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Assessing the impact of the Puente Project on Latino males in California community colleges

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Assessing the impact of the Puente Project on Latino males in California community colleges

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Content Running head: IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES

ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES IN
CALIFORNIA COMMUNITY COLLEGES

By

Armando Soto

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirement for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2019

Copyright 2019 Armando Soto

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
During these past three years, I have experienced a range of emotions from being
overjoyed to extreme stress. The challenges associated with balancing family, work and school
have provided me with personal growth, insight, and I am truly humbled. Today, I am filled with
pride and the conviction that I chose the right program here at USC. Both the professors and
students have provided to me an amazing learning experience, and I feel an overwhelming sense
of gratitude and satisfaction. The list of individuals that I want to thank is vast, but I will focus
on my dissertation chair, Dr. Tracy Tambascia. Thank you, Tracy, for helping me to achieve my
lifelong dream of earning a doctorate degree and tapping into my true potential as a student. You
challenged me to think outside of my self-imposed box in terms of professional possibilities. You
have provided me guidance, vision, and grace, which are so indicative of whom you are as a
person, professor, and leader. Thank you, Dr. Briana Hinga, for all of your guidance and support.
Your instruction, feedback, and vision were amazing and I am forever grateful to you.
To all my colleagues at work, I am so grateful for all of your support and faith in me.
Renee, you have been a pillar of support, and I thank you for listening to me when I struggled
and the way you provided feedback and encouragement. You once told me “I am here for you”
and you have never wavered. To my counseling team at Cerritos College, I am so fortunate to be
a part of such an amazing group of educators. Traci, my counseling department co-chair, you are
amazing to work with and your support helped me get through this program, thank you! To Phil
Lopez and David Ramirez, “muchisimas gracias” for the beautiful gift of Puente. To all my
fellow Puentistas, past, present, and future, si se puede! To my man Mark, thank you brother for
being there.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 3
When I committed to USC, I dedicated this achievement of earning a doctorate to my
parents and entire family. To my parents, your vision, hard work, and sacrifice instilled a passion
in me, and your life experiences have inspired me to reach for the stars. Thank you, Dad, for
always believing in me and showing me what it means to be a man of my word and to always be
there for our family. Thank you, Mom, for your spiritual strength, faith, and compassion. Vera, I
love you for your unwavering love and support through the years and taking care of me. Corina,
you have been my guide, mentor, and best friend. To my brother Anthony, I love you and
appreciate your support throughout the years. Graig Gentry, one of my best friends growing up
was killed in 1987; I dedicate this dissertation to you. Your life mattered, and I have tried to
honor your memory by living life to the fullest and taking full advantage of every opportunity to
give back to our community in order to help improve a life.
Finally, to my wife Lina, thank you babe, for believing in me and always supporting me
in all that I do. I am so blessed to be with you, and I appreciate how you organized our family
and have taken care of our girls when I could not be there. You have heard my complaints,
soothed my insecurities, and listened to me work through my theoretical frameworks. You mean
everything to me, and I love you for being so generous, understanding, and patient with me and
the girls. To my daughters, Maya and Talia, I love you and I hope that you will always continue
to push yourselves to achieve all your dreams and goals. You are capable of achieving whatever
you set your minds to. I am so proud of you, and I hope that you both know how lucky I feel to
be your father. Nothing in this world matters more to me than you. My faith in God is
strengthened daily through our relationships as a family. I love you.

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements 2
List of Tables 6
List of Figures 7
Abstract 8
Chapter One: Introduction 9
Statement of the Problem 10
Purpose of the Study 12
Significance of the Study 13
Limitation, Delimitations, and Assumptions 14
Definitions 15
Conclusion 17
Chapter Two: Literature Review 18
Growth of the Latino Population 19
California Community Colleges 19
California’s Master Plan for Higher Education 20
The Growth and Structure of Higher Education in California 21
The Diversification of California 22
Latino Males in California Community Colleges 23
Latino Male Persistence 24
Familismo 28
Workforce 29
Incarceration Rates 30
Military Enlistment 31
The Puente Project 33
English Component 35
Counseling Component 36
Mentor Component 37
Cultural Capital 39
Student Development 42
Latino Identity and Acculturation 43
Bicultural Orientation Model 44
Critical Race and Latino Critical Theories 46
Community Cultural Wealth 49
Conclusion 52
Chapter Three: Methods 53
Research Questions 53
Methodological Approach 53
Site Selection 54
Population and Sample 56
Instrumentation 57
Data Collection 59
Data Analysis 60
Validity 62
Role of Researcher 63
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 5
Conclusion 64
Chapter Four: Presentation of Data And Findings 64
Participant Profiles 65
Overview of Findings 67
Emergent Themes 67
Theme 1: The Impact of Acculturation and Immigration 68
Theme 2: Poverty 70
Theme 3: Familismo and Maternal Influence 71
Theme 4: Bi-Cultural Identity 73
Theme 5: First-Generation College Students 77
Theme 6: The Impact of the Puente Project 80
Theme 7: The Transfer Process 87
Theme 8: Personal and Professional Success 89
Conclusion 90
Chapter Five: Discussions and Recommendations 91
Discussion of the Findings 91
Theoretical Examination of Findings 92
Bi-Cultural Orientation Model 93
Acculturation and Immigration Status 93
Immigration 95
Bicultural Identity 95
Critical Race and Latino Critical Theories 96
First-Generation College Students 97
Gaps in Education 98
Maturity 98
Community Cultural Wealth 99
Familismo and Maternal Influence 100
Counseling Relationships and Cultural Capital 101
Linguistic Capital 102
Mentors Providing Social and Cultural Capital 102
Implications for Policy and Practice 103
Recommendation 1 103
Recommendation 2 104
Recommendation 3 104
Recommendation 4 105
Recommendations for Future Research 105
Conclusion 106
References 108
Appendix A Solicitation Email 122
Appendix B Scheduling Email–Interviews 123
Appendix C Scheduling Email-Focus Group 124
Appendix D Survey to Participants 125
Appendix E Research & Interview Questions 126
Appendix E Research & Focus Group Questions 128
Appendix F Informed Consent Form 129

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 6
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Six Year Completion Rate, 2009-2010 to 2014-2015 11
Table 2: Total Enrollment by Gender, Full-time and Part-time Status, Pell grants, and Loans
2015-16 55
Table 3: Esperanza College 2016-17 Student Demographics 56
Table 4: Participant Profile 66
Table 5: Themes Organized by Theoretical Frameworks 93

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 7
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Bachelor’s degrees awarded to Latinos by gender 1977-2009. 27
Figure 2: Bachelor’s degree or higher by ethnicity and gender 1995 to 2010. 28
Figure 3: Model of community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005). 100

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 8
ABSTRACT
This qualitative study examined the impact of the Puente Project on Latino males who
participated in the program, transferred from a community college to a four-year college or
university, and earned bachelor’s degrees. The research questions guiding this study were (a)
What assets and abilities do successful Latino males possess that assist in their educational
achievement?; (b) What contributed to the success of Latino males in the community college
environment? and (c) How do former Puente participants describe the role of the Puente Project
in their transfer process and completion of their bachelor’s degree? This study included 10
qualitative interviews and utilized Bi-cultural Orientation Model, Critical Race Theory, and
Community Cultural Wealth as lenses to examine how each component of the Puente Project
impacted the participants. This study found five emergent themes that impacted the participants:
the process of acculturation and immigration, bi-cultural identity, familismo and maternal
influence, first-generation college students, and the impact of the Puente Project.
Recommendations for practice include adding the topic of acculturation to counseling or
personal development curriculum within the community college system, expanding the mentor
component in each Puente Project and to other retention programs at community colleges, and
providing support to transfer students after they transfer.

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 9
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
The Latina/o population is one of the fastest growing and largest demographic groups in
the nation, and recent estimates suggest that nearly 30% of the country’s population will be
Hispanic by 2050 (Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008). In addition, the southwestern United States has
experienced a significant growth of Latinos, California and Texas, in particular, have the nation’s
largest Latino population, as well as having the largest percentage of their population being
Latino (Krogstad, 2016). The Pew Center reported that, in 2014, 15 million Hispanics lived in
California, a 37% increase from the 10.9 million in 2000 (Krogstad, 2016). In 2018, the
California Community College Chancellor’s Office (CCCCO) statewide scorecard indicated that
Latinos comprised 43.6% of students enrolled in the California community college system
(CCC), which is the largest percentage of the student population, and 38.8% of the state’s total
population, yet they remain under-researched and underserved (CCCCO, 2018).
Statistics show increased high school graduation rates and college enrollment for Latinos,
but also shows that Latino males have the lowest transfer and success rates in the California
Community College (CCC) and in higher education in general. Without the education to
compete, Latino males lack access to a global society and economy, which contributes to larger
social disparities in achievement, salaries, and living standards for the Latina/o community
(Perez & Ceja, 2010).
Bensimon (2005) asserted numerous factors contribute to the “invisibility of unequal
college outcomes for underrepresented minorities, an obvious one is that the disaggregation of
student outcome data by race and ethnicity (and by gender within racial and ethnic categories) is
not an institutionalized practice” (pp. 99-100). Furthermore, Bensimon challenged the higher
education research community to shift the study of minority students’ experiences from the lens
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 10
of student development theories to that of an organizational learning theory focused on
institutional failures to address structural and cultural obstacles that limit equitable educational
outcomes for students of color (Bensimon, 2005).
During recent years, the CCC has attempted to address minority students’ academic and
social needs by providing special outreach, transition programs, enhancing academic support
services, and utilizing Latino graduates as mentors and role models (Villalpando, 2004).
Research has shown these programs have a significant impact on Latino males’ persistence,
transfer, and degree-completion. To balance analysis of the outcome data, there is a need for a
critical and transformative dialogue with Latino males regarding issues such as poverty,
marginalization, first-generation status, and sociocultural conflicts and how these programs
provide the context for them to explore their cultural identities, identify strategies, and develop
assets and skills to address their individual circumstances. According to Martinez and Fernández
(2004) the CCC should critically evaluate its role and explore why few Latinos navigate their
institutions to achieve their educational goals. The institutional perspectives must be directly
informed by the students, and the research should be performed by agents of the CCC system,
such as counselors, professors, and administrators who are directly responsible for serving and
engaging students, as the quality of these relationships is at the core of student success and
outcomes.
Statement of the Problem
The CCCCO reported a projected shortage of one million middle-skill workers with
industry-recognized credentials, certificates or associate degrees as well as a shortfall of 1.1
million workers with bachelor’s degrees (Oakley, 2016). In addition, millions of Californians
live below the poverty line because they are not qualified to fill these jobs. The California
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 11
Community College Scorecard (2014) indicated that 81% of Latino males in the state access
post-secondary education in the community college system, and they comprise a significant
percentage of the workforce. However, the transfer rate for Latino males is lower than the
transfer rate for males from other racial/ethnic groups (Harris & Wood, 2014). This lack of
access relegates them to positions in retail, menial labor, and low-paying positions. Successful
Latino males who have transferred and earned bachelor’s degrees have demonstrated their ability
to take advantage of educational opportunities, and they are positioned to contribute to the
economic development and stability of the Latino community (Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008).
However, not enough Latino males benefit from these educational and economic opportunities.
Table 1 shows the comparisons presented in the CCCCO scorecard (2014), which
indicated that 65% of Asian American males and 51.9% of White males completed their
educational goals within six years. During this timeframe, 38.6% of Black males, 37.8 of Native
American males, 31.0% of Hispanic males and 37.8% Pacific Islander males completed their
educational goals. While the state’s average transfer rate is 41%, 55% of Asian American men
transfer within six years. In contrast, only 31% of Latino males transferred within that timeframe
(Harris & Wood, 2014).
Table 1
Six Year Completion Rate, 2009-2010 to 2014-2015
Males
Overall Completion Rate 45.3%
Africa-American 33.8%
Native American 40.4%
Asian 62.0%
Filipino 50.0%
Hispanic/Latino 37.4%
Pacific Islander 36.8%
White 49.2%
Source: California Community College Chancellor’s Office. Harris, F. III., & Wood, J. L. (2014).
Examining the status of men of color in California community colleges: Recommendations for state
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 12
policymakers. San Diego, CA: Minority Male Community College Collaborative, San Diego State
University.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to explore the impact of the Puente Project on Latino males
who participated in the program, transferred to a four-year campus, and earned bachelor’s
degrees. This study examined the three components of the Puente Project, which provide
students a holistic support system and an academic setting to explore their cultural identity while
developing assets, abilities, competencies, and skills that promote their success. The study
collected data through qualitative interviews to identify individual, programmatic factors,
patterns, themes, or common experiences that contributed to participants’ success. In addition,
the study explored how these relationships and interactions with parents, family members, peers,
mentors, instructors, or counselors can be examined and documented to improve student services
and enhance transfer rates for Latino males and other students of color.
This qualitative study utilized Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Latina/o critical theory
(LatCrit) as conceptual frameworks to examine interview data. CRT and LatCrit provided
contextual lenses for examining the Latino male community college student experience and the
institutional practices, curriculum, and policies that may serve as barriers to academic success
(Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). These conceptual frameworks serve as appropriate tools for
identifying and broadening the understanding of issues and practices related to racial inequality
in higher education (Solórzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005; Delgado Bernal, 2002).
Delgado and Stefancic (2012) explained that members from the dominant racial group
cannot easily grasp what it means to be non-White and encouraged the use of CRT to examine
ignored or alternative realities. The Puente Project encourages students to tell their stories as a
vehicle to develop their writing skills while simultaneously empowering them to take ownership
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 13
of their experiences and voice. CRT and LatCrit utilize this counter-storytelling methodology as
well. Three questions guided this study:
1. What assets and abilities do successful Latino males possess that assist in their
educational achievement?
2. What contributed to the success of Latino males in the community college environment?
3. How do former Puente participants describe the role of the Puente Project in their transfer
process and completion of their bachelor’s degrees?
These research questions served as guidelines in the design of the interview questions.
Significance of the Study
This qualitative study addressed the problem of low transfer and success rates for Latino
males in the CCC. This research is valuable because there is a significant number of Latinos
matriculating into the CCC, but they are not succeeding at rates comparable to those of other
student groups. Currently, there is limited research on the reasons for these low levels of
academic achievement.
This study adds to the field of research by providing insight to student services
professionals working with Latino males and other students of color. Second, this study’s
findings regard risk factors that adversely affect Latino males to inform programing specific to
this population. Third, the interviews provided rich and detailed data that may sustain the
longevity of the Puente Project by validating and reinforcing the successful impact it has on the
Latina/o community. Lastly, interviews of these Latino males provided information that will help
guide future research.

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 14
Limitation, Delimitations, and Assumptions
There are two limitations to this study’s research design. First, the study recruited
successful former Puente Project students to interview regarding the impact of the program.
Some former students may be reluctant to openly share their experiences or insights based
knowing that I am a former Puente Project student. Another limitation to the design is what
Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña (2014) described as four biases commonly found in qualitative
research that affect the validity of a study: holistic fallacy, elite bias, personal bias, and going
native. The issue of holistic fallacy can be problematic when interpreting the data of the
interviews. According to Miles et al. (2014), interpreting events as more patterned and congruent
than they really are, lopping off the many loose ends. Another threat to the validity of this study
was the potential for personal biases, personal agendas, or unresolved issues to taint the data
analysis (Miles et al., 2014). The research protocols were designed to keep a personal agenda
from the interview, observation, and data analysis processes.
In terms of delimitations, the literature on Latino males in higher education primarily
focuses on their failures and shortcomings. I avoid a deficit approach because, while there is
substantial data on issues impacting Latino males, little research addresses the types of
interventions, services, and personal attributes that produce successful outcomes for this
population. Another delimitation is that this study focused on males only. The inclusion of both
genders would cause the scope of the study to become too generalized and compromise the focus
of the study.
As a single researcher and Puente Project participant, it is important to acknowledge
potential assumptions when conducting the study. Maxwell (2013) pointed out that researcher
bias could be a threat to validity. As a former Puente student, I needed to be careful not to impose
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 15
judgments regarding students’ experiences, whether positive or negative. Another assumption
was that all students in the Puente Project had positive relationships with their mentors, although
it is possible that some were not assigned a mentor.
Definitions
The following terms were used throughout this dissertation to provide a clear
understanding of the concepts relevant to this study.
Barrio: A Spanish-speaking quarter or neighborhood in a city or town in the United
States, especially in the Southwest (Huerta, 2015).
Chicana/o: An American of Mexican descent (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012).
Capital: The power and privilege individuals or groups have to generate opportunity in a
society (Lin, 1999).
Familia: The Spanish word for family and a sense of community (Puente Project, 2017).
Familismo: “The strong identification and attachment to immediate and extended family
in the Latino culture. It is embodied by strong feelings of loyalty, responsibility, and solidarity
within the Latino family unit” (Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008, p. 11).
First-generation college student: Neither parent of the student had more than a high
school education (National Center for Education Statistics, 2005).
Full-time college student: This status is defined as a student enrolled in 12 units during
the fall and spring semesters.
Involvement: “An involved student is one who devotes considerable energy to academics,
spends much time on campus, participates actively in student organizations and activities, and
interacts often with faculty” (Astin, 1984, p. 528).
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 16
Hispanic: The U.S. government defines the term “Hispanic” as referring to people of
Central and South American, Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Spanish background (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2001).
Latinos/as: Male or female persons who trace their origin or descent to Mexico, Puerto
Rico, Cuba, Spanish-speaking Central and South American countries, and other Spanish cultures
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2001).
Latino males: Male persons who trace their origin or descent to Mexico, Puerto Rico,
Cuba, Spanish-speaking Central and South American countries, and other Spanish cultures (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2010).
Latinx: A person of Latin American origin or descent. The term is used as a gender-
neutral or non-binary alternative to Latino, Latina, or Latinos/as (Salinas & Lozano, 2017).
Low-income: Families are designated as low-income when their taxable earnings are 1.5
times the poverty level or lower (U.S. Department of Labor, 2014).
Machismo: Strong sense of masculine pride and exaggerated masculinity exhibited by
men (Glass & Owen, 2010; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008).
Part-time student: This status is defined by the particular institution as a student enrolled
in six units or less during the fall and spring semester.
Puente Project: Puente is Spanish for “bridge,” and it “symbolizes the grassroots effort to
help these students complete community college and transfer to four-year institutions” (McGrath
& Galaviz, 1996, p. 27).
Puentista: A term used by the Puente Project to identify a current or former student
participant: “Once a Puentista, always a Puentista” (Puente Project, 2017).
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 17
Retention rates: The act of retaining students enrolled in classes throughout the academic
term (U.S. Department of Education, 2014).
Success rates: The rates at which students complete classes with a grade of “C” or higher.
Conclusion
This chapter provided an introduction and overview of this study. In addition, Chapter
One provided background and context to understand the evolution of the CCC in California and
its relationship to the general population. This context also grounds the experiences of Latino
males and students of color in the CCC system. The significance of the study lies in how the data
were collected and analyzed. A brief outline of the research limitations was presented along with
how they were addressed. A list of definitions was provided regarding terms and concepts
relevant to this study. The following chapter presents a brief introduction and literature review to
provide a historical context of the CCC system, relevant studies on Latino males, and the
services and support programs found in California community colleges that have been successful
in supporting Latino males’ educational goals.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 18
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Latino males have the lowest transfer and success rates in the educational pipeline in the
CCC and in higher education across the United States. Specifically, there is the problem of low
transfer and success rates for Latino males in the California Community College (CCC) system.
Historically, much of the research and data presented by the CCCCO on Latina/o student attrition
focused on barriers and shortcomings, such as inconsistent enrollment patterns, low-
socioeconomic status, and first-generation college status. However, a significant number of
Latino males have persisted, transferred, and graduated from college, and this literature review
examines the barriers they overcome and the resources they utilized to accomplish their
educational goals. Thus, the purpose of this study was to explore the impact of one program, the
Puente Project, on Latino males who transferred from a community college to a four-year college
or university and earned bachelor’s degrees.
Solórzano et al. (2005) explained that the educational pipeline begins in elementary
school and ends with a doctorate degree. The classification of Latina/os in the educational
pipeline is based on a comparison of five major racial/ethnic groups and each of the largest
Latina/o subgroups (Chicanas/os, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Dominicans, and Salvadorans) in the
United States (Solórzano et al., 2005). The educational pipeline indicates that, for every 100
Latino students who enter elementary school, approximately 20 will enter community college,
and only two will transfer to a four-year campus. However, the educational pipeline data is not
disaggregated based on gender, and there are indications that the success rates may be lower for
males.
Solórzano et al. (2005) characterized the data on transfer rates as alarming and suggested
that, for Latina/os students, the college experience is an unknown environment, and there is a
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 19
need to develop meaningful interventions that address their cultural and social needs. This
chapter provided an overview of literature related to Latino/a educational experience in the
United States, and the factors that may affect Latino males’ degree completion rates as well as
the relevant strategies found in the Puente Project that have proven to create positive outcomes.
This chapter concludes with a discussion of the conceptual framework that guided this study.
Growth of the Latino Population
Demographers predicted that the Latina/o population will reach 60.4 million by 2020, and
this increase will represent approximately 46% of the nation’s overall growth between 2000 and
2020 (Afable-Munsuz & Brindis, 2006). Sáenz and Ponjuan (2008) made similar estimations that
nearly 30% of the population in the United States will be Hispanic by the year 2050. More
recently, the Pew Center sustained these growth projections in their 2014 report, which indicated
that there are 15 million Latinos living in California, a 37% increase from 10.9 million in 2000.
The first step in the educational journey to a baccalaureate degree for many Latino males is the
community college system. The following literature review provides a synthesis of research
regarding the factors that impact Latino males’ enrollment and degree completion at the CCC.
California Community Colleges
The CCC is the largest system of higher education in the nation, with over two million
students attending 114 colleges. The CCC is a large bureaucracy with a highly educated and
trained professional workforce embedded at each level (CCCCO, 2016). The mission and major
functions of the CCC are traditional transfer to baccalaureate-granting institutions and
vocational-technical education, with remediation for students who are unprepared for college
level work and strong support services for all students in need (Coons, 1960).
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 20
The oldest community college in the state dates to the 1880s, but growth in the public
two-year sector began in the second decade of the 1900s when grades 13 and 14 were added to
unified school districts (Henry, 1956; Knoell, 1997). The CCC experienced significant growth
and expansion during the 1920s by building 22 new colleges. Due to the Great Depression, there
was no further expansion until a second phase of growth took place at the end of World War II
(Knoell, 1997). The state and the CCC responded to the growth in the state’s population, and this
demand provided the context for the development of a unified approach for higher education
(Callan, 2009).
California’s Master Plan for Higher Education
In the early 1960s, California became the nation’s most populous state with 17.5 million
residents, and by 2000, that number had nearly doubled (Callan, 2009). In response to the
population growth, a statewide system of higher education was organized, and the community
colleges became an integral part of public higher education under California’s Master Plan for
Higher Education (Coons, 1960; Knoell, 1997). The master plan for higher education was
created in 1960 to establish the structure of the system of higher education. An amendment was
added to Article IX of the California Constitution providing that, “Public higher education shall
consist of the junior colleges, the State College System, and the University of California”
(Coons, 1960, p. 2). The master plan identified the roles and functions of the three public
segments of higher education, and this structure has remained relatively unchanged during the 47
years prior to this study. Historically, the community college’s dual functions of transfer and
vocational-technical education have remained paramount during successive reviews of the
master plan, with the additional functions of remedial education, literacy and other basic skills,
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 21
English as a second language, continuing education for adults, survival skills for senior citizens,
and community education receiving some priority (Knoell, 1997).
The Growth and Structure of Higher Education in California
The master plan strategically established mission differentiation as the basis of
organization and governance for all of the state’s public colleges and universities, which
established policies for admission to each of the three public systems (Callan, 2009).
Furthermore, Callan (2009) explained that several formal revisions were made to the master plan
since its inception in 1960: (a) the formation of a statewide board of governors for community
colleges in 1967, (b) the transformation of the statewide coordinating board into the California
Postsecondary Education Commission in 1973, and (c) legislative authorization for the state
university to offer the Ed.D. in 2005.
Once the master plan was adopted and implemented statewide, all three segments of
public higher education experienced significant enrollment growth. The California State
University (CSU) added 14 campuses between 1945 to 2005, for a total of 23, and the University
of California (UC) had 10 campuses by 2005. The community college system experienced the
largest growth as the number of campuses increased from 43 in 1945 to 64 in 1960 and to 108 in
2005 (Callan, 2009). Along with the increase in campuses, the community colleges experienced
the most enrollment growth, from 56,000 students in 1948 to 98,000 in 1960 to over 1.1 million
in 2010. In comparison, enrollment at the CSU grew from just under 23,000 in 1948 to 61,000 in
1960 and to almost 360,000 in 2010, and the UC enrolled about 43,000 students in 1948, some
44,000 in 1960, and over 232,000 in 2010 (Callan, 2009). In 2005, California’s public system of
higher education grew to 141 public colleges and universities and became the largest system of
higher education in the United States.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 22
The Diversification of California
A significant shift in demographics occurred in California after the implementation of the
master plan for higher education. In 1960, California’s population was an “overwhelmingly
White populace of over 90% and has since transformed to a “majority minority” state in which
no population group constitutes a majority” (Callan, 2009, p.16). In combination with
immigration and migration patterns after World War II, the student composition in the
community colleges became increasingly diverse and the academic needs of this population
presented a major challenge for the CCC. This trend in the community colleges was reflective of
the transformation in the state. In 2000, California’s population was 47% White, 33% Hispanic,
11% Asian/Pacific Islander, and 7% Black. In contrast, by 2010, Hispanics accounted for 43% of
California’s high school graduating class, followed by Whites at 33%; Asian Americans,
Filipinos, and Pacific Islanders at 14%; and African Americans accounting for 7% (California
Department of Education, 2011; Callan, 2009; Tapper & Palfreyman, 2012).
The academic mission of the CCC includes an open-door admissions policy to enroll
anyone capable of benefitting from instruction (Coons, 1960). As a result of the demographic
shifts in California, the academic needs of the students in the system required the state’s
legislature to focus funding on the additional functions of remedial education, literacy and other
basic skills, English as a second language, and continuing education for adults (Knoell, 1997). In
addition, Brint and Karabel (1989a) explained that the increase in vocationalism marked a
decline in the community college transfer function and reinforced the stratification of higher
education, relegating community colleges to the bottom of the hierarchy.
The original goal of the master plan was to establish and maintain a transfer flow of
50,000 students per year from the community colleges to UC and CSU, and this status was
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 23
achieved by 1975 (Chapa & Schink, 2006). But in subsequent decades, those transfer rates did
not increase. In 1990, legislators attempted to strengthen the transfer function in regard to aspects
of admission and articulation agreements by calling on the CSU and UC to create policies and
practices to facilitate transfer (Knoell, 1997).
An increase in the number of students transferring was expected based on the population
growth of more than 50%, yet the number of transfers from CCC to CSU and UC has remained
almost constant. There were 59,115 transfers in the 2000–2001 academic year (Chapa & Schink,
2006; Cohen & Brawer 2003). In 2016, 58,272 transfer students were admitted to the CSU
system, and 16,069 were admitted to the UC system from California community colleges,
representing the highest rates in the past 10 years (CCCCO, 2016). In 2016, the UC system
admitted 4,218 Chicano/Latino transfer students. There were 24,903 Latino transfer students
enrolled in the CSU system (CSU Chancellors Office, 2016).
Latino Males in California Community Colleges
In 2017, Latina/os comprised 42.7% of students enrolled in the CCC, which is the largest
percentage of the student population, and 38.8% of the state’s total population, yet this
population remains under-researched and underserved (Community College League of
California, 2017). Latina/o students attend community colleges as a gateway to senior
institutions, expecting to complete transferable courses and receive the guidance and mentoring
necessary to navigate postsecondary institutions (Martinez & Fernández, 2004; Rendón, 1994).
The California Community College Scorecard (2014) indicated that 81% of all Latino males in
the state access post-secondary education in the community college system. The transfer rates for
Latino males are lower than for males of other racial/ethnic groups (Harris & Wood, 2014).
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 24
Rendón (1994) criticized the community college policy on transfer for not meeting the
expectations of the Latino community.
Table 1 shows the comparisons presented in the CCCCO (2014) scorecard. Only 31% of
Latino males transferred within six years (Harris & Wood, 2014). These data show that
graduation rates among Latinas/os at two- and four-year institutions will remain among the
lowest of all major racial/ethnic groups in the nation. Because of these statistics, Solórzano et al.
(2005) explained there is a need for better retention efforts. For Latina/o students in the
educational pipeline, their educational attainment in the United States is described as the
following:
Of the 100 Latina/o students at the elementary level, 48 drop out of high school and 52
continue on to graduate. Of those 52 who graduate from high school, about 31, or 60%,
continue on to some form of postsecondary education. Of those 31, about 20, or 65%,
move on to community colleges and 11, or 35%, will go to a four-year institution. Of
those 20 in community colleges, only two will transfer to a four-year college. Of the 11
students who went to a four-year college and two who transferred, 10 will graduate from
college with a baccalaureate degree. Finally, four students will continue on and graduate
from graduate or professional school and less than one will receive a doctorate
(Solórzano et al., 2005, p. 227).
The educational pipeline revealed that approximately two-thirds of all Latinos enrolling in
postgraduate study begin at two-year community colleges, and only one-third enroll directly in
four-year institutions (Solórzano et al., 2005).
Latino Male Persistence
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 25
When examining the issue of Latino male persistence, it is important to acknowledge
that, for many males, completing high school is major accomplishment and significant hurdle
overcome. In some cases, there may be residual impact on those entering the CCC based on their
previous experiences in high school, such as having friends and family members who dropped
out of school as well as having dropped out themselves. In 2004, 28.4% of Latino males 16 to 24
years old were high school dropouts, compared with 18.5% of Latino females, 7.1% of White
males, and 13.5% of African American males (National Center for Education Statistics, 2005).
Current research indicates that the high school drop-out rates for Latino males have improved,
yet a statistical profile of the Latina/o population in 2012 conducted by the Pew Research
Center’s Hispanic Trends Project revealed that, for the population aged 25 and older, 21% have
less than a ninth grade education, compared to 2.6% of the White population. Latina/os have a
13% college graduation rate compared to 32% of Whites and 50.9% for Asian Americans (Brown
& Patten, 2014; Parker, Cilluffo, & Stepler, 2017). The issue of persistence for Latino males is a
significant challenge throughout the course of their educational careers.
Several studies examined the experiences of Latinos in California’s public system of
higher education. One of the more notable studies was conducted by Nora and Crisp (2009), and
provided an overview of research, theory, and practice regarding Hispanics and higher education.
The study examined the differences in Latino and White students’ attendance patterns, delay of
entry into college post high school graduation, and time to degree completion. Most of the data
were derived from a community college perspective and generally suggested that Latina/o
students face challenges completing their academic goals in a timely manner. The data identified
differences in educational attainment for Latina/o students’ attendance patterns, delay of entry
into college, time to degree completion, and semester credit hours earned:
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 26
Over half (53%) of Latino students attend college part-time, compared to only 37% of
White students. Moreover, while 70% of White students remained continuously enrolled
throughout their stay in college, only 44% of Latino students were able to do the same.
And, a five-point gap exists between Latinos (78%) and White (83%) students as to
entering postsecondary education within 7 months of graduating from high school. Not
only do Latino students take longer to enroll in college but they also need more time to
graduate; 44% of White students earn a degree within 4 years compared to only 23% of
Latino students. Upon closer examination of the first 2 years in college, it was found that
81% of White students earned 60 or more college credit hours compared to 65% of
Latino students. (Nora & Crisp, 2009, p. 327)
These data presented a compelling explanation for the enrollment patterns for many Latina/o
students. The data suggested the need to work directly influences students’ decisions to enroll on
a part-time basis and take breaks in enrollment to work to cover their educational expenses. The
study failed to disaggregate for gender differences, but the implications are clear. The research
cited the lack of financial planning, the need to work, and sociocultural issues such as first-
generation status as influencing the fluctuation in attendance patterns. Although students may
have the best intentions, these data provided insight on how low-income Latina/o students, who
may lack an understanding of how the financial aid system works, may struggle to make sound
financial decisions.
In their examination of the Latina/o experience in higher education, Sáenz and Ponjuan
(2011) found that, 20 years ago, Latino male and female students had almost equal degree
completion rates, yet, in 2009, 62% of bachelor’s degrees earned by Hispanics were earned by
females, up from 50% in 1990 (Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2011). As shown in Figure 1, Latino males
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 27
have fallen behind their female counterparts in degree completion, and the research suggested
that these gaps occur at critical educational transition points, such as high school completion,
college enrollment and associate or undergraduate degree completion. During the same 20 years,
the percentage of Latinas who earned a bachelor’s degree or higher almost doubled from 8.4% to
14.9%.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, 2010 Annual Social and Economic Supplement; Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuan, L. (2011).
Men of Color: Ensuring the Academic Success of Latino Males in Higher Education. Institute for Higher Education Policy.

Figure 1. Bachelor’s degrees awarded to Latinos by gender 1977-2009.
As shown in Figure 2, Latinas had significant gains in degree completion while the
percentage of Latino males completing a bachelor’s or advanced degree remained level or
slightly increased. A comparison between the total U.S. population and Latino males shows that
the achievement gap has almost doubled. Latino males’ academic achievement has not kept pace
with that of their Latina counterparts or the general population.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 28

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, 2010 Annual Social and Economic Supplement; Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuan, L. (2011).
Men of Color: Ensuring the Academic Success of Latino Males in Higher Education. Institute for Higher Education Policy.

Figure 2. Bachelor’s degree or higher by ethnicity and gender 1995 to 2010.
Further examination of the literature showed additional factors that contribute to this gap
in degree attainment. Based on their socioeconomic and first-generation status, Latino males are
drawn into the work force. They often take breaks in attendance to work to make enough money
to pay for school and living expenses, which slows their timeline to completion. There is a
cultural expectation that requires them to work, and working satisfies criteria regarding what it
means to be a man (Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2011). For many Latino males, the family’s well-being
remains a priority (Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 1995; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008). The issue
of poverty and the need to work has been a constant challenge for Latino males, and they must
choose between enrolling in college full time or work and attending school part time. These
options stem from the underlying need to contribute to their households’ income.
Familismo
The value of familismo is embodied by strong feelings of loyalty, responsibility, and
solidarity within the Latino family unit (Marin & Marin, 1991; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008; Suárez-
Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 1995). For families who have both parents in the home, a father’s
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 29
influence and financial contributions as the breadwinner emphasize the centrality of the family
and the needs of the family unit as taking precedent over those of the individual (Halgunseth,
Ispa, & Rudy, 2006). It is common for young Latino males to internalize this loyalty and sense of
obligation often accompanied by strong desires to provide financial and emotional support for
the family, qualities that hold constant across generational lines and immigrant status (Marin &
Marin, 1991).
In many respects, the familismo orientation among Latino families defines traditional
roles and expectations for family members such that sacrificing the needs of the individual over
the needs of the family (Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008). There is a balancing of the internal demands
placed on Latino males by family and cultural gender roles and the demands imposed upon them
as college students. This sense of obligation and loyalty to family is often manifested with the
need for Latino men to work while attending college. More research is needed to understand how
Latino males manage, plan, strategize, and communicate their needs to both family members and
their college instructors.
Workforce
The following section provides data on how employment, incarceration, and the military
affect the academic success of Latino males in the CCC. Latino males who are low-income and
first-generation and who have a strong sense of familismo face the need to work to attend college
and support their families, but there is a constant need to sacrifice one for the other. In some
cases, Latino males will work full time to satisfy the need for income and realize they are
relegated to minimum wage jobs and subject to low-skilled jobs in construction, agriculture,
manufacturing, and retail services (Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008).
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 30
In rural regions of California, agriculture serves as a primary source of income for many
Latino families. Jobs in agriculture range from crop production to supervising workers, operating
machinery, and packing crops (U.S. Department of Labor, 2014). According to the National
Agricultural Workers Survey, 80% of all farmworkers were Hispanic and approximately two-
thirds (68%) of hired farmworkers were born in Mexico (U.S. Department of Labor, 2014). In
California, approximately seven out of 10 farmworkers were male, and they were relatively
young. The 18 to 24 age group comprised 17% of the total surveyed, and the average age of
farmworkers surveyed was 38 (U.S. Department of Labor, 2014).
Incarceration Rates
Some Latino males growing up in urban and low-income communities face limited job
opportunities, little access to quality education, and high-crime neighborhoods, so they may
choose to contribute to their households by engaging in gangs and criminal activity (Huerta,
2015). In many Latino communities, young men are recruited and confronted with the decision
to represent the local barrio, and some consciously choose to join a gang to make money. Others
may have gang affiliations based on family members who are part of gangs or growing up with
gang members in the neighborhood (Leap, 2012). A common experience for Latino males who
join gangs is a lifestyle that leads to prison and parole, a lack of access to higher education,
economic hardship and poverty, and an increased dependency on social services (Huerta, 2015;
Pyrooz, 2014; Vigil, 1988, 1999). The prison and parole systems can present an added obstacle
for Latino males who have been incarcerated and try to earn an education.
Proportionately, the Latina/o community is overrepresented in California prisons and
underrepresented in institutions of higher education. In 2012, the Latino population constituted
38.2% of the state’s total population (Fry & Lopez, 2012). A 2013 prison census report prepared
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 31
by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation stated that there were 134,339
male and female inmates. Of the 128,211 male inmates, Latino/Hispanic males made up 41.5%.
The highest percentage of the female population was also Latinas at 32.8% (Atkinson, 2014).
Although, these data show that the Latina/o population has grown across the state, Latino
males are institutionalized in greater proportions than other groups, and, during the past 20 years,
they have been the majority of those incarcerated. In 2010, a previous census report showed
similar data with Latino males consistently representing more than 40% of the prison population
(Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, 2011; Harris & Wood, 2014). Of the
institutionalized population of Latino males, 63.1% are between the ages of 18 and 34, which is
the primary age range for attending college. In addition, the ratio of Latino males in jail to those
in college dormitories is nearly 3 to 1 (Sabol & Couture, 2007; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008). Harris
and Wood (2014) recommended that state policymakers consider diverting resources away from
the criminal justice system and reinvest them toward programs that increase the number of men
of color who enroll and succeed in community college, including those currently and formerly
incarcerated.
Military Enlistment
Latino males have a long history in the various branches of the military, and their
presence was notable during WWII and the Vietnam War. In 2003, approximately 13,000 Latino
males between the ages of 18 and 24 were non-prior service enlisted in the U.S. military (U.S.
Department of Defense, 2003; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008). In recent decades, the nation has become
more racially and ethnically diverse, and so has the U.S. military’s population. In 2015, 40% of
the military’s active duty population was comprised of racial and ethnic minority groups, an
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 32
increase of 25% from 1990. In 2015, Latina/os were 12% of the active duty force, which was
three times the share in 1980 (Parker et al., 2017).
In 2011, the Pew Center conducted a survey on why veterans had joined the military. The
sample group consisted of 697 post-9/11 GI Bill recipients and a comparison sample group of
886 pre-9/11 GI Bill veterans. The findings of the survey revealed that 75% of the post-9/11 GI
Bill veterans had joined the military to get educational benefits compared to 55% of the pre-9/11
GI Bill veterans (Heimlich, 2011). With a decline in volunteers, today’s military recruiters have a
strong presence in urban and low-income high schools, and they promote the benefits of the GI
Bill in paying for college or career and technical training (Ayers, 2006; Huerta, 2015;
McDonough & Calderone, 2006).
The social status and financial benefits of enlisting in the military can be an attractive and
a practical decision for young and low-income Latino males who face limited options upon
graduation from high school or earning a General Education Development (GED) certificate.
Latino males can be highly influenced by the possibility of receiving dental and health insurance,
a regular paycheck, and access to home loans (Huerta, 2015; Flanagan & Levine, 2010). Ayers
(2006) highlighted an article by columnist Bob Herbert (2005) that called attention to an Army
publication, the School Recruiting Program Handbook, and the goals and targeted outcomes of
the program, which were for recruiters to embed themselves into the campus culture to maximize
the number of Army enlistments. The handbook instructs local recruiters to promote military
participation in every feasible dimension of the high school experience, from classroom
presentations to involvement in Hispanic Heritage and Black History Months to target students’
sense of duty, patriotism, and willingness to serve their country (Herbert, 2005).
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 33
Specific strategies outlined in the handbook encourage recruiters to contact and use
athletic coaches, campus staff, and community volunteers to get involved with the homecoming
committee and organize a presence in the parade, donate coffee and donuts to the faculty on a
regular basis, eat in the cafeteria, and target “influential students who, while they may not enlist,
can refer others who might” (Ayers, 2006, p. 598). These recruitment strategies with messages of
financial stability and health care benefits compete with efforts to promote higher education by
high school counselors, community college outreach programs, and four-year college recruiters.
There are competing messages related to having immediate results in terms of earning a monthly
salary and access to tangible resources versus delayed results based on the investment of time
and hard work that is synonymous with earning an associate’s or baccalaureate degree. Latino
males must navigate a range of environmental and cultural factors in their pursuit of higher
education, but, once they choose to attend college, one of their challenges is that they are first-
generation college students.
The Puente Project
This literature review uncovered several themes that directly impact the Latino male
experience within the community college system. The Puente Project is a program that has
contributed to the success of Latino males in the community college system as well as their
transferring to four-year campuses. The Puente Projected originated in the Student Academic
Preparation and Educational Partnerships (SAPEP) program at the UC and was created to
develop a pipeline with the CCC and K-12 systems to help prepare students for higher education.
SAPEP programs such as the Early Academic Outreach Program, Mathematics, Engineering,
Science Achievement, and the Puente Project are designed to improve academic preparation for
students by focusing on specific areas of college readiness (University of California, 2017). The
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 34
Puente Project’s primary focus is improving college-preparatory English skills with a focus on
multicultural and Latino literature.
The Puente Project was initially embedded within the CCC. During the past 30 years,
Puente expanded throughout the public educational system into 4 middle schools, 36 high
schools and 64 community colleges. Puente’s staff training programs have benefited
approximately 300,000 students, and the program is open to all students (Puente Project, 2017).
The overall budget for the SAPEP at the UC since the 2014-15 term remained at $25 million
annually. The college preparation programs serve between 50,000 and 60,000 students at
approximately 500 California K-12 schools per year. Approximately two out of three program
participants go on to enroll at a community college, CSU, or UC campus (University of
California, 2017).
The Puente Project has received national recognition and has been serving students for
more than 35 years. According to the Puente Project website, the program’s “mission is to
increase the number of educationally disadvantaged students who enroll in four-year colleges
and universities, earn college degrees and return to the community as mentors and leaders to
future generations” (Puente Project, 2017). The Puente Project was created in 1981 at Chabot
Community College in Hayward, California. Patricia McGrath, a retired English instructor, and
counselor Felix Galaviz were colleagues at Chabot College concerned about the high drop-out
rates of Mexican American and Latina/os students on their campus. Puente was created in
response to a 50% attrition rate of Latinos during their first semester of enrollment. McGrath and
Galaviz (1996) explained, “we designed a practical, cost effective model for students that
addressed their unique needs and was sensitive to their cultural context” (p. 1). Thus, Puente is
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 35
Spanish for “bridge” and it “symbolizes the grassroots effort to help these students complete
community college and transfer to four-year institutions” (p. 1).
To address the needs of nontraditional students, the Puente Community College Program
integrated English instruction, counseling, and mentoring components to maximize support for
students and to assist them in developing the skills necessary for achieving their academic and
career goals. The Puente academic experience consists of the counselor recruiting a cohort of 30
students for the academic year and requiring them to sign a contract to enroll in an English and
counseling course for the fall and spring semesters, as this structure allows the creation of a
learning community. Students who are first-generation, low-income, and working class are often
reluctant to ask questions, yet Rendón (2002) found that Puente validates these students because
it places the responsibility for initiating contact on institutional agents, such as faculty and
counselors who conduct outreach efforts to recruit students. Many are students of color, although
a high number of White students are nontraditional as well (Rendón, 2002). Based on its success,
Puente was introduced into the high school system, and the program has primarily focused on
Latina/o students (Grubb, Lara, & Valdez, 2002).
English Component
Puente’s English writing component allows students to enroll in classes taught by the
same instructor over one academic year (Puente Project, 2017). The first semester of Puente
includes a developmental writing course followed by a second semester of college level English
composition. The English component provides reading and writing instruction through
multicultural literature (McGrath & Galaviz, 1996; Puente Project, 2017). Puente mentors are
also incorporated into the classwork. Mentors are invited to give talks to the class, and the
“mentor interview” assignment between the students and their mentors forms the basis of several
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 36
writing assignments throughout the academic year. Student support is furthered enhanced by the
Puente counselor being in the English classroom both semesters, as they are familiar with the
organizational cultural, and academic challenges these students face (Cejda & Rhodes, 2004).
Rendón (2002) described that validation is present when students feel capable of learning as well
as a sense of self-worth.
Counseling Component
The Puente counselor maintains the cohesion of the three components. Specifically, the
counselor provides academic, personal, and career counseling to prepare students to transfer to a
four-year institution (Puente Project, 2017). Puente counselors are familiar with and trained to
assist with the issues confronting Latina/o students, such as balancing schoolwork with family
obligations and the financial pressure to hold at least one job while in school (McGrath &
Galaviz, 1996). Felix Galaviz described the role of the Puente counselor, and the three major
components “Puente counselors would not discriminate against Latino students and who could
guide them through educational institutions; an improved approach to writing; and mentors to
serve as role models and to connect students to the community in other ways” (Grubb et al.,
2002, p. 549).
The counselor’s role is to help build the educational support network necessary for
students to succeed, and the counselor may also integrate the students’ families into the program.
In some cases, a Puente site may have a parent orientation or an event that targets the parents to
explain the expectations of the Puente Project and to expose them to the college culture and
requirements for the transfer process. During the academic year, the Puente counselor teaches a
personal development class designed to enhance the students’ college success and to integrate
the component themes into the curriculum of the class. For example, an entire class may be
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 37
dedicated to preparing students to meet their mentors and to conduct the mentor interview. In
addition, the personal development course presents relevant college and career success skills,
information, and resources to assist each student in examining, planning, and setting her/his
personal, academic, and career goals (Puente Project, 2017).
During the academic year the counselor establishes relationships with students that carry
over into phase three of the Puente experience, which is the year after Puente is completed, or
until the student has transferred. The model’s success relies on increasing students’ involvement
and their confidence in their academic abilities (Rendón, 2002). Grubb et al. (2002) conducted
focus groups with Puente students at LACC about the counseling component and students said,
“There’s a closeness: he knows you”; “He makes us top priority, so we can’t let him down”; “He
genuinely cares, he keeps in touch” (p. 551). Puente provides students with an additional
supportive relationship in the form of a mentor.
Mentor Component
The mentor relationship is the third component of the Puente Project. Rendón (2002)
emphasized that mentoring is a key strategy to improve the retention and persistence of Hispanic
students. The Puente Project (2017) describes how mentors are recruited from the Latino
professional community and include physicians, business owners, civic leaders, attorneys, and
judges. Mentors are provided training by the Puente faculty coordinators to effectively manage
their time with students, and they are expected to volunteer up to 16 hours per year to meet with
students, introducing them to colleagues at their work sites and inviting them to professional
meetings (McGrath & Galaviz, 1996). Although many of these interactions between students and
their mentors are intentionally scheduled and often have assignments attached to them, McGrath
and Galaviz (1996) emphasized that students do not have to give up their cultural identity to
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 38
achieve personal, academic, and career goals. Both the Puente English and counseling teams are
responsible for the recruitment and coordinating of the mentoring component, but it is the
counselor who assumes the majority of the coordinating and maintenance of the mentoring
experience.
McGrath and Galaviz (1996) explained how the counselor selects the students and
mentors and matches them according to personalities and career interests. The counselor
monitors the mentor-student relationship throughout the academic year. The fourth element of
Rendón’s validation theory (1994) is that validation can occur in and outside of classrooms with
individuals connected to students, such as faculty, classmates, family members, spouses,
children, partners, tutors, teaching assistants, coaches, and advisers. Validation can be an
intentional outcome created by individuals who actively affirm and support students and who are
responsible for designing activities that promote academic excellence and personal growth. The
Puente Project models support and validation and allows students to create support systems that
will sustain them throughout their academic and professional careers.
The literature reinforces that the Puente Project’s three components create a holistic
approach specifically designed to assist Latina/os to succeed (Hagedorn, Sierra, & Cepeda,
2004). In addition, scholars who have studied Puente found that mentoring and other culturally
relevant supports provide assistance to Hispanic students (Laden, 2000). Rendón (2002)
emphasized that roughly 48% of Puente Project completers transfer to a four-year campus. Taken
from a 1996 survey, McGrath and Galaviz cited that about 95% of all Puente students would
have recommended the program to their friends, approximately 90% of transfer students believed
Puente prepared them for university level reading and writing, and about 82% believed their
Puente counselor did a “great job” in preparing them for transfer (Puente Project, 2017). The
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 39
Puente Project presents a model that has been replicated to meet the needs of other ethnic groups
such as African Americans and Asian-Pacific Islanders as well as learning communities within
the CCC.
Cultural Capital
The concept of cultural capital was developed by Pierre Bourdieu (1986) as an
explanation for the less tangible or less immediately visible inequalities and is related to the
class-based socialization of culturally relevant skills, abilities, tastes, preferences, or norms that
act as a form of currency in the social realm (Bourdieu, 1986; Winkle-Wagner, 2010). In the
higher education setting, cultural capital can be defined as an asset in the form of personal and
professional experiences, social-networks, and educational resources. Parents who have
completed their education influence a child’s decision-making and ability to navigate academic
demands and social experiences in college. An educated parent has knowledge of the college
setting and processes and can provide their child social capital, which the value of a relationship
that provides support and assistance in a given social situation (Moschetti & Hudley, 2008;
Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Historically, cultural capital is synonymous with those who have earned
educational credentials and who are members of the upper and middle socioeconomic status
classes. Cultural capital is a resource available for individuals to use in their economic and social
advancement and is less accessible for those who are not educated (Franklin, 2002).
Social capital is a theory stating an individual invests in social relations with expected
returns (Lin, 1999). Students who establish a meaningful network based on social, personal, and
professional relationships are more successful at navigating the academic environment and
securing internships and employment once their degrees are completed. Stanton-Salazar (1997)
examined the impact that cultural capital had on first-generation college students of color and
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 40
concluded that successful socialization among minority children entails learning to “decode the
system” and to “participate in power,” understood as learning how to engage socially those
agents and participants in mainstream worlds and social settings who control or manage critical
resources (p. 33).
According to social capital theory, institutional agents such as teachers and counselors
can assist students in managing an otherwise unfamiliar environment by providing them with
information, guidance and emotional support (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Furthermore, these
relationships provide a model for first-generation students to develop their networking skills with
professionals and peers. It is vital for Latino males to develop strong social ties that offers to
them access to information about leadership positions, internships, and employment
opportunities (Lin, 1999).
Within the college setting, research has shown the importance of first-generation college
students’ creating a sense of belonging and community, which allows them to invest in the
success of their peers as well. Portes (1998) explained that, to possess social capital, a person
must build a network, and it is individuals in that network who are the actual source of social
capital. Within the academic environment, interactions with faculty are a key factor in facilitating
Latino students’ transfer from community colleges to four-year institutions. When Latino males
who are first-generation college students establish relationships that provide a sense of
connection and support, they have higher transfer rates and improved degree completion
outcomes (Perrakis & Hagedorn, 2010; Rhodes, 2004).
The CCCCO began to document parents’ level of education for new students applying
during the summer of 2012. The data identified students who are first-generation, which Everett
(2015) defined as students whose parents did not possess a post-secondary degree. Students with
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 41
a parent with a college degree learn nuanced details about cultural and academic experiences in a
college setting, and those parents can assist with administrative processes and success strategies
like time management (Everett, 2015).
The CCCCO’s initial sample consisted of all students enrolled from summer 2012
through spring 2014 and asked for parents’ background information, including their level of
education, gender, race, and age (CCCCO, 2014). The preliminary study used a sample of
789,708 students, and 40% of these were first-generation (CCCCO, 2014). The overall number
of males in this sample was 44%, and 61.3% of the sample of males were Latino, which indicates
a significant number of students entering higher education lacking cultural capital (Everett, 2015;
Harris & Wood, 2014; Moschetti & Hudley, 2008; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008). The data provide an
insight on the significant percentage of Latino males who lack the cultural capital that peers from
other racial/ethnic groups may possess (Harris & Wood, 2014).
In the CCC, programs such as the Puente Project, EOPS, and the First Year Experience
teach first-generation students how to assimilate the values and culture of higher education while
maintaining their cultural identities. These programs create a safe place that allows the students
to establish trust with their instructors, and relationships allow the students to practice and model
skills, such as a formal introduction and a proper handshake. As students develop their
confidence and communication skills, they are trained on how to create a network among their
peers and, in some cases, with their mentors who are established professionals in the community
at large. Unfortunately, due to the limited spaces available in these special programs, many
students do not have access to this support. In addition, there are counseling courses designed to
teach student success strategies to support students who are first-generation college and lack the
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 42
knowledge and skills that are associated with having cultural capital, but these courses are not
mandatory, and students may be unaware that they exist.
Latina/os who have earned a baccalaureate degree have developed levels of cultural
capital during the course of their educational careers. Although many Latino males are first-
generation, they have sought support in the form of academic counseling, financial resources,
and employment services to balance the demands to work and meet family obligations while
maintaining their status as students. Strayhorn (2010) supported the argument by Hagedorn and
Tierney (2002) that minority students bring with them various forms of culture that may be
decidedly different from the culture privileged in schooling contexts. However, minority
students’ social and cultural capital reservoirs are important in terms of educational outcomes.
Student Development
This section examines how student development influences Latino males once they have
entered an institution of higher learning. Chickering’s (1969) seven vectors of student
development is a psychosocial theory that serves as a foundation for most student development
theories. Chickering and Reisser (1993) later expanded Chickering’s original work to include a
more diverse and broader range of students. Reisser (1995) noted that more research is needed on
the applicability to various groups of students based on race, sexual orientation, ethnicity, and
gender. The seven vectors of student development are “(1) Developing competence; (2)
Managing emotions; (3) Moving through autonomy to independence; (4) Developing mature
interpersonal relationships; (5) Establishing identity; (6) Developing purpose; (7) Developing
integrity” (Torres, Howard-Hamilton, & Cooper, 2011, p. 14). Overall, Chickering and Reisser’s
work presents a comprehensive theoretical framework that provides a model of development that
traditional college students experience. Although this psychosocial theory has been highly
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 43
researched and found to not apply to all students, it does provide a foundation that subsequent
theories of identity development have built upon.
Student services professionals need to gather research on what helps Latina/os entering
higher education process and explore how they think about themselves in a diverse and
constantly changing society with varying historical contexts, cultural influences, and
generational differences (Gallegos & Ferdman, 2012). By being equipped with the knowledge
and the ability to name and frame some of the cognitive and emotional transitions that they are
experiencing, Latino males can learn to be more successful in managing their experiences as
students by balancing their ethnic cultures and the culture of academia. Students can be more
responsive and strategic in seeking resources and communicating with student services staff.
According to Chickering and Reisser (1993), there is general acceptance that identity
development during college influences how students adapt to and manage their college
experiences, but how this process differs for ethnically diverse students is not as clear (Torres,
2003). The theory was developed for traditional students, which, in many ways, reinforces the
need for the expansion of existing models to include racial minorities.
Latino Identity and Acculturation
To better understand Latino males’ identity development and how they identify
ethnically, it is important to understand the acculturation process. In general, the acculturation
process addresses the experiences of immigrants into United States mainstream culture.
According to Torres (2003) the first concept of concern is the phenomenon of oppression and
acculturation to the majority culture and how this process affects immigrants and children of
immigrants. According to Keefe and Padilla (1987), there are three types of models to describe
acculturation: (a) the adaptation process as a continuum with polar extremes of positive ethnic
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 44
identity and strong mainstream identification, (b) two-dimensional acculturation models which
consider the relationship with each culture simultaneously and independently, and (c)
multidimensional models which recognize that the rate of acceptance and loss of some traits
varies from trait to trait. Following the three models of acculturation, there is the foundation
concept that these students are immigrants to the United States, and this dynamic forces the
individual to operate between two cultures. In some cases, Latina/os students are born in the
United States and raised in a home where a parent or both parents are immigrants who maintain
their traditional immigrant culture and traits. For Latina/os students who are second- and third-
generation American citizens, the models of acculturation are less applicable, but other issues of
identity are systematically introduced, such as being Anglicized and having little or no
knowledge of the Latino culture (Keefe & Padilla, 1987).
Furthermore, Torres (2003) developed the bicultural orientation model, which
demonstrated a correlation between acculturation and ethnic identity among Latino college
students. Torres (2003) identified students demonstrating high levels of acculturation and ethnic
identity as bicultural, which means they have a preference for both the Anglo and Latino
cultures. Padilla and Perez (2003) presented a model of acculturation that improves on previous
models that fail to acknowledge the generational differences among families who have
immigrated to the United States one or two generations ago. The model they have modified relies
on the constructs of social cognition, cultural competence, social identity, social dominance, and
social stigma.
Bicultural Orientation Model
Torres (2003) used Phinney’s (1990) model of ethnic identity and acculturation as a
framework and validated the bicultural orientation model. The conceptual idea behind cultural
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 45
orientation is to understand the nuances among the Latino college student population by
exploring the choices they made between their culture of origin and the mainstream culture of
the United States (Torres, 2003). In the qualitative study that led to the bicultural orientation
model, Torres (2003) applied a grounded theory methodology to investigate influences on the
ethnic identity development of 10 Latina/o students during their first 2 years at a highly selective
college. The sample consisted of seven women and three men. Eight were born in the United
States, and eight were bilingual. Participants’ cultural or ethnic backgrounds were as follows:
three Mexican, and one each Puerto Rican, Cuban, Venezuelan, Salvadoran, Guatemalan,
Nicaraguan, and Colombian (Torres, 2003). Students were studied for two years, and two
findings were salient: (a) situating identity (conditions: environment where they grew up, family
influence and generational status, and self-perception of status in society); and (b) influences on
change (conditions: psychosocial and cognitive development; Torres, 2003, p. 532). The research
utilized interviews as the primary method to gather data, and participants were presented with an
interview form that was semi-structured and it was focused on constructs relevant to the
development of ethnic identity (Torres, 2003).
Torres (2003) found that students who came from a diverse environment tended to have a
strong sense of ethnic identity and were more likely to enjoy the diversity around them. In
contrast, those who came from environments where they were the majority did not see
themselves as in the minority until they arrived on the predominantly White campus (Torres,
2003). The study explored the nuances and properties associated with students’ and parents’ level
of acculturation. Torres described that students identified themselves using the same terms and
language their parents used. The study also explored the generational status of the participants
and their parents, and students who were the first generation in the United States struggled with
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 46
the unknown expectations and demands placed on them by the college environment. For
example, a second-year student struggled with socialization in the college environment during
his first year of college. He had identified with the bicultural orientation description, but the
change he saw in himself and his environment came by seeking the diverse group of friends he
valued but had not found in his first year of college (Torres, 2003). Students who found the
college environment as not accepting of diversity identified with a Latino orientation, and they
had the desire to focus their orientation towards those who share their interest in diversity
(Torres, 2003).
Torres (2003) posed a question regarding the point at which these students transition from
acculturating to the majority culture into a process of developing an ethnic identity. Torres
suggested there are no clear answers, but, for Latina/o students. There is an urgency to
understand the process of acculturating and the value of forming an ethnic identity that allows
them to balance the demands of the college environment and their cultural backgrounds. This
bicultural orientation model can be used for future research for Latino males in college to
examine how the process of choosing between the majority culture versus their culture of origin
can add layers of stress and conflict that affect their academic performance and sense of well-
being (Torres et al., 2003).
Critical Race and Latino Critical Theories
Critical race theory (CRT) and Latino critical theory (LatCrit) were utilized as the
framework and lenses for analyzing the experiences of Latino male Puente Project participants
who eventually earned bachelor’s degrees. Critical race and Latino critical theories were used (a)
to allow participants’ individual voices and narratives and (b) to evaluate institutional attitudes,
practices, and policies that may serve as barriers for participants.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 47
The Puente Project provides an academic space that allows students to explore and
formulate their identity, while acculturating into the mainstream culture of academia, which is a
core issue that Torres presents in the BOT. Although, the previous section highlights the
importance of acculturation, which can be interpreted as being in direct contrast to CRT, this
study is exploring the relationship between the conceptual models to highlight the importance of
both processes occurring simultaneously. For example, Puente utilizes Latino literature as a tool
that allows students to identify with narratives of Latino authors who have the ability to
articulate the complexities of resisting negative and racist stereotypes of Latino males, such as
criminals, lazy, and less intelligent, while presenting narratives filled with examples of
resistance, cultural pride, and the ability to overcome the obstacles that they have encountered. In
order for Latino males to succeed, they must understand the expectations and standards that
academia will impose upon them and how to embrace, communicate, develop skill sets, and
cultivate personal fortitude. CRT presents a model that allows students to understand the culture
of power, and how to interpret and frame their experiences in relation to it. This process allows
them to embrace their cultural identities and understand that by becoming educated does not
require them to completely compromise or deny their cultural and ethnic backgrounds.
Both CRT and LatCrit are frameworks that serve as appropriate tools for identifying and
broadening the understanding of issues and practices related to racial inequality in higher
education (Bernal, 2002; Solórzano et al., 2005). According to Solórzano and Yosso (2001) the
five tenets of CRT are
(a) The centrality of race and racism and their intersectionality with other forms of
subordination (b) the challenge to dominant ideology, (c) The commitment to social
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 48
justice; (d) The centrality of experiential knowledge; and (e) The transdisciplinary
perspective (p. 473).
Critical race theory in education uses the transdisciplinary knowledge base of ethnic studies,
women studies, sociology, history, law, political science, economics, and other fields to
understand the effects and impact of racism, sexism, and classism on people of color (Solórzano
& Yosso, 2001).
One of the methods used in CRT is establishing the counter-narrative through
storytelling. Delgado (1989) discussed counter-storytelling and argued that it is both a method of
telling the story of experiences that are not often told (i.e., those on the margins of society) and a
tool for analyzing and challenging the stories of those in power and whose story is a natural part
of the dominant discourse. Matsuda (1996) explained that CRT and counter-story telling use
personal experience, express emotion and desire alongside logic and analysis, and borrow from a
wide range of disciplines and analytical traditions.
Solórzano and Yosso (2001) offered a deeper understanding of the CRT framework and
how tenets of the framework were applied to research design and methodology. Solórzano and
Yosso applied counter-storytelling methodology to examine the different forms of racial and
gender discrimination experienced by two highly successful Chicana scholars, one of whom was
a professor and the other a graduate student. Solórzano and Yosso presented a narrative model
derived from the CRT framework and it illustrates the insights and struggles of the protagonists.
The following passage conveys the challenges faced by these Chicana scholars:
You’re so right, I admitted to Esperanza, Chicanas, Chicanos, Asian/Pacific Islanders,
and Native Americans are often left out of the syllabi of many of my colleagues. Have
you seen the book list for next quarter’s class on race and ethnic relations? While it is
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 49
important to look at books dealing with Black and White comparisons, there is a huge
oversight there, and not for lack of materials. Even though changing demographics across
the country do not support it, the Black & White binary continues to dominate our
thinking in academia (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001, p. 478).
This passage illustrates the frustration and lack of inclusivity in academia, which limits the types
of discourse on race, ethnicity, and social justice. According to Lincoln (1993), critical race and
LatCrit methodology challenge traditional methodologies, because they require us to develop
theories of social transformation, which generates knowledge that specifically addresses and
ameliorates conditions of oppression, poverty, or deprivation.
The use of counter-narrative and storytelling as a methodology for research allows for a
deeper exploration and examination of the experiences of Latino males and allows them to
genuinely articulate what happened to them at each step of the educational pipeline. Also, by
allowing them to articulate their cognitive and emotional processes, the individual can talk
through some of their own fears, misconceptions, and fallacies about the educational setting as
well as deconstruct their personal anxiety and insecurities. Moreover, Solórzano and Yosso
(2001) reinforce that CRT and LatCrit in education challenge the traditional claims the
educational system and its institutions make toward objectivity, meritocracy, color-blindness,
race neutrality, and equal opportunity. Ultimately, by utilizing CRT and LatCrit as a lens to
analyze the experiences of Latino males in higher education, there is the potential for social
justice, and CRT informs the curricular and pedagogical work that leads toward (a) the
elimination of racism, sexism, and poverty and (b) the empowerment of under-represented
minority groups (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001).
Community Cultural Wealth
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 50
Yosso (2005) explained that the traditional view of cultural capital and wealth is
narrowly defined by White middle class values, including one’s accumulated assets and
resources. CRT and LatCrit expand this perspective by focusing the research lens on the
experiences of people of color in critical historical contexts, which reveals accumulated assets
and resources in the histories and lives of Communities of Color that have allowed individuals to
achieve academic and educational success.
The concept of community cultural wealth is a dynamic array of knowledge, beliefs,
skills, abilities, and contacts possessed and utilized by Communities of Color to resist and
overcome various forms of oppression (Yosso, 2005). According to Yosso (2005) the CRT
framework validates that Communities of Color nurture cultural wealth through six forms of
capital. Aspirational capital refers to the ability to maintain hopes and dreams for the future, even
in the face of real and perceived barriers. Linguistic capital includes the intellectual and social
skills attained through communication experiences in more than one language and/or style
(Faulstich Orellana, 2003). Familial capital refers to those cultural knowledges nurtured among
familia (kin) that carry a sense of community history, memory and cultural intuition (see
Delgado Bernal, 2002). Social capital can be understood as networks of people and community
resources. These peer and other social contacts can provide both instrumental and emotional
support to navigate through society’s institutions (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Navigational capital
refers to skills of maneuvering through social institutions. Historically, this infers the ability to
maneuver through institutions not created with Communities of Color in mind. Resistant capital
refers those knowledges and skills fostered through oppositional behavior that challenges
inequality (Freire, 1970, 1973; Giroux, 1983; McLaren, 1994; Delgado Bernal, 1997; Solórzano
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 51
& Delgado Bernal, 2001). Yosso (2005) explained that these forms of capital are dynamic
processes that build on one another as part of community cultural wealth.
The goal of this study was to explore how Latino males developed and utilized particular
types of capital to develop assets and abilities through the Puente Project to transfer and earn
bachelor’s degree. The Puente Project focuses on the development of these attributes and
qualities to promote students success and is grounded on the principles of familial and social
capital, which are two concepts and dynamics created in the classroom and the mentor
components.
The English component of the Puente Project focuses on students’ linguistic traditions
and abilities by asking them to write and share their personal stories, thus developing their
academic writing skills and honoring many cultures’ rich oral traditions of storytelling (Faulstich
Orellana, 2003). In the initial English course, Puente requires a personal narrative writing
assignment, which asks students about their family and cultural backgrounds. This assignment
calls for students to explore their aspirations, including their ability to identify and maintain their
hopes and dreams for the future in the face of both real and perceived barriers (Yosso, 2005;
Gándara, 1982, 1995). According to Yosso (2005), community cultural capital has not been
conceptualized for the purpose of finding new ways to co-opt or exploit the strengths of
Communities of Color. Instead, community cultural wealth includes and pushes for continued
research, teaching, and developing curriculum, and agents of change who will strive towards
social and racial justice. Community cultural wealth, when directly applied to the academic
environment and curriculum, has been proven to transform the lives of students. The literature
suggests that the utilization of community cultural wealth by an academic program can be
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 52
furthered researched, replicated, and expanded to meet the needs of students of color in higher
education.
Conclusion
This literature review examined research on Latino/a students in higher education who
face challenges related to access, persistence, and degree or program completion. This literature
review presented a narrative of struggle and strife, but it also revealed a sense of hope and
triumph while identifying both theoretical and empirical data for improving success rates for
Latino males. Its application can also serve to inform and improve the efforts of the community
college system to serve all students. In addition, CRT and LatCrit were used as the foundation
from which to identify the characteristics, strengths, and attributes in participants’ educational
achievement. The following chapter describes the methods used to conduct this study.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 53
CHAPTER THREE: METHODS
Research has shown that Latino males have low college transfer and completion rates in
across the United States. The literature review revealed that Latino/a students who enter higher
education face challenges in terms of access, persistence, and degree or program completion
(Aguirre & Martinez, 1993). There is a dearth of research on Latino males in higher education,
specifically in the community college system. Therefore, this study focused on the experiences of
Latino male Puente Project participants in terms of the factors that influenced their success as
well as their struggles in higher education.
Research Questions
This study engaged in qualitative research and utilized CRT, the Bicultural Orientation
Model, (Torres 1999, 2003), and Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, 2002) as conceptual
frameworks to identify the strengths, assets, and abilities that play a role in the educational
achievement and success of Latino males and to examine how each component of the Puente
Project affected the participants. Three questions guided this study:
1. What assets and abilities do successful Latino males possess that assist in their
educational achievement?
2. What factors contributed to the success of Latino males in the community college
environment?
3. How do former Puente participants describe the role of the Puente Project in their transfer
process and completion of their bachelor’s degrees?
Methodological Approach
This qualitative study utilized a counter-narrative (storytelling) methodology of
uncovering knowledge and experiences from the students linked with social critique in the form
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 54
of identifying gaps in student services and research conducted on this population. In developing
a critical race and LatCrit methodology, the concepts of race and racism must be clearly defined
and contextualized. Race is a socially constructed category that has been created to differentiate
groups and to perpetuate the dominance of one race over another (Banks, 1993; Omi & Winant,
1987; Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). Racism is defined as (a) the justification of the dominance of
one race over another (Lorde, 1992; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002); and (b) a system of ignorance,
exploitation, and power used to oppress people on the basis of ethnicity, culture, mannerisms,
and color (Marable, 1992; Solórzano & Yosso, 2001, 2002). To examine the experiences of
Latino males, it is important to acknowledge that they are a marginalized, underrepresented, and
undervalued segment of our society, including within higher education. Harper (2009) explained
the significance of counter-narrative that directly addresses the master narratives about people of
color which are dominant accounts often generally accepted as universal truths, such as scripts or
stereotypes that present these groups in negative ways. Solórzano and Yosso (2005) identified
three types of counter narratives: personal stories, other people’s stories, and composite stories.
This study utilized personal stories, which is the most appropriate type to examine the assets,
attributes, and positives experiences of Latino males. In addition, the study used purposeful
sampling, which places an emphasis on in-depth understanding of information-rich cases to
address the purpose of the inquiry (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To gather data, the study utilized
semi-structured interview protocols designed to elicit rich and detailed narratives from the
interviewees.
Site Selection
This study involved college graduates who previously participated in the Puente Project
at Esperanza College. The Puente Project at Esperanza College was chosen because it has a long
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 55
history and tradition of success, based the 20-year long tenure of the counselor as well as the
consistent functioning of all three components of the program and full-funding from the local
community college district. Esperanza College is one of 62 community colleges that have a
Puente Project, and it is considered to be a model program from the Puente Project statewide
perspective. Also, Esperanza College was selected because it has an almost identical campus
profile as other community colleges in the Southeastern Los Angeles and North Orange County
regions in terms of the total number of students as well as their ethnic composition, gender
distribution, first-generation status, and socioeconomic status.
During the 2016-17 academic year, Esperanza College reported a student headcount of
15, 941. Table 2 displays the gender composition and percentage of full-time and part-time
students. The ratio of part-time students to full-time students is consistent with current literature
that profiles Latina/o students in the community college system. Also, the table presents the
percentage of students who received Pell grants and student loans as well as transfer and
retention rates. The percentage of Pell Grant recipients serves as an indicator of the number low-
income students enrolled at any college.
Table 2
Total Enrollment by Gender, Full-time and Part-time Status, Pell grants, and Loans 2015-16
Esperanza College Total Male Female
All Students 15,941 45% 55%
Full-Time Students 33%
Part-time Students 67%
Pell Grants 49%
Loans 1%
Transfer Rates 15%
Retention Rates Full-time 77%
Part-time 55%

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 56
Esperanza College students are diverse in terms of ethnicity and cultural background, and
the college is designated as a Hispanic-serving institution. As shown in Table 3, the college
serves a diversity of students from the southeast region of Los Angeles County and North Orange
County.
Table 3
Esperanza College 2016-17 Student Demographics
Esperanza College Percentages Total
African Americans 4.9% 783
Asian 19.2% 3,049
Pacific Islander 0.5% 72
Hispanic/Latino 47.1% 7,469
Unknown 1% 161
White Non-Hispanic 19.9% 3,153

Population and Sample
I conducted interviews with 10 Latino males who completed their academic goals in the
community college system, transferred to a four-year college or university, and earned bachelor’s
degrees within the 10 years prior to this study. Participants were chosen using a criterion-based
selection method. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) explained how the process requires the researcher
to decide what attributes of the sample are crucial to the study and then to find the site and
individuals who meet those criteria.
These Latino males were selected based on the intent to discover, understand, and gain
insight using a sample from which the most can be learned (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I
composed the sample by considering characteristics such as ethnicity and gender, former
participation in the Puente Project, completion of the transfer process, and an earned Bachelor of
Arts or Science degree. In addition, the participants were recruited by utilizing a network-
sampling model. All of the interviewees were contacted through the Puente counselor at
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 57
Esperanza College. The network of students generated interest for participation in the study once
the email and phone calls were completed.
A close analysis of the Latino community shows a significant amount of diversity in
terms of ethnic, racial, and cultural groups. In general, the Latino label and the Latino
community are inclusive of Mexican American, Salvadoran, Nicaraguan, Guatemalan,
Honduran, Panamanian, Costa Rican, Cuban, Puerto Rican, Dominican, Haitian, Colombian,
Venezuelan, Ecuadorian, Bolivian, Peruvian, Chilean, Argentinean, Uruguayan, and Paraguayan
people. Each of these ethnic and cultural identities may affect Latino males in different ways, but
the intersection of race and gender may be similar in context of how they are treated and their
experiences within mainstream educational environments, such as classrooms of higher
education.
Another critical issue that affects Latino males is their immigration status, which ranges
from native-born citizens to naturalized citizens, legal residents, and undocumented. I composed
the sample for this study by considering characteristics such as ethnicity and gender as primary
characteristics, with the intent to uncover additional characteristics, such as age, income level,
employment status, first-generation college status, and how these characteristics influenced
participants’ ability to succeed. The number of participants was 10, so that saturation or
redundancy would be apparent in a pattern of similar responses or behaviors (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
Instrumentation
This qualitative study utilized a counter-narrative (story telling) methodology to uncover
knowledge and experiences. This study utilized interviews with Latino males who enrolled in the
CCC system, transferred to four-year colleges and universities, and earned bachelor’s degrees.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 58
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) explain that basic research may eventually inform practice, but its
primary purpose is to know about a phenomenon, whereas critical research is informed by
theoretical frameworks to increase understanding of the challenges generated by power relations
and dynamics and of how to bring about change (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In this qualitative
study, CRT and Latino critical theory informed the process of gathering and analyzing data to
understand the experiences of Latino males along their journeys in higher education.
A core tenet of critical research is the utilization of face-to-face interviews, which is one
of the most effective data collection methods in qualitative research. According to Creswell
(2014), these interviews usually involve unstructured and generally open-ended questions that
are few in number and intended to elicit views and opinions. According to Patton, Renn, Guido,
and Quaye (2016), the purpose of an interview is to obtain a special kind of information when
the researcher wants to find out what is in and on someone else’s mind. Face-to-face interviews
are necessary when the researcher cannot observe the individual’s past life experiences, personal
feelings, or how they interpret the world around them. The nature of this study required the
establishment of trust between the researcher and the interview participants to gather the data,
and based on the nature of the topic, interviews were the most practical and effective method
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interview protocols were based on six types of questions
recommended by Patton et al. (2016): (a) experience and behavior questions, (b) opinions and
values questions, (c) feelings questions, (d) knowledge questions, (e) sensory questions, and (f)
background/demographic questions.
Specifically, the interview protocol was designed to elicit feelings, thoughts, and
memories of participants on how they developed their identity, skills and strengths to overcome
challenges and how they feel and think about themselves as successful Latino males. These
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 59
counter-narratives provide both biographical and autobiographical analyses, according to
Delgado Bernal (1998), because the process of counter-storytelling comes from at least four
sources: (a) data gathering from the research process, (b) existing literature on Chicano/Latino
access to higher education, (c) the researcher’s professional experience as a counselor in higher
education, and (d) the researcher’s personal experience as a first-generation Chicano college
student. The interview questions were structured purposefully to elicit and describe experiences,
opinions, feelings, values, behaviors, or to clarify some background information from a Latino
male’s perspective (Appendix E). For example, a question may begin with “As a Latino male,”
which contextualizes the perspective examined.
In addition to the face-to-face interviews, I conducted a single focus group to gather data
from a group perspective that examines the essence of the individual lived experiences, as well
as shared experiences from a Latino male perspective. The nature of the protocols presented
topics that are familiar to the participants and they will be knowledgeable of, such as their
experiences as students in the community college system compared to their experiences at four-
year colleges or universities as transfer students. Some of the unique characteristics of a focus
group research is the interactive discussion, which is a different dynamic than what takes place in
individual interviews. Ideally, during the group discussion participants share their views, hear the
views of others, and perhaps refine their own views based on what is said and heard (Hennink,
2014). According to Abumere, (2014) the ideal group size for a focus group should be 8 to 12
participants.
Data Collection
I contacted the Puente Project counselor at Esperanza College to seek help in recruiting
Latino males. The data collection plan for the study was to conduct 10 face-to-face interviews.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 60
The research plan consisted of the following steps: (a) gain access to Esperanza College by
making contact with the Puente counselor, (b) apply for IRB approval at Esperanza College with
the assistance of the Puente Counselor, (c) secure a location at the site to conduct the interviews,
(d) disseminate an email with a pre-survey to potential interviewees, and (e) schedule the
interviews; and (6) schedule and advertise for the focus group.
The focus group was planned to take place on the Esperanza College campus in the
Counseling Department’s conference room. The choice to use the conference room was based on
convenience and the ability to control the level of noise and the comfort provided by the space. I
spent an extensive amount of time and effort reaching out to potential interviewees with no
response or received rejections to participate in the focus group. I communicated this information
to my dissertation chair and was advised to proceed with the interviews and complete the study.
The data collection plan included 60-minute interviews consisting of 30 questions while
utilizing several clarifying questions listed in Appendix E. All of the participants were assigned
pseudonyms, and they were received an information sheet. The interviews were recorded using
an iPhone, laptop computer, and a handheld digital recorder as a backup device. The researcher
took detailed notes during the interviews for clarification purposes. All of the data were saved on
a password-protected device. Each participant received a $10.00 gift card.
Data Analysis
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), collection and the analysis of data occur
simultaneously and begin with the first interview. This study used the constant comparative
analysis process, which is inductive and comparative in nature. Glaser and Strauss (1967)
developed the constant comparative process as the means for developing grounded theory
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 61
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). All interviews were scheduled during September and October 2017.
Upon completion of the interviews, recordings were transcribed by a professional service.
One of the primary steps of the analysis process is to code the data. Corbin and Strauss
(2008) defined coding as a verb, and the actual codes are the names given to the concepts derived
through coding. The transcripts were reviewed and an open coding process was applied.
Transcribing the interviews allowed each word to be reviewed and double-checked to ensure that
each statement made by the participants was accurate and complete. The next step in the process
was to create a codebook to organize and structure the findings of the data. A matrix design was
applied to the codebook that allowed the data to be organized and structured during the coding
process.
Corbin and Strauss (2008) explained the importance of utilizing analytic tools such as
asking questions and making comparisons in the analysis process and a focus on the use of
language and on emotions were key in the coding process. During the open coding process, the
matrix codebook allowed words, observations, and queries to be noted by the researcher. The
subsequent analysis of the data produced themes and categories. Once the open coding process
stopped producing codes, second cycle coding process, also known as axial or pattern coding,
began. According to Miles et al. (2014) pattern codes are explanatory or inferential codes that
identify emergent themes, configurations, or explanation. This process also called for the
grouping of codes and themes that surfaced as the data were analyzed.
In addition, the use of counter-narrative and storytelling was essential in the examination
of the experiences of participants who come from communities that are marginalized,
underrepresented, and undervalued, or for whom the institution formulated structures and
policies well before their actual presence in postsecondary education. Questions guiding the
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 62
research design included analyses and applications of CRT and LatCrit to the experiences of
Chicanos and Latinos in American higher education (Solórzano, 1998; Solórzano & Delgado
Bernal, 2001; Solórzano et al., 2005; Villalpando, 2004).
Validity
The issue of maintaining validity, trustworthiness, and objectivity were essential
components and outcome goals of the researcher, and the research was conducted in an ethical
manner. When conducting research, there are several ethical considerations that must be
addressed to ensure credibility and transparency. According to Israel and Hay (2006) researchers
need to protect participants, develop a trust with them, promote integrity of research, and guard
against misconduct and impropriety when conducting research (Creswell, 2014). There are
several recommendations and strategies presented throughout the readings that addressed and
supported the validity and reliability of the study. Based on the limited representativeness of the
sample group, I addressed validity by checking for researcher effects, triangulated data by using
two sources for data, and used rich descriptions.
To account for the position of the researcher, the strategies presented by Miles et al.
(2014) were utilized to make sure that all intentions were clear for the participants regarding why
I was there, what I was studying, how I will collect information, and what I will do with it. In
addition, triangulation ensured validity. Miles et al. (2014) explained that triangulation supports a
finding by showing that at least three independent measures of it agree with it or, at least, do not
contradict it. The structure of this study provided constant comparison of the interviews, audio
recordings, SARS scheduling software, and transcripts to be analyzed for objectivity, validity,
and reliability.

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 63
Role of Researcher
As a Latino male who transferred from a California community college and navigated the
system to become a professional educator, the nature of the research questions parallel my own
experiences. As a single researcher, it is important that the credibility and trustworthiness of the
findings are carefully monitored and remain transparent. The purpose of this study derived from
an interest in a population that remains at the lowest levels of achievement in California and
throughout the United States. I am a successful Puente student who completed the program in
1991, and I went on to earn a bachelor’s degree in English literature at the University of
California, Berkeley, in 1995. I completed a Master of Arts in the community based-block
program at San Diego State University, which is a multicultural counseling program.
Subsequently, I was hired at Cerritos College as the Puente counselor, and I performed those
duties for a decade. I have been employed at the college for 21 years.
In that time, I have witnessed some amazing accomplishments by some very dynamic and
capable students from both genders and all ethnic backgrounds, but I have also assisted and
worked with males of color who have faced tremendous obstacles and challenges. Ultimately, I
believe in the potential of all of our students to succeed, but Latino males have remained at the
bottom of the educational pipeline. My intent was to examine the experiences of Latino men who
have been successful, so that their experiences, struggles, insights, realizations, strengths, and
recommendations will inform student services, academic programs, curriculum development,
and policies that govern our system of higher education and provide insights for educators
working on the front lines with students.
Ultimately, I am required to acknowledge and explain my biases, so that I can reduce the
impact of my theories, beliefs, values, and perceptions about the participants or the data.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 64
According to Miles et al. (2014), there are four biases commonly found in qualitative research
that directly affect the validity of a study: holistic fallacy, elite bias, personal bias, and going
native. The issue of holistic fallacy can be problematic when interpreting the interview data.
Miles et al. (2014) explained that interpreting events as more patterned or connected than they
actually are, or leaving out details or loose ends that support the meaning of participant’s
experiences, is poor research. Another threat to validity is personal bias, which is defined as a
“personal agenda, personal demons, or personal “axes to grind,” which skew the ability to
represent and present fieldwork and data analysis in a trustworthy manner” (Miles et al., 2014, p.
294). As the researcher, my role is to understand how my values and expectations may affect the
study’s outcomes in a negative or positive way. Therefore, the research protocols were
objectively designed to prevent a personal agenda from affecting the interviews and data
analysis.
Conclusion
This chapter provided an overview of the study’s methodology and purpose, which
includes the research questions that are guiding this qualitative study. Also, this chapter
presented the research paradigm, conceptual framework, site locations, population and sample,
data collection method, and analysis processes as well as validity and methodological limitations.
The following chapter presents the findings from the data analysis.
CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION OF DATA AND FINDINGS
The purpose of this study was to explore the impact of the Puente Project on Latino males
who transferred from a community college and earned bachelor’s degrees. This chapter
introduces the 10 participants and provides demographic profiles and detailed descriptions of the
one-on-one interviews that identified eight emergent themes, which are important in the
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 65
examination and assessment that the Puente Project has had on these Latino males: (a) the impact
of acculturation and immigration, (b) poverty, (c) familismo and maternal influence, (d) bi-
cultural identity, (e) first-generation college students, (f) the impact of the Puente Project, (g) the
transfer process, and (h) personal and professional success. These themes were identified in the
analysis of the one-on-one interviews. Three research questions guided this study:
1. What assets and abilities do successful Latino males possess that assist in their
educational achievement?
2. What contributed to the success of Latino males in the community college
environment?
3. How do former Puente participants describe the role of the Puente Project in their
transfer process and completion of their bachelor’s degrees?
This chapter begins with the profiles of the 10 Latino male participants and addresses questions
one and two primarily through the lens of the Puente Project. The interview process produced
stories filled with examples of how these Latino males countered the narrative that Latino males
are under achievers or not capable of excelling in higher education. Implicit in their responses
was an array of abilities, assets, and personal qualities that demonstrated how these individuals
overcame challenges throughout their lives and how they responded to opportunities within the
community college setting that led to their success.
Participant Profiles
To provide understanding of participants’ characteristics, Table 4 presents their profiles.
Participants were 10 Latino male Puente students from Esperanza College: Trinidad, Jesus,
Miguel, Alejandro, Fidel, Paulo, Emiliano, Ruben, Diego, and Simón. They were all assigned
pseudonyms used to maintain confidentiality. The participants’ ages ranged from 26 to 45: three
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 66
were in their 20s, three were in their 30s, and four were in their 40s. Four participants transferred
to the UC system, five transferred to the CSU system, and one transferred to a private university.
Although data were collected during the 2017-2018 academic year, each participant had
completed a bachelor’s degree (BA) during prior years, and two completed master’s degrees
(MA).
Paulo was admitted to the Master’s in Social Work Program, and Jesus was in his fourth
year of a Ph.D. program in history. The remaining eight participants were established in their
careers, and Table 4 provides a more detailed account of each participant’s age, ethnicity,
university attended, major, and job title.
Table 4
Participant Profile
Participants Age Ethnicity Degree
Completion
University
Attended
Career
Trinidad 38 Honduran-
American

BA Degree in
Communications
UC
Berkeley
NBC National
News
Producer
Miguel 43 Mexican American
(Chicano)
BA Degree in
Business Adm.
CSU
Fullerton
Lighting Co.
Mgt.
Alejandro

38 Latino / El
Salvadoran
BA Degree in
Psychology &
MA Degree,
MFT
CSU
Fullerton

Marriage &
Family
Therapist,
MFT
Jesus 27 Mexican American
(Chicano)
Bachelor’s &
Master’s Degree
in History
UC
Berkeley
Ph.D. Student
in History
Fidel 32 Mexican
/British-American
BA Degree in
Fine Arts
CSU
Fullerton
Warehouse
Mgt.
Paulo 26 Mexican American BA Degree in
Psychology
UC Los
Angeles
Graduate
Student
Addiction
Counselor
Ruben 29 Mexican & African
American
BA Degree in
Latin American /
Latino Studies
UC Santa
Cruz
Union
Organizer
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 67
Emiliano 43 Colombian-
American
BA Degree in
History
UC Los
Angeles
Defense
Attorney

Diego 45 Mexican BA Degree
Business Adm.
University
of
Phoenix
Real Estate
Loan Broker
Simón 43 Mexican American
(Chicano)
BA Degree in
Psychology
CSU
Fullerton
City
Council
Member
Summary 4 (18-34
yrs.)

6 (35-45
yrs.)
7 – Mexican
American
1-Colombian
1-Honduran
1-El Salvadoran
10-BA Degree’s
3-MA’s

4-UCs
5-CSUs
1-Private

Overview of Findings
The following sections present the data collected from 10 in-depth interviews that
consisted of 27 questions and lasted approximately 60 minutes each. There were seven
interviews completed in person, and three were conducted through videoconferencing due to the
participants’ schedules or their currently living outside of the researcher’s immediate area. The
use of videoconferencing allowed the interviewer to visually observe the participants, similar to
an in-person interview. The visual image of the participant’s facial expressions, emotional affect,
and pauses in their responses provided meaningful cues for follow-up, clarifiers, or for moments
of silence, which allowed participants to recall or think more deeply about their responses. The
interviews were recorded on a laptop computer and cell phone.
Emergent Themes
Analysis of the data produced eight themes important in understanding the effect the
Puente Project had on participants: (a) the impact of acculturation and immigration, (b) poverty,
(c) familismo and maternal influence, (d) bi-cultural identity, (e) first-generation college
students, (f) the impact of the Puente Project, (g) the transfer process, and (h) personal and
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 68
professional success. The eight emerging themes serve as a framework to examine the
educational experiences of each participant through the entirety of their higher education.
Theme 1: The Impact of Acculturation and Immigration
The first guiding question for this study was, “What assets and abilities do successful
Latino males possess that assist in their educational achievement?” To uncover factors that have
contributed to the development of assets and abilities in the participants, several of the interview
questions were designed to provide a context for their lived experiences in terms of their parental
backgrounds and their relationship to them and the level of support provided to them by their
parents.
The acculturation process addresses the experiences of immigrants into the United States
mainstream culture. All participants shared the common experience of being raised in traditional
Latino/a households. One of the participants was raised speaking English while the other nine
speak both Spanish and English. The family environments at home were influenced and shaped
by Latino cultures and, in the case of eight of them, their parent/s were immigrants to the United
States.
Immigration. The impact of immigration directly influenced the process of acculturation
for all of the participants and emerged as a primary theme. When asked about being raised by
both parents or in a single-parent environment, many of participants described experiences with
their parents, but expanded their responses to include their parent’s immigration status.
Interviewees’ parents were immigrants, with the exception of Ruben’s mother, who was born in
Santa Monica, California, to parents who were immigrants from Mexico. Regardless of their
immigration status, seven participants indicated that their parents had limited fluency in English,
which required participants to switch back and forth from Spanish at home to English at school.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 69
Although the participants learned to navigate the cultures in each setting, their parents did not,
and they lacked education or knowledge of the educational system in the United States.
When asked about his relationship with his parents, Diego described how he emigrated
from Mexico City to the United States searching for a better life and how he had to “sacrifice by
leaving his mother and family behind.” Diego had to endure this life-changing process on his
own, which required him to learn the English language to acclimate into the American culture.
Diego explained how education was important to him because his mother was illiterate. He
stated, “My mother didn’t know how to read or write, so I was required to go to the bank or go to
the city hall to pay for whatever needed to be paid.” Throughout Diego’s formal education in
Mexico and his eventual experiences as a college student, his mother was unable to offer him any
academic advising, help with homework, or academic planning.
Similarly, Jesus’s mother was born in Mexico and an immigrant to the United States. She
entered the United States at the age of 17 and raised three children on her own. When asked how
his mother perceived him as a student and how she supported his education, Jesus described
“Neither one of us were focused when it came to school. It was about maintaining a good
discipline record. She would say, ‘I don’t want any phone calls about you getting suspended or
you not showing up to class.” Jesus explained that his mother primarily speaks Spanish, so she
would avoid interacting with the school. He clarified that “she doesn’t really speak English, and
most of my teachers didn’t speak Spanish, so it was like she couldn’t really speak to the
teachers.”
The majority of the participants said their parents worked hard and long hours. When
asked how that made him feel about himself as a student, Jesus explained, “At the time? I didn’t
really make anything of it. Yeah, it’s definitely not unusual. It would have been unusual if she
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 70
took an interest, according to where I grew up. As long as you showed up at school.” Jesus’s
mother had limited education and attended middle school in Mexico, so she had very limited
exposure to the educational system in the United States He reflected on how, without her
advocacy, he felt unchallenged academically and often felt alone in his educational journey.
Theme 2: Poverty
All participants reported that they experienced poverty during their childhoods, which
had an impact on how they saw and felt about themselves. As a result of their socioeconomic
status, most of the participants’ parents had to work, and this forced these young men to spend a
great deal of time on their own. Although there was isolation and possible neglect, the majority
of the participants said they learned to be independent, resourceful, and how to survive. Miguel
was born in Los Angeles and raised by a single-mother. Miguel stated, “My mother was born in
the state of Jalisco, Mexico, in a small ranch called La Cueda, so a formal or even an informal
education was pretty nonexistent.” As a young man, Miguel was required to assume adult
responsibilities and to make critical decisions at a much younger age than his peers in the
neighborhood. Miguel described how he “had to do a lot of translation services for her because
she knew very little English.” In addition, Miguel articulated how he had to mature faster
because of the situations and information and experiences he was exposed to.
Similar to Miguel, Emiliano’s parents were born in Colombia and immigrated to the
United States. They had low-paying jobs and struggled financially. As immigrants, their
knowledge of the educational system in Los Angeles was very limited. According to Emiliano,
his parents “had no clue what education was.” He characterized their support and approach to his
educational development in K-12 as
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 71
Willful blindness. They would tell you to do very well, give you no supervision, beat
your ass when you got a bad report card, tell you don’t do it again, do better and the cycle
will repeat year after year.”
Emiliano stated, “I was born in Colombia, too, and I was brought here when I was one year old.”
As a result of his own immigrant status and growing up without the support of his parents, his
academic development suffered. Emiliano exclaimed “As a student, I did horribly in my K-12
education. I never graduated high school. I don’t have a high school diploma.” Without his
parent’s direct support and guidance, he needed money and protection, so he slipped into the
neighborhood gang culture and struggled as a student.
Theme 3: Familismo and Maternal Influence
Participants were asked to describe how their parents felt about their education and which
parent supported them the most. All participants indicated that their mothers exhibited higher
levels of interest, communicated emotional support, or participation in school activities. There
was a pattern of maternal influence, which supports the overarching concept of familismo.
According to the literature, familismo is defined as a strong value within Latino/as communities
pertaining to values and traditions embodied by strong feelings of loyalty, responsibility, and
solidarity within the family unit (Marin & Marin, 1991; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008; Suárez-Orozco
& Suárez-Orozco, 1995).
Alejandro grew up with both of his parents who were also immigrants to the United
States. They faced language, economic, and cultural barriers, but he had a strong sense loyalty
and obligation to the family. Alejandro explained, “There was a civil war in El Salvador that
prompted them to migrate to the United States and run away from the military.” Although they
completed high school in the United States, they lacked exposure and knowledge of the
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 72
educational system, which served as a major challenge for them to adequately support their
children’s academic development. One of the major reasons they were unavailable is that “there
are six siblings. So, both of them worked really hard, not too much emphasis on my education.
Their focus was making ends meet.”
Language barriers. Seven participants experienced language barriers in the classroom
because they spoke primarily Spanish at home. Although seven indicated that speaking Spanish
as a child presented challenges in the classroom, their bilingual skills also served them positively
as adults and in their professional careers. Simón’s family primarily spoke Spanish in the home.
When he entered elementary school as a Spanish speaker, he was tracked into English learner
classes. Simón emphasized that, during his elementary school years, he felt that his mother was
more supportive because she had formed an advocacy group of Spanish-speaking parents to
make sure their children received adequate resources. Simón described, “in elementary school,
they were all for it (education). My mom was one of the major ambassadors in my community to
push for English Learners or ESL programs.” He attributed her involvement because “There is a
total of six kids, four brothers, including myself, two sisters and we were all in school.” He
stated, “My mom’s support was probably more indirect. She was taking on a cause, and the
cause was for many kids, not just her kid.” He recalled that his mother’s “group of parents were
the reasons why we ended up with Hispanic teachers or Hispanic principals. My mom ended up
becoming a school board member.”
Maternal influence. All participants articulated how important their mothers were to
their individual success as college graduates. Alejandro was the second oldest of six children,
and he watched his mother open and maintain a family restaurant while providing for their
family and running the home. As an immigrant from El Salvador, she primarily spoke Spanish,
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 73
but had to learn local laws and business ordinances to maintain the restaurant, so, as he matured,
he recognized and praised how resourceful she was. Alejandro explained that, once he began
high school, he continued to have problems in school and during his senior year, “I didn’t do so
well and then there was a couple of classes that I failed. I was able to graduate by taking summer
school.” He credited his mother’s understanding, planning, and direct action for his graduating
from high school. When he began taking classes at Esperanza College, he explained, “Even
though my parents couldn’t really help me academically or financially, they still allowed me to
live at home and go to college.”
Miguel’s mother was his primary source of support and his role model. In prior
statements, Miguel described how his mother was the sole source of income for the majority of
his childhood until she remarried. He respected her ability to work and provide for him and his
siblings. Similarly, Simón appreciated his mother as a role model, and her leadership and
advocacy provided resources and opportunity for him and members of their community. He
recalled, “If there was a school or community event, she would round up us kids and put us to
work, whether it was setting chairs or cleaning up.” Simón is currently serving his first term as a
city council member for a local municipality in Los Angeles County. He attributes his life in
public service and his participation in local politics to his mother’s work ethic and the example
she provided to him.
Theme 4: Bi-Cultural Identity
The participants were asked several questions that related to cultural identity, such as
“where did you grow up and how were your experiences in your neighborhoods as Latino
males?” Seven participants grew up in predominately Latino and African American communities.
Each participant was asked how he felt about himself as a student growing up. For many, their
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 74
realizations, insights, and reactions regarding their experiences navigating the neighborhoods
they grew up in came many years later and after they earned bachelor’s degrees.
El barrio. Emiliano discussed his childhood in Los Angeles, in the early 80s, the growth
of the South Central Bloods and Crips culture, and his experiences navigating this urban setting.
Emiliano is currently a practicing criminal defense attorney and attributes his success and
motivation to his upbringing and the skills he learned while growing up. He stated,
Reagan was president and my friend was murdered (pause). I’m one of the first people
that started out X Street and Los Angeles and now it’s the dominant gang. There were
beautiful things about it. I mean we got along great with the Black community back then
and I look back now and the Black experience is a huge influence on me.
He described that, when the 105 freeway was built, it cut right through the middle of the
neighborhood. According to Emiliano, “It was my real first introduction into gangs. I got into
gang banging, and it was the beginning of inner ethnic conflict that 105 freeway created. That’s
when it was the Blacks against us [Latinos].”
When asked to describe his decision to join the gang, he described a particular incident
that happened to him during his middle school years. He stated,
I got jumped by some Bloods [Black gang], and, when I told a friend, his brother said,
“you’re going to do this, and we’re going to wait for you at the donut shop.” When I
called out this Blood, there was high school kids coming to beat my ass. I would say
about 15 adult cholos (Latino gangsters) came out of nowhere and just mercilessly beat
the hell out of these Black kids and then just disappeared. The next day, when I walked
onto campus, people didn’t fuck with me. It was power and respect.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 75
Emiliano has matured and moved on with his education and professional career as an attorney,
but he still has a glorified perspective of his experiences and how they shaped him. He purposely
changed his name from his former gang name by assuming his middle name, so that he could
start a new life. He refused to be hypocritical and self-righteous about judging the lifestyle in
terms of what is right or wrong versus a means of survival through an economic and financial
system for those who are disenfranchised. Emiliano took great pride in acknowledging that he
still maintains a connection with some of the former and current members of the gang.
Miguel was born in Los Angeles, and he had a similar experience of growing up in the
barrio and facing the politics and pressure to either join the local gang or to remain affiliated at
the fringes. Miguel described, “We were all Mexican, spoke Spanish, and most of my friends
were from single parents as well.” He was forced to make decisions about his involvement with
the local gang. He described,
Honestly, we would talk all about who got stabbed or who got shot. It was just like
saying, “Did you see the Raider game?” It was that nonchalant, but my friends were all
gang members, and they would say “Orale, Miguel, when are we going to jump you in?”
He had many experiences that could have been life-ending or led to his incarceration. Miguel
recalled how his relationship with his mother influenced his level of maturity and how he had an
obligation to her and the family to make the right choices. He emphasized, “I knew my
boundaries more so than my peers at that time because I felt that I had to grow up a lot faster
than they did.”
Cultural identity. When asked to describe their feelings about their race and ethnicity,
the participants had a range of responses. Seven were very in touch with their cultural identity
and three needed to have the question clarified because they were not as comfortable answering
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 76
it. In addition, each of the participants was asked how they personally identified themselves. This
process was challenging at times, but also insightful when examining how the issue of identity is
central to the Puente Project and how this process of exploration affected the participants while
at Esperanza College. The majority of participants felt a significant amount of confidence and
pride about their ethnic identity as central to their status as Latino males who are successful
college graduates, working professionals, and community leaders.
Ruben was a Latin American/Latino studies major at UC Santa Cruz, and this question
was very personal to him. He alluded to his struggle growing up biracial. He stated, “My mom is
Mexican, and, because my biological father is Black Latino, a lot of people look at you like
you’re Black people or you’re Latino, so kind of in between.”
When asked directly how he identified, he responded, “I identify myself as Black.
Sometimes, I am Mexican, and, sometimes, I am Afro-Latino.” His family moved often
throughout his youth, and he recalled constantly being asked about his racial identity. He
explained, “I feel like race and ethnicity matters a lot. And I think that it ties into your
understanding of your identity and working from it can be an empowering thing.” Ruben felt that
his experience in the Puente Project allowed him to look at his identity and opened up a very
important aspect of himself. This process of self-exploration has been continuous throughout his
college career as well as his professional career as a union organizer.
Similarly to Ruben, Paulo felt that the Puente Project’s emphasis on cultural and ethnic
identity allowed him to explore and become more aware of his cultural identity. When asked to
describe his feelings about his ethnic and cultural background, he replied, “I grew up in a
community that wasn’t very diverse. It wasn’t very colorful.” He referenced his brothers were a
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 77
little older and had lived in another community that was primarily Latino, but he was too young
to experience that. He explained,
This community was very, very Asian, and very White or middle class. I wasn’t in touch
with my cultural side of my roots stuff. I didn’t really identify as Latino and never spoke
Spanish. I’ve been Americanized. I really didn’t identify nor do I think I even knew the
importance or did not understand, you know at this time I really was an all American kid.
Paulo reported his appreciation for how the Puente Project introduced him to the concepts of
racial and cultural diversity, which allowed him to explore his own identity.
Theme 5: First-Generation College Students
One of the research questions examined what contributed to participants’ success in
community college. Participants were asked to identify a personal or academic strength they
relied on as students that helped them be successful. All participants were first-generation college
students. Based on their low-income status, they took fewer units and were academically
underprepared. The majority of the participants reported that, as a result of their first-generation
status, work experience, and gaps in enrollment, they had gained maturity and motivation.
Through the Puente Project, they were provided counseling and academic guidance, which
influenced their decisions about managing their time and gaining access to support services and
resources, such as financial aid and tutoring.
Gaps in education. Eight participants shared a common experience of having gaps in
their education because they needed to work. A gap is defined as the time between high school
and attending college. In each of the examples presented, the participants articulated that, as a
result of the time that they took off from school, they were more focused, mature, and motivated
to earn bachelor’s degrees. Playing in a band and making money were priorities for Trinidad,
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 78
who was 22 years old when he enrolled at Esperanza College. When asked about his choices and
life experiences, he explained, “I graduated from high school in 1998 kind of just aimless,
aimlessly going about life.” He described an experience that changed his life and how he viewed
himself. He stated,
We played a concert at UC Riverside, and there was a huge crowd of students watching,
but, once we were done, they all headed back to their dorms. They had a future, but I had
been there just to provide some entertainment. That’s when I looked at them and said,
“Why can’t that be me?” I think that’s the moment something clicked inside of me and
that was one of the last concerts that I played before I went back to school.
Once he enrolled at Esperanza College, he registered for summer classes and took a full-time
load. When asked to clarify how he was able to do this, he referred to the support and guidance
of the Puente Project and how he had found a sense of community. He described, “I did not want
to waste any more time. I was more mature and committed. I had straight A’s all the way until
the last semester, and I graduated with a 3.9 because I got a B in Statistics.” He became one of
the college’s top students.
Maturity. Miguel spent six years working as a food server after he graduated from high
school. He was 24 years old when he returned to Esperanza College. He stated,
I met someone who became my wife, and she came from two educated parents, a
structured foundation in terms of a family unit. She was currently going to college, and
she kind of just said, “You can’t do this the rest of your life because you know I would
marry somebody that has an education where we can be good parents and instill that to
our children. You know I can’t marry a waiter.”
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 79
When he decided to go back to school, he chose Esperanza College to avoid running into old
friends and being distracted. He said, “I had two jobs and was going to school full time, and I
didn’t know anybody.”
When Emiliano returned to college at 24 after serving in the Marines, he was a single
father and motivated to improve his writing skills to apply for employment with the Los Angeles
Police Department. Emiliano’s sense of urgency had to do with his age. He explained, “me pico
[to be stung]. This was my last chance. I was single father and back then. It was unheard of for a
man to have custody of his child. Esperanza College and Puente just opened their arms to me.”
The need to work. Nine participants indicated that they worked while attending school.
As first-generation college students, they faced the struggle of balancing school and paying bills
at home. Initially, eight participants articulated that they enrolled in fewer units to work more
hours, which slowed their timeline to completion, until they joined the Puente Project. When
asked if he worked while in college, Ruben said, “I started working full-time and went to
college, but, when I enrolled in Puente, I got financial assistance. I did almost 22 units every
semester.” His decision to reduce his hours of work was a direct result of Dr. Prospero’s
counseling class, which presented success strategies, including time management and goal
setting.
Fidel explained that they had a single income home, and he needed to contribute and
cover his expenses. He stated, “We were a single income family, and my dad worked at a box
factory driving a forklift. He worked there for 35 years and they laid him off when I started the
university.” Eventually, he took out student loans because he did not qualify for financial aid.
Having to work was one of Fidel’s primary challenges to finishing his bachelor’s degree, but it
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 80
taught him to apply what he was learning in school on the job and how to develop and maintain
professional relationships.
Academic preparation. As first-generation college students, all of the participants
reported that they needed remediation in both English and math and that their writing skills
presented a major source of anxiety and self-doubt. Each individual was assessed and placed into
an English class at least one level below freshman composition.
Motivated to succeed. At the time they attended Esperanza College, each participant
indicated they felt highly motivated and determined to earn a degree. Simón began Esperanza
College at the age of 18 and transferred at 21, so he spent 3 years on campus. He was asked to
identify his strengths as a college student and replied, “That I was good at remembering stuff and
I could study and look at stuff, remember it, and I knew I would pass.” Although he had a strong
memory, and he was highly motivated as a student by his childhood.
When asked about his experiences at Esperanza College and his strengths as a student,
Ruben said, “I played football during high school and he has always worked hard and he has
been a motivated and driven person.” During his first year, his good friend died, and it was a
pivotal time for him. He recalled,
My good friend passed away, and it was a very frustrating experience. For me, reading
about it and understanding our identity as Latinos, and all the opportunities that he should
had, just like me. I started pushing myself to learn and understand myself. It was actually
a transformative and motivational experience.
Theme 6: The Impact of the Puente Project
Counseling relationships and cultural capital. Several of the interview questions were
designed to explore the impact of each component of the Puente Project. The third research
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 81
question asked, “How do former Puente participants describe the role of the Puente Project in
their transfer process and completion of their bachelor’s degrees?” Each participant reported that
their relationship and experiences working with the Puente counselor changed their lives. Dr.
Prospero has been the Puente counselor at Esperanza College for the past 20 years, and, in every
response by the participants, they identified her influence, guidance, discussions, timely
interactions, and overall coordination of the program as being instrumental in their success.
Many of the participants cited, “She has a Ph.D. and I never met someone with a doctorate
before her.” They highlighted the counseling classes and mentor component of the program,
campus tours, cultural events, her day-to-day interventions as a counselor, and ongoing
communications as colleagues and friends.
Emiliano worked with Dr. Prospero while he was enrolled at Esperanza College, and he
has maintained a relationship with her since 1998. He explained that in Colombian culture, close
family friends would be called “mi tía or tío” (my aunt or uncle) and that person would look after
you and make sure your basic needs were met, but they were outside of your nuclear family.
Emiliano characterized Dr. Prospero as the following:
Have you ever heard the term, Jesus wept? Well, Dr. Prospero wept. She had real
compassion for us. She also gave me tough love because I told her, after finishing my
bachelor’s degree at UCLA, “Look, uh, I don’t know if I want to get a master’s degree.
And I’m, I’m dumb.” She said, “No, you are being fucking stupid?” And, of course, we
proceeded to formulate a plan.
Emiliano commented that he counted on her to keep him focused on his goals. They had
established a trust and mutual respect, which allowed them to establish a meaningful
relationship.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 82
Similarly, Paulo recounted his experience with the project’s counseling component. The
Puente Project’s content focused on issues of identity and asked students to look at themselves
and explore their values, beliefs, and goals. He described,
I learned a lot about who I am, about my race, my background ethnicity. My counselor
was influential and authentic. There wasn’t a disconnect in terms of not feeling
comfortable with going to her for anything or any issue that you deal with that may be
outside of school.
It was more than just a professional relationship; Paulo explained that, “She probably knows
everything about my life.” He elaborated on how she was a role model for all of her students: “I
was able to learn from her being Latina and from her experiences growing up in the Latino
culture and community, and she had financial similarities and I admired her passion for
education.”
English composition and linguistic capital. During the interviews, each participant was
asked to describe their experiences working with the English professor? Within each English
class, students were exposed to a variety of topics and authors, including Latino/a literature,
other minority authors, and traditional literature found within the English canon. Students were
challenged to write about their experiences growing up and to tell their stories. The majority of
the participants reported that this was the first time in their educational careers that they had been
asked to do so. Nine participants identified their writing skills as a major source of anxiety, but
as a result of Puente, they experienced significant attitude changes as well as skill improvement
and became proficient writers, which improved their confidence as students. In addition, four
participants referenced Latino literature as a source of major interest, motivation, and
empowerment.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 83
Fidel characterized Dr. Quinn’s approach as being “super perfectionist. Her expectations
of us were maybe a little bit too high, but I did come out of Puente definitely a better writer. I
know that some of the lessons she taught come up in my daily life.” He commented that, “At the
beginning, I was a terrible writer. At the end, I would say I was mediocre but now, I would say
I’m much better.” When asked about his experience in the English class, Alejandro admitted that
he struggled with his writing skills. Although he felt a great deal of motivation and
determination, he needed to work on his writing. He was most impacted by the relationship that
he was able to establish with Dr. Quinn. He described “She was invested in us and she cared
about us. When we turned in an assignment, she would give it back to us and say here you need
to learn from this.” Alejandro was asked to characterize his level of confidence in terms of his
academic abilities when he transferred to CSU Fullerton. He smiled and exclaimed, “I was pretty
confident you know. I felt like they taught me the skills that I needed to be successful and here I
am.”
Latino/a literature. At least seven participants indicated that they had not read a Latino
author in English prior to the Puente Project. Four indicated that they were inspired, angered, and
motivated to read stories that reflected their Latino culture and history. Simón was asked to
describe his experiences in the Puente Project and referenced the books and stories that were
read. Simón described how his interest was captured: “We read certain books and I was able to
relate to it because of my heritage.” He went on to say,
When I was in high school and in middle school, I never raised my hand because my first
language was Spanish, and that’s all I talked. She spoke with us with sympathy, but then
there’s empathy, and that’s how she spoke to us, empathetically because she understood
our struggle.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 84
In terms of his writing, Puente challenged and elevated him to a new level of understanding of
how to write. He stated, “When you write about stuff that you’re passionate about, it made it
easier.”
Simón was animated in explaining how he felt about reading some of the Latino literature
and how it challenged him to think critically and formulate his arguments. Simón reiterated the
significance of growing up in a Spanish-speaking home because many old stories, superstitions,
and clichés were told to provide guidance and life lessons, but they came from old wives’ tales or
were rooted in cultural mysticism to answer the unexplained and to downright instill fear to
control your behavior. He described,
I heard stories of La Llorona and now I realize that she’s La Malinche. I know where
they’re coming from. I was like, “What the hell? Who said that stuff?” Man, my mom’s
been lying to me this whole time.
Puente challenged him to open his eyes and to start taking ownership of why he was there.
Simón commented that his confidence was based on hard work.
Mentors providing social and cultural capital. The third component of the Puente
Project is the mentor program. Esperanza’s Puente Project implemented both one-on-one mentor
cohorts and peer-mentors who are former Puente students providing peer mentoring, tutoring,
and social support. Each model of mentoring provides students aspirational, cultural, and social
capital. Six participants were matched with a one-on-one mentor. The other four experienced a
peer mentoring model which matched and created opportunities for students to interact with each
other. Of those who were matched one-on-one, two communicated that their mentor failed to
follow through with their scheduled meetings or were forced to reschedule.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 85
Jesus was matched with one of the ethnic studies and African American history
professors at Esperanza College. This relationship changed Jesus’s life because, once they met
and he began to take classes with his mentor, his passion for history and the social sciences grew.
Mr. Tibbs encouraged Jesus to transfer to a UC campus and instilled the notion that he could go
on to graduate school and earn an advanced degree. He stated, “I took the courses he encouraged
me to do, and he singled me out and told me, ‘you got a lot of potential and you can go to
graduate school or further.’” Mr. Tibbs was the first to reinforce the possibility of graduate
school for him. Jesus has remained close friends and colleagues with Mr. Tibbs after 10 years.
Jesus has completed his fourth year of a Ph.D. program in history and he occasionally reaches
out to Mr. Tibbs for guidance and comradery.
In contrast, Emiliano was critical of the mentor component and alluded to the fact that his
mentor did not show up to the initial event when they were matched. He stated,
I had a sorry-ass mentor. Whenever I say I’m going to do something, you saw me show
up. Why wouldn’t a mentor sell you his timeshare? You must be a salesman. What makes
you think you can’t hustle this kid into a better life? You’re a salesman. You’re not a
mentor; you’re selling a better way of life.
Emiliano exclaimed that we are competing with the gangs for the heart and minds of Latino
young men and women, and education is an investment with a long-term return. As these kids
seek immediate gratification, they need money. He stated, “The Latino/a community needs
‘hope’ in the form of education, but right now we are losing. There isn’t enough Puente Projects
to go around.”
Puente project highlights. This section is connected to the guiding question, “How do
former Puente participants describe the role of the Puente Project in their transfer process and
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 86
completion of their bachelor’s degrees?” Participants were asked to describe significant
experiences that provided them with motivation or encouragement. During the course of a two
semester academic year, the Puente Project’s agenda includes events and activities outside of the
classroom, such as cultural events, motivational conferences, campus tours, speakers, picnics,
and mentor receptions. Several participants discussed the impact that the campus tours had on
them in terms of exposure to the UCs and CSUs as well as the physical contact with those
campuses.
Campus tours. Nine participants communicated that the campus tours were sources of
motivation to transfer and provided them options that they were not aware of. Ruben decided to
transfer to UCSC based on the campus tour to Northern California. He referenced this trip as a
source of motivation that stood out during his remaining years at Esperanza College. He stated,
“When I set foot on Santa Cruz, I remember it, and I told someone, “Hey I’m going to go here.”
Similarly, Fidel was also enticed by UCSC and commented,
Doctor P. organized a trip up to Northern California to visit Berkeley, Santa Cruz, and
maybe one or two others. Those trips were great and it opened my eyes to those
universities. I really had it in my mind that if I were to go for a master’s degree, I would
definitely go to UC Santa Cruz.
These campus tours were significant for most students, including Alejandro. He commented, “I
recall visiting universities. I know we went to UC San Diego and Cal State Fullerton, so I
recalled that. And, for me it was just important to kind of like visualize myself there.”
Another example highlighted by the majority of the participants was exposure to UC and
CSU admissions officers during campus tours and in-class presentations. According to Trinidad,
this experience was pivotal for him because it was the first time he had a direct interaction with
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 87
anyone from the UC system. He stated, “In class, an admissions officer from UC Berkeley
presented, and I had finally met someone who had the power to let you in or not. After class, I
chased that lady down to the parking lot.” Trinidad highlighted this experience because it was
what he was looking for, which was clearly defined criteria for admissions to the top UCs. He
now understood the standards and how hard he needed to work to achieve his goals.
Theme 7: The Transfer Process
Nine participants transferred to public institutions. Four of them transferred to the UC
system, four transferred to a CSU, and one attended a private institution. Although research has
shown there are first-generation, low-income, and underrepresented students admitted to some of
the more competitive UCs and CSUs, the data also show they do not earn degrees for reasons
such as finances, housing, academic support, family problems, and access to student services.
Each participant was asked to identify challenges and how they dealt with them as well as
successful experiences. There were two salient issues identified in nine of interviews: initial
culture shock and the loss of community.
Culture shock. Upon transferring to the university, eight participants communicated that
they experienced forms of culture shock, both socially and academically. First, Jesus felt
confident in his writing skills when he transferred to UC Berkeley, but there was a shock being in
an environment in which he was very visibly a minority. He stated, “At Cal, when I got my I.D.
number, the guy handing out the card, was like “Jesus [English pronunciation]? Your name is
Jesus? The entire room became silent and still as if the second coming of Jesus had begun.” He
commented how growing up in the barrio there were five Jesus [Spanish pronunciation] in his
junior high school. He felt very self-conscious of his name, but overcame it. Secondly, the
university was so large that an average discussion group was about 50 people, and the academic
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 88
rigor was much more demanding, so he learned to actively pursue office hours to interact with
his professors.
Trinidad highlighted that he missed the relationship with Dr. Prospero when he
transferred to UC Berkeley. Trinidad pointed out that he relied on the trust and sense of
community he experienced in Puente. He explained, “There was nobody on the other side to
welcome you. You step on to the campus, and you are on your own.” He described, “I got there,
but that was kind of a shock to me. I could not find anyone to help me, to give me guidance once
I got there. That is something that I am still kind of mad about.” He stated, “At Cal, the incoming
transfer student versus the incoming freshman don’t understand each other. Academically, I felt a
shock because I was going from earning straight A’s, and suddenly getting into Cal, I got my ass
kicked.” Trinidad commented that his transfer experience still haunted him years later. He
recommended “a focus on helping students connect with student services and resources at the
four-year institutions. I went to people, but they didn’t understand the transfer experience.”
Loss of community. The majority of the participants identified the loss of a supportive
community once they transferred to the university. Seven participants communicated that they
felt isolated and recognized how much they relied on Puente and the sense of community they
felt at Esperanza College, but they learned to adjust their focus on their academics versus their
social status. Fidel struggled with finding the same level of support that he found in the Puente
Project. He described that, during one of the transfer tours to CSU Fullerton, there was a
presentation by MEChA, and he felt that it would have been an option to establish a supportive
community similar to Puente. He stated, “MEChA would have been a great way to connect with
people at CSU Fullerton. I avoided it because they were a little too militant, and they weren’t
open. If you didn’t speak Spanish, you weren’t one of them.” When he transferred, he found
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 89
himself isolated, so he turned to the archery club for social interaction and support. Fidel
explained that he kept in touch with Dr. Prospero: “I met several Latino male transfer students at
CSU Fullerton who were ready to graduate and then received a notice that they still needed
classes, and, due to financial hardship, they walked away and never completed their bachelor’s
degree.” He stated he remains in contact with Puente friends, and they attend birthdays and
family gatherings. He made a commitment not to lose touch with his fellow Puentistas.
Theme 8: Personal and Professional Success
In the process of designing the protocols for this interview, there is an underlying
examination of human potential that has been tapped into, and the outcome has been successful
baccalaureates. Specifically, this study has examined the impact that the Puente Project had on
these particular Latino males. Each participant was asked how he felt or thought about his
success. Nine of them acknowledged that, from a cultural perspective, humility is a common trait
among Latinos, and participants stated they did not want to be perceived as arrogant or as
bragging when asked about their success. In each response, there were extended pauses and the
majority of the participants struggled to answer the question. Overall, their responses were
revealing and personal.
Trinidad is working for NBC in Washington, DC, as one of 11 producers nationally and
the only Latino male. He explained,
NBC and Telemundo are under the same parent company, so I am the only department
head who is fluent in English and Spanish. I am the only person who actually knows what
the heck is going on inside both of these networks. There are department heads, and their
expertise is in English, so they have no idea what the content is for Telemundo. For the
first time in my life being bilingual actually mattered and it got me where I wanted to be.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 90
He smiled and commented, “So, needless to say, my mom is immensely proud. We came from
humble beginnings. We have home in a blue collar city, and now I have a great career, a great
future, and I am getting paid very well.” Simón commented, “Back in high school, if you had
asked people who is the least likely person to succeed, my name would have been in the top
five.”
Conclusion
In summary, this chapter provided the descriptions of 10 Latino males who participated in
the Puente Project and earned bachelor’s degrees. The study’s protocols and one-on-one
interviews elicited eight themes: (1) the impact of acculturation and immigration, (2) poverty, (3)
Familismo and maternal influence, (4) bi-cultural identity, (5) first-generation college students,
(6) the impact of the Puente Project, (7) the transfer process, and (8) personal and professional,
The data provided insight on the educational experiences of each participant throughout the
entirety of their educational journeys. For many of the participants, their experiences in Puente
were meaningful, based on their age and their level of maturity. In some cases, they were
challenged for the first time in their academic careers to look at themselves as scholars, and they
were pushed to perform academically, which allowed them to develop confidence and
competency. Ultimately, students communicated that they found a community of peers and a
sense of connection that motivated and inspired them to excel. In addition, students were
exposed for the first time to UC and CSU admissions criteria and academic standards that
clarified for them what exactly was expected of them to be successful academically and in the
transfer process.

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 91
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This study explored the impact of the Puente Project on Latino males who have
participated in the program and transferred from a community college to a four-year college or
university and earned bachelor’s degrees. This chapter provides analysis of the data and
discusses the five themes that emerged from the study and which are important in the
examination and assessment of the Puente Project’s influence: (a) the process of acculturation
and immigration, (b) bi-cultural identity, (c) familismo and maternal influence, (d) first-
generation college students, (e) the impact of the Puente Project.
Discussion of the Findings
This study examined the three components of the Puente Project: (1) English
composition, (2) counseling, and (3) mentoring. The data support the impact that the Puente
Project had on each student. For many of the participants, experiences in Puente were timely,
based on their age and their level of maturity. Some were challenged for the first time in their
academic careers to look at themselves as scholars and to perform academically, which allowed
them to develop confidence and competence. Participants found a community of peers and a
sense of connection that motivated and inspired them to excel. The following research questions
guided this study:
1. What assets and abilities do successful Latino males possess that assist in their
educational achievement?
2. What contributed to the success of Latino males in the community college
environment?
3. How do former Puente participants describe the role of the Puente Project in their
transfer process and completion of their bachelor’s degree?
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 92
The interviews uncovered rich data derived from the participant’s childhood experiences
growing up in their homes and neighborhoods, their educational experiences in K-12, the
community college setting, and the four-year colleges and universities.
There was diversity in participants’ ethnic backgrounds and experiences. Seven of the
participants identified as having a Mexican (Chicano) background; six were born in the United
States, and one was born in Mexico. Among the three remaining participants, one identified as
Colombian, one identified as Honduran, and one identified as Salvadoran. As a group, they were
representative of the diversity within the larger Latina/o community. The disaggregation of the
data revealed stories of immigration from war torn countries, poverty, personal hardships,
trauma, financial challenges, abuse and neglect, gang violence, and low academic expectations as
well as a sense of familia, cultural pride, love, community, identity development and
transformation, and academic and professional success.
Theoretical Examination of Findings
This study utilized Torres’ (1993, 2003) bicultural orientation model, to analyze the data,
because it most accurately frames the participant’s experiences with immigration and the
acculturation process in their identity formation. Two additional theories guided the analysis:
Solórzano and Yosso’s (2001) CRT, and (2) Yosso’s (2001) model of community cultural
wealth. Table 5 shows each theme categorized by theoretical framework.

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 93
Table 5
Themes Organized by Theoretical Frameworks
Theoretical Frameworks Themes
Bi-Cultural Orientation Model
(Torres 1999, 2003)

Theme 1: The Process of Acculturation and Immigration
status

Theme 2: Bi-Cultural Identity

Critical Race Theory (Solórzano
& Yosso, 2001)
Theme 3: First-generation College Students

Community Cultural Wealth
(Yosso, 2002)

Theme 4: Familismo and Maternal Influence

Theme 5: The Impact of the Puente Project

Bi-Cultural Orientation Model
Acculturation and Immigration Status
In the interviews, the first theme of acculturation and immigration emerged as
participants described their childhood relationships and experiences at home with their families
and communities, and their evolution as students. The first and fourth theme highlighted in this
section also addressed the first research question, “What assets and abilities do successful Latino
males possess that assist in their educational achievement?”
Every participant had a parent or both parents who were immigrants to the United States,
and they were raised in homes that maintained traditional immigrant cultures and traits. Two of
the participants were born outside of the United States: Diego was born in Mexico and Emiliano
was born in Colombia. The challenge of maintaining their traditional immigrant culture and traits
while simultaneously adapting and assimilating into the mainstream culture of education was a
challenge for each participant.
To better understand Latino male identity development and how they identify ethnically,
it is important to understand the acculturation process. Torres (1999, 2003) developed the
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 94
bicultural orientation model which demonstrated a correlation between acculturation and ethnic
identity among Latino college students. Torres (2003) found that that there was not an advantage
to being in a particular orientation and that each one presented unique set of stressors, dynamics,
and challenges that students address in different, yet equal ways. Students who chose to identify
with the mainstream culture were not forced to diminish their identity with their culture of origin.
Although the participants were ethnically diverse, there was at least one participant who met
each cultural orientation of the model, but the majority of them aligned with the Latino and
marginal orientations based on their level of acculturation and being first-generation in the
United States.
Paulo felt less comfortable identifying himself ethnically and felt that he did not
experience challenges that could be associated with the immigrant experience. He felt that the
Puente Project’s emphasis on cultural and ethnic identity allowed him to explore and become
more aware of his cultural identity and to formulate a level of self-determination and confidence.
His identity formation in the Puente Project and subsequent experiences at UCLA supported
Torres’ (2003) assertion that students who come from a diverse environment tend to have a
strong sense of ethnic identity and were more likely to enjoy the diversity around them.
In contrast, students who came from environments where they were the majority did not
see themselves as in the minority until they arrived on the predominantly White campus (Torres,
2003). At the time of the interviews, each participant demonstrated high levels of acculturation
and bicultural identity, which is consistent with the bicultural orientation model. In each
interview, the participants acknowledged that there was a moment, a series of events, or an
assignment that forced them to mitigate the intersection of their race and gender to survive their
home life, their neighborhood, and the academic settings that proved to be challenging to them.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 95
Many of participants articulated that they had to leave some things and people behind to move
forward in their lives and complete their education.
Immigration
The acculturation process addresses the experiences of immigrants into the United States
mainstream culture. Robert Chang (1999) argued that the concern over immigration to the United
States is inseparable from stereotyping Mexicans [Latino/as] as “illegal aliens” and socially
constructing Mexicans as criminal, foreign, and the other. The majority of participants
experienced various forms of discrimination and racism throughout their lives. According to
Torres et al. (2003), the first concern is the phenomenon of oppression and acculturation to the
majority culture and how this process impacts immigrants and children of immigrants. Several
interview questions were designed to elicit data, such as significant relationships with siblings,
experiences in their homes and school, and experiences in their communities.
The impact of immigration directly influenced the process of acculturation for many
participants. In many cases, their parents had limited fluency in English, which required
participants to code switch back and forth from Spanish while at home and English at school and
affected their writing skills and confidence to speak up in the classroom.
Bicultural Identity
Seven participants were able to self-identified and acknowledge they were multicultural
as a result of their participation in the Puente Project and their level of education. The findings
indicate that identity development for participants encompassed both bicultural models and
multidimensional models, including the culture of the neighborhood or community that presented
additional challenges and barriers that successful Latino males must navigate.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 96
The participants were asked how they felt and related to their cultural identity. The
conceptual idea behind bi-cultural orientation is to understand the nuances among the Latino
college student population by exploring the choices they have made between their culture of
origin and the mainstream culture of the United States (Torres, 2003). This study identified and
reinforced that Latino males navigate the cultures of the mainstream society, their
neighborhoods, and their culture of origin. Seven participants described how they grew up in
predominately Latino and African American communities. They described that there was a
significant number of immigrant families and that immigration was a common experience, as
were gang activity, violence, and drugs.
Several of the participants acknowledged that once they attended Esperanza College and
participated in the Puente Project, they were introduced to the concept of identity and had to
learn how to assimilate into the college culture. Puente forced them to examine their past
experiences, how they had grown up assimilating their family’s culture of origin and the culture
of the neighborhood and schools, and how this assimilation affected their roles as students. They
developed attributes and skills that allowed them to be keen navigators of their environments,
they learned to be observant and to persevere. Some were bilingual, yet all were bicultural and
determined to succeed. Puente provided a context that allowed them to tap into their potential
and to apply their skills sets in an academic setting. For some, it has taken many years and
careful reflection to ask why it took so long to be introduced to these concepts of race, ethnicity,
and identity.
Critical Race and Latino Critical Theories
Critical Race Theory (CRT) and LatCrit were utilized as theoretical frameworks and lenses for
analyzing the participants’ experiences. This analysis addressed the second research question,
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 97
“What contributed to the success of Latino males in the community college environment?” The
interview process produced stories filled with examples of how these Latino males countered the
narrative that Latino males are under achievers or not capable of excelling in higher education.
Critical Race Theory and Latino critical theories were used to allow participants’ individual
voices and narratives to assess and evaluate the Puente Project’s curriculum, practices, and
strategies that promoted their success at Esperanza College and in transferring. The Puente
Project provided an academic program that integrates both instruction and student services to
address the intersections of race, gender, poverty, literacy, and cultural capital. Implicit in their
responses was an array of abilities, assets, and personal qualities that demonstrated how these
individuals countered the narrative of unsuccessful Latino males.
First-Generation College Students
The use of counter-narrative and storytelling as a methodology for research allows for a
deeper exploration and examination of participants’ experiences in terms of what happened at
each step of the educational pipeline and how their needs can be addressed. All participants were
first-generation citizens in the United States and experienced various levels of acculturation. As
first-generation college students, low-income, academically underprepared, several of the
participants shared a common experience of having to work, which resulted in gaps in their
education. The findings support the assertion that there is a cultural expectation that requires
them to work, and working satisfies criteria of what it means to be a man (Sáenz & Ponjuan,
2011). The reality for many Latino males is that the family’s well-being remains a priority
(Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 1995; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008).
The data were consistent with the findings from a previous study conducted by Nora and
Crisp (2009) that examined the persistence rates of Latino males in the CCC. Most of their data
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 98
were derived from a community college perspective, and a general pattern is presented that
suggested that Latina/o students face challenges completing their identified academic goals in a
timely manner. The data identified differences in educational attainment for Latina/o students
that included attendance patterns, delay of entry into college, time to degree completion, and
semester credit hours earned.
The data from this study provide a compelling explanation for the enrollment patterns for
many Latino students. The findings were consistent and highlighted the importance of the Puente
Project’s recruitment strategies to look for males of all ages and ethnicities as well as a focus on
other student support services, such as financial aid, tutoring, and counseling. Each of the
participants indicated that the need to work directly influenced their decisions to enroll on a part-
time basis and take breaks in enrollment to work to pay for their educational expenses.
Gaps in Education
Eight participants shared a common experience of having gaps in their education because
they needed to work. In each of the examples presented, the participants articulated that, as a
result of the time that they took off from school, they were more focused, mature, and motivated
to earn their bachelor’s degree.
Maturity
All participants were first-generation college students. The majority reported that, as a
result of their first-generation status, work experience, and gaps in enrollment, they gained
maturity and motivation. In the Puente Project, they were provided counseling and academic
guidance that influenced their decisions about managing their time and accessing support
services and resources. Participants recognized and appreciated the opportunity that the Puente
Project provided them, and, in turn, they worked hard and performed academically.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 99
Community Cultural Wealth
Each component of the Puente Project supports the conceptual framework of Community
Cultural Wealth, which is a dynamic array of knowledge, beliefs, skills, abilities, and contacts
possessed and utilized by communities of color to resist and overcome various forms of
oppression (Yosso, 2002). These forms of capital and dynamic processes build on one another.
This study allowed participants to identify and articulate their familial capital, the role their
mothers and family played in their ability to overcome obstacles, and to formulate their identities
as Latino men. The Puente teams and mentor component provided the initial foundation for
participants to develop social capital, which can be understood as networks of people and
community resources. The English component instilled linguistic capital in the participants that
includes intellectual, social, and communication skills, which had a profound influence on
participant’s hopes and dreams for the future.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 100

Figure 3. Model of Community Cultural Wealth (Yosso, 2005).
Familismo and Maternal Influence
The findings supported the concept of familismo, which is a unifying value within the
Latina/o community. Familismo embodies strong feelings of loyalty, responsibility, and solidarity
within the family unit (Marin & Marin, 1991; Sáenz & Ponjuan, 2008; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-
Orozco, 1995). Several of the participants grew up with both parents. Alejandro described his
parents as immigrants to the United States who faced language, economic, and cultural barriers.
He had a strong sense of loyalty and obligation to the family. His parents worked to provide for
his family. Although he communicated that they had limited time to individually support him, he
understood their sacrifice and love for their family.
Navigational
Capital
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 101
The majority of the participants described how their mothers influenced their overall
success. Although the literature indicates that the value of familismo is primarily a paternal
characteristic, each participant described their perceptions about how their parents felt about
their education, and every participant identified their mother as the primary support. Six
participants were raised by single mothers. The remaining four had both parents at home, but
they had varying degrees of interactions with their fathers. Most participants stated that their
mothers exhibited higher levels of interest and communicated emotional support or participation
in school activities. Also, their mothers were the primary sources of income, role-modeled hard
work, and reinforced familismo.
The participants told stories about their mothers and the influence they had on their
ability to endure and persevere. There are four salient concepts that came out of this section: (a)
their mothers were limited in their ability to offer academic help with math or English homework
due to their lack of education and language barriers, (b) their mothers worked to provide for their
basic needs, (c) each participant’s mother had a great deal of influence over his decision-making,
and (4) these women at the fringe of our society are the driving force behind the Latino
community and need to be acknowledged and partnered with to increase Latino males’ success
rates.
Counseling Relationships and Cultural Capital
The findings supported previous research that has shown the significance and key role the
counselor plays in the success of Puente students. The findings from this study reinforced the
necessity for a supportive counseling relationship that provides social capital. These peer and
other social contacts can provide both instrumental and emotional support to navigate through
educational institutions (Gilbert, 1982; Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Each participant reported that
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 102
their relationship and experiences working with the Puente counselor changed their lives. All ten
participants reported that the counselor provided them unconditional acceptance, guidance,
discussions, time, and love. They indicated that she was timely with her interactions, and her
overall coordination of the program was instrumental in their success. Participants highlighted
the counseling classes, the mentor component, campus tours, cultural events, her day-to-day
interventions as a counselor, and ongoing communications as colleagues and friends.
Linguistic Capital
The English component of the Puente Project focuses on students’ linguistic traditions
and abilities by asking them to write and share their personal stories. This sharing develops their
academic writing skills and honors many cultures’ rich oral traditions of storytelling (Faulstich
Orellana, 2003). Students were challenged to write about their experiences growing up, and to
tell their stories. The majority of the participants reported that this was the first time in their
educational careers that they had been asked to do so. The findings support the utilization of
Latina/o literature as an effective vehicle to promote the writing process for Latina/o students.
This methodology recognizes elements of community cultural wealth: linguistic capital, familial
capital, and resistant capital (Freire, 1970, 1973; Giroux, 1983; McLaren, 1994; Delgado Bernal,
1998; Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001).
Mentors Providing Social and Cultural Capital
The findings support the value of the mentor component. Each Puente team implements a
one-on-one, group, or a peer-mentor model. Each option supports aspirational capital, familial
capital, social capital, navigational capital, and resistant capital. Traditionally, the statewide
Puente Project trains and recommends that each campus attempt to provide a one-on-one
mentoring experience for the students. In this model, students are matched based on various
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 103
factors such as gender, major interests, career goals, and identified needs of the particular
student. Six of the participants were matched with a one-on-one mentor. The other four
experienced a peer mentoring model. Of those who were matched one-on-one, two
communicated that their mentors failed to follow through with their scheduled meetings or were
forced to reschedule.
Implications for Policy and Practice
Findings from this study may be used to inform the CCCCO, the Puente Project
Statewide Office, administrators, student affairs practitioners and instructors on how to better
serve Latino males, a growing and underserved population in higher education. Participants
reported that the Puente Project provided them holistic experiences that promoted their
successful completion of undergraduate studies, and these data can be used to replicate the
Puente Project model to serve all students in the CCC.
Recommendation 1
The topic of acculturation should be added to counseling or personal development
curriculum within the CCC. The process of acculturation is a common experience for many
students within the CCC. The findings from this study support Torres’ (2003) assertion that
diversity among the Latino college student population is of significance and nuanced in terms of
acculturation and assimilation status. Exploring the choices they make between their culture of
origin and the mainstream culture of the United States may reveal behaviors and choices that
lead to their success. These data can be used to inform student services practices and curriculum
development. The challenge of maintaining their traditional immigrant culture and traits while
adapting and assimilating into the mainstream culture of education was a challenge for each
participant.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 104
The growth of the Latina/o population suggest that level of acculturation varies based on
generational differences, but it serves as a significant challenge and, in some cases, a barrier for
Latino males who are not succeeding as compared to other groups of students. An increased
awareness among educators can improve their ability to teach students. This would require that
the topic of acculturation be added to professional development curriculums on an institutional
and systemic basis. It is crucial for the acculturation process to be named and contextualized for
the students, so they have a better understanding of what they are experiencing and how their
decision-making, self-efficacy, and skill development can improve.
Recommendation 2
Familismo and maternal influence are concepts and values commonly found in the
Latino/a community and should be included when designing student services and retention
programs in the CCC. To enhance the success of Latino males, the CCC and the Puente Project
may focus outreach efforts and orientations to target the mothers of these students. There needs
to be an intentional and strategic partnering with their primary supporters: their mothers.
Recommendation 3
The mentor component should be mandated in each Puente Project and the model
expanded to other retention programs in the CCC. The mentor component is a form of social
capital that is passed from the mentor to the students. The findings showed that participants
needed to feel connected to their campus, and these relationships provide that connection. The
role and ability to mentor a student needs to be expanded from the counselor to include faculty
and staff. Whether participant experienced a positive or negative relationship with their mentor,
the concept of mentoring was introduced and they understood the value of it in their community.
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 105
The mentor component should be emphasized and supported with adequate training, staff
support, and funding.
Recommendation 4
Students need support after they transfer. Several students described their initial transfer
experiences as “culture shock.” Students communicated that they left behind a community of
peers and a sense of connection that motivated them, and they felt isolated once they transferred.
The participants stressed the importance of being exposed to transfer support programs and
personnel in the CSU and UC systems. Specifically, nine participants went to public universities,
UCs and CSUs. Each of them communicated a degree of struggle once they transferred.
Although research has shown first-generation, low-income, and underrepresented students as
successful at some of the more competitive UCs and CSUs, the data also show that some do not
complete their degrees for reasons such as finances, housing, academic support, family problems,
and access to student support services. The CSU and UC should actively recruit Latino males
and employ strategic strategies to retain them to ensure they earn bachelor’s degrees.
Recommendations for Future Research
In response to the dearth of research on the Latina/o community, specifically Latino
males, there is a need for more understanding of these students in higher education. Both
quantitative and qualitative research needs to explore retention and completion rates of Latino
males after transferring to a four-year university. In addition, the issue of acculturation is
prevalent for Latino males and needs to be studied to better understand how they develop
academic skills, how they cope, and how they thrive in higher education. Future research could
include barriers such as identity formation, poverty, the barrio, academic preparation, and
traditional gender roles that influence Latino males’ decisions and the behaviors that lead to their
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 106
transfer and completion of undergraduate studies. Participants’ responses were revealing,
personal, and possible topics for further research and dialogue on the concepts of success,
networking, and community.
Finally, the CCCCO has imposed a vision for success and introduced three major
initiatives: (a) AB 705 Multiple Measures, (b) Guided Pathways, and (c) Governor’s Funding
Formula. Specifically, AB 705 requires community college districts to maximize the probability
that a student will enter and complete transfer-level coursework in math and English within a
year’s timeframe by utilizing placement measures that include high school performance. The
vision for success is also to replace the CCC Scorecard with new metrics that call for program
completion in three years instead of six. The Puente Project is challenged to modify the English
component by starting students at the college level, which eliminates the one semester
remediation English class that was pivotal in participants’ writing development.
There is a need for research that monitors the impact of AB 705 on Latina/o students
throughout the CCC. This study’s findings support the utilization of multicultural literature as a
vehicle to promote the writing process for Latina/o students. As the Puente Project evolves to a
college level transfer program, their proven practices should be maintained. Potentially, the
Puente English model could inform the co-requisite model that attaches a writing lab to the
freshman composition class to address student’s remedial writing needs. The curriculum in these
courses may include topics of identity, culture, and the acculturation process among others
identified in this study and in related research.
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore and assess the impact that the Puente Project
had on Latino male participants. The findings validated each component of the Puente Project
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 107
and how Puente’s model has a positive impact on Latino males’ transfer and degree completion.
As Latino males remain one of the most underserved and misunderstood segments of the
population, the Puente Project has directly addressed their educational, social, and psychological
needs.
This study explored the program and curriculum design and offered recommendations on
how to scale the Puente model to help students across the CCC. The participants discussed the
issue of identity as central to the Puente Project and how this process of exploration affected
them while at Esperanza College. As a result of participating in the Puente Project, the majority
of the participants communicated a significant amount of confidence and pride in their ethnic
identity and its central role in their status as college graduates, working professionals, and
community leaders.

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 108
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IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 122
APPENDIX A
SOLICITATION EMAIL
Dear Puentista,
My name is Armando Soto and I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern California
(USC). I am conducting a study on the impact that the Puente Project has on Latino males in the
California community colleges.

The purpose of this study is to examine your participation and experiences in the Puente Project,
as well as your transfer experience at your alma mater. You have been chosen to participate
because you have successfully transferred to a four-year college or university and earned your
bachelor’s degree.

Please support my efforts to understand your experiences, so that we can inform the
improvements of student services, academic programs, practices and policies that may serve as
barriers for other students in the community college system.

To get started, please take a brief pre-survey by clicking onto the following link
http://www.surveymonkey.com/r/9/MJJLPJ. The survey will only take 5 minutes or less.

If you are selected and participate, you will receive a $10 Amazon gift card at the end of the
interview or focus group.

If you have questions, please call me (714) 768-3641 or email me at sotoarma@usc.edu. I look
forward to working with you and please do not hesitate to contact me directly with any questions
or concerns.

Thank you,

Armando Soto

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 123
APPENDIX B
SCHEDULING EMAIL–INTERVIEWS

Hello (STUDENT NAME),

Thank you for your email reply. You have been selected to participate in a one-on-one interview
regarding the Puente Project’s impact on Latino male transfer students.

Please respond to this email with your availability on (DATE GOES HERE). A location on the
Change College campus will be reserved for your convenience, and the interview will take 50-60
minutes.

You will receive a $10 Amazon gift card at the end of the interview for your participation.
Please do not hesitate to contact me directly at sotoarma@usc.edu or call me at (714) 768-3641
with any questions or concerns.

I look forward to working with you!

Armando Soto

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 124
APPENDIX C
SCHEDULING EMAIL-FOCUS GROUP

Hello (STUDENT NAME),

Thank you for your email reply. You have been selected to participate in a focus group regarding
the Puente Project’s impact on Latino male transfer students.

Please email me back and let me know if you are available on (DATE GOES HERE). The focus
group will take place at XX on the Change College, and the focus group will take 60-90 minutes.
I will provide pizza and refreshments at the focus group.

You will receive a $10 Amazon gift card at the end of the focus group for your participation.
Please do not hesitate to contact me directly at sotoarma@usc.edu with any questions or
concerns.

I look forward to working with you!

Armando Soto

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 125
APPENDIX D
SURVEY TO PARTICIPANTS
Directions: Please answer the following questions to the best of your ability. All responses will
remain confidential.
1. Have you participated in the Puente Project at College? ____ Yes ____No
2. If you answered “yes” to the previous question, how many years has it been since your
Puente experience? _____________________________________________________
3. Have you graduated from an accredited four-year college or university with your
bachelor’s degree within the past ten years? ____ Yes ____No
4. If you answered “yes” to the previous question, please indicate in what major(s) you
earned your bachelor’s degree in (i.e. Ethnic Studies).
______________________________________________________________________
5. Are you a Chicano/Latino male? ____Yes ____No
6. I am looking for volunteers to participate in either a one-on-one interview or a focus
group. May I contact you for a 50-60 minute interview regarding your experience as a
Puente transfer student? ____Yes ____No
7. If yes, please provide the following contact information.
________________________________ _________________________________
Last Name First Name

Best contact phone number_______________________________________________
Best contact email address________________________________________________

Thank you for your participation
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 126
APPENDIX E
RESEARCH & INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

Interviewer: Before we begin, I feel that it is important to let you know that I am a
former Puente Project student and former Puente Project counselor, so I am familiar with
program. I would be happy to answer any questions regarding my background at the end of the
interview. It is also important to let you know that pseudonyms will be used for any of your
identifiable characteristics (i.e. name). The purpose of this study is to understand and to explore
the impact that the Puente Project has had on Latino males who have participated in the program
and transferred from a community college to a four-year college or university and earned their
bachelor’s degree. Please feel free to be as honest as you are comfortable, and ask any questions
during the interview. Are you comfortable with me audio recording this interview? Do you have
any questions before we start?

1. Did you grow up with both parents at home or in a single parent household?
2. What level of education did your parents complete?
3. How did your parents feel about you pursuing your education?
4. Do you feel like they both supported you equally or did one support more than the other?
Which one? What did that look like? How did that make you feel?
5. How is your relationship with your parents/parent?
6. What impact did this have on how you saw yourself as a student?
7. How many siblings do you have?
8. What is your birth order among your siblings?
9. Do you have a sibling who completed their education?
10. Where did you grow up and where are you from?
11. What were your experience in your neighborhood as a Latino male?
12. How did you identify yourself during this time of your life?
13. Describe your feelings about your race and ethnicity?
14. Do you feel that your ethnicity was a barrier or privilege? Please explain?
IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 127
15. How do you feel about your community college experiences?
16. Did you work while you were a college student? How many hours per week?
17. How old were you when you transferred to a four-year college or university?
18. What personal or academic strengths did you rely on as a college student?
19. Please describe your experiences as a participant in the Puente Project.
20. Describe your experiences working with your Puente English Professor.
21. Describe your experiences working with your Puente Counselor.
22. Describe your experiences working with your Puente Mentor.
23. As a Puente student, what specific experiences, in terms of classroom, activities, events,
field trips, and/or persons that provided you with information, motivation, or
encouragement?
24. How confident were you when you transferred to a four-year college or university?
25. What was most challenging about transferring to a four-year college or university? How
did to address that situation?
26. As a Latino male, what was your most significant triumph or success when you
transferred to a four-year college or university?
27. As a Latino male, how do you feel/think about your success?
Clarifiers:
1. Can you explain what you mean?
2. Will you give me an example?
3. How did you feel when…?
4. How did you think about that?
5. How did you change or address that behavior…?

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 128
APPENDIX E
RESEARCH & FOCUS GROUP QUESTIONS
Interviewer: Before we begin, I feel that it is important to let you know that I am a
Puente Project student and former Puente Project counselor, so I am familiar with program. I
would be happy to answer any questions regarding my background at the end of the interview. It
is also important to let you know that pseudonyms will be used for any of your identifiable
characteristics (i.e. name). The purpose of this study is to understand and to explore the impact
that the Puente Project has had on Latino males who have participated in the program and
transferred from a community college to a four-year college or university and earned their
bachelor’s degree. Please feel free to be as honest as you are comfortable, and ask any questions
during the interview. Are you comfortable with me audio recording this interview? Do you have
any questions before we start?

1. Do you have a sibling who completed a college degree?
2. What were your experience in your neighborhood as a Latino male?
3. What is your relationship with male friends who did not complete their education or a
college degree versus those that did complete their college degree?
4. Describe your feelings about your race and ethnicity. Has it changed or remained the
same throughout your college career?
5. Do you feel being a Latino male was a barrier or a privilege? Please explain.
6. As a male did you feel comfortable asking another male for support (i.e. peers, counselor,
instructor, family member)? Why or why not?
7. As a Puente student, what specific experiences, in terms of classroom, activities, events,
field trips, and/or persons provided you with information, motivation, or encouragement?
8. Describe your experiences working with your Puente English Professor.
9. Describe your experiences working with your Puente Counselor.
10. Describe your experiences working with your Puente Mentor.

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 129
APPENDIX F
INFORMED CONSENT FORM
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway, Los Angeles, CA 90089-4035

INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

Assessing the Impact of the Puente Project on Latino Males in California Community Colleges

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Armando Soto and Dr. Tracy Tambascia at
the University of Southern California, because you are a Latino male who has participated in the Puente
Project and successfully transferred from a community college to a four-year college or university and
earned your bachelor’s degree. Your participation in this study is voluntary. You should read the
information below, and ask questions about anything you do not understand, before deciding whether to
participate. Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. You may also decide to
discuss participation with your family or friends. If you decide to participate, you will be asked to sign
this form. You will be given a copy of this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This study is a doctoral dissertation investigating the experiences of Latino males who have participated
in the Puente Project and successfully transferred and earned their bachelor’s degree.
This qualitative study is concerned with examining how the Puente Project has impacted Latino male
students.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked to take part in an anonymous one hour,
tape-recorded interview and/or focus group with Armando Soto regarding your experiences as Latino
male Puentistas. During the interview and focus group, no identifying information will be collected. You
will be asked to share some of your classroom, school, peer, and university faculty experiences
encountered while a student in the Puente Project, in the community college setting, and at the four-year
college or university that you transferred to and graduated from (alma mater).

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks to participants associated with this study.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
Potential benefits to society arise from a clearer understanding of the Latino male experience in the
community college system. The purpose of this study is to explore the impact that the Puente Project has
had on Latino males who have participated in the program and transferred from a community college to a
four-year college or university and earned their bachelor’s degree. The Puente Project provides students a
holistic support system in an academic setting that allows students to explore their cultural identity, while
developing assets, abilities, competencies, and skill sets that contribute to their success. Ultimately, the
benefit is an increased transfer and graduation rates for Latino males.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
There will be a $10 gift card for participation in this study.

IMPACT OF THE PUENTE PROJECT ON LATINO MALES 130
CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. Any identifiable
information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential and will be disclosed only
with your permission or as required by law. However, if we are required to do so by law, we will disclose
confidential information about you. The members of the research team, the funding agency and the
University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data.
The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
Only members of the research team will have access to the data associated with this study. The data will
be stored solely in the researcher’s personal computer hardware. Participants have the right to review the
transcript of their interview only. The recordings will not contain any personally identifiable information.
Transcripts and information gathered will not be released to any other parties, and will be held by the
researcher for three years. When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no
identifiable information will be used.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of benefits to
which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue
participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study.

EMERGENCY CARE AND COMPENSATION FOR INJURY
If you are injured as a direct result of research procedures not done primarily for your own benefit, you
will receive medical treatment; however, you or your insurance will be responsible for the cost. The
University of Southern California does not provide any monetary compensation for injury.

INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Armando Soto at
sotoarma@usc.edu and, or Dr. Tracy Tambascia at tpoon@usc.edu.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT–IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant you may contact
the IRB directly at the information provided below. If you have questions about the
research and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone independent of the
research team, please contact the University Park IRB (UPIRB), Office of the
Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Stonier Hall, Room 224a, Los Angeles, CA 90089
1146, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Soto, Armando V. (author)

Core Title Assessing the impact of the Puente Project on Latino males in California community colleges

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 10/28/2019

Defense Date 05/13/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag acculturation,Bi-cultural Identity Model,California community college,community cultural wealth,critical race theory,first-generation college students,Latino males,OAI-PMH Harvest,Puente Project,transfer process

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tambacia, Tracy (committee chair), DeLong, Renee (committee member), Hinga, Briana (committee member)

Creator Email soto_armando@sac.edu,sotoarma@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-230199

Unique identifier UC11673382

Identifier etd-SotoArmand-7889.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-230199 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-SotoArmand-7889.pdf

Dmrecord 230199

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Soto, Armando V.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA