oriented” identity. Findings from this study, however, suggest that adolescents are
critical of the images they encounter in popular media. Namely, adolescents were aware of
existing stereotypes, and also desired to see more representations of Black people not commonly
represented on screen. For example, Logan’s belief that there needs to be more Black LGBTQ
and ability spectrums represented. Also, Jordan and Rayshon’s desire to see more Black people
surviving horror films highlight the range of critiques Black adolescents, in this study, had for
the popular media that they engaged. This was all bounded by adolescents’ beliefs that having
accurate representations of Black people promotes a diverse array of intelligences that may not
be commonly recognized as academic, as noted by Jojo’s comment about Black people’s
“different forms of intelligence.” It is important to note, however, that this study’s findings do
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not contradict Nasir (2011), as she describes a spectrum of identities where critical engagement
with media may occur, and that this study’s participants do not represent the totality of Black
adolescent perspectives on media. Still, these findings regarding adolescents’ critical
engagements with media are important, due to the unique ways in which participants processed
representations in order to fashion them to their racialized academic identities on a personalized
level.
Nuancing Stereotypes and Addressing the Tropes of Colorism

An important finding that emerged was the role of inauthentic representations,
particularly stereotypes, as an academic motivator. Specifically, evidence was provided that
showed how media co-constructed Black academic identities were developed, in part, by the
desire of adolescents to reject or disprove stereotypes about Black intellectual ability or success.
This finding is similar to those of Harper (2015), who found that Black male college students are
motivated to resist stereotypes on college campuses. McGee (2013) also found that
mathematically gifted Black girls leverage their identities to resist stereotypes about intelligence
as well. This study adds to this literature by highlighting that this phenomenon of using
stereotypes for academic motivation can start as early as 14, and is found across genders.
Furthermore, these findings show that awareness of stereotypes are salient beyond the immediate
campus and classroom environments, and are motivating factors through media representations.
For instance, Jojo’s description of media providing images of whites being “a little smarter than
the rest” and Nay’s quote saying that “negative stereotypes” are motivations for her “to prove
them wrong” indicate how anti-Black stereotypes in media are present in the minds of
adolescents’ during their academic ventures.
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Stereotypes, according to these adolescents, have become less overt, and are perhaps
more subjective to viewers’ interpretations. Xavier’s rumination over whether Dr. Bailey
demonstrated an authentic representation of Black other mothering (Collins, 2002) or a “slight
Mammy” stereotype was one example of these dialectic interpretations of media. Largely, what
allowed adolescents to determine whether a representation was a stereotype or “real” was rooted
in their understandings of racial authenticity and their desire to see multidimensional nuances
with characters. This finding suggests that quantitative studies measuring audience perceptions
of images in bifurcated “positive” or “negative” terms may look to recalibrate survey instruments
and presentations of data to accurately reflect the growing tension between interpretations of
stereotypes and what is authentic.
Participants in this study, demonstrated a critical engagement with media representations,
which informed, and was informed by, their identities, environments, and experiences that
helped mold perceptions of stereotypes and authenticity. For instance, Darius’ discussion of the
show Power, and the character Ghost. Darius was drawn to the gangster drama, but appreciates
the nuance of the character in ways that reject stereotypical messages that pertain to Black males
as violent “thugs”. Darius’ appreciation for Ghost’s dilemma as an intelligent man who is
conflicted about his role as a drug dealer provided an authenticity to a character whose morals he
found troubling, but intellect and work ethic he respected. Again, this is fundamentally different
from Nasir’s (2012) street savvy identity, as Darius is not uncritical of Ghost or the show, but
rather, he locates the trait of intelligence and perseverance as aspirational qualities useful for the
construction of his identity.
Colorism, in this study, was a largely gendered construct, with the lone exception being
Xavier’s experiences as a light skin Black male. Findings from this study revealed that color and
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colorism was particularly salient for Black girls. Existing literature on color, colorism, and hair
textures highlight the intersectional nature of Black girls’ experiences (Keith, 2009; Seaton &
Tyson, 2019). Similar to Winkler’s (2012) findings on race, color, and environment, this study
found that the privileged position of having lighter skin in media has implications for not only
ideas about beauty, but intelligence as well. For example, multiple girls described how colorism
in popular media plays a role in not only shaping beauty standards and access to representation,
but also how it reflects discriminatory beliefs in intelligence. Jay’s comment that “the lighter you
are, the more educated”, as a critique of popular television shows indicates that the link between
color and intelligence is still prevalent in media. This finding, however, also shows that Black
adolescents, girls in particular, are critical of these images in ways that may buffer them from
internalizing the negative imagery. Thus, colorism as a complex system of oppression for people
with dark complexions, for women and girls in particular, permeates through media as a
restrictive force to the access of representation, but also serves as a trope for intelligence and
academic erasure.
Multiple studies have found that women and girls who frequently watch television are
more likely to be susceptible to accepting stereotypes (Adams-Bass, 2014; Jerald et al., 2016;
Ward, 2004). Williams (2016) dissertation also found that social media can serve as an
environment for the reproduction of stereotypes. This study’s media ecology approach, however,
found that Black girls sought out affirming images of their skin tone and hair textures on social
media as a counter to the lack of representation and stereotypes found in television and film. For
example, Drea’s desire to “follow a lot of Black pages” that promote “loving yourself and people
with coarser hair”, and showing “successful Black people” reveals how Black youth are seeking
out identity markers that affirm themselves and their abilities/possibilities within a complex
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media environment. Remaining in conversation with Adams-Bass (2014), her finding that
positive racial socialization is associated with higher likelihood of seeking affirming images in
media is bolstered by this study.
The findings pertaining to colorism and academic identity, from this study, advance the
literature by providing a nuanced discussion on the ways in which media perpetuates tropes
about Black intelligence relative to skin tone, while also providing the opportunity for
adolescents to leverage their identities in ways that can affirm them and their aspirations. The
ecology of media and diverse array of representations that exist for youth provides darker toned
Black adolescent girls the opportunity, largely through social media, to find physically and
intellectually affirming images that have been historically, and contemporarily, withheld in film
and television. With a few notable exceptions, such as Black Panther, which adolescents like
Jay, Nay, and Kayla praised for their depiction of African intelligence, darker complexions
remain less visible in academic portrayals in media. Though shows such as Grown-ish and Dear
White People were popular among most of the participants, Black girls with darker skin tones
desire to see themselves represented in popular media centered in educational spaces media.
Ultimately, youth’s critical engagements with media in ways that help them decipher
historical stereotypes and/or tropes related to color and intelligence are useful for the
development of their academic identities. The ability of adolescents to avoid totalizing views of
media representations, good or bad, allows them to critique images and messages while also
finding points of identification that can assist in their constructions of academic identities. This
finding was useful in helping develop the multidimensional nature of media co-constructed
Black academic identities, while also pushing for a more nuanced understanding of adolescents’
interpretations of media and stereotypes. This study’s scope and qualitative methodology did not
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allow for further investigation into whether these academically motivating stereotypes in media
effected academic outcomes (i.e. stereotype threat: Steele & Aronson, 1995). The findings do,
however, offer evidence that stereotypes and tropes can academically motivate Black adolescents
before they reach college (Harper, 2015; Jerald et al. 2016).
Black Adolescent Content Creators

This study also found that Black adolescents were not simply passive viewers of
television shows, films, and social media discussions, but were active agents in promoting
activism and creating content with media. As evident in the social media post of participants like
Kristina (Figure 6, Figure 7) and Xavier (Figure 3), or in Kayla and Traci’s descriptions of
activities with their BSUs, multiple adolescents described or demonstrated forms of activism that
involved the use of popular and social media. Adolescents’ racialized use of media to partake in
various forms of civic engagement adds to the existing literature on contemporary activism, and
centers the academic spaces and experiences of youth. Analysis of hashtags related to the
movement for Black lives demonstrated the cultural practices of Black internet users to generate
discussion movement (Bonilla & Rosa, 2015; Schuschke & Tynes, 2016; Tynes, Schuschke, &
Noble, 2016). At the school level, adolescents in this study used Instagram pictures and memes
to spread awareness about meetings, protests, and Black history. This was also bolstered by
adolescent-led school events that included movie showings and discussions about Black Panther
and The Spook That Sat Next to the Door. The ability to organize for racially politicized purposes
and promote student-led, racialized learning through popular and social media provides evidence
of the academic and social possibilities for these mediums across educational spaces. Awareness
of online racism and its effects on adolescents must also be taken into account (Stewart,
Schuschke, & Tynes, 2019). As noted by adolescents like Jay, Michelle, and Xavier engagement
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with online racism, as student activists, requires personal mediation of knowing when to engage
harmful images and messages. Adolescent agency and activism within school and online
contexts highlight the salience Black academic identities through media.
School-based activism was not the only way that adolescents used media representations
to promote their academic aspirations and construct identities. Participants described and
demonstrated content they created and curated through media. Adolescents used Twitter and
Instagram as places to blog and curate images that directly appealed to their interests and
identities. For instance, Nay’s Twitter was used to discuss her favorite superhero television
shows, and frequently participated in discussions about race online. In another way, Darius used
Instagram to curate memes that encouraged discussion related to mental health (Figure 2, Figure
5). This finding showed how Black adolescents uniquely centered their racialized perspectives
and career aspirations for educational purposes in ways that made them creators of content.
Adolescents also used social media as a way to share their academic achievements in creative
ways, such as Kristina’s Instagram post (Figure 4) where she posted a response to a question
with an image signaling her acceptance into a college. The sharing, creating, and descriptions of
digital content as a source of empowerment, particularly on Instagram, is in alignment with
previous research (Tanksley, 2016). This study advances this line of research by finding that
Black boys, such as Xavier and Darius, participate in this meme culture as a venue for
demonstrating their interests in future careers from uniquely racialized perspectives.
These findings of Black adolescents as content creators show the unique ways that media
representations are able to relay messages through multiple meanings and sources. The cultural
artifacts that memes represent, along with Black adolescents (re)purposing of these messages for
academic and personal goals offers a potential source for identity formation in digital spaces.
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Along with the politicized uses of popular and social media for Black adolescents, this study’s
findings confirm existing research on identity in social media, while also expanding the breadth
of the media ecology that this content exists within. The popular media representations and
messages that adolescents refashion for political, aspirational, and/or educational purposes
demonstrate the agentic principles for the call of “representation matters”.
Representation Matters

The findings from this study provide the opportunity for continued discussion about the
role of popular media and its constant evolution for the construction of racialized academic
identities. The development of a model of media co-constructed Black academic identity is not
the final conclusions for these larger discussions, rather they offer a new lens of analysis, and
more information for researchers to consider when discussing these topics. Ultimately, however,
this study discovered that representation matters to Black adolescents in ways that are
aspirational and tangible to their academic and racial development. This is perhaps not
surprising, given the extensive engagement that Black adolescents have with popular media, and
the unique interpretations of messages, along with creative content generated alongside film,
television, and social media.
The importance of this study rests in the validation of Black adolescents’ experiences,
abilities, and cultural practices with media in ways that can shape/re-shape traditional notions of
academic identity and racialized learning. Thus, representation matters not only on an individual
level of affirming Black identity and academic achievement, but it also matters in a liberating
context where the boundaries of institutional oppression are subverted through the actions and
aspirations of Black youth engaging with media and technology. In the next two sections, I
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discuss the implications of this work for researchers, as well as educational practitioners and
entertainment content creators.
Implications for Future Research

This study’s findings provide the opportunity for further exploration of Black academic
identity and media. As previously discussed, the development of the model for media co-
constructed Black academic identities has implications for future lines of research in specific
regards to academic identity, racial identity, and media representations. More broadly, the results
of this study advances conversations in the fields of educational psychology, Black studies, and
communication in various and interconnected ways. In this section, I will discuss the
implications for each field and their relevant bodies of literature. Specifically, I will provide
speculative lines for future research that will use this study to advance research on Black
academic identity and media.
As previously discussed, this study’s generative new ecological model of academic
identity development presents constructs that are unique to Black adolescents. Specifically, the
academic and personal aspirations, and their interconnected relationship, provide the opportunity
for further exploration. Although this study was not designed to create new constructs for
quantitative purposes, as a post-positivist grounded theory approach would suggest (Glaser &
Strauss, 1967), there are future lines of research that could use this model for vesting. Existing
instruments for academic and Black identity, media consumption, and possible selves may be
used to test relationships between constructs and/or development measurements for media co-
constructed Black academic identities.
For qualitative research looking to extend this work, future research could further tease
out the specific media co-constructed Black academic identities. The model generated from this
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study provides a general framework for understanding constructs and components of Black
academic identities that are assisted through media, however, further examination of this
phenomenon could help develop types, stages, or dimensions. Similar to Nasir (2011), who
found there are multiple Black academic identities that exist on a continuum, there are perhaps
multiple forms of media co-constructed Black academic identities. Future research can examine
the particular types racial and academic self-concepts of adolescents, alongside their preferred
genre and media to further develop the understandings of these unique identities. This research
can also expand beyond film, television, and social media, in order to include a vast examination
of adolescent media ecologies that also include gaming and music.
Inherent to the development of the Black social identities through media, were
adolescents’ political ideologies and identities. Adolescents’ Black political identities may offer
a sense of how they engage with media and the actions they take in offline spaces. This
potentially intersects with their academic identities as they interpret learning material through
any variety of Black political lenses, whether it be Afrocentricity, Black Nationalism, Black
Feminism, etc., which can shape their beliefs about themselves and their group. This model’s
constructs of Black social identities and Afro-futuristic selves rely on components that are
perhaps largely informed by the political identities of adolescents. Future research should
explore this possibility further, through quantitative measures of political identity, and/or
qualitative methods that include engagement with news media. Teenage adolescents’ status as
emergent voters and activists make this line of research particularly and perpetually timely.
Lastly, this model provides a unique framework for understanding Black adolescents’
academic identities through their unique and cultural engagements with media. This level of
specificity may have application to other racial and ethnic groups, or stages in human
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development. Researchers that wish to find use for this model for different age groups should
consider the various developmental and technological specificities of their target populations.
For instance, adolescents younger than 13 may not have access to some social media platforms
and may vary significantly in their understandings of racial concepts. For scholars that might
engage this work for other racial/ethnic groups it is key to remember the cultural specificity of
their desired demographics, as well as the in-group heterogeneity that provides nuance to
experiences with identities. This includes not only their particular uses of media, but also their
historical relationships to power, privilege, and access across time and space. The experience of
Black people in the United States is a highly specific and continuous historical phenomenon that
cannot be replicated. As such, research using this model for other groups should remain
cognizant of the distinct histories and practices.
In addition to having implications on future research for identity and human development
scholarship, this study provides avenues for study in the field of Black studies. Specifically, the
findings presented in this dissertation allow for cross collaboration with the digital humanities, as
well as digital equity with technology. In regards to the latter line of future research, scholars
looking towards this study’s findings to examine potential uses for popular media and
technology in creating equitable educational opportunities and outcomes for Black adolescents
may find more qualitative work appropriate. In particular, this research should expand upon the
interview protocol (Appendix E), with particular focus on unearthing adolescents’ beliefs and
attitudes towards learning with popular and social media. For instance, researchers should ask
adolescents how they foresee using their casual interests in media and technology to complete
educational tasks. This line of research is similar to the connected learning (Ito et al., 2013)
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framework, however, the distinct focus on Black adolescents within a comprehensive racialized
media ecology lens is unique.
This dissertation is also in close conversation with the digital humanities, and draws upon
work related to Afro-futurism, as well as post/transhumanism. From a Black digital studies
perspective, this study sheds lights on the ways in which adolescents are able to transcend time
and space by using media and technology in ways marked by Blackness. Specifically, this
research provides empirical evidence, and opportunity to further explore, the theoretical
implications of a digitized ecology where race exists without physical bodies and makes the
implicit messages through images an explicit dialogue about past, present, and future dealings
with race and racism. The findings’ consequence--Afro-futuristic selves--are one potential line of
future research, alongside the psychology literature on future/possible selves, for the exploration
of Afro-futurism through the perspectives and storytelling of Black adolescents.
There are also implications for future research in the field of communication. The
transmission of messages and interpretation by audiences for social identity construction yields
possibilities worth further examination. In particular, future research should continue the
exploration of Black communicative practices through popular memes, with expressed interest as
educational tools. The cultural competencies, specialized knowledge, and unique rhetorical
practices of Black adolescents deserve further inquiry, especially as some memes may generate
the opportunity to lean, or encourage creativity with academic purposes. This study’s focus on
the interconnected nature of Black adolescents’ media ecologies provides the opportunity for
scholars to expand upon Black identity based interpretation/reinterpretations of multiple media.
This study also generates future research possibilities for scholars engaging
representations, as well. Findings regarding the evolution of modern stereotypes, as well as
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adolescents’ desire to see more diverse representations of Black identities provide avenues for
new and timely research. As previously mentioned, this study contributes to the long running
discussion on cultivation theory, however, it also provides the opportunity to further investigate
the ways in which Black audiences, in general, interpret representations as inauthentic,
unidentifiable, or identifiable. Adolescents’ beliefs that stereotypes still exist, but are more subtle
than previous generations, calls for further research to understand the representations, along with
the evaluation processes of Black audiences writ large. In other words, future studies may ask:
what are the sources of information Black audiences use for authenticating a representation, and
how might subjectivities of “real”, quality, and content shape the criteria? This line of research
may also highlight another implication of the study, which is adolescents’ desire for more
diverse representations of Black people. The need for more dark skin characters in lead roles,
LGBTQ stories, and representation of ability spectrums should be further explored, both in terms
of audience demand, reception, and depiction.
The final implication for research that this study provides is the opportunity to explore
social movement discourse online. The specificity of #RepresentationMatters as a movement
rooted in social discourse about a perceived phenomenon, or at times, lack thereof, raises
important theoretical and empirical propositions about digital discourse. Future research in this
area should explore the points of convergence and divergence between #RepresentationMatters
and #BlackLivesMatter, in order to properly situate the former in Black liberation discourse and
movement. Research on this type of social movement discourse, which spans across multiple
forms of media, should also empirically explore the movement’s viability by not only
quantitatively testing television shows and films for demographic diversity, but also through
qualitative content analysis and theoretical excavation of representations.
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Implications for Practice

In addition to the implications of this study for research, there are also useful applications
for this work when it comes to educational and entertainment practices. Specifically, educational
practitioners and entertainment companies can explore these findings in order to develop new
pedagogical approaches to teaching with media and develop diverse and inclusive content. This
study allows for the advancement of social discourse when it comes to representation and
educational media, specifically for Black adolescents and young adults. In this section, first, I
will discuss the implications for practice using this study’s results as a guide for teaching with
popular media. Second, I will guide a conversation on potential practices for entertainment
content creators who might show interest in using representations as a source for developing
meaningful messages and opportunities for Black people.
The findings from this study allows educational practitioners to use popular media, like
film and television, alongside social media for pedagogical purposes within the classroom. The
examination of multiple, interconnected learning environments for Black adolescents provides
opportunities for educators to leverage interests and practices of popular and social media across
physical boundaries. The use of traditional and non-traditional sources and spaces for
educational purposes can provide practitioners with a variety of strategies that are culturally
relevant. This form of culturally relevant pedagogy not only incorporates iterations of its
identity-based ethos and practices (Brown-Jeffy & Cooper, 2011; Ladson-Billings, 1995), but
also intersects with popular culture in ways that can appeal to student interests that are
traditionally not leveraged for educational purposes. Similar to Scott, Sheridan, and Clark’s
(2015) framework of culturally responsive computing, education practitioners can use this
study’s findings to develop new, culturally aware methods for teaching with popular media.
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The development of a culturally relevant form of teaching with film, television, and
social media, as a way to appeal to adolescents’ interests, skills, and identities can open the
possibilities for teachers to try innovative forms of teaching course materials. As evident in this
study’s findings, students were drawn to representations that included a number of academic
fields. Educational practitioners may find identity and interest appealing representations of Black
STEM, journalism, law, and history. It is important to note, however, that teaching with popular
media requires a thorough understanding of the topics and the ways in which misrepresentation
occurs in Hollywood telling/retellings of historical events and scientific phenomenon (Marsh,
Butler, & Umanath, 2012).
Using popular and social media representations also provides educators the opportunity
to center student learning in ways that taps into the creative skillsets and cultural practices of
Black adolescents. As shown in the findings and discussed in the implications for research, Black
youth have a unique ability to create content that has the potential to spark interests pertaining to
popular and academic discourse. Educational practitioners may want to explore these findings in
order to develop new assignments that teach, leverage, and provide access to adolescent content
creation skills. Student assignments that involve memes, platforms management, and information
sharing with media representations may offer adolescents the opportunity to learn and become
experts on particular topics with specialized technology skills. As mentioned above, these
implications will need mediation, as not all students have the same interests and skill levels with
technology (Hargittai, 2010). These limitations notwithstanding, however, teaching using
popular and social media provides interest-based learning opportunities for Black adolescents in
ways that are not traditionally practiced.
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229
This study also has implications beyond the academy and classrooms. Social media and
independent content creators, as well as studio executives can look to this study’s finding to help
them develop more nuanced and diverse representations of Black people, adolescents in
particular. As noted in The Hollywood Diversity Report (2017) and GLAAD Report (2018),
Black representation is on the rise, but is still underrepresented. Particular groups, such as the
LGBTQ community, within the Black community are even less likely to be represented, and
adolescents in this study noted the disparity. For individuals and corporations looking to adhere
to answer the call of #RepresentationMatters, this study provides insights into the types of Black
representations adolescents are interested in engaging with, and can perhaps inform how
characters, storylines, television shows, and films are developed. Creators of content should
consider the perspectives provided by adolescents in this study, as they develop nuanced
characters in an era where some believe the line between authenticity and stereotypical is
becoming less defined.
Centering the voices of Black adolescents in storytelling and content creation allows for
more creative and timely renderings of the Black community across multiple mediums. As
evident in responses to questions about the type of material they would create if they had their
own television show or movie, Black adolescents have a desire to see identifiable and authentic
representations that they have a personal connection to, and can easily recognize. The types of
content that can be created via this diverse array of perspectives and experiences is a potential
resource for those looking to provide opportunity for groups that have been historically
marginalized in entertainment spaces. Hiring Black creatives from a variety of backgrounds and
is an important step for an industry that is in constant need for new content. This study provides
interested parties across social media and entertainment industries the opportunity to see what is
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desired and meaningful to a core demographic, and make sense of the findings in ways that have
equitable outcomes for Black adolescents and Black content creators alike.
Limitations

Although this study’s use of rigorous methods yielded informative findings, this section
recognizes its limitations. It is important to note that unlike quantitative research, generalizability
is not the goal of qualitative work (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Maxwell, 2013; Johnson &
Christensen, 2014). With this in mind, it remains imperative to recognize that as a study focused
on ecological influencers on identity there exists some theoretical limits. The first pertains to the
geographical context of this study. Black culture has particular geographical nuances (Clay,
2012; Jackson, 2001; Johnson, 2011). As a study that takes place on the west coast of the United
States, and in a region with a heavy media influence, it is possible that participant perspectives
related to popular media and social media may differ from those in other geographic locations.
Although Black cultural variation exists across space, there remains a significant amount of
common understandings and shared experiences with media and technology.
The second contextual limitation of this study involves the methodological decision to
focus specifically on film and television. Popular media, in its most broad definition includes the
aforementioned mediums, along with music, magazines, and a host of other print and/or digital
content. There already exists a vast amount of research on the role of music, specifically hip-hop,
on the identities and lives of Black youth (Clay, 2012; Lindsey, 2013; Love, 2012). Incorporating
all forms of media representation into the proposed theory is an avenue for future research. The
interconnected and embedded nature of media ecologies, particularly in the digital age
(Levinson, 2003), allows for this study’s narrower focus on television, film, and social media.
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The third limitation of this study involves selection bias. Although recruitment for this
study was open, my reliance on organizations and snowball sampling may limit the opportunity
for more diverse perspectives. Namely, the lack of open LGBTQ voices is a particularly salient
limitation that deserves acknowledgment, and should be addressed in future studies. Also, the
decision to focus on adolescents between 14-19 marks a highly specific developmental stage,
which misses on the particularities of younger adolescents, who perhaps have different media
habits and ways of identifying with school and media.
Finally, the subjectivity of the researcher remains a potential limitation in all qualitative
research (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Every decision related to data collection and analysis is
shaped by the researcher, and may not be the same steps or reading of the data taken by another.
Relatedly, the methodological choices I made in the construction of the focus groups may have
inhibited optimal group chemistry, however, this limitation could not be foreseen and is
speculative. Continuing to collect and analyze data until theoretical saturation is achieved will
help alleviate some of the selection issues, as broad perspectives emerged. The practice of
member-checking and remaining consistent in my methods assure validity, but cannot account
for the differential responses participants may have had with me, as opposed to a researcher of a
different race, gender, etc. Each limitation described in this section are valid critiques to this
study, however, they are all common in qualitative research and steps were taken throughout the
research process to taper their influence.
Conclusion

This study concludes by making final statements relative to the scope of the findings and
its potential viability as a source of information for more research and the advancement of
societal discourse. In this section, I will provide one final overview of this study and its
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implications, along with a list of the key takeaways, and offer a closing statement. As the
concluding chapter of this study, there are three key takeaways that were found from this study:
1) Black adolescents co-construct academic identities through their unique media
engagements: The central phenomenon and biggest key takeaway from this study are the
media co-constructed Black academic identities that adolescents develop. As previously
mentioned, these racialized academic identities are unique, due to the assistive ways that
media helps inform the academic identities of adolescents. More succinctly, adolescents
did not describe media representations as the starting point for their academic identities,
rather, media representations provided additional sources of information that they found
congruent with their developing identities and aspirations. This study advances literature
on Black academic identity specifically, and Black identity writ large. MCBAI provides a
framework for understanding adolescents’ processes for constructing identity with media.
Specifically, the framework also advances understandings of how media representations
are engaged as part of academic identity development. Whereas scholars such as Cokley
(2015) and Nasir (2011) critically theorized the possibilities of media representations as
problematic sources for Black adolescents’ academic identities, this study provides a
more nuanced understandings of youth’s identification with popular images and
messages. Adolescents such as Jojo, Kayla, and Nay describe how stereotypes have
evolved and serve as motivational sources, rather than demotivating representations that
adolescents placate towards. The use of stereotypes, alongside authentic and identifiable
representations of Black people helped generate academic identities that were socially
inclusive, and aspirational towards Black adolescents personal and academic goals. This
interconnected construction of these academic identities stretches the traditional
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233
definitions in order to include the racialized personal aspirations and motivations of
Black adolescents. Participants used media representations to identify with characters and
stories that are often racially congruent in ways that shape not only their Black identities,
but mold how they view themselves intellectually and academically. Through media
representations Black adolescents are demonstrating that racialized learning and
aspirations are inherently academic identity building constructs.
2) Media representations are key environmental sources for the development of Black
academic identities: The model generated from this study (Figure 1) depicts a
bidirectional arrow connecting media representations to the causal conditions of identity,
experiences, and environments. This is an important procedural marker that also
represents one of the key takeaways from this study. The role of media representations
within adolescents’ learning environments is as important as their home, neighborhood,
and school environments. In conjunction with the online environment, the Black
representations found within the broader ecology of media offer an important source for
racialized learning and identity development for Black adolescents. The interconnected
nature of a) popular and social media, as well as b) broader connections between media
and the learning environment show how media representations are central to the
construction of identity via unique interpretations. Ecological models of identity and
human development have, at times, addressed media as a source or stage for processing
race (Bronfenbrenner, 1977; Johnson & Puplampu, 2008; Spencer, 1995), but this study
directly focuses on media as a learning environment for Black adolescents. As evident in
the memes used by adolescents like, Darius, popular and social media require a
specialized knowledge of popular culture, along with a communicative practice that
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234
promotes dual meanings. These memes, in some instances, are also racialized; for
example, Xavier’s Instagram story post about Kwanzaa (Figure 3). As evident in these
examples popular and social media intersect in ways that allow adolescents to learn from
and create their own content relative to their identities. This speaks to the broader
takeaway pertaining to media representations as sources within vast ecologies of media,
which are part of larger learning environments. The racialized nature of media
representations and the scaffold of environments they exist within provide opportunities
for Black adolescents to develop academic identities through media in traditional and
non-traditional academic spaces. In short, media representations provide Black
adolescents with environments ripe for academic identification that extend beyond school
structures and materials.
3) Black adolescents’ future selves help in the construction of identity, readings of media
representations, and redefining their imagined futures: The final key takeaway from this
study is the consequence of media co-constructed Black academic identities, which are
the Afro-futuristic selves of Black adolescents. The academic and personal aspirations
that adolescents construct through their interpretations of media representations allow
them to envision themselves in the future. This future self is also constructed relative to
their social identities and beliefs about race that were generally diverse and inclusive of
all Black people. Thus, these Afro-futuristic selves center Black community perspectives
towards success and liberation (Gaskins, 2016). The bidirectional nature of the Afro-
futuristic self and the media co-constructed Black academic identities is a particularly
important process in the model, as adolescents described their relationship to
representations in terms of their future selves. For instance, Logan’s desire to become a
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235
journalism major and Jordan’s aspirations to major in kinesiology. Adolescents academic
future selves were also tied to, and often viewed, as a stepping stone towards a future self
that redefines notions of success. Adolescents’ Afro-futuristic selves eschewed neo-
liberal beliefs of privatized success and financial excess, while promoting community
based achievement, stability, and internalized views of happiness. Adolescents viewed
themselves in the future as doctors, journalists, and activists with goals of helping their
families and striving for social equality. In sum, the Afro-futuristic self pushes the
boundaries of traditional future selves literature (Markus & Nurius, 1986), by providing
an Afrocentric lens that privileges a Black communal vision of the future, alongside the
individual’s.
These three takeaways provide an overarching view of this study’s findings in ways that
succinctly detail the contributions to the literature. These conclusions, along with the previously
discussed implications, allow for the opportunity to continuously explore and expand the model
of representations assisted Black academic identities. The rapid changes to the media
environments, and the culturally distinct ways that Black people engage race and racism through
these various mediums ensures that the model will be relevant to future research, and will need
thoughtful revision. This study found that not only does representation matter to the identities
and aspirations of Black youth, they also provide a gateway to envisioning a liberated Black
future.
As I close this study, my hope is that the findings provide the opportunity for researchers,
practitioners, and society writ large to appreciate and empower Black youth in ways that
leverage their cultural and intellectual strengths. Although this study was not designed to provide
generalizable data, it is my sincere belief that every Black adolescent, across the diaspora, has
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236
unique perspectives and the abilities to act as forces for the advancement towards liberation. As
agents of change, Black adolescents along with adults can fundamentally dismantle the existing
systems of oppressions. The educational system is one institution where the intersections of
racism, sexism, classism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, religious persecution, etc. exist to
create anti-Black experiences. This study, however, provides one of many possible entry points
to reimagine the United States education institution through the lens of the group most adversely
affected by these multiple forms of oppression. The adolescents in this study showed how Black
cultural knowledge and identity are essential assets to their development as people and members
of a community, with the ability to transform our understandings of success and social progress.
The Afro-futuristic possibilities presented by these, and every other Black adolescent, are not
solely related to the self, but part of a larger history of diasporic progress that I hope continues to
build momentum across time and space. This work will continue due to the relentless strivings of
Black youth, and those who support them, which I believe this study highlights.

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237
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APPENDICES
APPENDIX A: IRB APPROVAL LETTER

University of Southern California Institutional Review Board 1640 Marengo Street, Suite
700 Los Angeles, California 90033-9269 Telephone: (323) 442-0114 Fax: (323) 224-
8389 Email: irb@usc.edu
Date: Aug 13, 2018, 09:59am
Action Taken: Approve
Principal Investigator: Joshua Schuschke
ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
Faculty Advisor: Brendesha Tynes
ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
Co-Investigator(s):
Project Title: #RepresentationMatters
Study ID: UP-18-00430
Funding Types: No Funding

This study has been determined to qualify for the USC Human Research Protection
Program Flexibility Policy. If there are modifications that increase risk to subjects or if the
funding status of this research is to change, you are required to submit an amendment to
the IRB for review and approval.
The University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB) designee determined that your project
qualifies for exemption from IRB review under the USC Human Research Protection Program
Flexibility Policy. The study was approved on 08/13/2018 and is not subject to 45 CFR 46
regulations, including informed consent requirements or further IRB review.
If there are modifications that increase risk to subjects or if the funding status of this
research is to change, you are required to submit an amendment to the IRB for review and
approval.
Please utilize the clean version of the combo Parental Permission and Youth Assent
document attached to inform potential research participants of the study.
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Consent and recruitment documents for studies which are determined to qualify for USC’s flex-
exempt policy will not be stamped valid. It is the researchers responsibility to make sure the
consent document is consistent with the study practices as stated in the application, and the
document follows the principles of the Belmont Report, which requires all potential participants
to be informed of the research study, their rights as a participant, confidentiality of their data, etc.
**Per USC Policy, someone may not collect data about people he or she oversees in a
professional capacity. Please ensure that someone on the study (represented in 2.1, with the
required human subjects certification) is able to serve as an independent data collector.
Further, data must be stripped of any identifying information before being provided to
people who have the supervisory relationship in order to protect the confidentiality of the
participant responses.**
Because your research involves regular interaction with minors, you or your faculty
advisor are:
1. A mandated reporter under state law required to report to state authorities if you
become aware of child abuse. Click here for more information about mandated
reporters. 2. Covered under USC’s protecting minors policy, and must register your
research with the Office of Equity and Diversity and complete training. Click here to
register and take the training.
“Assent” means a child’s affirmative agreement to participate in research. Researchers are
reminded that mere failure to object should not, absent affirmative agreement, be construed as
assent
Researchers are reminded that as mandated reporters, they must report all instances of suspected
child abuse, per USC policies at http://policy.usc.edu/mandated-reporters/
All submissions, including new applications, contingency responses, amendments and continuing
reviews are reviewed in the order received.
Attachments:
IRBA Revised Youth Assent &
Parental Permission Form, dated 08-12-2018.doc
Clean Version of Youth Assent & Parental Permission Form, dated 08-12-2018.doc

https://istar.usc.edu/istar/sd/Doc/0/7LHNJOLPP77KF6OSIU52DMUF93/fromString.html 1/2
9/5/2018 https://istar.usc.edu/istar/sd/Doc/0/7LHNJOLPP77KF6OSIU52DMUF93/fromString.html
Social-behavioral health-related interventions or health-outcome studies must register with
clinicaltrials.gov or other International Community of Medical Journal Editors (ICMJE)
approved registries in order to be published in an ICJME journal. The ICMJE will not accept
studies for publication unless the studies are registered prior to enrollment, despite the fact that
these studies are not applicable “clinical trials” as defined by the Food and Drug Administration
(FDA). For support with registration, go to www.clinicaltrials.gov or contact Jean Chan
(jeanbcha@usc.edu, 323-442-2825).
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Important
The principal investigator for this study is responsible for obtaining all necessary approvals before
commencing research. Please be sure that you have satisfied applicable requirements, for example conflicts of
interest, bio safety, radiation safety, biorepositories, credentialing, data security, sponsor approval,
clinicaltrials.gov or school approval. IRB approval does not convey approval to commence research in the
event that other requirements have not been satisfied.

This is an auto-generated email. Please do not respond directly to this message using the "reply"
address. A response sent in this manner cannot be answered. If you have further questions, please
contact iStar Support at (323) 276-2238 or istar@usc.edu.
The contents of this email are confidential and intended for the specified recipients only. If you
have received this email in error, please notify istar@usc.edu and delete this message.

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APPENDIX B: PARTICIPANT RECRUITMENT LETTER

Hello,

It is a pleasure to greet you, and I hope all is well. My name is Joshua Schuschke, and I am a
PhD candidate at the University of Southern California’s Rossier School of Education. I am
contacting you to inquire about any potential interest in participating in a research study that will
be used as my dissertation. The topic of study involves understanding Black adolescent’s
evaluation of Black representations in film, television, and social media in relation to their
academic identities. In order to be eligible for this study, participants must be:
1. Black
2. Between the Ages 14-19
3. Frequently use social media
4. Watch television and/or films on a regular basis (Netflix, Hulu, and other streaming
platforms are acceptable).

If you are interested in this study, and meet the requirement please email me at
joshua.schuschke@usc.edu. Also, if you know of anybody who meets these requirements
(friends, family, etc.) please feel free to forward this email or provide their contact information
along with your response. This study will involve the use of individual interviews, social media
observations, and focus groups. Details about each specific data collection method will be
provided to you upon confirmation of your interest in the study. Study participants will be
compensated with a $20 gift card at the conclusion of data collection.

If you have any questions regarding me or my research, please feel free to respond with any
comments, questions, or concerns. You may also visit my USC student page at:
https://rossier.usc.edu/faculty-and-research/phd-directories/phd-a-z/phd-profile/?id=67

Thank you for your time, and I look forward to hearing from you soon.

Joshua Schuschke
PhD Candidate
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Pkwy
Los Angeles, CA 90089

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APPENDIX C: INFORMED CONSENT
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education 3470 Trousdale Pkwy, Los Angeles, CA 90089

YOUTH ASSENT-PARENTAL PERMISSION FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

#REPRESENTATIONMATTERS: A STUDY OF BLACK IDENTITY & MEDIA

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Joshua Schuschke, M.A.
(principal investigator) and Brendesha Tynes, Ph.D. (faculty advisor) from the University of
Southern California. Your participation is voluntary. You should read the information below,
and ask questions about anything you do not understand before deciding whether to
participate.

Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. Your child will also be asked
his/her permission. Your child can decline to participate, even if you agree to allow
participation. You and/or your child may also decide to discuss it with your family or friends.
You can keep this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The recent success of Black television shows and movies, has prompted discussions about the
role of representation in media. The ongoing movement and discussion has been cited on the
internet as #RepresentationMatters, whereby positive, authentic, diverse and complex
representations of Black people and experiences have gained notoriety. These images, and their
embedded messages about race are alleged to have supplanted problematic negative and
problematic stereotypes about Black people, in favor of more realistic and empowering
depictions. This study seeks to understand the ways in which Black adolescents (ages 14-19)
make sense of these new representations, and how they may influence their perceptions of what
it means to be Black. Specifically, this study takes an ecological approach to Black youth’s
media environment, and centers them as agents interacting in a world connected to film,
television, and social media. The goal of this study is to develop a theory that future researchers
can use to adequately understand the role of media in the lives of Black youth and their
constructions of academic identities.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you agree to participate, you will be asked to participate in some or all of the following:

A brief descriptive survey, which will ask demographic questions (race, age, sex, etc.), as well as
questions about your favorite television shows, movies, and social media platforms. The survey
is not meant to be extensive, and will be used to focus the interviews on your specific interests.
If you would like to see a copy of the survey, please contact me using the information provided
at the end of this document.

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Semi-structured audio-recorded interviews, lasting from 60-90 minutes in a conference room at
Waite Phillips Hall (WPH) on USC’s campus. Information from the interviews will inform the
next phases of research.

Following the interviews, I will observe, for a limited time, your social media interactions in
order to understand how you discuss race, identity, and media in a public space.

Social media observations will also be a key source of data collection and analysis. During this
phase of the study I will observe, for no longer than a month, the publically available postings
and interactions on your various social media platforms. I will NOT observe private messages or
social media accounts that you do not grant access too. All personal and identifying information
obtained via social media will be redacted (blacked out) in the writing of these results. Images
or screenshots used for academic publication or conference presentation will be modified in
order to ensure your confidentiality.

In addition to observing your social media interactions, you will also be provided a prompt that
you will respond to, on the platform of your choosing. This technique is called a “think aloud”.
In this form of data collection, you will be asked to share your thoughts and/or feelings about
one of your favorite television shows or movies, as you watch it. You will indicate your response
on social media by adding the hashtag (i.e. #Blackish) to your post. Similar to the social media
observations, all identifiable information will be modified to ensure confidentiality. The goal of
the social media observations and think alouds are to understand the daily interactions of
youth with media, in ways that are connected to representations of Black people.

In-person focus groups where you will discuss your opinions about race and media with peers.

Audio-recorded focus groups will occur sometime after the interviews and social media
observations will be held at the same location, and last between 60-90 minutes.

If you do not wish to be recorded, you cannot participate in this study. Interviews and focus
groups will be scheduled based availability. If you would like copies of the questions that will be
asked in the interviews and focus groups, please contact me using the information at the end of
this consent document.

You can choose to participate in none, all or some of the study procedures.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks to your participation in this study. The goal of this research is to
provide students, scholars, practitioners, and policy makers with a better understanding of
Black academic identity and media. You do not have to answer any question(s) that makes you
feel uncomfortable.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
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You may not directly benefit from their participation in this study. It is hoped that the results of
this study will yield fruitful insights about the importance of developing an empowering Black
academic identity.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
If you choose to participate in this study, you will receive compensation in the form of a $20 gift
card for Cinemark movie theatres. Compensation will be provided upon your initial
participation in the study. Your parking expenses will be paid for by the researcher prior to your
arrival.

CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. The members
of the research team, and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection
Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

We will take every precaution to maintain confidentiality to the fullest extent possible.
However, due to the nature of focus groups, confidentiality cannot be guaranteed. You will be
asked not to discuss the content of the focus group with anyone outside the group.

As a USC employee/representative, the researcher is required to report any known or
suspected abuse or neglect relating to children to USC’s Department of Public Safety (DPS)
and the Department of Children and Family Services (DCFS)

The data will be stored on a password encrypted hard drive in the principal investigator’s office,
and will be labeled with a code that the can link to personal identifiable information. The de-
identified data will then be stored separately from any identifiable data.

Identifiable data will be destroyed upon completion of the research study; the remaining data
will be maintained indefinitely and may be used in future research studies. If you do not want
your data used in future research studies, then you cannot participate in this study.

Overall findings and proposed theory will be presented to all participants once the results have
been written. No identifiable information will be used as part of the written results or during
oral presentations. As a doctoral dissertation, this study will be published by the University of
Southern California, and will not contain any identifying information. Findings from this study
may also be published in academic journal article and scholarly book chapters, which will also
not contain identifying information.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
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Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.

INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please contact Joshua Schuschke at
502-593-0854 or at joshua.schuschke@usc.edu. Joshua’s office is located at 3470 Trousdale
Pkwy, WPH Suite 600F, Los Angeles, CA 90089. You may also contact Dr. Brendesha Tynes at
213-740-9567 or at btynes@usc.edu. Dr. Tynes’ office is located at 3470 Trousdale Pkwy, WPH
Suite 600D, Los Angeles, CA 90089.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to
someone independent of the research team, please contact the University of Southern
California Institutional Review Board, 1640 Marengo Street, Suite 700, Los Angeles, CA 90033-
9269. Phone (323) 442-0114 or email irb@usc.edu.

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APPENDIX D: DESCRIPTIVE SURVEY

Descriptive Survey

Thank you for agreeing to participate in this study. Listed below are open-ended questions,
which will help me get to know you better prior to our interview. This survey is not a test, and
will only be used for the purposes of this study. If you do not feel comfortable answering a
particular question, you may skip it.

1. Name (Pseudonym):

2. Age:

3. Gender:

4. Race:

5. What school do you attend?:

6. Provide a list of who lives in your home(s) and your relationship with them:

7. What are your favorite television shows? Why?

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8. What are your favorite movies? Why?

9. Who are your favorite characters on these shows and movies? Why?

10. What are your favorite social media platforms (Instagram, Snapchat, etc.)? What do you
use them for?

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APPENDIX E: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

Semi-Structured Interview Protocol

Interviewee: Alias:

Consent Process: Hello, my name is Joshua Schuschke, and I am a doctoral candidate conducting
research at the University of Southern California. You may call me Josh. You are here, today, to
take part in an interview, which will be used as part of my dissertation that examines Black
academic identity through popular and social media. Before we begin, I need to get your
consent/assent. Here is the consent form that you and your parents have already reviewed. I will
give you a few moments to review this form again, if necessary.

Your participation in this interview is completely voluntary. You can decide you do not want to
participate at any point. You should also know that I will make every effort to protect your
privacy. In doing so, I will give you the opportunity to provide a pseudonym. I will use your
pseudonym in place of any identifying information. The topics and opinions discussed in this
interview will not be shared with anyone unless the information is de-identified. This interview
is being recorded, but the recording will only be heard by me when I analyze the data.

[Get Verbal Consent]

Introductions: Before we begin the interview I want to tell you a little bit about myself and my
research. As a doctoral candidate, I am conducting a study in order to get my degree. My study,
or dissertation as it is called, examines how Black adolescents evaluate images and messages
they see on popular and social media as a way to inform their academic identities. In less jargon
terms, my research looks at how Black youth relate to representations they see of Black people
on television and in film.

The way that this interview will work is we will first get acquainted with one another. I will ask
questions about you and your hobbies before we dive into questions related to race,
representation, and media. You should feel free to respond as openly and honestly as possible.
There are no wrong answers. You should also feel free to ask clarifying questions. This interview
will be conversational in nature, so do not feel that you have to perfectly craft your responses.
You may laugh, ask me questions in response, and tell me stories about your experiences, as you
would with any of your friends.

Do you have any comments, questions, or concerns before we start?

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280

Question Notes
1. Tell me a little bit about yourself: Ex.
What school do you go to? what part
of town do you live in?
2. How do you describe yourself?
3. How would others describe you?

Probe: What are your favorite hobbies?

4. Can you describe what the word
representation means to you?

5. When you think about representation
in terms of Black people in media,
what do you think of?

6. What do you know about stereotypes?

Probe: where do you typically see stereotypes?

Probe: What are some of the positive
representations you see of Black people?

7. What do you think it means to be
Black?

Probe: When and how did you learn this
definition?

8. What materials, shows, books, did
your parents use growing up that
informed your attitudes about what it
means to be Black?

Probe: Do you still hold those opinions?

9. In what ways do you and your friends
at school about being Black?

Probe: what about online? Do you talk about
being Black in the same way on the internet?

10. Do you or your friends ever get
involved with social movements like
BLM?

Probe: What are your opinions with these

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281
movements?
11. You mentioned you use [XYZ]
platforms… What other social media
platforms do you use? Can you tell me
the reasons why you use these
platforms?

12. Do you use social media at school or
for educational purposes?

13. What types of conversations do you
typically have on social media,
specifically the platforms you say you
like using the most?

Probe: who do you follow/friend/subscribe to?
And why?

14. Do you ever get into any debates or
arguments about race on social media?
With friends or strangers?

Probe: Can you describe the types of racist images and
messages you see online?

15. What are your thoughts about the
current political climate, particularly
in regards to race?

16. Do you think the media such as film
and television are realistic
representations of race?

Probe: In what ways do the shows/movies you watch
depict Black people’s intelligence?

Probe: Do you think the genre of the TV or film
matters in its depiction of Black people?

17. Can you describe why you like certain
shows or movies?

Probe: Do you like shows with Black casts? If so,
why?
Probe: Are there any white shows you enjoy?

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282
18. What is it about the characters you see
in these shows and movies that you
like or don’t like?

Probe: do you feel like these characters are accurate
representations of Black people

19. Is there any character that your feel
like you relate to personally, or you’re
inspired by?

Probe: are any of these characters students? What type
of jobs do they have?

Probe: what do you think makes these characters
successful at work or at school?

20. Do you ever participate in or read
discussions on social media about the
importance of Black characters and
shows?

21. Do you think representation matters in
film and television?

Probe: what Black experience would you like to
see on TV and in the movies that you think needs
to be shown more?

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283
APPENDIX F: SOCIAL MEDIA OBSERVATION PROMPT
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

SOCIAL MEDIA OBSERVATION PROMPT

#REPRESENTATIONMATTERS: A STUDY OF BLACK IDENTITY & MEDIA

Thank you for your participation in this study, specifically the social media observations. This
form provides information for a task that will be observed through ONE of your social media
platforms. Please follow the directions below:

1. Choose your favorite social media platform that you have given me permission to
observe.
2. Begin watching one episode of your favorite television show or begin watching your
favorite movie at home.
3. During the course of the show or movie, post your thoughts, feelings, and opinions about
the show’s characters, stories, and themes.
4. Post any thought you have about the show’s depiction of race.
5. Hashtag (#) the show’s name with each post.

Your posts and any replies or conversations stemming from them will be observed as part of the
study. All identifying information related to you and anybody interacting with these posts will be
redacted during analysis and write up. If you have any comments, questions, or concerns, please
contact me at joshua.schuschke@usc.edu or 502-593-0854.

Thanks again,

Josh.

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284
APPENDIX G: FOCUS GROUP QUESTION GUIDE

Focus Group Question Guide

Consent Process: Hello, it is great to see you again. As you may recall, my name is Joshua
Schuschke and I am a doctoral candidate conducting research at the University of Southern
California. You may call me Josh. Thank you again for participating in the interview portion of
this study. We now want to use this focus group to determine if there are any themes across each
of your interviews. Before we begin, I need to get your consent/assent. I passed out the consent
form. I will give everyone a few minutes to read through.

Your participation is completely voluntary. You can decide you do not want to participate at any
point in the focus group. You should also know that I will make every effort to protect your
privacy. In doing so, I will give everyone the opportunity to provide a pseudonym. The topics
and opinions discussed in this interview will not be shared with anyone unless the information is
de-identified. This focus group is being recorded, but the recording will only be heard by me
when I analyze the data. Like the interviews and social media observations, I will use
pseudonyms in place of any identifying information.

[Get Verbal Consent]

Participation Structure: The way that the focus group will work is we will first get acquainted
with one another. I will ask questions about race, representation, and media. Everyone should
feel free to respond as openly and honestly as possible. There are no wrong answers. You should
also feel free to ask clarifying questions. When a person gives a response, you can ask them to
clarifying questions. You may also respectfully agree or disagree with other’s statements, and
provide your reasoning for doing so.

Does anybody have any comments, questions, or concerns before we start?

Let’s begin by everybody introducing themselves. Start with your first name or pseudonym that
you want to use, then tell us about the show or movie you saw.

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285

Question Notes
What do you all think makes a Black
character authentic on TV or in the
movies?

Provide examples.

What shows or movies do you think
adequately represent Black people?

Probe: Are there any shows or movies you think are
positive examples, but not necessarily realistic?

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286
Related to the previous questions, what is
Black? Specifically, what does it mean to
be real Black?

Probe: Are certain Black people left out when we
talk about authenticity?

What show or movie do you think
adequately represents Black students or
teenagers?

Probe: What traits do the characters in these shows
have?

Probe: Is there anything you feel like is missing in
these representations? Is there anything
problematic?

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287
When you all see discussions on the
internet about “representation matters” do
you feel like there is actual substance to the
claim?

Probe: Is there any show or character, either now or
growing up that you feel like inspired you?

Whether through this study’s prompt or
during your time using social media, have
you ever learned anything about Black
history or culture while discussing a show?

Probe: How do these types of online discussions
influence what you understand to be a Black
student?

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288
Given what we know about the importance
of representation, the history of stereotypes
and our own definitions of what it means to
be Black. What would say it means to be a
Black student or teenager?

Is there any topic or theme that we did not
cover that people feel is important or
missing in this discussion?

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Schuschke, Joshua C. (author)

Core Title #RepresentationMatters: constructing Black academic identities through popular and social media

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Urban Education Policy

Publication Date 09/19/2019

Defense Date 07/23/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic,Black,education,film,identity,OAI-PMH Harvest,popular culture,Race,social media,Technology,television

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tynes, Brendesha (committee chair), Cole, Darnell (committee member), Harper, Shaun (committee member), Jacobs, Lanita (committee member)

Creator Email joshschuschke@gmail.com,schuschk@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-219186

Unique identifier UC11673485

Identifier etd-SchuschkeJ-7829.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-219186 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-SchuschkeJ-7829.pdf

Dmrecord 219186

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Schuschke, Joshua C.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA