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Stories of persistence and courage: undocumented students' educational experience enrolled at a 4-year institution

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Stories of persistence and courage: undocumented students' educational experience enrolled at a 4-year institution

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Content Running head: UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 1
STORIES OF PERSISTENCE AND COURAGE: UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’
EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCE ENROLLED AT A 4-YEAR INSTITUTION
by
Joanna Flores
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
(Education (Leadership))
May 2020
Copyright 2020 Joanna Flores
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 2
DEDICATION
I want to first thank my immigrant parents for instilling their hard work ethic, humility
and persistence in me. Thank you for all your sacrifices and courage. Los quiero mucho mami y
papi. I also want to dedicate this work to my loving husband who stood by me from the
beginning to the end of this journey. Finally, thank you to the light of my life, my sweet
daughter, for your patience to help me accomplish this goal. I hope you are proud of your mami,
Miss Daya Stell Partha. It took much family sacrifice to cross the finish line. We did it! I love
you all.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 3
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I want to thank my committee members for their dedication and guidance. Thank you
Professor Tobey for always cheering me on to stay focus and persistent. My deepest thanks to
Professor Baca for taking the time to meet with me and answer all my questions. Your
knowledge and passion for this area of research in inspiring. Professor Combs, thank you for
your enthusiasm and optimism during this journey. I was also want to give a heartfelt thank you
to my editor, Dr. Guadalupe Garcia Montalvo, for your commitment and kindness during this
project. All of you played key roles in the completion and success of this venture- gracias!
I also want to acknowledge and thank all the mentors in my life who believed in me and
pushed me to be courageous. It is because of the teachings that you provided that I reached such
milestone. A special thank you to Mary Panish, my mentor for over twenty years, who passed
away a few years ago. I will forever miss your advice and the many words of inspiration that
you gave me. Thank you to all my friendships for your encouragement and support!
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
List of Tables 6
List of Figures 7
Abstract 8
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 9
Background of the Problem 10
Statement of the Problem 11
Purpose of the Study 11
Research Questions 11
Significance of the Study 12
Limitations and Delimitations 13
Definition of Terms 13
Organization of the Study 14
Chapter Two: Literature Review 15
Demographics of the Undocumented Population in the United States 15
The 1.5 Generation 17
Undocumented Students’ Right to Higher Education: Legislations and Cases 19
California AB 540 and Martinez v. University of California Regents 21
The California DREAM Act 24
SB 1210 Postsecondary Education: California DREAM Loan Program 24
Federal Legislation: The DREAM Act 25
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals 26
Dream and Promise Act: H.R. 6 27
Policy Ambiguity and Contradictions 28
Factors That Hinder Undocumented Students’ Access to Higher Education 28
Conceptual Framework 30
Summary 33
Chapter Three: Methodology 34
Purpose of the Study 34
Research Questions 35
Site Selection 36
Sample and Population 37
Instrumentation 38
Data Collection 39
Data Analysis 40
Validity 41
Role of the Researcher 41
Chapter Four: Findings 42
A Review of the Participants 43
Alex 43
Barbara 45
Cristian 46
Eva 47
Frida 49
Giselle 50
Isabella 51
Julia 53
Summary of Participants 54
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 5
Opportunities and Challenges 54
Opportunity: College Support Programs 55
Opportunity: Beneficial Legislative Policies 59
Barriers: Affordability 63
Social Support 66
Family 66
Institutional Agents 68
Peer Network 70
Differences by Gender 72
Summary of the Findings 72
Conclusion 73
Chapter Five: Discussion 74
Findings 75
Opportunity: College Support Programs 75
Opportunity: Beneficial Legislative Policies 76
Barriers: Affordability 78
Social Support 80
Implications for Policy and Practice 81
References 84
Appendix A: Final Interview Protocol 93
Appendix B: Consent Form 95
Appendix C: Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix 97

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 6
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Characteristics of Student Survey Participants 38

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 7
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Conceptual framework. 33

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 8
ABSTRACT
Using ecological systems theory, the study’s approach is to generate new theory about the
experience of undocumented students when navigating through a 4-year higher education
institution. In addition, this research seeks to gain a better understanding of the interaction and
shared resources of undocumented students peer network. This study was guided by the
following questions: 1. What are the resources for academic success and barriers that
undocumented students attending a 4-year university experience? 2. What role do family, college
peers or professional educators play in undocumented students’ success in college? The research
used a case study design at Alpha University (AU). Qualitative open-ended interviews were the
primary method of the data collection. To protect the confidentiality and the personally
identifiable information of participants and university pseudonyms will be used.
Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) ecological system theory recognizes five levels of environment
that influence the human development. For this study, I only focused on the microsystem and
mesosystem levels of the ecological system. The ecological system model asserts how the
microsystem is interconnected and influences the mesosystem. The findings support the theory
that the interaction and relationship that students develop among their peer network
(microsystem) and the higher education institution (mesosystem) contribute to their academic
success. Furthermore, the findings demonstrate that the parents’ active role and encouragement
in their children’s desire to attend college have a positive impact in their college development
and attainment. This study concludes that future research with a larger sample of participants is
warranted to more comprehensively capture the academic persistence and graduation rates
among undocumented students.
Keywords: undocumented students, Dreamers, DREAM Act, DACA, social support
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 9
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Migration is not a new phenomenon. People uproot their lives with the notion that
migrating to a new region will provide better opportunities. Today, numerous regions including
Canada, Japan, Denmark, Sweden, United Kingdom and United States struggle to manage the
complexity of global migration (Line & Poon, 2013). Historically, the largest number of
undocumented populations is currently living in the United States (Allard, 2015; Gonzales,
2016). The Center for Immigration Studies estimated that 11.9 million undocumented
immigrants were residing in the United States as of 2014. Of these, 1.8 million account for
undocumented youth (Gonzales, 2009). Undocumented families face many legal, medical,
academic, social and cultural barriers that make life difficult to navigate in the United States
(Gildersleeve, Rumann, & Mondragon, 2010). Undocumented youth endure the same family
struggles and limited opportunities, especially as they try to access higher education
(Gildersleeve et al., 2010; Kantamneni et al., 2016; Wang, 2016).
Undocumented students are trapped in a legal paradox, when applying for college
admissions and financial aid (Gonzales, 2006). Undocumented students in the United States
legally have the right to primary and secondary education but the laws are not explicit when
accessing higher education. Despite these unique challenges, there is limited research on
undocumented students experience upon enrolling in higher education and how institutions are
providing supportive services for this population. The purpose of this study is to help us
understand how undocumented students persist through their post-secondary education. In
addition, this study is interested in learning about undocumented students’ networks and level of
support in their pursuit to higher education.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 10
Background of the Problem
The undocumented population has reached an ultimate high (Gonzales, 2016). Every year
approximately 65,000 undocumented students graduate from high school (National Immigration
Law Center, 2009). Of these graduates, each year, between 5 to 10% enroll in higher education
institution with the majority attending a two-year community college (Gonzales, 2009). Tens of
thousands of these students are raised in the U.S. and identify more with the American culture,
yet because of their legal status they face barriers when pursuing higher education.
Research indicates that when given an opportunity to regularize their status,
undocumented immigrants experience substantial upward mobility. For instance, studies
of undocumented immigrants who received legal status under the 1986 Immigration
Reform and Control Act have found that, over time, legalized immigrants moved on to
significantly better jobs” (Gonzales, 2009, p.13).
The economic benefits that education brings to people and communities has been widely
documented (Kaushal, 2008). Research demonstrates that individuals with higher levels of
education generate higher earnings and pay more in taxes at local, state and federal levels
(Gonzalez, 2009; Hermes, 2008; & Kaushal, 2008). A study conducted by the Department of
Health and Human Services reported that having a high school diploma not only lowers the
probability of receiving public assistance, but individuals who obtain a secondary education earn
an average salary of about 32% above the federal poverty line (National Women’s Law Center,
2007). Gonzales (2009) reports that an undocumented immigrant individual with a college
degree compared to a high school dropout will also pay an average of $5,300 more in taxes and
require $3,900 less in government assistance. Therefore, educating this population can be a great
economic benefit to society.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 11
Statement of the Problem
There is limited research on undocumented students experience attending postsecondary
four-year institutions (Garcia & Tierney, 2011; Hallett, 2013). California is the home to the
largest number of undocumented students (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015). In the last five years,
several California higher education institutions have committed to providing greater resources to
undocumented students by developing safe spaces on campus, such as the Dreamers Resources
Centers (DRC), yet the benefit and utilization of these programs by the undocumented
population is unknown.
Using the ecological systems theory, this one case study approach will learn about
undocumented students’ college experience at AU and how they interact with their network for
college support.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to learn more about undocumented students educational
experience who are enrolled at 4-year college/university and the institutional services offered and
their social networks that support their persistence toward obtaining a college degree. The
following research questions frame the study about undocumented students’ trajectory at a
postsecondary institution.
Research Questions
1. What are the resources for academic success and barriers that undocumented students
attending a 4-year university experience?
2. What role do family, college peers or professional educators play in undocumented
students’ success in college?
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 12
To gain a better understanding of the multiple contextual factors impacting
undocumented students, Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) ecological systems theory is applied to this
study. Undocumented students interact with different environments, which include exchanges
with diverse “people” that positively impact their academic persistence and success. Applying
the ecological systems theory offers a comprehensive lens to better understand undocumented
students’ unique college experiences in terms of the varied interactions and their environments
and also offers educators more in-depth of knowledge of how holistically serve this population.
Significance of the Study
The undocumented population continues to grow and pursue higher education (Gonzales,
2016). However, upon college enrollment, services to support this population’s unique situation
are minimal or not in place (Allard, 2015; Chavez, Soriano, & Oliverez, 2007). Therefore, it is
critical for educators to gain the skills and knowledge to support these students’ success in higher
education. These students’ lives are governed by complex immigration laws so understanding the
legal and policy context of this population is the first step in providing appropriate services for
them.
The primary objective of this study is to share undocumented students’ experiences as
they navigate through a 4-year college institution. Secondly, the aim is to learn more about how
undocumented students support networks and how they positively impact their college
persistence and completion. Lastly, this study will offer recommendations for educators to
provide knowledgeable and meaningful responses to the unique need of the undocumented
population.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 13
Limitations and Delimitations
There are three limitations identified in this study. First, identifying undocumented
students to participate will be challenging since they are a vulnerable population that often
refuses to be identified. Second, there is a limitation with the generalizability of this study since
it will only focus on one institution and program. Consequently, it will be challenging to
determine if the results of this study apply to all undocumented students. Lastly, the researchers
bias is a limitation since I have prior experience working with this population.
Definition of Terms
There are few key terms that are highlighted and used throughout this dissertation.
Citizens/ Documented immigrants: include U.S. citizens, legal permanent residents,
refugees and asylees, temporary legal residents, and naturalized citizens (Schmid, 2013).
Dreamers: The undocumented youth impacted by Deferred Action on Childhood
Arrivals (DACA) program and the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors
(DREAM Act), a bill introduced in the U.S. Senate in 2001 are often referred to as “Dreamers.”
(Truax, 2015).
Undocumented immigrant/unauthorized status: includes persons who entered the U.S.
without legal immigration status or who stayed after the period they were authorized to be here.
In many cases, an undocumented person does not have employment authorization (cannot work
lawfully) and may be deported if discovered by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), a
branch of the Department of Homeland Security (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2011).
Undocumented youth/ unauthorized immigrant youth: a minor foreign born who
entered the U.S. with legal authorization or temporary visa and stay past the date they are
required to leave (Abrego, 2006).
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 14
1.5 Generation: 1.5 generation adolescents whose parents brought them to the United
States at a young age and who are also primarily U.S. educated (Allard, 2015).
Organization of the Study
The dissertation is divided in five chapters. The first chapter provides an overview of the
study. Chapter two provides the literature review beginning with a historical analysis of several
key court rulings and federal and state legislations that impact undocumented students’ rights to
pursue higher education. In addition, this literature review examines specific California (CA)
state laws regarding undocumented students’ right to attend college. A discussion is also
presented about how California higher education institutions, despite the current immigration
policies, are responding to this situation and providing support services to the undocumented
student population. Chapter Three describes the methodology for the data collection and analysis
that was used for this study. Chapter four focuses on the presentation of the data findings.
Chapter five includes a discussion of the findings, implications for practitioners, as well as
recommendations for future research.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 15
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Many undocumented children immigrate to the United States every year through no
choice of their own (Chavez et al., 2007; Gonzalez 2016; Kantamneni et al., 2016). Children
account for 2.1 million of the undocumented immigrant population now living in this country
(Gonzales, 2016). When they arrive, too young to remember their home country, they consider
this country their home because it is where they are raised. They develop a psychological and
social bond and assimilate to the American culture. Yet, in this country, these same children are
perceived as second-class citizens with limited or no resources to access higher education. Even
when undocumented students do enroll in college, they continue to be seen as outsiders and often
struggle with a sense of belonging at their campus (Gonzales, 2016). Although these students
were not born in this country, they have received most of their education in this country.
However, without permanent resident documentation, they are unable to attend college or work
legally in some states. This literature review will provide a historical analysis of several key
court rulings and federal and state legislation that affect undocumented students’ rights to pursue
higher education. In addition, this literature review will examine specific California state laws
regarding undocumented students’ right to attend college. Lastly, a discussion will be presented
about how California higher education institutions, despite current immigration policies, are
responding to this situation and providing support services to the undocumented student
population.
Demographics of the Undocumented Population in the United States
Most undocumented immigrants travel to the United States in search of the American
Dream and upward economic mobility (Kantamneni et al., 2016; Schmid, 2013). The
undocumented immigrant population is defined as foreign-born non-citizens who are not legal
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 16
residents (Abrego, 2006). Most unauthorized residents enter the country illegally or on a
temporary visa and stay past the date they are required to leave (Abrego, 2006; Gonzales &
Raphael, 2017). As a result, the undocumented population is a legally “banned group” who lives
with fear and in the shadows of society with no proper access to jobs, housing, healthcare,
transportation, or financial aid for higher education, depending their state of residence (Abrego,
2008; Degiuli, 2011; Gonzales & Raphael, 2017). Undocumented immigrants’ inability to obtain
a formal job or higher education restricts their efforts to socioeconomic mobility and
contribution to their community. Consequently, this leads undocumented families to pass down
poverty and disadvantages from one generation to the next.
Over decades, the demographics of the undocumented immigrant population have
changed. Prior to the early twentieth century, the majority of the people immigrating to the
United States were of European descent (Passell, 2011). In 1920, 9 out of 10 immigrants who
entered the country were from Europe or Canada (Fass, 2005). Recent immigrants are now from
Mexico, Central America, Asian and Sub-Saharan Africa, and a significant number of this
population is undocumented (Passell & Cohn, 2011; Romero, 2018).
In the early 1900s, when immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe (predominantly
White) were entering the country without legal documentation, the labels of illegal,
undocumented or unauthorized were not used. Schmid (2013) illustrated that the terms of
undocumented, unauthorized or illegal are recent classifications. Ngai (2004) stated that these
terms were not applied until the 1960s, when they were used as prejudiced racial and ethnic
designations towards immigrants from Mexico and Central America. Under President Trump’s
administration, the racist rhetoric aimed at minority groups like Mexicans, Muslims, Caribbeans,
and Blacks, has become more abhorrent than the 1960s (Romero, 2018). This extreme racism
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 17
and discrimination against some minority groups has also resulted in an increase of immigration
raids (Ngai, 2017). The large number of undocumented immigrants living in the country is an
ongoing political concern for the federal government that multiple U.S. presidents have
attempted to ameliorate.
During President George W. Bush’s administration in 2001, steps to control and increase
border safety were enforced, yet about half of a million people continued to illegally immigrate
annually (DHS Office of Immigration Statistics, 2010). The Center for Immigration Studies
(2014) reported that the number of immigrants, documented and not, living in the U.S. reached
its highest in 2014, with 42.4 million. Capps and Passel (2007) also reported that one-third of
immigrants currently living in the country are undocumented. According to Massey (2008), the
majority of illegal immigrants reside in six states: California (26% of the total), Texas (14%),
Illinois (12%), Florida (10%), New York (8%), and New Jersey (4%). Of the 12 million
unauthorized immigrants living in the U.S., approximately 2.5 million are youth under the age of
18 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010; Gonzales, 2016).
The 1.5 Generation
Born in underdeveloped foreign countries and brought by their parents at an early age to
live in the U.S., undocumented youth are referred to as the 1.5 generation (Gonzalez, 2009;
Holloway-Friesen, 2008; Truax, 2015). Rumbaut (2004) developed the term to describe Mexican
undocumented children and youth who migrated to the U.S. at a young age (Allard, 2015;
Degiuli; 2011; Rumbaut, 2004;). The term “1.5 generation” distinguishes these individuals from
the first-generation of undocumented immigrants, who migrate to the U.S. as adults, and the
second generation, individuals born in the U.S. to immigrant parents (Gonzalez, 2009;
Holloway-Friesen, 2008; Gonzales, 2016). Members of the 1.5 generation struggle with their
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 18
identity and are often marginalized by two worlds. They are not accepted as Americans because
they were born abroad, yet their home countries reject them because they do not speak the
language and/or they have adopted American values (Gonzalez, 2009; Holloway-Friesen, 2008).
The duality of this identity is a daily struggle for this population because of its psychological
impact. Rejection and exclusion makes it challenging for them to navigate daily life.
Most undocumented youth come predominantly from low-income families (Abrego,
2008; Tierney & Garcia, 2011). Suarez-Orozco et al. (2015), reported that 30% of undocumented
students live in single-parent households and headed by a person with limited to no formal
primary or secondary education. A majority of these parents are employed in menial service jobs,
sometimes making less than minimum wage. The undocumented workers make up
approximately 50% of the labor force and many of them work in agriculture, construction and
the service sector (Truax, 2015). Because of their illegal status, many of these parents cannot
obtain a social security number and are often victims of inappropriate labor practices
(Kantamneni et al., 2016).
Between 1972 and 2000, the number of minority students enrolled in public schools
increased by 17% (Gonzalez, 2009). In 2000, 39% of students in public schools (K-12) were
minorities, with 15% of these students of undocumented status (Lopez, 2005). Between 65,000
and 80,000 undocumented students graduate from U.S. high schools every year (Chavez et al.,
2007; Kantamneni et al., 2016; Kaushal, 2008). However, only 5% to 10% of these graduates
enroll in college (Suarez-Orozco, et al., 2015).
For years, the issue about whether undocumented students are entitled to a public
education has spurred multiple debates. Several states even proposed policies to ban
undocumented immigrant students from obtaining a primary and secondary education. For
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 19
example, in 1975, Texas enacted legislation allowing school districts to bar undocumented
immigrant students (mainly from Mexico) from enrolling in public institutions (Drachman,
2006). Additionally, in 1994, Proposition 187 passed in California, denying undocumented
immigrants’ public benefits, including access to education (Fung, 2007; Gonzales, 2016).
However, these policies were found unconstitutional in the Supreme Court’s 1982 decision in
Plyler v. Doe (Gonzales, 2016).
Undocumented Students’ Right to Higher Education: Legislations and Cases
In 1982, the Supreme Court of the United States, in a 5 to 4 decision, upheld that all
children and youth, regardless of immigration status, have the right to a public education from
kindergarten to the twelfth grade. The Supreme Court arrived at this conclusion because earlier
cases established that equal protection of the law was “universal in its application to all persons
within the territorial jurisdiction, without regard to any differences of race, of color, or of
nationality” (Lopez, 2005, p. 1385). The principle to provide equal protection to all people
residing in the U.S. was first established in 1886 in Yick Wo v. Hopkins. The court in, Plyler v.
Doe, reaffirmed Yick Wo v. Hopkins and extended the ruling of the Fourteenth Amendment’s
equal protection clause to specifically protect the undocumented population (Lopez, 2005).
In Plyler v. Doe, the Court also stated that depriving the undocumented students of an
education was like punishing these children and youth for their parents’ illegal actions (Russell,
2007). Furthermore, denying a public education to undocumented students creates an underclass
by exposing them to a lifetime adversity and poverty with limited opportunities for upward
socioeconomic mobility (Perez-Huber & Malagon, 2007). Justice William Brennan expressed,
“While education is not a fundamental right, denying K-12 education to undocumented children
amounted to inflicting a lifetime of hardship on a discrete class of children not accountable for
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 20
their disabling status” (Gonzales, 2016, p. 11). Although the Supreme Court clarified the status
of undocumented students in K-12 public institutions, ambiguities regarding this population’s
rights in higher education remained. Nevertheless, in 1996 Congress, through the Illegal
Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA), tried to provide some clarity
about undocumented immigrant students’ access to higher education (Russell, 2007; Gonzales &
Raphael, 2017).
IIRIRA allowed states to adopt their own policies on the eligibility of undocumented
immigrant students attending postsecondary education (Drachman, 2006). Under section 505 of
the IIRIRA, the federal government prohibited states from offering in-state tuition to
undocumented students unless U.S. citizen students were also eligible for the same benefits
(Drachman, 2006). Unfortunately, IIRIRA failed to provide a comprehensive understanding of
undocumented students’ rights to access higher education. Consequently, this led to differing
interpretations by states and continuous debate about undocumented immigrant students’ right to
in-state tuition (Gildersleeve et al., 2010) Since 2001, at least 23 states have introduced
legislation considering resident tuition for undocumented students and seven states adopted laws
in opposition (Abrego, 2008; Frum, 2010; Harmon et al., 2010).
In 2001, Texas was the first state to enact legislation allowing undocumented students to
qualify for in-state tuition (Drachman, 2006). To date, 19 states, including California, have
policies that allow undocumented students to qualify for in-state tuition rates (National
Conference of State Legislatures, 2019). The other states are Arkansas, Colorado, Connecticut,
Florida, Illinois, Kansas, Maryland, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York,
Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, Utah, and Washington.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 21
All these state policies that grant in-state tuition to undocumented students have similar
components. The most common criteria are that students must meet a minimum number of years
of residency in the U.S. and must graduate from high school or obtain a GED (Flores, 2010).
Additionally, seven states allow undocumented students to receive state financial aid: California,
Colorado, Minnesota, New Mexico, Oregon, Texas, and Washington. While many states
advocate for undocumented students’ rights to higher education, there are states that do not
support this population. Alaska, Colorado, Georgia and Mississippi passed laws to prohibit
illegal immigrants from receiving in-state tuition (Flores, 2010). Alabama, Arizona, and Indiana
adopted more rigid laws which prohibit students from qualifying for in-state tuition or benefiting
from state financial aid. In the following section, the literature review will focus on California’s
undocumented student policy developments and challenges.
California AB 540 and Martinez v. University of California Regents
The College Board (2009) reported that 25,000 undocumented students graduate from
high school every year in California. Approximately 7,000 of these students enroll in a
community college and about 1,700 enroll in the University of California (UC) or California
State University (CSU) system annually (Deguili, 2011). Many of the undocumented students
have the desire to enroll in college but find themselves in a predicament because of their illegal
status (Perez et al., 2009). These students are confronted with the challenge of paying for college
out of pocket because they do not qualify for federal or state financial aid. However, through the
enactment of California Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540), undocumented students can attend a public
institution and pay in-state tuition (Canedo-Sanchez & So, 2015; Hallett, 2013).
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 22
On October 12, 2001, Governor Gray Davis signed AB 540 into law, granting greater
access for undocumented students to attend college in California. In order for a student to qualify
for AB 540 status, they must meet the following requirements:
1. High school attendance in California for three or more years,
2. Must register or be enrolled in an accredited public higher institution in California,
3. Sign an affidavit pledging to apply for permanent residency once they are eligible to
qualify for in-state tuition, and
4. Must not hold a valid non-immigrant visa (Bernstein, 2006).
Before the enactment of AB 540, undocumented immigrant students were required to pay out-of-
state tuition to attend public colleges and universities in California. The amounts these students
were required to pay were estimated to be two or three times the amount paid by their peers who
were citizens (Abrego, 2006). For example, in the 2019-2020 academic year, the estimated
average cost of attendance for California residents attending a UC and living on campus was
$35,791 and non-resident students cost of attendance that same year is $65,545 (UCLA, 2019).
This is double the amount of what California residents pay.
Although this law provides more opportunities for undocumented students to attend
postsecondary education, college costs still remain a financial burden for this vulnerable
population (Abrego, 2008; Flores, 2010; Hallett, 2013). Fifteen years after the implementation of
AB 540, controversies about providing higher education assistance to undocumented students
continue. There are large organizational movements actively protesting against higher education
benefits for undocumented immigrants (Olivas, 2009).
In 2005, the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), a national anti-
immigrant group filed a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of AB 540. FAIR filed in
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 23
California the Martinez v. Regents case on behalf of U.S. citizen students, residents from states
outside of California who claimed that the legislation discriminated against them and that it
conflicted with federal law (Bernstein, 2006). The challengers sued the UC, the CSU, and the
California community college systems (Martinez v. Regents, 2005). FAIR specifically argued
that AB 540 violates section 505 of the IIRIRA, which states,
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, an alien who is not lawfully present in the
United States shall not be eligible on the basis of residence within a State (or a political
subdivision) for any postsecondary education benefit unless a citizen or national of the
United States is eligible for such a benefit (in no less an amount, duration, and scope)
without regard to whether the citizen or national is such a resident. (Hernandez, p. 538)
The plaintiffs argued that section 505 prohibits states from providing in-state tuition benefits to
undocumented immigrant students because it requires any state that does so to allow all U.S.
citizens who are not residents of California enrolled in California postsecondary institution to
qualify for the in-state tuition rate (Bernstein, 2006). The trial court dismissed the case that same
year and FAIR appealed the decision to the California Appeals Court.
On September 15, 2008, the California Appellate Court reversed the trial court’s
dismissal and ruled in favor of the plaintiffs (Bernstein, 2006). The appellate court stated that AB
540 does violate the federal law and sent the case back to the trial court for further proceedings
(Gorman, 2009). The UC challenged the appellate court’s decision and, in November 2010, the
California Supreme Court unanimously voted in favor of AB 540, allowing undocumented
students to pay in-state tuition (Terkel, 2010, November 10).
California continued to be a progressive leader advocating for the educational rights of
this disenfranchised group. In 2011, California passed a new landmark policy through Assembly
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 24
Bill 130 (AB 130) & Assembly Bill 131 (AB 131). These two measures are better known as the
California DREAM Act.
The California DREAM Act
The CA DREAM Act proposed state financial aid through two legislative bills. AB 130
allows 2- and 4-year public colleges/universities to provide institutional aid (i.e., university
grants and scholarships). Through AB 131, undocumented students are allowed state grants.
These two measures have similar eligibility requirements as AB 540. To be considered for state
aid, students must meet the following criteria: attend high school in California for a minimum of
three years, graduate from a California secondary institution, file an affidavit with a
college/university declaring that they have applied for a lawful immigration status or will apply
soon, and complete the CA Dreamers application (Olivas, 2009). Instrumentally, AB 130 and
131 makes higher education more accessible and affordable to undocumented students in
California. The Sacramento legislature has been pro-active in adopting historical policies like
AB 540 and the CA DREAM Act to facilitate undocumented students’ pursuit of higher
education. The advocacy to provide public resources to support college attendance for this
disenfranchised group did not stop with the implementation of AB 540 or the California
DREAM Act. On September 28, 2014, Governor Jerry Brown approved a DREAM loan program
through SB-1210 (Koseff, 2014). Since SB 1210 is a new program, limited scholarly research is
currently available.
SB 1210 Postsecondary Education: California DREAM Loan Program
The president of the UC system, Janet Napolitano, announced that approximately 3,000
undocumented undergraduate students will have an opportunity to borrow loans under the new
California DREAM Loan Program (Guillermo, 2016). State Senator Ricardo Lara authored
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 25
SB 1210 and made $9.2 million available for the UC and CSU systems to manage loans to
undocumented students (Koseff, 2014,). Senator Lara’s office reported that this population faces
severe financial hardship while attending college. In fact, these students often face a funding gap
of approximately $6,000 when enrolled at UC and $3,000 at CSU (Koseff, 2014). This program
was scheduled to commence in the fall of 2015. The UCs and CSUs are responsible for
recruiting and offering this loan assistance program to undocumented students at their respective
campuses.
For years, California has led the fight in regards to providing more educational
opportunities for the undocumented population. The state legislative body understands the
benefits of educating these young adults and how they can positively impact our country’s
economy. Individuals with higher levels of education are more productive, generate higher
earnings, and pay more in taxes at local, state, and federal levels (Gonzalez, 2009; Hermes, 2008;
& Kaushal, 2008). California immigration laws can set a precedent for a national immigration
reform, allowing this population to qualify for federal financial aid and begin a strong path to
citizenship.
Federal Legislation: The DREAM Act
Immigrant rights have been one of the most contentious areas of national disagreement
for over two decades. Since 2001, Congress considered multiple forms of bipartisan immigration
legislation, especially for undocumented students (Olivas, 2009). In August 2001, Senator Orin
Hatch (R-UT) and Senator Richard Durbin (D-IL) co-authored and introduced bill S.1291, the
DREAM Act as a path for undocumented students with good moral character who entered the
U.S. before the age of 16 to earn permanent legal residency (Gonzales, Terriquez, & Ruszczyk,
2014; Hermes, 2008). Congress took no action on this bill. Nevertheless, the political discourse
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 26
about providing undocumented youth a path to citizenship continued and Senators Hatch and
Durbin reintroduced the bill in 2007, and the Senate voted on the bill for the first time (National
Immigration Law Center, 2009). Forty-two senators voted in favor of the bill but fell short by
eight votes from passing (Hermes, 2008). Advocates strategically presented this legislation as an
economic competitive bill and, therefore, successfully garnered much Senate support.
This bill was revised approximately six times after 2001 but never gained enough support
on any side of Congress. With legalization efforts stalled for the DREAM Act, President Obama
introduced the DACA program on June 15, 2012 (Gonzales et al., 2014).
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals
The DACA initiative of the Obama administration does not provide permanent legal
status for undocumented youth (Singer & Svajlenka, 2013). However, under DACA, approved
applicants qualify for a temporary suspension of deportation, a temporary social security number
and a 2-year work permit (Gonzales et al., 2014; Singer & Svajlenka, 2013). Every two years,
individuals must reapply for the program. Although DACA did not create a pathway program to
legalization, it did reduce some of the financial and job barriers in the short term for
undocumented youth by allowing them to legally seek employment.
Three months after the inception of this program, in October 2012, 116,223 applications
were received. The United States Customs and Immigration Services (USCIS) department
publishes monthly statistics on DACA applications. As of June 30, 2013, the agency received
557,412 applications and 537,662 were approved (Singer & Svajlenka, 2013). Data published by
USCIS also showed that, of the applicants approved, 74.9% were from Mexico, 4% from El
Salvador, 2.7% from Honduras and 2.5% from Guatemala: “Regionally, Central Americans
comprised 10% of the total, South Americans were 7%, Asians made up 4% and Caribbeans
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 27
were 2% of the total” (Singer & Svajlenka, p. 4). The statistics presented here only capture a
temporary snapshot of the DACA applicant pool’ demographics. With the new Trump
administration, the fate of DACA remains unknown. However, the current conservative
presidential administration has already taken steps to introduce or reverse several immigration
laws set by the previous administration (Kulish et al., 2017).
President Donald Trump- “Elimination” of DACA
The Trump Administration, on September 5, 2017, announced that it planned to end
DACA. The elimination of this program may affect 750,000 DACA recipients who are eligible
to legally work, attend college, obtain a driver’s license, and open a bank account (Ngai, 2017;
Waters 2017). The primary benefit that this program provides to undocumented students is
temporary protection from deportation. In the first announcement of the eradication of DACA,
Attorney General Jeff Sessions stated that the plan was to end the program in March 2018.
DACA is an executive order that does not require congressional approval and can be cancelled
any time by presidential authority (Ngai, 2017).
Two years later, uncertainty over the future of DACA continues. The fate of the DACA
program now lies with the U.S. Supreme Court. In November 2019 the U.S. Supreme Court
heard oral arguments for and against DACA. The U.S. Supreme Court will not make a ruling on
this case until potentially June 2020 (Barnes, 2019).
Dream and Promise Act: H.R. 6
California Representative Lucille Roybal-Allard introduced the American Dream and
Promise Act of 2019 on March 12, 2019, with 202 original cosponsors. This bill will provide
Dreamers protection from deportation and a path to obtain a permanent legal residency if they
meet certain criteria (Penichet-Paul, 2019).
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 28
Policy Ambiguity and Contradictions
This ongoing discussion on federal and state immigration policies creates a level of
confusion, complexity and uncertainty for higher education institutions, which consequently
impacts the support services provided to the undocumented population. The historical and
political context of this issue was necessary to better understand the macro-level policy barriers
impeding access to college for the undocumented population. Because of the ambivalent stance
of federal immigration reform, higher education institutions, specifically in California, have
developed their own policies and programs to assist these students as they navigate through the
internal education process.
Scholarship describes a number of challenges that undocumented students encounter as
they navigate through the higher education system. However, the majority face three main
challenges: being the first person in their families to go to college, enduring financial hardships
and facing stress, anxiety or depression.
Factors That Hinder Undocumented Students’ Access to Higher Education
Navigating through the higher education system can be overwhelming and complex for
undocumented, first-college-generation students. Many of these students rely on their schools,
counselors, and teachers to assist with the college application process and other resources
(Chavez et al., 2007). Unfortunately, there are instances where the staff lacks efficient training to
provide the correct information to students (Chavez et al., 2007). Also, these students apply to a
limited number of colleges, usually a single college, because they cannot afford the application
fees. In addition, their knowledge of different colleges is limited because their parents have never
taken them on a college tour (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015). While families are supportive of
undocumented, first-college-generation students’ entry to college, they continue to assign them
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 29
different responsibilities at home, often conflicting with their college demands (Banks-Santilli,
2015). The most common responsibility that many undocumented students endure in their family
is financial contribution (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015). The majority of these students come from
low-income families, so they must contribute to their household (Chavez et al., 2007; Suarez-
Orozco et al., 2015). These students face financial hardships both in their household and in
pursuing higher education.
College tuition in the U.S. increased by nearly 80% between August 2003 and August
2013, according to data published by the U.S. Labor Department (2010). It is unfortunate that,
with college costs escalating, financial aid funding at the state and federal level is decreasing
(Long & Riley, 2007). For undocumented students, financial aid options are even more restricted
or are not provided, depending on the state in which they reside (Chavez et al., 2007). For this
reason, a majority of undocumented students are obligated to work. It is reported that
undocumented students who attend a community college work an average of 30 hours per week
(Lau, 2003). The balance of school and work is sometimes challenging for these students
because of the demanding jobs that they hold. Lau (2003) states that undocumented students are
so financially burdened that it makes it difficult for them to make school a priority. Another
challenge that impacts undocumented students as they access higher education is that they report
high levels of stress, anxiety, and depression (Chavez et al., 2007).
One of the primary stressors for undocumented students that results in mental health
issues is the reality of their unauthorized status (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015). Many of these
students live in fear of deportation or being stopped by law enforcement while driving unlicensed
(Chavez et al., 2007). Once in higher education, many of these students feel stigmatized by the
undocumented status label that often compromises their sense of belonging. The daily fear and
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 30
anxiety that these students experience negatively impacts their academic performance
(Kantamneni et al., 2016).
The undocumented student population continues to grow, especially in California.
Therefore, understanding their unique needs is urgent. Emerging literature highlights the
educational barriers facing undocumented students. However, there is limited scholarship that
applies Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) human ecology framework aids in understanding how
undocumented students view the DRC as a means of support for their post-secondary education.
The next section discusses the origin of Bronfenbrenner’s human ecology framework and how it
will be used for the study. Additionally, related research and theories regarding undocumented
students’ path to higher education will also be highlighted.
Conceptual Framework
Using the ecological systems framework, this study examined undocumented students’
perspectives as they navigate through the higher education system and the impact of their peer
network in assisting them with accomplishing their academic goals. Undocumented students
have great determination and resilience in their pursuit of higher education (Hallett, 2013; Perez,
2009). However, once they reach college, there is limited research about which institutional
programs and state policies have greater impact on their educational path or about the role that
their social support network plays in their college trajectory. Stanton-Salazar (2001)
acknowledged the importance of social networks, especially for marginalized groups, to provide
opportunities and support as they navigate through the higher education system. Oliverez (2006)
demonstrated how undocumented students rely on a network of educators (i.e., teachers,
counselors and college representatives) to assist in their path to college. Portes-Rumbaut (2006)
highlighted that segmented assimilation theory predicted that, without legitimate structural paths
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 31
(i.e., mentorship, family professionals for undocumented students), undocumented students will
remain in the lower segments of society. Gonzalez (2010) argued that students’ academic success
is highly dependent on the structure of schools and the relationships that students develop with
school officials (i.e., counselors, teachers and principals).
The main premise of the ecological systems theory is the human developmental process
through the interaction of multiple environments (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Bronfenbrenner (1994)
argued the importance of studying a child in his/her multiple ecological systems because this
imperatively impacts his/her growth and development. Humans, as they develop, pass through
different environments that sometimes simultaneously interact in the same space. All these
interactions and environments have a central impact on a child’s life (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model is organized into five external layers. The
layers are organized from the human’s more intimate to broadest relationships:
1. The microsystem is described as the smallest and the most personal relationships that a
child develops. A child’s family, home, and daycare define the microsystem environment
(Cross, 2017).
2. The mesosystem consists of the relationship between two environments and contains the
developing person in the center. For example, the linkage between the space of home and
school or the family and church setting is part of the mesosystem (Bronfenbrenner,
1994).
3. The exosystem encompasses the relationship between two or more settings, one of which
may not include the developing human but may have an indirect effect on them. Some of
these settings include parent’s workplace, welfare system, health care, and police (Cross,
2017).
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 32
4. The macrosystem incorporates local, state, and national ideologies and policies. This
space also includes social and cultural values (Cross, 2017).
5. The chronosystem encompasses the passage of time. This system recognizes that a
person’s characteristics change as they develop/grow along with their environment. For
example, some changes may occur in family structure, socioeconomic status or
employment (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).
Using the microsystem of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, this study
examined undocumented students’ experiences in their college trajectory along with the impact
of their peer network. The study used the microsystem and the mesosystem layers because these
spaces have the greatest impact on individuals’ development. The human is in the center and
everything is interrelated (i.e., the space, relationships, knowledge). In this study, the
microsystem is the student’s home, family, and support network. The mesosystem encompasses
the student’s connection between home and college. Figure 1 is a visual of the conceptual
framework.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 33

Figure 1. Conceptual framework.
Summary
The number of undocumented students continues to grow, and it is imperative for states
and institutions of higher education to develop programs that support this population’s
educational trajectory. However, in order for educational practitioners to develop sufficient
programs to serve these students, it is critical that they understand the political and legal
immigration context. The next section describes the research methods for this study.
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory
Microsystem
Undocumented Student
(CENTER)
1. Social support networks (i.e. family,
mentors, peers, educators) that allow
academic success at the higher education
institution
2. Support offered; emotional, psychological,
social or educational
Campus Level/ National & State Policies
1. Students’ college/ university perspective
2. Resources used at the campus level
3. National/ state policies impact
Adapted from Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory
Mesosystem
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 34
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
This chapter describes the qualitative methodology and design used for this research
study. One of the main characteristics of qualitative inquiry is to study things in their natural
setting to better understand an occurring phenomena or people’s construction of the world
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Qualitative research is inductive and is also interested in making new
discoveries from the perspective of the participants in the study (Maxwell, 2013). In addition,
qualitative research has the potential to resolve “site-specific problems,” and make
recommendations to fields of practice (McEwen & McEwan, 2003, p. 21) and effect change
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The goal of this study is to generate new theory regarding
undocumented students’ trajectory through the 4-year higher education institution. In addition,
this research seeks to gain a better understanding of undocumented students college support
networks. Qualitative research is the most appropriate methodology for learning about the
experience of undocumented students’ point of view and in their own words
This chapter begins with an illustration of the purpose of the study and research questions
guiding this inquiry. This is followed by a discussion of the site selection, demographic
population and sample process. A section regarding the instrumentation, data collection process
and analysis is also included. Finally, issues regarding the validity of this study are also
highlighted.
Purpose of the Study
In 2014 the Pew Research Institute reported that 12 million undocumented people live in
the U.S., which 2.5 million of these were youth under the age of 18 (Krogstad & Passel, 2015;
U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Many of these children arrive in the U.S. too young to remember
their home country. While a majority of undocumented children identify more with the American
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 35
culture than their own ethnic background, in the U.S. they are perceived as second-class citizens
with limited or no resources to access higher education. Despite the challenges that
undocumented students face as they navigate through the higher education system, many
demonstrate high levels of resilience to succeed (Chavez et al., 2007). It is estimated that the net
immigration (legal and illegal) population, will continue to grow and will reach a 68 million by
2050 (Camarota, 2012). Therefore, it is imperative, that we continue to seek resources to support
undocumented youth as they pursue higher education.
With the erratic and unknown federal immigration policies, higher education institutions
are developing and supporting programs for this vulnerable population. Recently, 4-year public
institutions in California developed DRCs to support the academic, emotional and professional
growth of undocumented students (L. Borjon, personal communication, May 25
,
2016).
Research also demonstrates the importance of student peer networks, especially for first-
generation and undocumented students (Flores & Horn, 2010; Hallett, 2013). This study seeks to
gain insight about undocumented students’ perspectives as they navigate through postsecondary
education at AU). In addition, the goal of this research is to better understand how
undocumented students peer network helps them accomplish their academic goals. To protect the
confidentiality and the personally identifiable information of participants and university
pseudonyms will be used. This study was guided by the following questions:
Research Questions
1. What are the resources for academic success and barriers that undocumented students
attending a 4-year university experience?
2. What role do family, college peers or professional educators play in undocumented
students’ success in college?
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 36
Site Selection
AU is a four-year public university located in Southern California and founded in 1957.
As a comprehensive University, AU, offers a broad range of liberal, science and professional
programs. The programs include; 57 Bachelor’s Degrees and 52 Master’s Degrees. In 2017, AU
also a Hispanic Serving Institution reported a student enrollment of 40,439, primarily from
Southern California. Of this enrollment, 3,158 were international students from 86 countries.
Approximately 60% of AU students are the first in their families to attend college (Association
of Public and Land-Grant Universities, n.d.). The undergraduate student demographic breakdown
is as followed: 20% Asian, 2% Black, 40.8% Latino, 2% Native/ Hawaiian, 20.4% White and
4.2% two or more races.
AU is committed to providing students an academic, social and service-learning
preparation. AU prides itself for its strong community partners in business, arts, science and
government because they serve as a benefit to its students by offering internships, jobs and
participating in mentorship programs at the institution. AU also offers study abroad opportunities
to allow students to gain cross cultural awareness and develop 21
st
century skills. AU students
have the opportunity to study abroad in more than 30 countries.
AU was chosen for the study because of its geographical location and demographic
student population. AU was the first public university in its system to open a Dreamers Resource
Center. Although the number of undocumented students attending this institution is not
publicized, AU’s DRC serves approximately 120 undocumented students daily (A1, personal
communication, May, 25, 2016). This large number of undocumented students allows for a
confident selection sample. According to Creswell (2013), a large sample size provides more,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 37
“confidence that the conclusions adequately represent the average members of the population”
(p. 98).
Sample and Population
For this research, purposeful sampling was used, the most common method for
qualitative inquiry (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Purposeful sampling is defined as a method to
gather in-depth understanding of specific case and it is widely used in qualitative research. There
are also different types of purposeful sampling. Some of the most common types are typical,
unique, convenience and snowball (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). A typical sample is defined as the
common person or situation in the inquiry. A unique is identified as on unique, atypical or rare
opportunities of the phenomenon of interest. Convenience sample is the selection of the unit of
analysis based on convenience of time, location or availability. The most common form of
purposeful sampling is snowball. This strategy consists of networking sampling. As the
researcher interviews participants, he/she asks for referrals (Patton, 2002). For this research, I
began with purposeful convenience sampling and throughout the inquiry snowball sampling was
incorporated. Undocumented students is the population that this study examined. The sample
represented a range of age, gender and majors. Six females and two males, were interviewed
based on convenience (i.e. they volunteered) and that they met the eligibility criteria of
identifying as undocumented status (Table 1).

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 38
Table 1
Characteristics of Student Survey Participants
Interviewee Country of
Origin
Gender Age of
Arrival
Current
Age
Major Migration
Process
DACA
Status
Alex Mexico Male 13 19 Graphic Design Tourist Visa No
Barbara El Salvador Female 3 18 Political Science Tourist Visa Yes
Cristian Mexico Male 4 23
Business
Administration
Illegally Yes
Eva Mexico Female 1 25
Psychology
MSW Candidate
Tourist Visa Yes
Frida Mexico Female 6 22
Human Resource
Management
Illegally Yes
Giselle Mexico Female 6 24
Nutritional
Sciences
Tourist Visa Yes
Isabella Mexico Female 3 19 Nursing Illegally Yes
Julia Mexico Female 5 22 Sociology Illegally Yes

Instrumentation
When conducting qualitative research, interviews are one of the primary sources of data
collection (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The main purpose of an interview is to make new
discoveries on information that cannot be observed (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). Interviews also
allow the researcher for a personal connection with the participants to learn more about their
feelings, thoughts, values and past experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). There are different
types of interviews, some which include person to person, focus groups or online interviews.
For the purpose of this study, eight phenomenological interviews were conducted with
individuals who met the characteristics established by the researcher. The main criteria for
individuals to participate in the study were that they are undocumented students attending AU.
Based on the participants’ schedule, face to face interviews were conducted. Semi- structured
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 39
open-ended interviews of approximately 1.5 hours were conducted following Maxwell’s
methodology (2013). Each interview was aimed to capture the college process and experience,
particularly prying into support networks and programs utilized at AU.
Field testing is also a critical component of research. Before beginning the data
collection, four pilot interviews were conducted to help test the interview questions. According
to Patton, (2002) piloting is important because it allows the researcher to review if the questions
are generating the type of information desired. In addition, the advantage of pre-testing an
inquiry questionnaire is that it allows the researcher to make changes or improve the tool. Upon
completion of the piloting of the instrument, the interview protocol was modified to capture
more rich data.
Data Collection
The study was approved by AU’ review board in December 2018. The study was
conducted from January to May 2019. Participants were recruited through email messages sent to
campus organizations that serve, or are ally groups (i.e., DRC, EOP, Movimiento Estudiantil
Chicanx de Aztlán, and Hispanic Business Society) for undocumented students. Also, three
faculty members from the Chicano Latino Studies Department, assisted with student recruitment
by sending an email message to their students. In addition, students were recruited by posting
flyers in different student areas at AU (i.e., DRC, Student Center, Libraries, EOP Center and
Student Lounge, CLS Department). Lastly, AU’s DRC helped finding participants by hosting
information sessions regarding the study. The goal was to conduct eight interviews.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 40
Data Analysis
My first step of the data analysis was to develop a method of organizing the transcripts
and personal notes consistent with the individual interviews (Creswell, 2013). Second, as each
interview was conducted and transcribed, the interviews were read, notes were made on the
margins of the transcript reflecting the researcher’s thoughts, ideas, and any early themes that
emerge connected to the literature (Creswell, 2013). Simultaneously, the researcher began jotting
notes and coding. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) recognizes this form of coding as open coding.
After jotting and coding the interview and observation data, I began grouping the codes.
This method consists of placing the codes into broader categories allowing the researcher to
begin conceptualizing some of this data (Miles et al., 2014). This process of grouping is also
known as axial coding (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To assist with the code categories, I created
two sets tables to allow me to better visualize and conceptualize different patterns. The tables
were used as a tool for identifying and counting recurring themes and patterns within the data.
While numbers and counting are not favored when conducting qualitative research, it is a
method that is recommended by some researchers (Harding, 2013; Miles et al., 2014). I used a
counting approach to allow me to observe the repetition of themes and also verify some
hypotheses.
Upon completion of the categories and counting, I began factoring the data. Miles et al.
(2014) define factoring as, “Making patterns of patterns, or categories of categories” (p. 286).
This step allowed me to develop a smaller number of themes from those already outlined in the
categories. Once the entire data set was coded, categorized and factored, I reviewed the findings
for coding consistency and any new emerging themes.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 41
The final step began with making inferences and drawing conclusions from the coded
data. With the construction of concepts and theory, I also used reflective memos to identify and
reaffirm assertions for the final deduction. Miles et al. (2014) support the use of any form of
memo and state that they are descriptive summaries that may be used for higher levels of
analysis. After interpreting and confirming findings in the data, the next steps were to ensure
credibility and trustworthiness of the information.
Validity
To evaluate qualitative research, Maxwell proposed three key concepts, trustworthiness,
authenticity and quality (2013). These concepts are also defined by other authors as, credibility,
transferability, dependability and confirmability (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To increase the
validity of the data, I used the method of triangulation. I conducted observations and interviews
to evaluate if the strengths and limitations of each method led to the same conclusions.
Triangulation reduces the biases of the investigation. Furthermore, Merriam & Tisdell (2016)
recommend another strategy to increase internal validity called reflexivity.
Role of the Researcher
This strategy is defined as examining oneself as the researcher affects or is affected by
the research relationship. Investigators are recommended to discuss their biases, values,
preconceptions or assumptions of their inquiry (Maxwell, 2013). The topic of undocumented
students in the educational pipeline of higher education is an area of which I am truly passionate
about, both as an educator and personally. Through my work experience, I have witnessed the
many struggles of this population and many times I have been in the forefront advocating for
their needs. With that understanding, many biases existed for me during this research process.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 42
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
The purpose of this study was to learn about undocumented students’ perspectives as they
navigate through the complexities of higher education, specifically at the 4-year college level. In
addition, the goal of this research was to better understand how undocumented students persist in
college and the impact of a peer network on helping them accomplish their academic goals. Two
research questions guided this study:
1. What are the resources for academic success and barriers that undocumented students
attending a 4-year university experience?
2. What role do family, college peers or professional educators play in undocumented
students’ success in college?
Three themes emerged in response to the first research question that explain participants’
institutional resources for academic success as well as their challenges. The first two themes,
college support programs and beneficial legislative policies, support prior research highlighting
the importance for higher education institutions and legislative bodies to push for services and
programs to help undocumented students persist in college (Hallett, 2013; Kwon, 2019). The
third theme was that the leading barrier for participants’ college success is finances. All of the
participants work to help finance their college education.
In response to the second research question, three key findings appear about the role a
peer network plays in participants’ persistence and success in college. The data exposed that
family, professional educators, and college peers serve as positive networks offering emotional,
psychological, and academic support for participants as they navigate through college.
This chapter is organized in four parts. First, a biographical description of each
participant is provided. Then, the research questions are addressed using participants’ own
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 43
words. This chapter is followed by Chapter Five, which presents an analysis of the findings, their
usefulness, implications for practitioners, and recommendations for further research.
A Review of the Participants
A brief depiction of each interviewee is highlighted in this section. The participants are
presented in alphabetical order of pseudonyms assigned by the researcher. The intention of
including these brief portraits is to present the unique experiences of each participant as well as
commonalities among them. As mentioned in Chapter Two, the DACA is a federal
administrative relief from deportation program. The policy was announced by President Barack
Obama in 2012. The purpose of DACA is to protect eligible immigrant youth who came to the
United States when they were children from deportation. DACA gives young undocumented
immigrants protection from deportation and a work permit. The program expires after two years,
subject to renewal. The California DREAM Act allows undocumented students to apply for and
receive state-based financial aid and institutional scholarships. This state financial aid can only
be used at eligible California universities and colleges.
Alex
Alex is a 19-year-old, originally from Mexico, who immigrated to the U.S. when he was
13 years old. He is currently a sophomore majoring in graphic design and hopes to become a
professional photographer after graduation. Upon his parents’ divorce in Mexico, his mother
decided to migrate to the U.S. Alex’s parents both graduated from the National Autonomous
University of Mexico. They both earned degrees in computer science engineering. Despite his
parents’ professional background, Alex’s mother decided to move to the U.S. because she
wanted a better future and more opportunities for her children.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 44
In the fall of 2012, Alex, his younger sister, and mother immigrated to the U.S. via plane
with tourist visas. They arrived in Wisconsin, and the three of them lived there for 18 months.
His mother worked in a hotel as a custodial staff member. Alex had a difficult time with the
transition from Mexico to the U.S. He states, “It was depressing living in Wisconsin mostly
because I didn’t have family there.” Alex also had a challenging time adapting to school because
of the language barrier. He repeated eighth grade. Once Alex graduated from middle school, the
family decided to move to Los Angeles, California. His mother researched three different high
schools before enrolling him at the school he attended. While his mother worked sometimes two
jobs at the same time, as a hotel housekeeper and waitress at a local restaurant, she was always
involved in Alex’s education. Alex’s mother attended all teacher/ parent conferences and was in
constant communication with the school counselor via phone. In fact, his mom learned about the
Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Program (GEAR Up), a federally
funded program that provides low-income, first-generation students with test prep and college
counseling, through his counselor and encouraged him to join. Alex states, “My mom developed
a very personal, very intimate, relationship with my counselor. They kind of became like friends.
She advised my mom of the different ways that college could be affordable for me.” Even with
his limited English-speaking ability, Alex knew he would graduate from high school and attend a
4-year university. His mother motivated him to do well and pursue college.
For Alex, attending college has been particularly challenging because of the financial
cost. Alex did not qualify for DACA, so he cannot obtain legal employment. He commutes to
campus and tries to manage attending college full time while working. Alex works in a restaurant
as a dishwasher. He works an average of 35 hours a week. He usually begins work at 4:00pm and
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 45
works until midnight. For extra money, he sometimes takes some additional shifts on the
weekend.
Barbara
Barbara and her family immigrated to the U.S. from El Salvador when she was only three
years old. Both her parents, her brother, and Barbara immigrated to the U.S. on a tourist visa via
plane. Her parents are college graduates from Universidad Centroamericana Jose Simeon Cañas
and worked for the embassy of El Salvador before deciding to move to the U.S. Barbara’s
mother was the one who initiated the plan of leaving El Salvador because she feared for her
family’s safety due to all the gang activity and crime. Barbara’s mother wanted to get her son out
of the country before he could be forced to join a gang.
Barbara does not have many memories about her life in El Salvador and only discovered
her undocumented status when she was in high school. Her high school, located in the Los
Angeles area, was planning an out-of-state field trip, and she was unable to participate due to her
immigration status. However, her status did not deter her from pursuing higher education. She
applied to five 4-year colleges and was admitted to all of them. She decided to attend AU, a
public university because it was closer to home and the most financially affordable.
Barbara is a full-time freshman majoring in political science. She benefited from both
DACA and the DREAM Act. Through her DACA eligibility, she managed to get part-time work
as a peer advisor in the college and career center for a Los Angeles Unified School District high
school. Her primary role at the college and career center is to assist students with the college and
financial aid process and some administrative duties. Barbara states that becoming a DACA
recipient was of great benefit for her because “I was given the opportunity to get an employment
card to work legally. This was extremely important because I was thinking of going to college
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 46
and knew that I needed some financial support.” The DREAM Act eligibility pays for her full
tuition. She is responsible for books, transportation and other personal expenses. Her parents are
unable to financially support her college education but support her by providing for some living
expenses. After college graduation, Barbara plans to attend law school.
Cristian
Cristian arrived from Mexico at the age of four with his mother to reunite with his father.
Cristian is the only child. His parents arranged for Cristian to cross the border illegally via car
with one of his uncles using the identity papers of a cousin of similar age. He states the
experience of immigrating to the U.S. is a bit of a “blur,” and he does not remember much.
Unfortunately, at the age of 10, his parents divorced, and he has been living with his mother
since the separation. He continues to have an amicable and close relationship with his father.
Both his parents were influential in his continuing his education after high school graduation. His
parents regularly sought information that would be beneficial to him, such as scholarships,
internships and volunteer opportunities. In fact, his mother provided the information for him to
apply for DACA protection. Through the DACA benefit, Cristian had the opportunity to gain
employment legally. Despite his parents’ support to stay focused and pursue college, Cristian has
endured major challenges academically.
Upon high school graduation, he enrolled at Pasadena City College (PCC) but never felt
connected to the campus. It was difficult for him to enroll in classes. Cristian shares, “PCC was
impacted, so it is very hard to get classes, and the only reason I decided to attend that college
was because my friend was going there. He agreed to give me rides, but, after the first semester,
he dropped out. For almost one year, I had to take two buses just to get to school.” He attended
three different community colleges part time for four years before he transferred to AU.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 47
Cristian is in his sixth year in college. He is a business major and hopes to graduate in
2020. Cristian realizes his higher education journey has been long and challenging but is content
at AU, as “it offers many resources and I have joined several clubs that have really helped me get
through college,” he says. After graduation, his goal is to work for a non-profit organization
because he enjoys the work of public service.
Eva
Eva earned a bachelor’s degree in psychology from AU in 2017 after transferring from
PCC. Upon graduation, she attended graduate school also at AU and is currently in her second
year of a master’s in social work (MSW) program. Her goal is to become a licensed clinical
social worker. Eva expresses,
I’ve always liked school because school is the only thing I could fall back on. Before the
DACA initiative happened, I did not have anything to fall back on. I just knew education
was the way to go. I wanted to do something with people and to help people. I didn’t
want to go straight for a PhD program because I couldn’t afford it. Many family friends
informed me about social work. They told me how wide and broad social work is and
they encouraged me to get my MSW. I wanted to get a PhD in psychology but that is not
the case anymore. I want to become a license social worker.
Eva attended a private high school in the city of Pasadena. At her high school, she
received many one-on-one sessions with her teachers and counselor because the average
graduating class was only about 50 students. A friend of her mother’s informed her about this
private school and encouraged Eva to apply. She was able to attend this private high school
because she was awarded a scholarship. Her parents paid a minimal amount for her high school
tuition. From the ninth grade, the high school encouraged a college-going culture, but Eva
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 48
recognized her higher education options were limited because of her undocumented status. Eva
states, after hearing a presentation from a representative of Loyola Marymount University, she
decided attending a 4-year university was not an option for her:
I went up to the representative and explained my story. I let her know that I was
undocumented. She told me, because I was undocumented, I was not eligible for financial
aid and there was nothing that they could do for me.
Despite her undocumented status, her parents motivated her to attend a community college.
The first year, Eva did not qualify for any form of financial aid, but her parents paid for
the full college cost. She attended college full time and also worked as a cashier at a fast food
restaurant and later as a teacher’s assistant to help contribute to some of the expenses. After her
second year in college, she finally became eligible for DACA and the DREAM Act. Her father,
who earned a degree in business administration from the National Autonomous University of
Mexico scheduled an appointment for her with a non-profit organization that helped students
apply for DACA. Both her parents accompanied her that morning, and she states, “I think that
was the first time that I actually didn’t feel alone because I saw a huge line, hundreds of people
trying to apply for DACA. It was a beautiful moment.”
Since receiving DACA protection, Eva feels empowered and more committed to
completing her academic journey. Her parents decided to immigrate to the U.S. from Mexico
when she was only a year old. Although her parents both had professional degrees, they
struggled financially, even for daily expenses. Therefore, in pursuit of the American Dream and
for more opportunities for Eva’s upbringing, they invested all their savings and applied for
tourist visas. In 1995, the family immigrated to the U.S. via plane and have resided in the city of
Pasadena since their arrival. Eva is now 25 years old and will earn an MSW in 2020.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 49
Frida
Frida was raised by her maternal grandparents in Mexico from the age of one until she
was six years old. Her parents left her and two older siblings in Mexico and immigrated to the
U.S. The family lived in such impoverished conditions that they sometimes struggled to have
food in their household. Because of that, Frida’s parents decided to leave Mexico to provide new
and better living conditions for their children. When Frida was six years old, the parents decided
their children would finally immigrate to the U.S. Frida struggled leaving Mexico because she
felt her parents were strangers since they left her when she was only a year old and never
developed a relationship with them until the family reunited in the U.S.
Frida remembers her immigration journey as a long onerous process. It took Frida and
her siblings about two weeks to travel from the state of Michoacán to the border at Tijuana. One
of their aunts travelled with them by bus. Frida’s parents had arranged for her and her siblings to
cross the border using fake identity documents. She remembers her aunt coaching her about
crossing the border and using another name: Luna. Frida and her siblings safely crossed the
border, reunited with her parents, and began residing in the Los Angeles area where they
currently live.
Frida is a junior majoring in human resources management. She is the first one in her
family to attend a 4-year university. She has always been studious and disciplined in her pursuit
of higher education. Frida is self-motivated and states,
I feel like, ever since I came to this country, I wanted to excel in education, which was
the only thing that I pretty much had. None of my family has ever gone to school or
college or anything. In high school, I made up my mind that I wanted to go to college
since ninth grade. I wanted to graduate valedictorian of my class. That was one thing I
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 50
had to prove to myself, so that I could make it to college. That’s what I thought I had to
do. Since my freshman year of high school, I’ve always been preparing and knowing that
I wanted to go to college because nobody in my family ever thought about it, but I
wanted to be the first one.
Frida is a DACA and DREAM Act recipient. Since she started AU, she has attended school full
time and works to help pay for college costs. Immediately upon becoming a DACA recipient,
she went from working at a restaurant making minimum wage to being employed at a law firm
with an hourly rate of $16.00. She switched jobs for a third time and began working in the
banking industry, gaining experience in her future career path. Frida describes the great benefit
that becoming a DACA recipient had in her life:
After DACA, I was able to get a better job in the field of my interest. Something I would
have not been able to, if it was not because of my status to be able to work in this
country. I also got a license and well everyone needs to get a license here.
Her goal after graduation is to work in a bank as a human resources manager.
Giselle
Giselle immigrated to the U.S. when she was six years old along with her older brother
and mother. Two years before, her father had immigrated to the U.S. Both parents made the
decision to emigrate because living in Mexico was challenging due to scarce job opportunities
and low wages. There were times when her parents struggled to pay for their children’s primary
education.
The decision to emigrate was an easy one because the family already had tourist visas.
Giselle, her mother, and her brother travelled via car with a family relative and crossed the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 51
Tijuana, Mexico, border to the U.S. and reunited with her father. Giselle had a challenging time
acclimating to the U.S. because of the different culture and language barrier. She remembers,
I don’t think I was really processing what was happening. I was barely going to be six.
Little by little once we were here, the first thing that I did understand was the culture
difference. I was culture shock. I did not understand the language. Communication was
difficult right off the bat. School was challenging.
The first few years, she missed Mexico very much and sometimes felt like the family should go
back. However, she never went back to visit Mexico. She has been in the U.S. for 18 years.
Giselle graduated from high school in 2013 and enrolled at a community college. She
never thought about applying to a 4-year university while in high school because of the financial
cost. She always attended college full time and graduated from AU recently, having earned a
degree in nutritional science. Her career goal is to work at a hospital and eventually apply for
graduate school.
Isabella
Isabella arrived in the U.S. when she was three years old. She is the youngest of three
siblings. Isabella and her brother crossed the border illegally using other children’s identity
papers. They travelled with an unknown family across the border and, after a few days, reunited
with their mother in city of Santa Ana. Isabella had not seen her mother for almost two years.
Her mother immigrated to the U.S. when Isabella was a year old because of her family’s
financial instability. Isabella and her siblings were left in the care of their maternal grandparents.
Isabella’s parents divorced when she was only one, so she never got to know her biological
father.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 52
The first few years after their arrival in the U.S. were a struggle for her siblings and
mother. Isabella shares,
My mom, as a single mother, had to support all of her four children. She worked doing
housekeeping but got paid very little and could not afford our own home. We moved in
and out of three different uncles’ homes, but I think that, as an undocumented student,
that is something that happens like travelling, not having a fit home, especially as my
mom being a single mother.
The family changed homes, and the children changed schools about four times in less than three
years. Isabella shares she vaguely remembers this period of her life because she could not fully
understand all the changes and everything that was happening around her. When Isabella was
eight, her mother remarried, and the family finally settled in the city of Monterey Park. She is the
first in her family to attend a 4-year university.
Isabella benefits from DACA and the DREAM Act and is in her second year at AU. She
is a pre-nursing student. She is a full-time student and also works part time to help support her
college studies. She works approximately 20 hours a week as a student advisor at the DRC at
AU. Isabella struggled with her transition from high school to college. She felt lonely and
without any support. She describes,
At the beginning of college, I was very depressed because I did not know anyone. I found
myself among people but could not find a place that I could fit. I met students from my
class and I would get their numbers, but, mainly, we spoke about school related things,
nothing social. Most of my high school friends went to UCs, and I was like the only one
who went to a Cal State and it was like starting all over, I guess, meeting new people.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 53
After the first semester, her college experience changed when she discovered the support of the
DRC and friends who are in a situation similar to hers. She states,
In general, I feel like the only students I am close to are the ones in the DRC. They are
my friends with similar experiences and we have a place at [Alpha] where we can hang
out and feel safe.
Julia
Julia’s story is similar to Isabella’s. Julia’s mother immigrated to the U.S. when Julia was
a toddler. Julia’s older sister and she were left under the care of her widowed grandmother. Her
mother was a single parent, and Julia never met or has known anything about her father’s
whereabouts. Julia’s mother worked hard to support her children in Mexico, but, for years, she
struggled to meet even the most basic needs. Therefore, in search of financial stability and a
better quality of life, Julia’s mother decided to immigrate to el norte (the north).
When Julia was seven years old, her mother finally had enough savings for her daughters
and mother to immigrate to the U.S. Julia’s mother arranged coyotes to help them cross the
border. This episode is distinctly imprinted in Julia’s memory because much preparation was
done for her to cross the border. Julia describes, “My relatives helped change my physical look.
They used my cousin’s birth certificate. I had to pass as a boy, so they cut my hair and bought
me boy’s clothing. I was given the name of Saul.”
Julia is now 22 years old and graduated from AU in the spring of 2019. She earned a
degree in sociology. She attended AU directly after high school. She benefits from both DACA
and the DREAM Act. Her goal is to work with local government or campaigns.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 54
Summary of Participants
The shared experiences of these participants and their families is that they all immigrated
to the U.S. with the dream of improving their quality of life, financial situation, and education
opportunities. All of these students’ parents worked in their home countries, yet they faced
different forms of hardship and poverty. For example, many were concerned with crime and
violence occurring in their home country. Three of the participants’ parents are college graduates
with professional careers, yet they experienced similar financial struggles as parents with no
formal education, such as the inability to provide food, adequate housing and education for their
children. Four of the participants’ immigration was not as precarious because they entered the
U.S. legally with a tourist visa. These participants and their parents’ visas expired, and they
became undocumented in the U.S. Three of the female participants were left for a period of time
under the care of grandparents because their parents immigrated to the U.S. After two or more
years, the participants reunited with their parents. Five of the participants have nebulous
memories of their home country. All participants aspire to a college education, working and
contributing to society.
Opportunities and Challenges
The qualitative data describes the challenges and support systems participants
experienced throughout college. After analyzing the semi-structured interviews, six themes
emerged: college support programs, beneficial legislative policies, college affordability, family
support, institutional agent support, and peer network. The three findings related to the first
research question: What are the resources for academic success and potential barriers that
undocumented students attending a 4-year university experience?

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 55
Opportunity: College Support Programs
Four participants asserted AU offers numerous resources on campus. Some of those
resources are academic programs, career services, social activities and scholarship opportunities.
These four participants were surprised with the large amount of social and academic
opportunities offered. Barbara states,
Alpha University is not what I expected. I think I expected it to be a little more, I guess,
have less resources, but there is more than I thought there would be. I mean, there has
been some stuff that I did not realize I would have access to until I came here, like the
possibility to attend conferences related to my career field or the opportunity to dorm,
even though that is not an option because of the cost.
Cristian also asserts,
Well, actually this school offers a lot of resources that not many students know about.
Every day, there is something happening on campus, but not many students usually
participate. But I feel what has helped me was getting more involved and joining
different organizations because then I find out about different things the school is
organizing or offering.
Five participants discussed the DRC as a support program. In the last decade, with the
increase in political discourse on immigration, some higher education institutions made a greater
commitment to support undocumented students by establishing DRCs. The common theme and
services of these centers are emotional and psychological support and advocacy for academic,
professional, and personal development of undocumented students. In addition, these centers
serve as a safe space for this population and offer a range of programs and services to educate the
campus community and support undocumented students’ access, persistence, and graduation.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 56
In Southern California, there are nine DRCs (L. Borjon, personal communication, May
25, 2016). Frida shared that, on campus, her main resource of support is the DRC. The center
offers numerous resources, but the services she found the most beneficial are employment
opportunities and information on qualifying for the DREAM Act. She states,
From the DRC, they tell us about different resources that they have like scholarship or
other things that can help you with college. They especially share resources about
different jobs. I guess you can say that they help with referrals to different companies for
work.
By attending the DREAM Act workshop, Frida also learned more about state and institutional
financial aid, which helped her better afford college. Cristian describes the DRC as a safe space
where he can spend time. He has used the center for different resources like scholarships, social
events, and job opportunities. He also learned more about his legal rights as an undocumented
student. Cristian describes how connected he is to the DRC:
I feel like the DRC is a big part of my daily life because I am here on campus about 12
hours every day. Even once I am done with my classes or student group meetings, I stay
on campus at the DRC doing homework. It is the best place to get my stuff done.
Isabella also shares the primary resource she gained from the DRC is emotional support.
Through her visits to the DRC, she gained more confidence and has become more active and
engaged on campus. She developed a close peer network of students at the DRC and enjoys the
social space the center offers. Isabella cannot envision attending AU without the support of the
DRC. She shares,
Oftentimes, I question how would my life be if we did not have the Dreamer center. I like
that place to hang out, socialize and feel like in a community who also goes through
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 57
similar experiences like me as an undocumented student. The DRC community led me to
be more active as an undocumented student and not feel like I have to hide.
Similarly, Barbara shares the DRC offers security. She states, “Having a center that has that
name and dedicated to Dreamers makes you feel that, when you go in there, you know they are
going to help you.” When Barbara arrived at AU, she was overwhelmed by her transition from
high school to college but felt some ease when she learned about the DRC. She states, “I didn’t
know that would be a thing and that there would be so much help. A whole center dedicated to
undocumented students. Any time I need help, I go to the DRC.”
Julia explains she decided to attend AU because the institution offered a DRC. Her sister
attended college three years before and had a positive experience because of all the resources and
support that the DRC offered. She describes,
I applied to [Alpha] because of my sister. She was student here so I also decided to apply.
Once I enrolled in at [Alpha] a professor told me about the Dreamer center. I met the
director who really helped me with the DACA and AB540 application. She also helped
me apply for the DREAM Act, which helped waive my fees.
Julia met the director of the DRC during her senior year in high school and felt confident
she had made the right choice in college. Julia is especially appreciative of the DRC because of
the support the center provided to students in the fall of 2017 when President Trump was
considering eliminating DACA. The center offered legal workshops, which she attended. Every
time Julia needs to renew her DACA application, she seeks help through the DRC. She states,
“They offer guidance and a lot of emotional support. They encourage me to stay focus and
motivated. They have provided some job opportunities.”
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 58
Another college support program that four students mentioned utilizing is the Educational
Opportunity Program (EOP). This program is state-funded and designed to provide counseling
and academic support to low-income and first-generation college students. Barbara shares she
learned about EOP when she was in high school. Before she started college, she already had
consistent contact with her EOP counselor. She found the counselor and student connection very
helpful. In fact, the best information the EOP counselor provided was about the DRC. Barbara
states, “I think that, if I hadn’t been part of EOP, I might not have known about the DRC.
Unfortunately, information about the DRC is not something the campus really promotes, so I
wouldn’t have ever been aware of the center.”
Giselle explains she also learned about EOP before she transferred to AU. Her
community college counselor advised her to apply, especially because, as part of that program,
she would get priority registration. Giselle finds priority registration is a great benefit. She states,
“When I was going to transfer here, I was told about the EOP program and their services, which I
am still part of. They have numerous resources but the huge one is priority registration.” Cristian
also shares that, as a participant in EOP, priority registration is helpful. In his two years at AU,
Cristian has always been able to register for all his desired classes and he attributes this to the
EOP benefit. Frida mentions she did not apply for EOP until her second year in college.
However, now that she is part of the program, what she enjoys most are the social activities. She
has met some friends through EOP that share a similar background and makes it easy to connect
with them. Frida describes, “I feel like I belong here. There are so many people that look like me.
I feel like they are Hispanics and they are able to do it so I feel like I am able to do it as well.
Many of them like me are the first in their family to attend college.”

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 59
Opportunity: Beneficial Legislative Policies
Undocumented students’ status marginalizes them as they navigate higher education.
Some legislative advocates continue to push for federal and state laws, more scholarship
opportunities, and revised institutional programs to support these students. All participants
benefit from one or all forms of federal, state or institutional programs currently available
specifically because of their undocumented status.
Seven of the participants had DACA protection. All of them applied for DACA prior to
arriving at AU. Alex is the only student who does not have DACA protection, and he speaks
openly about how, due to his inability to legally work, he struggles financially and has been
unable to maintain a job for more than six months. Alex also shares that, if he were a DACA
beneficiary, he could stop working in the shadows with fear of being caught. Alex tried applying
for DACA but did not meet the criterion of age at arrival in the U.S. He shares,
DACA would be a huge benefit for a lot of people. Many of us would stop working in the
shadows with the fear of getting caught. Using fake social security numbers. We are
afraid of taking certain risks, but we kind of have to if we want to get something.
All seven students with DACA protection described that the greatest asset gained from
DACA was the ability to work legally. Barbara explains that, with a work permit, she can get a
higher-paying job. Barbara has been working for two years at a public high school. Cristian
shares his mother was the primary reason he applied for DACA. His mother was the one who
shared the information and benefits about applying. Cristian describes, “I just remember a law
passing, but it was my mom that went to a lawyer and asked all the questions. She was the one
that pushed to get my DACA.” Now that Cristian has DACA protection, he realizes the
opportunities of a well-paying job and labor rights. Similar to Cristian’s experience, Eva’s
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 60
parents conducted the research and provided information for her to apply for DACA. Eva states,
“Through DACA, I obtained more college opportunities, I was able to gain legal employment,
and I got my driver’s license. Eventually, I also purchased my first car, and I was able to get a
credit card.” Eva also describes how stressful she became the summer of 2017 when she learned
that DACA might be eliminated:
That summer was the worst time in my life. It was a very stressful period for me,
specifically because I just started my master’s program and it was announced that they
might take DACA away. I also remember, when Trump won the election, I cried in front
of the television. His plans for immigration, what he wanted to do, was even scarier. That
summer I just thought, “I am in graduate school. What is going to happen?” I am going to
get my MSW. I won’t even be able to get a job with my graduate degree. I was panicked.
Eva experienced many emotions after the announcement of the federal government of potentially
dismantling the DACA program.
Similarly, to Eva’s emotional period when President Trump announced cancelling
DACA, Frida also felt fear and uneasiness. Frida describes,
I felt that, if DACA ended, I would not be able to have my current job. I would not be
able to have all the additional resources that DACA gives me. This would once again
portray undocumented people in a negative way.
Frida mentions that the most important benefit DACA provided was allowing her to gain
experience in her future career. Her ultimate goal is to work in the financial field as a human
resources manager. She is currently employed at a bank and has begun looking for management
positions for which she can apply upon college completion. Frida also shares obtaining DACA
status has given undocumented students a “positive label.” She shares,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 61
Now that we are characterized as DACA, everybody knows that we are here to work and
not just get something from this country but be able to provide as well. Before it was, oh,
well, she’s illegal. Now, that is not the case. DACA provides something like a positive
connotation instead of a negative one.
Isabella and Giselle both illustrated how DACA facilitated more employment
opportunities and gave them a form of security. Giselle shares, “DACA provided security, and I
no longer need to live in the shadows of society.” Isabella expresses, “Since obtaining my
DACA status, I finally feel safe.” Julia mentions that becoming a DACA recipient gave her a
form of identity and diminished her fear of being deported. By becoming a DACA recipient Julia
obtained a driver’s license and obtained a job legally.
While, at the federal level, there is ongoing ambivalence about the future of DACA, these
testimonies capture how this program has positively improved participants’ lives. The DACA
program provided a secure path for undocumented students which allows them to contribute to
their families, communities, and the economy. As the debates over undocumented students’
rights to higher education and financial aid benefits continue, some states are crafting legislation
and programs to assist this population. California signed the DREAM Act into law in 2011 to
provide undocumented students state financial aid (Gonzales, 2016).
All eight participants are state DREAM Act recipients. For all these students, the
DREAM Act allowed them access to their primary source of financial aid. For most of these
students, the DREAM Act covers about 90% of tuition. Frida shares she was forced to take a
year’s break from college because she did not qualify for financial aid. The institution did not
have enough funding to allocate her DREAM Act grant, and she could not afford to pay out of
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 62
pocket. Frida also shares she pays a percentage of tuition out of pocket. She self-finances her
education because her parents do not provide monetary support. She asserts,
Yes, the DREAM Act itself it pays for part of school tuition, but, every semester, I also
have pay. The DREAM Act is not enough, and I have to work, obviously, to pay for
school. I’ve always worked since I was in high school because my parents told me that, if
I attended college, they were not going to be able to help me.
Eva’s undergraduate education was funded by aid allocated also through the DREAM
Act. As she pursues graduate school, she benefits from the DREAM Act. The university also
provided Eva with grants, and she received some independent scholarships which are assisting
her with tuition for her MSW program. She states, “[For] financial aid, you apply for the
California DREAM Act. This is for undocumented students. I also have a state university grant
based on my income. I’ve also applied for scholarships.” Alex mentions the DREAM Act is also
a benefit because it allows him to receive financial aid to help pay for tuition. However, there are
additional college costs he is responsible for paying. Alex states, “Besides tuition fees, the
second most expensive college cost are books. My parents do not support me monetarily for
college expenses, but I am appreciative because I live with them and only provide a minimal
amount for household costs.” Isabella also shares the DREAM Act enabled her primary source of
financial aid. She states, “The [aid] pays for my tuition sometimes I get $300 extra, which I
usually invest in books. My family provides minimal support like food, transportation and
supplies. However, since I’ve been working, I also tried to relieve my family from the pressure
of supporting me.”

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 63
Barriers: Affordability
All eight participants reported they work while attending college. Four of them reported
that they work full time and four of them work part time. Seven students work off campus, and
Isabella works on campus. Two students also shared that concurrently working, studying, and
commuting from home to campus has inhibited them from creating friends or social support
network on campus. Alex describes,
College is nothing of what I imagined. I feel like you are your own boss: nobody tells you
what to do like in high school. I feel an emptiness on campus because I don’t really have
friends here. I don’t know anybody here. It’s challenging because I commute and work. I
feel like a zombie just walking through classes and not have anything else to do rather
than that. Everything else is good. I try to manage time very well.
Giselle also expresses her lack of peer network because of her responsibility to work. She states,
I’ve been doing it alone. I tried joining the Student Dietetics Association, which consists
mostly of nutritional science majors like myself. I was part of it my first semester that I
transferred to [Alpha] but it came to a point where I had to manage my time better. I had
to just focus on being able to pass my classes and go to work so I didn’t continue with the
club.
Four other participants report that the need to work is imperative. Frida was compelled to take a
break from college for one year because she was not allocated financial aid through the DREAM
Act. Frida describes,
Since I began at [AU], I attended college full time. I had to take a break between my
sophomore and junior year because the university reported that they did not have enough
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 64
funding. They took into consideration resident students first and then DREAM Act
recipients.
Frida could not afford to pay that year of college, so she took time off to work and returned the
following year. Three participants shared they never considered enrolling into a postsecondary
institution because of financial constraints. Giselle describes how she was never motivated to
apply to a 4-year university because she observed how costly community college was for her
brother. Her brother graduated from high school before the DREAM Act was introduced in
California, so he had to pay for everything out of pocket. She explains, “Once I saw my brother
struggling to enroll in a community college and he couldn’t even afford that, let alone, for
myself, a four-year college. So, I did not consider a 4-year university. It was discouraging seeing
him struggle.” For this reason, Giselle never considered a 4-year college after high school.
Eva also decided, before graduating from high school, that enrolling at a 4-year
university was not something she could consider because of the financial cost. While she did her
research and educators at her high school assisted her in seeking resources, she recognized that,
due to her undocumented status and her family’s limited finances, her only choice to continue
higher education was at a community college. Eva shares,
I went to up to the college representative when she was at my high school, and she
informed me that, because I was undocumented, I could not receive financial aid. I would
only be eligible for private scholarships. I remember that day when I really realized that it
gave me a better understanding of undocumented, what it means to be undocumented.
One of the barriers when you’re undocumented is financial.
Similar to Giselle and Eva’s trajectory to higher education, Christian also decided to
attend a community college because of his financial situation. Christian describes it took him a
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 65
long time to earn a bachelor’s because, for the first two years of community college, he did not
receive any form of financial assistance. His parents provided minimal monetary support, and he
had to work and contribute to his college education. In addition, due to his challenging financial
situation, for four years at the community college, he only attended school part-time. He states,
Before, I was a part-time student, but now starting this year, I am a full-time student. The
only reason I transferred to [AU] is because I was not receiving any financial aid. I was
paying for classes and therefore only attended college part-time.
Three students shared that, because of the financial challenges they endured, it has taken
them longer to complete their undergraduate studies. Christian has been in his college journey
for five years, and he anticipates graduating in 2020. By the time he earns a bachelor’s, he will
have spent seven years in his undergraduate studies. He openly states, “Before I was part-time
because I did not get any financial aid and I was paying for classes. Attending college part-time
has made finishing longer.”
Giselle completed college in six years. When she transferred to AU and received
financial aid, she finally attended college full time. Giselle explains,
It was never that I [or my brother] did not like school. It also wasn’t that we were not
capable of performing academically or getting there. It’s just the fact that it was beyond
what we could afford. The DREAM Act and DACA made that possible. DACA lets me
work. That’s how it is helping me. The DREAM Act helps pay for my tuition partially. I
still pay out of pocket for everything else, and my parents have not given me a penny to
be able to do it, which I am not complaining about. But, with no other financial resources,
it has been challenging to finish college in shorter time.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 66
Frida will also earn her degree in five years because of an individual financial challenge.
She was unable to attend college for one year because the university did not have enough funds
for undocumented students. She describes,
I had to miss one year because I was not able to get financial aid. I had to take a break my
sophomore year. According to the financial aid office, they said they take into
consideration resident/citizen students for financial aid. Then, the Dreamer students.
They said there wasn’t enough funding. I still pay, but it’s not the same as paying the full
price. I had to take a break.
In the next section, the role of a network in participants’ trajectory is examined to answer
the second research question: What role does family, college peers or professional educators play
in undocumented students’ success in college? The three themes related to the second research
question are presented in descending order of magnitude: family, institutional agents, and peer
network.
Social Support
All participants reported their primary form of support is family, specifically their
parents. All students shared that their parents were influential in their pursuit of higher education.
Family
Alex describes his mother and stepfather as his main support system, even though they
cannot assist monetarily. Alex’s mother and stepfather have always helped him find new
educational information and resources. Alex further shares his parents’ involvement in his
educational path keeps him accountable and responsible: “It is sometimes stressful having my
parents always asking me about school, but I know they do it because they care, which makes me
want to do better in school.”
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 67
Similar to Alex, Christian and Eva’s parents also provide them with educational
resources. As mentioned earlier, Christian’s mother researched and informed him about the
DACA process. Christian also describes that the decision for him to attend college was made by
his parents when he was very young. His parents sacrificed much and worked hard to migrate to
the U.S., so he knew he had no choice but to enroll in college.
Eva shares she is thankful to her parents because they stood by her side throughout her
college education. They have supported her emotionally, monetarily, and with resources. Eva
states that, although her parents had limited knowledge about the U.S. education system, they
often inquired about new opportunities for their children. In fact, she attended a private high
school because of her mother’s research and advice. She also asserts, “My dad was listening to
the radio and heard about legal clinics that were assisting students with the DACA application
process. Both my parents joined me early that morning, at the organization, to try to submit my
application.”
Barbara’s parents stressed she must pursue higher education: “My parents brought me
over here just so I could go to college. So, it was always embedded into my head since I was
young that I was going to go to college.” Her parents support her emotionally and monetarily. On
two occasions, her father helped her purchase books. Giselle also shares her mother set the
expectation for college and has always encouraged her. She states, “My mom has always been on
me, my brother, and my sister, about education. Just experiencing firsthand, the struggles [of]
how they didn’t get to go to school. Then, for me, I think that’s always been on my mind.”
Through the challenges Giselle faced pursuing higher education, it was comforting to know her
parents were two of her primary supporters.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 68
Isabella and Julia share their mothers were sources of inspiration and support for
attending higher education. Isabella shares her mother, despite always working long hours, was
involved in her education. In addition to the support that Isabella received from her mother, she
feels fortunate that her uncle, whom she sees as a father figure, also encouraged her to attend
college. Isabella states,
My mom has always been involved in my education. I’ve always had her support because
she sees education as a way out of where society has placed us. Education has the power
of changing our narrative, especially as an undocumented student.
Julia describes her mother and sister are her strength for pursuing higher education, even at times
when she felt like giving up. Julia’s greatest inspiration is her sister: “My sister is my role model.
We help each other with college expenses, books, and parking permit.”
Institutional Agents
Five participants mentioned having a key faculty or staff member at AU who serves in a
supportive role. Alex states there are two professors, of photography and Chicano Latino studies
(CLS), with whom he is very close. He took both professors’ classes in his first year in college.
Alex says, “I have my photography professor that was really nice. He was great. He told me
about many resources or potential career paths in photography.” He took the CLS professor
twice for different courses. It was because of the positive relationship that he developed with the
CLS professor that he decided to take another of her classes. He enjoys speaking to both
professors. Alex’s photography professor regularly advises him about career options. His CLS
professor provides much information related to academics and job opportunities. Furthermore,
Alex describes the importance of developing these two connections because he felt very lonely
during the first semester of college. He also feels that, as a commuter and because of his work
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 69
schedule, it is challenging for him to develop relationships on campus. However, having these
close relationships with these faculty members motivates him and gives him a form of security.
Frida shares, “I love the school. I love the teachers. I love how they teach and
everything.” When Frida began college, she did not realize how much she would enjoy her
academic studies. She was also surprised at the diversity of faculty members at AU, which she
feels is one of the reasons she enjoys studying there. This connection with professors motivates
Frida. Similarly, Eva described her professors as amazing, and she has a close relationship with
many of them. In fact, it is the professors who make her MSW program interesting. For the first
time in her academic career, she is open about her undocumented status. Eva states, “MSW
professors are always willing to listen to me. If I have any concerns, I can really count on them.
I’m very vocal about my undocumented experience. I think everyone in the program knows my
story.” Eva is elated about her decision to pursue an MSW at AU, especially because of the
supportive network she developed in her program.
Julia also describes the strong relationship that she developed with some professors. She
says,
For the most part, the university is positive. I’ve managed to grow internally and not be
ashamed of my ethnicity. Pan African Studies, Latin American Studies and Chicano
Latino studies courses have helped me grow. I enjoy the solidarity that some professors
on campus provide to students with my background: We stand with Dreamers. Also, one
of my sociology professors motivated me to join the honors program.
Julia believes the positive relationship with faculty members reinforces that she made the right
choice in higher education institution. Julia feels comfortable seeking advice and support from
different faculty members.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 70
Christian’s institutional support comes from his counselor. After transferring, Christian
developed a close relationship with two academic counselors on campus. He speaks with them at
least twice per semester. Cristian especially enjoys the weekly information the counselor’s email
to students. He finds the information extremely helpful. Furthermore, Cristian shares he is
impressed with the counselors’ knowledge and resources. Cristian appreciates the counselor-
student relationship he has experienced on campus because it is something, he always felt he was
missing at the community college. He states, “Definitely the advisors here. They always send out
job opportunities and internships. They are great about just pointing me in the right direction and
telling me what I could do. That has helped me grow as a student and learn more about my
major.” In addition to the supportive roles these professional educators serve with participants,
some have also developed peer groups to help them gain information and emotional
encouragement to continue in higher education.
Peer Network
Four participants highlight the importance and appreciation of a peer network. They
describe their peer network provided academic, employment, social, and emotional support.
Isabella states,
My peer network provides emotional support, academic motivation, and
physical/exercise engagement. I enjoy having gym buddies on campus because exercising
is important. However, the most valuable information gained from peer my network is
developing my self-confidence and the importance of giving back to my community.
Isabella also stated one of her closets peer networks is an on-campus student group that promotes
civic engagement and educational workshops specifically for undocumented students.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 71
Similarly, Eva helped create a student group through her graduate program. There are six
members of the executive board who have grown very close and call each other friends now.
When they are not on campus, they connect via different social media platforms. She feels
connected to this student group, and she relies on them for numerous resources. Eva states, “My
cohort is very small, which is good because I am very close with them. I am very vocal about my
undocumented experience. So, everyone knows. I think everyone knows my story and they are
very supportive.”
Christian developed his peer network by joining different on-campus student groups. His
activism allows him to stay connected and feel motivated about his academic trajectory. The
most useful information his peer network offers regards future career opportunities. Christian
also feels emotionally supported by his peer network. He describes, “We encourage each other
and give advice, especially because we are part of the same organizations and we talk about what
we want to do with our future careers.” This is the first time Christian has developed a close
relationship with peers in his academic path.
Like Christian, Barbara asserts she has many friends and classmates whom she considers
part of her network. Her network provides emotional and educational support. She describes,
“Well, mostly it’s emotional support. People I can communicate with or, sometimes, when I have
a situation or something, like with financial aid and I don’t know what to do, my friends try to
help me out or they’ll try to research stuff.” While not at AU, she still remains connected with
her peers via different social media platforms. Furthermore, Barbara states she feels strongly
connected to campus because of her peer support group.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 72
Differences by Gender
The research did not demonstrate any significant differences of participants by gender.
There was no evidence of gender-related patterns that can be highlighted.
Summary of the Findings

All participants take advantage of one or more college support programs: DRC, EOP, and
school clubs. These programs provide different forms of support: academic, career, emotional,
and social. All students mentioned the positive impact of these programs in their path to
obtaining higher education. Seven of the participants who are beneficiaries of DACA assert that
the primary benefit of this policy is their ability to be legally employed. Most of these DACA
recipients were able to obtain higher-paying jobs. All eight participants are also beneficiaries of
the DREAM Act, which allowed their primary source of financial aid. Because of the DREAM
Act, were they able to better afford and attend college. All interviewees also shared that their
major struggle with obtaining higher education is affordability. While all of these students
receive state financial aid, they need to work to supplement additional college expenses. In
regards to the role of network in their path to higher education, all participants reported one or
two parents as their primary form of encouragement.
Three participants, Eva, Giselle and Frida, reported that, in addition to emotional support,
their parents also assist with minor monetary help. Five participants shared having institutional
agents who are supportive and motivating. These relationships have positively benefited Alex
and Christian by providing academic and career guidance. Julia, Eva and Frida discussed how
the close relationships with professors helped them develop their self-worth and identity. Four of
the participants also mentioned having strong peer networks, which helps them feel closer and
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 73
part of campus. The participants describe their peer network provides emotional, social and
educational support.
Conclusion

This chapter presented the findings from semi-structured interviews with eight
undocumented Latino students attending AU. From an in-depth analysis of these students’
testimonials, different themes emerged to help better understand the different resources this
population utilizes for academic success and the barriers they face. In addition, this chapter
explained the roles of varying levels of support from family members, institutional agents, and
peer networks that help these participants persevere and reach their academic goals. Chapter five
offers further discussion of the findings, implications, and suggestions for further research.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 74
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
Every year, approximately 65,000 undocumented students graduate from high school
(National Immigration Law Center, 2009). Of these graduates, each year, between 5% and 10%
enroll in higher education institutions, with the majority attending community college (Gonzales,
2009). Undocumented students are caught in a legal paradox when applying for college
admission and financial aid. In the United States, these students have the right to primary and
secondary education, but the laws are not explicit in terms of their access to higher education.
The goal of this qualitative study was to generate new scholarly work about undocumented
students’ perspectives and experiences as they navigate the complexities of the 4-year college.
In addition, the goal of this study was to learn more about programs and resources that helped
participants persist in college and the impact of a peer network on helping them reach their
academic goals. This study was guided by the following research questions:
1. What are the resources for academic success and barriers that undocumented students
attending a 4-year university experience?
2. What role do family, college peers or professional educators play in undocumented
students’ success in college?
Semi-structured interviews consisting of open-ended questions were conducted with eight
undocumented students attending AU. The interview protocol was aimed at capturing data
regarding participants’ trajectory in college and their support network. This chapter presents an
analytical discussion of the findings introduced in Chapter Four as well as limitations,
implications for practice, policy, and future research.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 75
Findings
Six themes emerged regarding participants’ access to higher education and their social
support networks. Three themes emerged in response to the first research question and highlight
participants’ institutional resources for academic success as well as barriers, college support
programs, beneficial legislative policies, and affordability. For the second research question,
three key findings pertain to the asset a peer network represents in respondents’ post-secondary
academic persistence and success. The data showed that family, professional educators, and
college peers serve as a positive network offering emotional, psychological, and academic
support for participants as they navigate through college.
Opportunity: College Support Programs
All participants take advantage of one or more college support programs. These
institutional support programs provide different forms of assistance, such as academic, career,
emotional or social. Four of the participants, Barbara, Cristian, Isabella, and Julia, also described
their surprise at the numerous resources that AU offers. In addition, all students mentioned the
important and positive impact of these programs in their path to obtaining higher education. For
example, one of those critical support programs at AU for undocumented students is the DRC.
The DRC serves as a campus and community advocate to help undocumented students attain
personal and academic success. Cristian, Isabella, Barbara and Julia shared the DRC served as a
safe space and provided emotional support. Cristian and Julia described how the DRC was
highly supportive when President Trump announced the potential elimination of DACA. Both
students felt a sense of security at the DRC. These assertions demonstrate the important role that
institutional support programs play in undocumented students’ lives and is consistent with
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 76
literature regarding facets of academic success for this population (Canedo-Sanchez & So, 2015;
Kwon et al., 2019; Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015).
Canedo-Sanchez and So (2015) noted it is imperative for institutions to develop and offer
resources to support the academic advancement of undocumented students within higher
education. Moreover, one of their participants shared,
This exchange, along with the support services I received from my EOP, an
individualized, personal, academic, and professional advising service for first generation,
financial aid receiving, or underrepresented ethnic minority students- enabled me to be
the first in my family to graduate from a U.S. university. (Canedo-Sanchez & So, 2015,
p. 465)
Suarez-Orozco et al. (2015) in a study of more than 900 undocumented student participants also
discussed the benefits that institutional support programs provide for resilience and success in
college. During research conducted by Kantamneni et al., (2016), one of the Latina
undocumented participants highlighted, “Support from college preparatory program was
particularly helpful as she pursued higher education” (p. 325). The research shows the
importance of building and offering institutional support to undocumented students, especially
because federal and state policies are unpredictable.
Opportunity: Beneficial Legislative Policies
Undocumented students in the United States have the right to primary and secondary
education, but the law is not clear regarding higher education (Gonzales, 2016; Hallett, 2013, &
Harmon, et al., 2010, Gildersleeve et al., 2010). For decades, the federal government has been in
conflict trying to resolve the immigration matter, but there has been no consensus. Since
congressional action on immigration has been stagnant, numerous states, municipalities and
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 77
postsecondary institutions across the country have developed their own policies and initiatives to
provide better clarity regarding this vulnerable population’s rights and access to services,
especially as they seek college enrollment (Gonzales & Raphael, 2017). However, while some
states, like California, have been progressive in developing and providing broader benefits to the
undocumented population, others have adopted more restrictive initiatives such as outlawing
undocumented students’ enrollment in public universities (Garcia & Tierney, 2011; Waters,
2017). Nevertheless, states and higher education institutions that have been proactive in
developing targeted legislation and policies for undocumented students have improved these
students’ lives (Canedo-Sanchez & So, 2015; Gonzales & Raphael, 2017; Kwon et al, 2019).
The literature is consistent with the findings of this study as described below.
Seven of the participants who are beneficiaries of DACA asserted that the primary
benefit of this policy is that it grants them authorization to work legally. Most of these recipients
were able to obtain higher-paying jobs after qualifying for DACA. Four of the participants also
asserted that, by qualifying for DACA and earning a higher income, they were able to contribute
financially to their parents’ household. For example, Alex stated, “Since I got my first paycheck,
I was able to cover all of my needs so now I am going to start helping with the bills at home.”
Some studies highlighted that undocumented students’ working legally is one of the most critical
components for them to meet basic daily needs like food, housing, and transportation
(Kantamneni et al., 2016). Moreover, scholarship describes that undocumented students’
opportunity to work has a direct impact of their success and completion of college (Kantamneni
et al., 2016; Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015). While some studies assert the importance of
undocumented students’ ability to legally work, other also highlight that the high number of
hours and sometimes demanding jobs make it challenging for them to balance school and work
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 78
(Perez-Huber & Malagon, 2006; Truax, 2015). The obligation to work and attend school can
sometimes be a barrier for college completion. Therefore, some scholarship suggests that states
should increase financial aid funding for this vulnerable population (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015).
In addition, to the DACA legislative benefit, all of the participants benefit from the DREAM
Act, which allows them to receive their primary source of financial aid.
All of the students stated that only through the DREAM Act were they able to afford and
attend college. For example, Eva shared, “DACA and the California DREAM Act are the two
laws that have allowed me to go to school and even enroll in graduate school.” Similar to Eva,
Cristian describe being a DACA and DREAM Act beneficiary help him finance college. He
said, “It is a combination of the DREAM Act and the opportunity to work because of DACA that
I do not have to pay for classes. I work to pay for books, transportation, and parking pass.” Alex
also stated, “The DREAM Act covers my full tuition. I also get about $200 extra to use for
books. I work to pay for other college expenses.” Their words are evidence of the positive
impact that legislation like DACA and DREAM Act have provided for undocumented students.
Studies demonstrate that progressive policies like DACA and the California DREAM Act
motivate undocumented students to graduate high school and attend postsecondary education or
serve in the military (Harmon et al., 2010; Stone, 2017). Furthermore, research highlights that
enabling these students to obtain work permits under DACA or become eligible for in-state
tuition grants, has a significant local economic impact (Stone, 2017).
Barriers: Affordability
All participants shared that the major struggle in terms of obtaining higher education is
affordability. While all of these students receive state financial aid, they need to work to cover
additional college expenses. Three of the participants, Cristian, Eva, Giselle, stated that, upon
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 79
high school graduation, they chose to enroll in a community college to save money. Six students
also asserted that they are financing their college education independently because their parents
are providing no monetary support. The challenge of college affordability that these students
face is broadly in line with the scholarship that financing postsecondary education without the
support of traditional financial aid is a significant or almost impossible undertaking for
undocumented students (Garcia & Tierney, 2011). Consequently, undocumented students must
work to pay for college with their own resources (Canedo-Sanchez & So, 2015; Suarez-Orozco
et al., 2015). Some research also demonstrates that the constraints of college affordability and
the need to work are among the primary reasons undocumented students choose to attend college
part time, enroll in a community college or, at times, are forced to take breaks from their
collegiate studies (Gildersleeve et al., 2010; Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015).
Studies also demonstrate that the challenging experiences that undocumented students
face with college affordability are similar to those of students who are U.S. citizens of low
socioeconomic background (Garcia & Tierney, 2011). Similarly, to the undocumented student
population, low-income students are first in their family to attend college, choose to enroll in a
community college because of financial constraints, and work to afford higher education costs
and contribute to their households (Garcia & Tierney, 2011; Perez & Ceja, 2010). While
undocumented and low-income students share similar experiences in regard to their pursuit of
higher education, U.S. citizen students’ concerns are countered by an array and access to more
comprehensive financial aid, scholarships, and employment opportunities. College tuition has
more than doubled since the 1980s, and student loan debt has also doubled over the last 10 years
(Ament & Rice, 2019). The high tuition cost has even more of an impact on vulnerable
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 80
populations like undocumented students (Kantamneni, et al., 2016; Katsiaficas, 2015; Suarez-
Orozco et al., 2016).
Social Support
Prior studies of undocumented students found college persistence and positive academic
performance is connected to having a social support network (Hallett, 2013; Kwon et al., 2019).
In addition, research revealed that undocumented students’ engagement with some form of social
support network allows them to better transition and feel connected to college life (Hallett, 2013
& Kantamneni et al., 2016). All participants in this research were able to identify one or more
forms of support networks that were influential in their academic pursuits. All participants stated
that their primary form of encouragement was family, specifically their parents. Two students,
Eva and Cristian, shared that, besides their parents’ emotional support, they also received
monetary assistance from them to go towards their college studies. Research also demonstrated
that, besides the familial influence, institutional and peer support are important assets for
undocumented students (Kwon et al., 2019; Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015).
Five students described a key professor or staff member at AU who served in a
supportive role in their college trajectory. Alex described that the relationships with two of his
professors were critical because they provided him a sense of belonging at AU. Frida shared her
surprise at AU was having professors of ethnic and cultural backgrounds similar to hers. As a
result, this provided a close connection with some of these faculty members because she was
able to identify with them. Julia stated that she felt empowered at AU because many of her
professors are allies of Dreamers, and she felt she could confide in them. Numerous studies
emphasized the positive academic, social and psychological impact that faculty and staff
members have when undocumented students connect with them (Kwon et al., 2019, Garcia &
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 81
Tierney, 2011 & Contreras, 2009). Scholars also highlight the importance of undocumented
students’ developing relationships with institutional agents because many, due to their
immigration status, often feel inferior or as outsiders. Hence, these bonds allow them to feel
included (Abrego, 2008; Perez et al., 2009). It is evident that social support networks play a key
role in assisting undocumented students gain information and develop bonds that will help them
navigate through higher education.
Implications for Policy and Practice
Higher education institutions can take several steps to advance undocumented students’
degree completion. College educators need to continue to learn about federal and state
immigration laws to better advise and guide undocumented students. In addition, college
educators can host different events on campus to raise awareness and help undocumented
students develop a closer sense of belonging with the university. Colleges also need to develop
financial need-based scholarships made available to undocumented students. The increase in
scholarships and funding will allow undocumented students to maintain continuous enrollment,
attend college full time and possibly reduce their hours of employment. Higher education
institutions should also partner with local community non-profits to offer educational training
and workshops to parents of undocumented students. This study captured how some parents
were key advisors to their children regarding beneficial programs and policies in their pursue to
higher education. Lastly, higher education institutions should hire and train full-time counselors
who can provide targeted mental health services for the undocumented population.
From a policy perspective, California, one of the leading states with the most robust and
comprehensive legislation and programs for undocumented students, should conduct research to
publish and disseminate information about the success or gaps of some of these policies and
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 82
services. This research should emphasize the state’s economic impact and contributions of
educating undocumented students. By disseminating such critical information, it may result in
other states garnering more support for the development of similar policies and programs.
Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research
The results of this research are limited and not generalizable to the entire undocumented
population or across 4-year public higher education institutions. Future work with larger
samples of participants of different ethnic/cultural background and gender needs to be
conducted. Also, a more comprehensive longitudinal study is recommended to better capture
undocumented students’ daily activities that assist them with academic completion and social
and institutional support services. As immigration policies and legislation continue to be volatile
and complex, it is imperative to continue to develop relevant scholarship for this vulnerable and
understudied population. Comprehensive research will allow better evaluation of resources and
services offered to undocumented students given their unique circumstances.
One of the methodological limitations faced in this study was finding participants. Since
the election of President Donald Trump in November 2016, anxiety and stress encountered by
undocumented increased due to a perceived perilous future, and many of them refused to openly
share their status (Kwon et al., 2019). While multiple recruitment strategies were developed and
an incentive was provided, obtaining participants for the research was challenging. The overall
research goal was to obtain a deeper understanding of undocumented students’ access to higher
education, specifically at 4-year institution.
Conclusion
This study aimed to better understand the perspectives of undocumented students and
how they fare as they transition and navigate through higher education system, specifically at a
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 83
4-year institution. All these undocumented students displayed motivation and persistence,
despite consciously having awareness of their limitations because of their status. All students
accessed and benefited from one or multiple state policies or institutional programs. They all
asserted that the state and institutional programs were vital for their college enrollment and
completion. This study provides a tangible qualitative narrative of the positive impact that state
and higher education institutional initiatives have on undocumented students’ lives. These
results should serve as a catalyst for states and college institutions to continue to develop
targeted policies and programs for this marginalized population. The study also shares how
critical a support network serves for undocumented students college success. The parents of all
these students were influential in their path to higher education. Some of these parents serve as
advisors and information agents for their children to more easily navigate through the higher
education system. Lastly, this study also provides a list of recommendations for educators to
better serve this population.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 84
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UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 93
APPENDIX A
Invitation to Participate
You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Joanna Flores, EdD candidate at
the University of Southern California. You have self-identified as an undocumented
undergraduate student that utilizes services from the Resource Center at your college/ university.
Undocumented students from across the state of California have been invited to participate. Your
identity will remain anonymous; no identifiable information will be collected and/or will be
linked to your responses.

Purpose

The purpose of the study is to learn more about undocumented students educational experience
who are enrolled at a 4-year institution and the support received by their network.

Procedures
Interviews will be conducted. The interviews will be on campus and will take approximately 90.
All the information that you provide will be confidential. During part of the interview, I would
like to record our conversation. Do I have your permission to record the interview?

We will now begin the interview

(Pre- Migration)

1. What is your ethnic background?
2. What is your country of origin?
3. Have you lived anywhere else before coming to the U.S.?
4. Who thought you should come to the U.S.?
5. Why did you or your guardian(s) make that decision?
6. How did you feel about moving to the U.S.?
7. Did you or your family make any preparations before coming to the U.S.?

(Migration)

8. How did you arrive to the U.S. (i.e. Visa, Asylum Refugee, illegally?)
9. How long did it take you to arrive to the U.S.?
10. What type of transportation did you use (car/ flying?)
11. Where you traveling by yourself, with parents or other family/adults?
12. How long have you lived in the U.S.?

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 94
(Educational Experience)

13. What made you begin thinking and preparing for college?
14. What year are you in college?
15. What is your major?
16. Do you attend college full time/ part time?

17. Are you a DACA recipient?
18. What changed in your life after you were approved for DACA?
19. How would your life be affected if DACA ended?
20. Did you always consider attending a 4-year university?
21. How do you finance your college education? (Scholarships, DREAM Act, Work, Parent
Financial Support?)
22. How is the experience at the university going (challenges, stressors, confusion)?

In the next section, I will ask questions regarding social and emotional support from your network
(family, peers or college staff/faculty) while attending the 4-year university?

(Network Support)

23. Do you have a peer network on or off campus?
24. Do you feel supported or not by your peer network?
25. What kind of support does your peer network provide?
26. Do peers share social or educational information with you that may be useful as you navigate
through the higher education system?
27. In what format do you communicate or stay in touch with your peers?
28. What has been the most valuable information that you have obtained from your peer
network?
29. How close (or not) do you feel with students at your college campus?
30. How much do you feel like you are part of your college campus?

Final questions

(Future Plans)

31. What are the plans for the future?
32. What do you see yourself doing after college graduation?
33. Do you have any additional comments?

Thank you for your time.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 95
APPENDIX B
Consent Form
University of Southern California
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN A RESEARCH STUDY

Joanna Flores EdD Candidate
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089
jflores@usc.edu

1. Sign a copy of the consent form
2. Answer questions asked by a researcher

Potential Risks
There are no physical risks associated with participation in this study. However, you will be asked rather
personal information and it is possible that you may become emotionally uncomfortable in the process. In
prior research similar to this, it was very uncommon for the person to become uncomfortable. If any
question(s) make you extremely uneasy, you are always welcome to skip it and move on to the next.
Should you become upset because of this study, project staff will discuss these feelings with you in a
confidential setting and make any appropriate referrals.
Benefits to Subjects
No specific benefit to the undocumented student is expected from participation in this study. It is possible
that the interview data will help further explore undocumented students’ access into higher education.

Benefits to Society
The information we gain from this study may be used to provide further evidence of the economic
benefits in the United States when undocumented students pursue higher education.

Payment for Participation
No payment will be provided to the participants of this study.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 96
Confidentiality
Every attempt will be made by the investigators to maintain all information collected in this study strictly
confidential.

Participation and Withdrawal
Participation in this study is VOLUNTARY. Whether or not you choose to allow yourself to participate
will have no effect on the services you receive at the establishment where you were recruited. If you
participate and later decide to withdraw from the study, you may do so without affecting your rights to
services.

Conclusion
You have been given the opportunity to ask questions and have them answered to your satisfaction.

I have read and understand the consent form. I agree to participate in the research study. After signing
below, I will be given a copy of the consent form.

_________________________ _____________________________ ______
Name Signature Date

_________________________ _____________________________ ______
Person Authorized to Obtain Consent Person Authorized Signature Date

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS AT A FOUR-YEAR INSTITUTION 97
APPENDIX C
Theoretical Framework Alignment Matrix

Research Question Theoretical Framework Data Instrument Questions
1. What are the
resources for
academic success
and barriers that
undocumented
students attending a
4-year university
experience?
Ecological Systems Theory
(Bronfenbrenner, 1977)
Survey Questions: 18-22
2. What role do
family, college peers
or professional
educators play in
undocumented
students’ success in
college?
Survey Questions: 13, 23-30
Demographic
Questions
Survey Questions: 1-12, 14-17,
31-33

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Asset Metadata

Creator Flores, Joanna Estela (author)

Core Title Stories of persistence and courage: undocumented students' educational experience enrolled at a 4-year institution

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 04/09/2020

Defense Date 01/14/2020

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag DACA,DREAM Act,Dreamers,OAI-PMH Harvest,social support, ecological systems theory,undocumented students

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia (committee chair), Baca, Reynaldo (committee member), Combs, Wayne (committee member)

Creator Email jflores@usc.edu,joaneflores@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-281547

Unique identifier UC11673582

Identifier etd-FloresJoan-8258.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-281547 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-FloresJoan-8258.pdf

Dmrecord 281547

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Flores, Joanna Estela

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA