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And still we rise: examining the strengths of first-generation college students

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And still we rise: examining the strengths of first-generation college students

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Content Running head: FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 1

AND STILL WE RISE: EXAMINING THE STRENGTHS OF FIRST-GENERATION
COLLEGE STUDENTS

by

Michelle C. Juarez

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2020

Copyright 2020 Michelle Juarez
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 2
DEDICATION
My dissertation is dedicated to my mother, Linda M. Montoya, who always supported me and
my dreams. You were a UCLA Mom, and now you’re a USC Mom, too. I love you with all of
my heart. Thank you for everything. I wouldn’t have made it this far without you and your
unconditional love, guidance, and support.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 3
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to thank the eight first-generation college students who
shared their lived educational experiences with me. Without them, this dissertation would not be
possible. Your stories of aspiration and resistance in the face of adversity are empowering,
sentimental, celebratory, and will continue to help pave the way for future generations to come.
It’s been an honor and a privilege to work with you to share your narratives.
Thank you to my USC committee members: Dr. Patricia Tobey and Dr. Briana Hinga. I
appreciate your time and work throughout this educational journey. Pat, thank you for the in
person and virtual check-ins. I enjoyed our time together during my independent study. Briana,
thank you for teaching my research methods courses and for helping me to prepare the
conceptual framework for this study.
Thank you to my outside committee member, Dr. Carol Lundberg. Carol, thank you very
much for your mentorship over the past ten years. I was fortunate to first learn about the field of
higher education from you and then get to know you better as my master’s program capstone
advisor. Your involvement as a member of my dissertation committee made this educational
achievement an extra special moment for me.
Thank you to my supportive friends. I am appreciative that we were able to help each
other navigate and stay motivated through this Doctor of Education journey.
Finally, thank you to my mom for equipping me with the strengths and encouragement to
become the first member of our family to graduate from college and to obtain a doctoral degree
from the University of Southern California. Your love for me guided the way from start to
finish.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication 2
Acknowledgments 3
List of Tables 6
List of Figures 7
Abstract 8
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 9
Background of the Problem 9
Statement of the Problem 12
Purpose of the Study 13
Research Questions 13
Significance of the Study 13
Limitations and Delimitations 14
Definition of Terms 15
Organization of the Study 18
Chapter Two: Literature Review 20
Yosso’s Community Cultural Wealth Model 21
Components of Community Cultural Wealth 24
Available Literature on First-Generation College Student Experiences in Higher Education 28
First-Year Transition to University Life 28
Loneliness and Social Isolation 31
Involvement and Support Networks 34
Conceptual Framework for Study 36
Summary 37
Chapter Three: Methodology 39
Research Design 39
Sample and Population 40
First-Generation Student Achievement Program/Pre-College Achievement Program 41
Summer Bridge Program 42
Instrumentation 43
Data Collection 43
Data Analysis 44
Summary 46
Chapter Four: Results 47
Interview Participant Demographics and Biographies 47
Ana 48
Stefany 49
Sara 50
Enrique 51
Gustavo 52
Jessica 53
Mayra 54
Isabella 55
Findings 55
Employing Aspirational Capital 56
Employing Linguistic Capital 58
Employing Familial Capital 61
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 5
Employing Social Capital 69
Employing Navigational Capital 79
Employing Resistant Capital 84
Summary 89
Chapter Five: Discussion 91
Discussion of Findings 93
Implications for Practice 97
Conclusions 101
References 103
Appendix A: Research Alignment Matrix 110
Appendix B: Interview Questions 110
Appendix C: IRB Approval 112
Appendix D: Consent Form 114

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 6
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Interview Participant Demographic Information 48

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 7
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Yosso’s Community Cultural Wealth model. 25
Figure 2. Conceptual framework. Adapted from Yosso’s community cultural wealth model. 37

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 8
ABSTRACT
This study utilizes Yosso’s Community Cultural Wealth model to better understand the
strengths of first-generation college students who thrive in the university setting. This study
explored the six forms of Community Cultural Wealth employed by participants in a first-
generation student achievement program. Eight college seniors and alumni were interviewed
using a semi-structured interview protocol. Findings indicate that aspirational capital ensures
students reach college completion, linguistic capital increases professional value, families go
through the first-generation college student experience together, friend groups encourage help-
seeking behaviors and expand social networks, work-study jobs enhance navigational capital,
and through resistant capital, students move from culture shock and otherness on campus to a
sense of belonging as they develop their identities as first-generation college students. The
cultural capital of marginalized groups emerged as a key influence in college success. A
recommendation is for university administrators to utilize the Community Cultural Wealth model
when developing and implementing outreach programming for first-generation college students.
Keywords: Community Cultural Wealth, first-generation college students, support
networks, pre-college outreach programs

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 9
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Beyond gaining admission into U.S. post-secondary institutions, first-generation college
students from low socioeconomic status (SES) and other underrepresented backgrounds still face
challenges related to social adjustment and engagement once matriculated. In an active effort to
close the gap related to institutional adjustment difficulties, first-generation college student
pipeline programs were developed by colleges and universities to provide additional resources
and support mechanisms for these students’ transition into higher education (Pascarella &
Terenzini, 2005; Walpole et al., 2008). While high school to college pipeline programs differ
across colleges and universities, outreach programs are oftentimes developed to serve recent
first-generation, low-income high school graduates admitted to a particular college or university.
Arguably, the primary purpose of these pipeline programs is to demystify the college-going
experience, develop self-esteem and self-efficacy, and orient the student to the higher education
environment (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005; Walpole et al., 2008).
This study sought to understand and acknowledge the strengths of first-generation college
students who thrive in the university setting. The aim of this study was to explore the forms of
Community Cultural Wealth that First-Generation Student Achievement (FGSA) program
participants at Research University (RU) bring from Neighboring High School (NHS) to
persevere in college. This chapter provides an overview of the study, a background of the
problem, the purpose of the study, and the research question that guided this study. Chapter One
concludes with the study’s limitations and delimitations and a definition of terms.
Background of the Problem
Beginning in the 1960s, the United States government enacted efforts to level the playing
field for historically underrepresented students seeking higher education. Recognizing the need
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 10
for this programmatic assistance, many government-funded programs, including Upward Bound
and Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Programs, were developed to
assist in improving academic outcomes of first-generation college students in the United States.
These and other non-profit programs and policies were implemented to reduce the challenges
related to cultural capital oftentimes faced by low-SES students and students of color (Walpole et
al., 2008). In this vein, pipeline programs were developed at the institution level to draw
prospective applicants, assist with unique first-year, first-generation college student transition
concerns, and ultimately increase retention (Walpole et al., 2008). These programs can be
important mechanisms for reducing inequity in the United States educational system (Walpole et
al., 2008).
While first-generation college student outreach programs vary in structure based on each
institution of higher learning, these programs are a common programmatic effort selected by 4-
year college and university administrators to attract, assist, and retain first-generation college
students during their transition between high school and college. Outreach programs are
presented to prospective and newly admitted students as a unique opportunity to provide study
skills workshops and social support prior to the first year of college at low or no cost to the
student or student’s family. When building an outreach program cohort, administrators typically
focus their selection efforts on inviting students who are the first in their families to attend
college, have graduated from local, underperforming high schools, or students who are admitted
on a conditional basis due to lower than average standardized test scores (Walpole et al., 2008).
With the primary objective of preparing students for the academic rigors of college life,
successful social adjustment, and increased self-efficacy, academic support services provided
throughout a pipeline program customarily include tutoring sessions, study skills workshops, and
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 11
emphasize a rigorous writing and/or math curriculum (Gandara, 2002). With these goals in
mind, coursework or workshops may not be remedial in nature, but, instead, focused on allowing
students to earn college credit prior to their official college start date. Pipeline program
coursework typically includes at least one university general education requirement to better
prepare students for the academic rigor expected of them by faculty members and to demystify
the college-going experience prior to the arrival of the entire entering class (Walpole et al.,
2008).
To facilitate a successful high school to college transition, 4-year college and university
summer bridge programs are characteristically residential programs taking place in on-campus
housing during the summer prior to the start of the participants’ first academic year. Programs
average six weeks in duration, which is the length of a standard college summer session. New
students are assigned upperclassmen mentors or residential advisors who are experienced
summer bridge program alumni to foster first-generation college student development and
provide social support (Walpole et al., 2008). Weekdays are highly structured and include
coursework, mandatory study time, tutoring, and programmatic efforts to demystify campus life.
Co-curricular programming may focus on financial literacy and financial aid, career exploration,
self-reflection and personality assessments, counseling and wellness workshops, and major
program guidance from professional academic counselors.
Despite the wide variety of pre-college programmatic efforts offered across the nation’s
higher education institutions, low-SES students and historically marginalized populations remain
underrepresented at 4-year colleges and universities (Chen & Carroll, 2005). While many first-
generation college pipeline programs are offered at our nation’s colleges and universities,
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 12
research on students’ experiences in these programs remain limited (Sablan, 2014; Strayhorn,
2011; Suzuki, Amrein-Beardsley, & Perry, 2012; Tierney, 2002; Walpole et al., 2008).
Statement of the Problem
While much of the literature on pre-college outreach programs was developed within the
past 10 years, most research in this area usually describes programmatic and academic offerings
at one institution. Education researchers have not yet deeply explored pre-college pipeline
program student experiences after program participation or assessed the effectiveness of such
programs on the overall first-generation college student experience (Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002;
Sablan, 2014; Strayhorn, 2011; Suzuki et al., 2012; Tierney, 2002; Walpole et al., 2008).
Despite the shortage of research on this topic, historically, special outreach efforts and policies
have been designed to adhere to a deficit model regarding participants (Hagedorn & Tierney,
2002). Many of these programs either implicitly or explicitly accept the notion that student
participants lack cultural capital and that students have an insufficient understanding of higher
education (Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002). According to Hagedorn and Tierney (2002),
In its simplest terms, one might think of college preparation programs as a structural
response to low-income children’s deficit of cultural capital-a response that simulates the
conditions to deliver the social and academic capital necessary to succeed in college.
(Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002, p. 4).
This dissertation sought to move beyond the lens of first-generation college students’ lack of
cultural capital or cultural literacy to acknowledge the strengths of first-generation college
students who participated in pipeline programs. Furthermore, this dissertation sought to add to
the literature in reframing the deficit perspectives regarding first-generation college students in
educational research.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 13
Operating with a deficit analytical lens to study pre-college pipeline programs, the
traditional approach to educational research, places “value judgements on communities that often
do not have access to White, middle or upper-class resources” (Yosso, 2005, p. 82). In selecting
a critical/transformative paradigm for education application, this dissertation sought to shift from
a deficit viewpoint of first-generation university students as a culturally impoverished group and,
instead, sought to understand the cultural assets and cultural wealth this population brings to the
university environment (Yosso, 2005).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to examine the forms of Community Cultural Wealth that
Pre-College Achievement (PCA) program participants at RU bring from their communities and
neighborhoods to succeed in college. Students were interviewed on the forms of capital that
equip them to succeed in college. Using a critical/transformative paradigm, this qualitative
methods study sought to explore the talents, strengths, and experiences of first-generation college
student pipeline program participants.
Research Questions
The study was guided by the following research question: How do first-generation
college students from Neighboring High School employ forms of Community Cultural Wealth to
succeed at highly selective Research University?
Significance of the Study
This study contributes to the limited research on first-generation college outreach
programs and participants’ narratives. Furthermore, this study contributes to the literature by
reframing the deficit perspectives regarding first-generation college students and sought to
understand pipeline program participants’ experiences in college. To date, pre-college outreach
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 14
program participant narratives and strengths have not been a focus in education research. This
study gave first-generation college students a voice in research on their own communities and
adds to the growing literature reframing the deficit perspectives regarding historically
marginalized college students. Finally, the implications and findings of this study may prove
useful to higher education administrators and education researchers in their work with first-
generation college student pipeline program participants.
Limitations and Delimitations
This study sought to provide an in-depth account of first-generation college student
experiences from pipeline program participation to advancement to degree candidacy at a top
research institution. Although qualitative data collected through one-on-one interviews is not
inherently generalizable to the larger population, qualitative research allows for rich, thick
descriptions of participant experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This level of detail will allow
readers to determine whether the study’s participants and setting are similar enough to their own
contexts and student populations. The qualitative methods research approach was used in this
study. Despite every effort to use a suitable approach to address the research questions,
limitations persist.
While the purpose of this study was to learn from program participants and their personal
experiences, a key limitation in qualitative methods is that these findings are not readily
generalizable to the wider population with the degree of certainty found in quantitative research
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Although the effectiveness of pipeline programs on first-generation
college student success cannot be assessed directly through the selected research methods, these
personal narratives can inform future research to build on the themes documented in this study.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 15
Due to the small sample size, this study does not seek to evaluate all student experiences
in the pipeline program. The sample population was purposefully selected to interview notable
students and alumni who have thrived in the university setting after pipeline program
completion. This study focused entirely on first-generation college student perspectives and did
not include the perspectives of program administrators or parents/guardians.
Definition of Terms
There are several key terms guiding this study and used throughout this dissertation.
Aspirational capital. Aspirational capital, one of six forms of Community Cultural
Wealth, is the ability to maintain hopes and dreams for the future, even in the face of real and
perceived barriers (Yosso, 2005, p. 77).
Community Cultural Wealth. Community Cultural Wealth is the array of knowledge,
skills, abilities, and contacts possessed and utilized by communities of color to survive and resist
macro and micros forms of oppression (Yosso, 2005, p. 77). Community Cultural Wealth
acknowledges strengths and can be used to reframe deficit perspectives regarding communities
of color in educational research (Perez Huber, 2009).
Critical race theory. Critical race theory (CRT) analyzes racism, classism, sexism, and
homophobia from a historical and interdisciplinary perspective. A CRT in education draws on
multiple methods to listen to and learn from those knowledges otherwise silenced by popular
discourse and academic research. CRT scholars and practitioners seek to understand how
communities of color experience and respond to racism as it intersects with other forms of
subordination in the United States educational system.
Cultural capital. According to Bourdieu, cultural capital refers to an accumulation of
cultural knowledge, skills and abilities possessed and inherited by privileged groups in society.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 16
Bourdieu asserts that cultural capital (i.e., education, language), social capital (i.e., social
networks, connections) and economic capital (i.e., money and other material possessions) can be
acquired two ways: from one’s family and through formal schooling. The dominant social groups
maintain power because access is limited to acquiring and learning strategies to use these forms
of capital for social mobility. Therefore, while Bourdieu’s work sought to provide a structural
critique of social and cultural reproduction, his theory of cultural capital has been used to assert
that some communities are culturally wealthy while others are culturally poor. This interpretation
of Bourdieu exposes White, middle class culture as the standard, and, therefore, all other forms
and expressions of culture are judged in comparison to this norm. In other words, cultural capital
is not just inherited or possessed by the middle class; rather, it refers to an accumulation of
specific forms of knowledge, skills and abilities that are valued by privileged groups in society
(Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; Yosso, 2005).
Culture. “Culture” refers to the behavior and values that are learned, shared, and
exhibited by a group of people and is neither fixed nor static (Gómez-Quiñones, 1977; Yosso,
2005).
Familial capital. Familial capital refers to the cultural knowledges nurtured among kin
that carry a sense of community history, memory and cultural intuition. This form of cultural
wealth engages a commitment to community wellbeing and expands the concept of family to
include a broader understanding of kinship (Yosso, 2005, p. 79).
First-generation college student. First-generation college students are students whose
parents had an educational level of a high school diploma or less (Warburton, Bugarin, & Nunez,
2001).
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 17
General Education Diploma. The General Education Diploma (GED) is a certificate that
can be obtained by taking a series of tests in reading, writing, math, science, and social studies.
Students who pass the tests are certified as having U.S. high-school-level academic skills.
Students who have not earned a high school diploma are eligible to take the test, which is
available in English, Spanish, and French.
Linguistic capital. The intellectual and social skills attained through communication
experiences in more than one language and/or style. The concept of linguistic capital celebrates
and acknowledges the multiple language and communication skills that students bring to the
educational environment (Yosso, 2005, p. 78).
Navigational capital. Navigational capital consists of the skills in maneuvering through
institutions not created with communities of color in mind. People of Color draw on various
social and psychological critical navigational skills to maneuver through structures of inequality
permeated by racism. Navigational capital thus acknowledges individual agency within
institutional constraints and connects to social networks to facilitate community navigation
through places and spaces including schools and the job market (Yosso, 2005, p. 80).
Persistence. For the purposes of this study, persistence is defined as continued
enrollment (or degree completion) at the same institution.
Resistant capital. The knowledge and skills one gains from challenging inequality.
When people and communities of color maintain and pass on the multiple dimensions of
Community Cultural Wealth, they are strengthening the knowledge base of resistant capital. A
student’s family, social, day-to-day life, and educational experiences when growing up can teach
students to resist dominant societal messages devaluing their lived experiences (Yosso, 2005, p.
80).
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 18
Rising senior. Rising senior is a common expression in the United States. It means the
student will be a senior when studies resume in the fall. It is often used as a self-identifier by
college students during the summer break.
Social capital. Social capital consists of networks of people and community resources.
These peer and other social contacts can provide both instrumental and emotional support to
navigate through society’s institutions (Yosso, 2005, p. 79).
STEM. Science, technology, engineering and mathematics. A term used to group
together these academic disciplines.
Success. For this study, “success” is defined as graduation from a 4-year college or
university (Tierney, 2002).
Summer bridge program. A summer bridge program is a pre-college outreach program
that occurs the summer term between high school and college that seeks to transition students to
the college environment through academic activities (Sablan, 2014).
Organization of the Study
Chapter One introduced the history and background of 4-year college and university pre-
college pipeline programs for first-generation college students and focused on the shortage of
literature on these programs and of narratives of student participants following program
completion. It also outlined the problem to be studied and its importance. Chapter Two reviews
the available literature on students eligible to participate in college pipeline programs, such as
first-generation or historically marginalized students, and their experiences in college. Chapter
Three describes the research methods used to collect and analyze data. Chapter Four will assess
and analyze the data. Chapter Five will summarize the study and provide implications for
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 19
practice for higher education administrators and education researchers when working with first-
generation college students.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 20
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Most research on pre-college outreach programs for first-generation college students
describes one program’s offerings. Education researchers have not yet fully examined pre-
college outreach program student experiences or measured these programs’ effectiveness
(Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002; Sablan, 2014; Strayhorn, 2011; Suzuki et al., 2012; Tierney, 2002;
Walpole et al., 2008). Also, historically, special outreach efforts and policies have been
designed to adhere to a deficit model regarding participants (Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002) by
either implicitly or explicitly accepting the notion that first-generation college student
participants lack cultural capital and that students have insufficient understanding of college
(Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002). According to Hagedorn and Tierney (2002),
In its simplest terms, one might think of college preparation programs as a structural
response to low-income children’s deficit of cultural capital-a response that simulates the
conditions to deliver the social and academic capital necessary to succeed in college.
(Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002, p. 4).
Deficit-based narratives are found throughout education literature on first-generation
college students from communities of color. According to Jayakumar, Vue, and Allen (2013),
many scholars challenge deficit-oriented perspectives by focusing on barriers that weaken
college opportunities for students. These obstacles include low primary and secondary teacher
expectations, tracking, and culturally insensitive curricula, but many of these studies have not
focused on the positive role that a student’s community may play in fostering success in higher
education (Jayakumar et al., 2013).
This dissertation moves beyond the lens of first-generation college students’ lack of
cultural capital or cultural literacy to acknowledge their strengths. Furthermore, this dissertation
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 21
sought to add to the literature reframing the deficit-based narratives of first-generation pre-
college program participants in educational research.
A review of the existing literature on students eligible to participate in college pipeline
programs establishes common themes that affect their success in college: difficulty in
transitioning to university life, loneliness and social isolation, and lack of support networks that
lead to persistence issues in college. This literature review will discuss Community Cultural
Wealth, provide an overview of the available research on first-generation college students and
pipeline program participants, and conclude with the adapted conceptual framework that grounds
this study.
Yosso’s Community Cultural Wealth Model
Qualitative research on college access has largely relied on cultural capital theory as the
predominant theoretical model, which has limitations (Jayakumar et al., 2013; Perna, 2005,
2006). Pierre Bourdieu’s widespread theory on cultural capital argues that the knowledges of the
upper and middle classes are culturally valuable to a hierarchal society. “Culture” refers to the
behaviors and values that are learned, shared, and exhibited by a group of people and is neither
fixed nor static (Gómez-Quiñones, 1977; Yosso, 2005). The theory of cultural capital is
oftentimes problematically interpreted to explain the need for lower classes to access the
knowledges of the middle and upper classes to gain social mobility, but, more commonly, this
framework has been used to consider the lack of cultural capital as the reason for viewing
communities of color as culturally deprived (Jayakumar et al., 2013; Yosso, 2005). This widely
cited framework has oftentimes been interpreted to explain why people from marginalized
communities lack the social and cultural capital required for social mobility and accepts the idea
of assimilation as the way to climb socially (Yosso, 2005). While cultural capital theory can be
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 22
useful in understanding the maintenance of the status quo, it is not as useful in understanding
marginalized communities’ active resistance to these constructs (Jayakumar et al., 2013).
Historically, social science researchers have most often used deficit models to explain
unequal conditions or discriminatory practices. These deficit models implicate or explicitly lead
to finding marginalized student populations and communities of color at fault for lacking certain
attributes leading to low academic achievement (Solórzano & Solórzano, 1995; Valencia &
Solórzano, 1997). Cultural deficit models seek to uncover fault in non-dominant cultural values
(Kretovics, 1994; Yosso, 2005).
Due to the widely-accepted deficit narrative, educators and administrators often structure
college preparation programs and intervention efforts as ways to help students perceived as
disadvantaged and as coming from backgrounds that have left them lacking knowledges, social
skills, abilities and cultural capital (Yosso, 2005). As a widely-accepted theoretical model,
Bourdieu’s cultural capital framework has often misinformed and misguided schools’
programming for students of color (Jayakumar et al., 2013; Yosso, 2005). Driven by deficit
models, educational practices usually aim to fill up supposedly passive students with forms of
cultural knowledge deemed valuable by dominant society (Freire, 1973; Yosso, 2005). When
researchers rely on this framework, nontraditional students are positioned as outsiders needing a
bridge to college. When social capital is viewed in this way, middle and upper-class values are
set as the norm that these students must attain (Colyar, 2010).
Colyar’s (2010) qualitative research on low-income students in bridge programs found
that, when programs are designed from a deficit perspective, efforts such as placing students
outside of the mainstream through special sections of fall courses can lead first-generation
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 23
college students to be viewed as “less of a person” by both participants themselves and their
traditional college student peers (Colyar, 2010, p. 133). One student explained,
[The program] makes people look at you like you are less of a person, because it is for
people who are financially and academically disabled or however you want to put it, so
they look at us like, “oh, you’re in [the program] so you’re poor.” I think people
shouldn’t look at you funny if you are in [the program] … people are like “oh, you have
to take that class because you are stupid.” (Colyar, 2010, p. 133)
To critique the prevalent assumption that students from nondominant sociocultural and linguistic
backgrounds come to the classroom with cultural deficiencies, Yosso (2005) introduced
Community Cultural Wealth as a CRT challenge to traditional interpretations of cultural capital
often cited in social reproduction literature. Using a CRT lens, Yosso (2005) points out that
traditional conceptualizations of cultural capital fail to acknowledge the cultural capital of
marginalized groups (see also Jayakumar et al., 2013).
Critical race theory analyzes racism, classism, sexism, and homophobia from a historical
and interdisciplinary perspective. A CRT in education draws on multiple methods to listen to
and learn from those knowledges otherwise silenced by popular discourse and academic
research. CRT scholars and practitioners seek to understand how communities of color
experience and respond to racism as it intersects with other forms of subordination in the United
States educational system.
Critical race theory legitimizes the experiential knowledge of people of color and views
their lived experiences as critical to understanding, analyzing, and teaching about racial
subordination (Yosso, 2005). While dominant narratives have largely ignored or discounted the
knowledge and lived experiences of people of color, CRT actively works to challenge the
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 24
prevailing notions of fairness, meritocracy, and neutrality in education and in larger society
(Jayakumar et al., 2013; Solórzano & Yosso, 2001).
Components of Community Cultural Wealth
Yosso (2005) defines cultural wealth as “an array of knowledge, skills, abilities, and
contacts possessed and utilized by communities of color to survive and resist macro- and micro-
forms of oppressions” (p. 77). Challenging traditional interpretations of Bourdieuean cultural
capital theory (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977), and introducing an alternative concept called
Community Cultural Wealth, Yosso (2005) outlines six forms of capital that comprise
Community Cultural Wealth. These forms of wealth oftentimes go unacknowledged or
unrecognized in educational settings or research. Understanding these under-utilized assets that
students from nondominant sociocultural communities bring to the educational setting has the
potential to transform the educational process. As Solórzano and Yosso (2001) state in their
publication on critical race methodology, critical race scholarship holds on to the belief that the
margins can be “more than a site of deprivation…it is also the site of radical possibility, a space
of resistance” (hooks, 1992; Solórzano & Yosso, 2001).
Yosso classifies the various forms of capital nurtured through cultural wealth as
aspirational capital, navigational capital, social capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, and
resistant capital (Yosso, 2005). These six forms of capital draw on the strengths and cultural
knowledge, skills, abilities, and contacts possessed that traditionally marginalized students bring
from their home communities into the classroom (see Figure A). Community Cultural Wealth
acknowledges the multiple strengths that students of color bring to college.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 25

Figure 1. Yosso’s Community Cultural Wealth model.
Aspirational capital. Aspirational capital refers specifically to the ability to maintain
hopes, aspirations, and dreams of success despite the presence of social and structural barriers
(Yosso, 2005). This component of the cultural wealth model can also be found in educational
literature on college student resilience (Jayakumar et al., 2013).
Linguistic capital. Yosso defines linguistic capital as the “intellectual and social skills
attained through communication experiences in more than one language and/or style” (Yosso,
2005, p. 78). The concept of linguistic capital celebrates and acknowledges the multiple
language and communication skills that students bring to the educational environment. Research
on the value of bilingual education shows that strengths in communication and storytelling may
strengthen skills in memorization, attention to detail, facial affect, and vocal tone, among other
storytelling skills (Yosso, 2005). Bilingual students also have extensive real-world experience in
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 26
being called on to serve as translators, which provides an experiential education in cross-cultural
awareness, teaching and tutoring skills, civic and familial responsibility, and social maturity
(Faulstich Orellana, 2003; Yosso, 2005).
Familial capital. Familial capital refers to the cultural knowledges nurtured through an
individual’s family and kinship and an understanding of the importance of maintaining a healthy
connection to community and its resources (Yosso, 2005). This form of capital encompasses an
extended view of family that includes immediate family (living or passed on), aunts, uncles,
grandparents, and friends as well as a community’s history and collective memory (Jayakumar et
al., 2013; Yosso, 2005). Familial capital conceptualizes familial lessons of “caring, coping, and
providing, which inform our emotional, moral, educational, and occupational consciousness”
(Yosso, 2005, p. 79). This form of capital can also be fostered through sports organizations,
school, religious gatherings, and other social community settings. According to Yosso (2005),
familial capital is informed by the research on communal bonds within African American
communities, funds of knowledge within Mexican American communities, and pedagogies of
the home that students of color bring to the classroom.
Social capital. The concept of social capital refers to an individual’s networks of people
and community resources. One’s social contacts may assist an aspiring college attendee in
preparing a university or scholarship application, provide emotional reassurance when
experiencing imposter syndrome, or remind the student that he/she is not alone in climbing the
social ladder: “These peer and other social contacts can provide both instrumental and emotional
support to navigate through society’s institutions” and help students to be successful in college
(Yosso, 2005, p. 79). Historically, communities of color have bonded together to attain legal
justice, employment, health care, and education (Yosso, 2005). As such, members of
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 27
communities of color often give back to their social groups to share information and resources
for mutual benefit. This tradition of “lifting as we climb” has been documented by ethnographic
researchers studying African American and Mexican communities (Yosso, 2005, p.80).
Ethnographer Delgado-Gaitan’s (2001) research on a Mexican community in California found
that “families transcend the adversity in their daily lives by uniting with supportive social
networks” (p. 105).
Navigational capital. Navigational capital refers to the skills of maneuvering through
social institutions not created with communities of color in mind (Yosso, 2005). A student is
considered to have navigational capital if they “sustain high levels of achievement, despite the
presence of stressful events and conditions that place them at risk of doing poorly at school and,
ultimately, dropping out of school” (Yosso, 2005, p. 80). This attribute is also known as a
student’s academic invulnerably. Navigational capital or academic invulnerability is
demonstrated when a student successfully navigates through the educational system (Yosso,
2005). The concept of navigational capital moves beyond traditional notions of cultural capital
to acknowledge individual agency within institutional constraints (Yosso, 2005).
Resistant capital. Resistant capital refers to the knowledge and skills one gains from
challenging inequality (Jayakumar et al., 2013; Yosso, 2005). When people and communities of
color maintain and pass on the multiple dimensions of Community Cultural Wealth, they are
strengthening the knowledge base of resistant capital (Yosso, 2005). A student’s family, social,
day-to-day life, and educational experiences growing up can teach students to resist dominant
societal messages devaluing their lived experiences (Yosso, 2005). In research studies on Black
and Latina mothers, parents of color were found to consciously instruct their children to uphold
outlooks and behaviors that question existing circumstances and to assert themselves as strong
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 28
and worthy of respect (Yosso, 2005). Taken together, the six forms of capital in Yosso’s (2005)
Community Cultural Wealth framework offer a useful lens in examining the experiences of first-
generation college students and how they exert agency within oppressive structures (Jayakumar
et al., 2013; Yosso, 2005).
Available Literature on First-Generation College Student Experiences in Higher Education
The previous sections reviewed the theoretical framework of Community Cultural Wealth
and provided a useful lens for viewing the experiences of first-generation college students as
they complete higher education. The following sections will review existing literature on first-
generation college students and students eligible to participate in college pipeline programs. A
review of the existing research on these populations establishes the following common themes
that haven an impact on college success: difficulty in transitioning to university life, loneliness
and social isolation, and lack of support networks that lead to persistence issues in college.
First-Year Transition to University Life
The first-year transition to college is difficult, particularly for first-generation college
students (Terenzini et al., 1996). These students experience more barriers in transitioning into
higher education than their traditional first-year peers. Suzuki et al. (2012) state that this
transition is more challenging for first-generation students due to their lack of resources at the
high school level. First-generation college students are less likely to graduate from college than
their traditional first-year peers due to systemic inequality in K-12 resources and college
preparation programs in lower-income neighborhoods. Therefore, first-generation college
students are typically deemed at risk.
Collier and Morgan (2008) emphasize that differences in first-generation college
students’ cultural capital when compared to traditional student populations are oftentimes due to
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 29
parents’ level of education. Said differently, it is a college student’s perception of the factors
involved in student success at the university that leads the student to apply academic skills
effectively. Collier and Morgan (2008) found differences between first-generation and
traditional college students in terms of understanding student and faculty expectations in the
classroom. Furthermore, first-generation college students and traditional college students enter
the university with disparate levels of cultural capital that allow for traditional college students to
more easily master the role of college student. Due to the experiences and academic histories of
family members, traditional college students come to college more prepared with methods for
working successfully in higher education. This is an illustration of cultural capital propagating
inequalities in family educational attainment (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977).
According to Collier and Morgan (2008), it is first-generation college students’ lack of
cultural capital and insider information about higher education that oftentimes limits their
awareness of how to perform the role and meet the expectations of a successful college student.
From the lens of Bourdieu and Passeron’s (1977) theory of social and cultural reproduction,
family background provides traditional college students a higher level of role mastery in a
university setting. Ultimately, the strong influence of increased cultural capital allows traditional
college students the ability to identify and respond properly to professor expectations, resulting
in higher rates of degree completion and employment (Collier & Morgan, 2008).
To help with the first-year transition to university life, Thayer (2000) found that students
who went through summer bridge programs and other pre-college preparation programs had
higher retention rates than their peers, excluding honors students, and were overall more
confident regarding college expectations. Thus, summer bridge programs and other pre-college
outreach programs can be equalizers (Walpole et al., 2008). First-generation college student
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 30
participants typically have an increased sense of control, increased confidence, and increased
self-esteem. Prior to entering college, students eligible to participate in these programs
commonly describe feelings of fear, doubt, or uncertainty about what to expect in college.
Research demonstrates pre-college outreach programs help to alleviate these concerns and
demystify the college-going experience. Suzuki et al. (2012) found that the summer bridge
program studied in their research helped to increase participants’ confidence in knowing what to
expect in college when compared to their traditional first-year student peers. Increases in
confidence and self-esteem are important influences on students’ social and academic lives in the
first year of college (Walpole et al., 2008).
The first-year transition to university life can be best understood through the lens of
Schlossberg’s transition theory. Transition theory is one model that student affairs professionals
can utilize to understand the transitions faced by first-year college students. According to
Schlossberg (Patton, Renn, Guido, Quaye, & Forney, 2016), a transition occurs if an anticipated
event, unanticipated event, or non-event results in a change in assumptions about oneself and
requires a change in oneself or relationships. A transition produces changed relationships,
routines, assumptions, or roles (Schlossberg, Waters, & Goodman, 1995).
Although Schlossberg’s transition theory was not formulated specifically for first-
generation college students beginning college, it is readily applicable to this population. For
these students, this type of transition is an anticipated event. Further, Schlossberg’s Four S
system provides four areas that influence an individual’s ability to cope with a transition process
as potential coping resources to aid in the transition: the self, the situation, social support, and
strategies (Schlossberg et al., 1995). According to this theory of transition, social support and
strategies that aid in managing the stress of the situation are two ways to help students to
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 31
transition positively to college as first-generation students in a new environment. As students’
personal and demographic factors (self) may affect confidence levels in transitioning to
university rigor, expectations, and social life, students must learn coping strategies. Cooke
(1994) critiqued Schlossberg’s Four S model from a multicultural perspective. Because an
individual’s resources for coping are determined by outside influencers, it is critical to keep in
mind that a first-generation student’s resources will differ from those of traditional college
students. Using Schlossberg’s transition theory as a framework (Schlossberg et al., 1995),
current outreach programs assist students by helping them to cope with transition through
specialized programmatic efforts.
Loneliness and Social Isolation
First-year transition to university life is only one of the developmental issues facing first-
generation college students throughout the college years. According to Suzuki et al. (2012),
first-generation college students often experience loneliness and social isolation which may
interfere with becoming the first member of the family to obtain a college degree. Many first-
generation college students are the first members of their social groups to attend 4-year colleges
or universities. As such, many of these students do not have established social networks at their
new institutions.
Research shows students who do not make social or academic connections in college are
less likely to be successful (Hsiao, 1992; Nicpon et al., 2006; Suzuki et al., 2012). Feelings of
not fitting in, rejection, and maladjustment, especially among vulnerable populations such as
low-SES students and first-generation college students, are all correlated with student attrition
(Collier & Morgan, 2008; Heisserer & Parette, 2002; O’Keeffe, 2013).
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 32
Findings from a study conducted by Walpole et al. (2008) indicate that pre-college
program participants’ social engagement increased over the first two years in college and that
this group’s retention rates in fall of the third year were higher than those of the control group.
Wachen, Pretlow, and Dixon (2018) also found that participants in summer bridge programs are
more likely to graduate in four years. Douglas and Attewell (2014) found that summer bridge
program participation had a positive effect on degree completion when compared to
nonparticipating comparison students. Research results also indicate that pre-college bridge
program participants are more familiar with campus resources at the end of the summer program
and are more readily able to use these student services when needed (Suzuki et al., 2012).
Further, Fitts (1989) found that pre-college bridge program students are more likely to use
tutoring and counseling services than nonparticipants. Walpole and colleagues’ research
supports the viewpoint that bridge programs are important to the retention of first-generation
college students.
Moreover, first-generation college students who participate in pre-college programs have
been shown to have closer connections with other college students and faculty members during
their first year in college when compared to nonprogram students (Suzuki et al., 2012).
Residential summer bridge programs provide students many programmatic opportunities to
identify and connect with academic and co-curricular resources prior to fall term. Thayer’s
(2000) literature review found sense of belonging at the college and level of comfort on campus
are two important outcomes of bridge programs. Wilcox, Winn, and Fyvie-Gauld (2005) also
stressed that college students need social support systems and friends on campus to become
comfortable in their new surroundings. Many researchers have written on the positive effects
that social support systems outside of the classroom have on student retention (Dennis, Phinney,
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 33
& Chuateco, 2005; Tinto, 1993). Oftentimes, pre-college and summer bridge programs are
designed to encourage first-generation college students to meet new people and these friendships
ultimately encourage students to stay at the university (Suzuki et al., 2012).
Pre-college outreach programs and summer bridge programs provide students
connections with academic and co-curricular resources prior to the start of the academic year to
encourage involvement in on-campus activities and resources. These programmatic decisions
are in line with Astin’s (1984) involvement theory. Involvement theory suggests that students
must be actively engaged in campus life for student learning to occur (Patton et al., 2016). For
first-generation college students unfamiliar with college life, becoming actively engaged poses a
difficult challenge. As a primary objective of pre-college outreach programs, these programs
facilitate students’ knowledge and use of on-campus resources and their understanding of the
importance of campus involvement for increased academic success.
Much of the literature on college student development demonstrates that academic,
social, and co-curricular involvement is integral for student retention and satisfaction in college,
and pre-college and summer bridge programs focus on fostering development in these specific
areas of involvement (Walpole et al., 2008). Outreach programs have utilized Tinto’s (1993)
longitudinal model of intuitional departure to inform university administrators and faculty of the
interactions that lead students to withdraw from college voluntarily. Tinto’s model states that the
lower the degree of social and intellectual integration into the college environment, the greater
the likelihood of departure from higher education (Suzuki et al., 2012). This model is helpful in
supporting first-generation college students, as the model states that external commitments such
as family and financial obligations may interfere with a student’s commitment to academic goals
and remaining in school.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 34
Along with pre-entry characteristics such as academic preparation, financial status,
family and cultural background, and student goals and commitments, institutional experiences
will also affect the decision to remain active at the institution. Positive interactions in both
academic and social settings are needed to be successful in college. Various opportunities that
first-generation college student outreach programs provide for students may permit informal
interactions with faculty outside of the classroom that can help students to see faculty as a part of
their support network and not intimidating figures in a formal classroom. Within Tinto’s model,
integration is critical for student success in college. Tinto states that the institution is responsible
for creating opportunities for student engagement (Tinto, 1993).
Involvement and Support Networks
Astin (1984) is widely cited as a foundational student development theorist in higher
education research. Astin’s involvement theory stresses the role of involvement in student
development and recommends increased involvement, including campus living, participation in
social fraternities and sororities, working on campus, and building social connections on campus.
Much of today’s research on college students suggests a positive relationship between successful
transitions to college and students’ meaningful involvement with the campus community (Astin,
1984; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005; Patton et al., 2016; Tinto, 1993). Pascarella et al. (2004)
describe first-generation college students as less involved on campus due to working more hours,
living off campus, and choosing to participate less in out of the class activities.
Past efforts to solve the problem of first-generation college student attrition have
examined student housing choice and the role on-campus housing plays in persistence (Olenchak
& Hébert, 2002; Pike & Kuh, 2005; Próspero & Vohra-Gupta, 2007). According to Pike and
Kuh (2005), first-generation college students who did not live on campus were less engaged
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 35
overall and less likely to successfully integrate diverse college experiences. These authors found
that living on campus had the greatest total effect (i.e., the combination of direct and indirect
effects) on learning outcomes of any student characteristic. Próspero and Vohra-Gupta (2007)
state that academic integration and social integration increase the likelihood of college retention.
Academic integration refers to the student’s assimilation into the academic life of the college
(Próspero & Vohra-Gupta, 2007). Their analysis suggests that first-generation students who are
academically integrated into the college system are more likely to have significantly higher
GPAs. Further, their analysis suggests that the motivational or integration dimensions do not
contribute significantly to academic achievement for traditional college students. Olenchak and
Hébert (2002) state that, while the transitions academically and socially from high school to
college are recognized, these challenges are even more daunting for first-generation college
students.
Potential causes of first-generation college student attrition include students personally
feeling out of place and a perceived lack of support from their home community (Elkins,
Braxton, & James, 2000; Próspero & Vohra-Gupta, 2007; Thayer, 2000). Terenzini et al. (1996)
reported that first-generation college students have less familial encouragement to attend college
(Inkelas, Daver, Vogt, & Leonard, 2007). Elkins et al. (2000) stressed that higher education
practitioners should seek to involve parents, other family members, and friends in a variety of
ways to provide assistance to students negotiating the separation process during the first year of
college. Separation is defined as the disassociation from one’s previous communities, and it
offers an explanation for why some students depart during their first semester of college (Elkins
et al., 2000). The researchers found that, as parent income rises, the support a student receives
rises. Students who receive substantial support for college attendance or who perceive a need to
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 36
reject the attitudes and values of their past communities are less likely to depart from college
early. According to Próspero and Vohra-Gupta (2007), the goal of academic integration for first-
generation students may be a crucial aspect of academic achievement. The researchers found
that academic integration had the highest positive contribution to academic achievement than any
other variable among first-generation college students. First-generation college attendance has
been referred to as a break from family tradition that leads to a disjunction (Inkelas et al., 2007;
Terenzini et al., 1994).
First-generation college student social transition to college is an especially critical time in
retention efforts for this population due to the widely cited barriers to campus involvement
(Inkelas et al., 2007). Long-established retention theorists such as Tinto (1993) have stressed the
importance of first-generation college students separating from their home contexts and
communities to persist and socially integrate into the college environment (Tinto, 1993). Later
research questioned the appropriate degree of separation from home communities due to first-
generation college students’ cultural norms and identities (Tierney, 1993; Pascarella &
Terenzini, 2005).
Terenzini et al.’s (1994) widely cited research in higher education also found that first-
generation college students have a challenging time adjusting to the college environment and are
often not connected to their institutions. Their research found that students were most likely to
maintain social connections with friends who lived off campus or who did not attend college
(Inkelas et al., 2007; Terenzini et al., 1994).
Conceptual Framework for Study
A conceptual framework in qualitative research is a constructed system of existing
concepts, assumptions, expectations, beliefs, and theories that inform the research (Maxwell,
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 37
2012). The conceptual framework can also be viewed as a tentative theory of the phenomena
under investigation. The conceptual framework for this study on first-generation college
students, depicted in Figure 2 below, is based on the aspirational, linguistic, familial, social,
navigational, and resistant capitals described in Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth
model. This selection of knowledge, skills, abilities, and contacts possessed and utilized by
communities of color guided this study. Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth model
served as the framework to challenge existing deficit perspectives on first-generation college
students and instead examine the many strengths of this growing student population.

Figure 2. Conceptual framework. Adapted from Yosso’s Community Cultural Wealth model.
Summary
This literature review examined Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth model,
CRT in education, Bourdieu and Passeron’s (1977) theory of social and cultural reproduction,
and reviewed Astin’s (1984) involvement theory, Schlossberg’s (1995) transition theory, Tinto’s
(1993) model of student retention, and other foundational research on student development as it
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 38
is commonly applied to first-generation college students. The following chapter will describe
how these concepts were applied to a qualitative research approach used to examine the strengths
of first-generation college students at a 4-year research university.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 39
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this study was to understand and acknowledge the strengths of first-
generation college students who thrive in the university setting. Although literature on pre-
college outreach and pipeline programs typically describes a specific program’s format and
offerings, this study focused on college student experiences after pre-college pipeline program
completion and sought to understand these programs’ impact on the overall first-generation
college student experience. This study utilized qualitative methods to understand the forms of
Community Cultural Wealth that FGSA program participants at RU bring from NHS to college.
I interviewed first-generation college students participating in the FGSA program to recognize
the rich forms of capital existing among pipeline program participants that equip them to succeed
in college.
The study was guided by the following research question: How do first-generation
college students from Neighboring High School employ forms of Community Cultural Wealth to
succeed at highly selective Research University? This chapter will provide an overview of the
research design, sample and population, instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis used
in this study.
Research Design
This study utilized a phenomenological case study research design. According to
Maxwell (2012), qualitative methods are best used to see the world in terms of people, situations,
events and processes. Qualitative and quantitative methods have different strengths and logics
and address different types of questions and goals. Qualitative methods are inductive in nature
and emphasize descriptions rather than numbers. Further, a phenomenological design approach
allows the researcher to describe “the lived experiences of individuals about a phenomenon as
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 40
described by participants” (Creswell, 2014, p. 14). In this section, I describe the essence of the
college experiences (the phenomenon) for several individuals who have all attended RU as
FGSA participants. The number of participants involved in phenomenological research typically
ranges from three to 10 interviewees (Creswell, 2014). Merriam and Tisdell (2016) noted that
qualitative researchers are interested in understanding how people interpret their experiences,
how they construct their worlds, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences.
My goal in using qualitative research methods was to recognize participants’ meanings
and beliefs in the study. This was done by studying a relatively small number of people through
one-on-one interviews with program participants (Maxwell, 2012). With qualitative research
methods, the participants’ words are data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Overall, the focus was on
process, understanding, and meaning. While there are different types of interviews, semi-
structured interviews allowed me to delve deeper into the perspectives and experiences of all
interview participants. The six types of good questions to ask are experience and behavior
questions, opinion and value questions, feeling questions, knowledge questions, sensory
questions, and background/demographic questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This qualitative
methods study focused on exploring the talents, strengths, and experiences of FGSA program
participants at RU.
Sample and Population
This study focused on exploring the first-generation college student experiences of
students who graduated from NHS and attend RU as participants in the FGSA. The university is
a private, non-profit, Tier 1 research university. The university consists of a liberal arts college
and 17 graduate and professional schools. RU is a very selective institution with a Fall 2014
freshman acceptance rate of 18%. Of the incoming class of 3,068 freshmen, 13% identify as
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 41
first-generation college students. Furthermore, 18% of all undergraduate students at RU receive
federal Pell Grant assistance as low-income students.
Neighboring High School is classified as a Title 1 high school. Title I, Part A (Title I) of
the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, is the oldest and largest federally funded
education program, according to the U.S. Department of Education. Federal assistance to Title I
Schools began in 1965, and its funds aim to provide K-12 schools with assistance in bridging the
gap between low-income students and other students. NHS’s total enrollment consists of over
81% Hispanic or Latino students and over 17% Black or African American students (Ed-Data,
2018). Research University works to identify and assist recent NHS graduates in an effort to
increase retention and graduation rates among its first-generation students. As such, the
university annually implements a 6-week summer residential program, SBP, designed to level
the playing field for PCA program graduates from NHS entering this highly selective, private
institution.
First-Generation Student Achievement Program/Pre-College Achievement Program
Research University’s FGSA is dedicated to supporting students who graduated from the
NHS pipeline program, here known as the PCA, and were admitted as undergraduates
(Undergraduate Education Website, 2018). The PCA pre-college outreach program, as the name
suggests, consists of local first-generation college students admitted to the university after
completing a rigorous course of study throughout their middle and high school years in NHS’s
secondary education enrichment program. All students who completed the PCA program and
were admitted to RU are awarded a nine-semester scholarship, significantly reducing financial
hardship as a factor affecting graduation. Annually, NHS sends more first-generation college
students to RU than any other high school in the nation.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 42
Summer Bridge Program
In addition to the PCA middle school and high school outreach program, each year,
newly admitted FGSA students are invited to take part in RU’s Summer Bridge Program (SBP)
designed to help ease the transition to college academic life at RU. The RU SBP is a unique 6-
week residential experience which has won praise from past participants. The program is
designed to help transition first-generation college students from high school to college. The
program provides two college-level classes, housing, co-curricular programming, and is designed
to foster a strong sense of community. As a participant, students spend most of their time with
other first-generation college students from NHS and other pipeline programs, benefit from peer
mentors, and gain a head start on college-level coursework. Students with financial need receive
full tuition coverage, room and board, and books. Participation in the PCA to FGSA outreach
pipeline partnership offered by RU and NHS has taken place since 1997. Research University’s
SBP was implemented in 2005 in an effort to better serve and retain FGSA program participants.
To better understand and explore the Community Cultural Wealth that FGSA program
participants bring to succeed at RU, I selected a purposeful sample of information-rich cases
consisting of current seniors and alumni based on their achievements, involvement on campus,
and PCA program completion. Interviewing program participants during their final semesters of
college or with alumni status allowed me to gain insight into how these participants overcame
challenges and obstacles to obtain their bachelor’s degrees from RU. After selecting five key
participants who met the established criteria for participation in this study, a snowball sampling
method was used to find three additional participants who met these criteria. Early participants
were located through an established community mentorship relationship between the interviewer
and early participants that developed for several years prior to the data collection process.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 43
Instrumentation
An interview protocol was created to interview students one-on-one during the data
collection process. The interview questions utilized the semi-structured approach to permit the
researcher to ask follow-up questions and allow for the interviewees to recollect their personal
experiences in ways personally deemed necessary. This semi-structured approach to
interviewing captured concepts possibly missed during the design of the interview guide (Patton,
2002). The interview guide was informed by Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth
framework presented in Chapter Two. Focusing on program participants’ aspirational, familial,
social, linguistic, resistant, and navigational capital offered a useful format for the interview
questions. These six components of Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth framework
allowed me to ask focused questions pertaining to interviewees’ dreams, family life, experiences,
and resources. The interview guide can be categorized into three phases of participants’
academic lives: participants’ experiences while in the PCA program at NHS, participants’
experiences in RU’s SBP, and the overall experience as a FGSA program participant. A copy of
the interview guide can be found in Appendix A. The research alignment matrix in Appendix B
indicates which interview questions will help to answer the research questions.
Data Collection
Data were collected using the interview guide discussed in the instrumentation section.
Interviews were held at convenient locations of students’ choosing to alleviate strain on study or
work time. Most interviews took place on the campus of RU in a private location or in the
neighboring community where FGSA program participants live. These spaces facilitated privacy
and encouraged openness in responses about participants’ experiences and pre-college programs.
In person, semi-structured interviews were conducted with rising seniors, seniors, and alumni
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 44
who participated in the PCA, SBP, and FGSA programs starting at NHS and continuing at RU.
Participants were asked questions about their experiences at RU after SBP and PCA program
completion and how these pipeline programs prepared them for college. They were also asked
about their college involvement and for self-ratings of their academic performance and goals.
Student participants were interviewed for approximately 60 to 90 minutes each. I focused on
interviewing upperclassmen and alumni, as these participants had more time to reflect on their
experiences while in these pipeline programs and how these programs may have contributed to
their individual outcomes at RU. Each interview was recorded for increased accuracy in data
analysis.
After receiving institutional review board approval, I emailed prospective interviewees.
Data collection took place for two months to allow enough time for respondent participation. I
sent several reminders to students and program alumni throughout this time frame. Interview
transcripts were secured electronically via password protection. Pseudonyms were used for all
interview participants and institution to protect respondent confidentiality.
Data Analysis
As stated in Merriam and Tisdell (2016), qualitative research is not a linear process.
Instead, data collection and analysis are concurrent events that begin with the first interview.
Therefore, my analysis and tentative themes began with my first interview. It is important to
remember that the analysis is an ongoing process. Once all data were collected through
interviews, the analysis process became much more intensive. Essentially, the data analysis is
the “classification and interpretation of linguistic (or visual) material to make statements about
the implicit and explicit dimensions and structures of meaning-making in the material and what
is represented in it” (Flick, 2014, p. 5).
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 45
The one-on-one interviews were transcribed and analyzed with the assistance of a
professional transcription service. The computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software
Dedoose was used for this study to better manage the coding and retrieval process. In beginning
to analyze the data, I revisited my study’s purpose, research question, and reviewed the
transcripts many times while making notes in the margins. From there, coding began to organize
and manage my data. Essentially, this required assigning shorthand labels to retrieve these later.
A code is a short phrase that is essence-capturing. Then, open, axial, and selective coding took
place. Codes were made for any information that could be relevant to my study. As Merriam
and Tisdell (2016) stressed, qualitative data analysis is a highly inductive process in which
detailed bits start to come together as a named cluster. From this inductive process, themes were
uncovered and codes were grouped into broader categories as I continued to reread over the
interview transcriptions. Since it is important to develop a manageable coding scheme or
classification system (Patton, 2002), I color-coded and labeled the data to identify key themes.
Once coding was completed, I reorganized the data according to those themes to allow me to
compare how various respondents addressed them.
After codes were categorized into broader themes, I also incorporated member checking.
Member checking, also known as respondent validation, involves the sharing of themes with
interview participants to ensure accuracy. Member checking contributes to the credibility and
trustworthiness of the study (Maxwell, 2012; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In qualitative research,
member checking is the most important way to rule out participant misinterpretation while
identifying researcher biases. Once the codes have been categorized into themes for analysis,
Creswell (2014) recommends deciding how these descriptions and themes will be represented in
the qualitative narrative. This might include a detailed discussion of several themes and
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 46
subthemes, multiple perspectives, and quotations, and can convey descriptive information about
each participant. Using Creswell’s approach to qualitative data analysis, the final step in data
analysis involves making an interpretation of the findings (Creswell, 2014). In this stage of
qualitative research, the researcher can ask “what were the lessons learned?” and suggest new
questions that were raised by the data.
Summary
Chapter Three discussed the benefits of a qualitative methods research approach and
provided a justification for the design in understanding the higher education pipeline program
experiences of first-generation college students. The interview data provided detailed
descriptions of purposefully selected students’ experiences. This chapter discussed the selected
research design, sample and population, instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis
implemented in this study.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 47
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
Seeking to add to the literature reframing the deficit-based narratives of first-generation
pre-college program participants in educational research, this study utilized interviews with
pipeline program participants to recognize the rich forms of capital that equip them to succeed in
college. Using a critical/transformative paradigm, this qualitative methods study sought to
explore the talents, strengths, and experiences of first-generation college student pipeline
program participants. Informed by Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth model, this
study was guided by the following research question: How do first-generation college students
from Neighboring High School employ forms of Community Cultural Wealth to succeed at
highly selective Research University?
To protect the identity of the university and privacy of participants, I relied on
pseudonyms throughout these chapters. Chapter Four presents the findings of this qualitative
study based on semi-structured interviews with eight first-generation college students at RU.
After an overview of participant demographics, I provide rich examples of the students
collectively employing the six forms of Community Cultural Wealth to succeed in college.
Interview Participant Demographics and Biographies
The following table provides an overview of interview participants’ demographic
background data. In addition, a short biography of each student is provided to offer a better
understanding of each participant’s background, involvement on campus, family life, and areas
of interest. The students are listed by class standing using their chosen pseudonyms. These
biographical summaries were formulated from students’ responses to demographic and semi-
structured interview questions.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 48
Table 1
Interview Participant Demographic Information
Pseudonym Class
Standing
Major Age Sex Ethnicity Number
of
Siblings
Birth
Order
Ana

Rising
Senior
English 21 Female Latina 3 Oldest
Stefany Rising
Senior
Cognitive
Science
20 Female Latina 3 Youngest
Middle
Sara Rising
Senior
Journalism 21 Female Latina 0 Only
Child
Enrique

Senior Social
Sciences/
Psychology
22 Male Latino 2 Oldest
Gustavo Alumni/
Incoming
Graduate
Student
Global Health/
Pre-Medicine
24 Male Latino 3 Oldest
Jessica Alumni Business and
Sociology
24 Female Latina 2 Middle
Mayra Alumni Health
Promotion and
Disease
Prevention
24 Female Latina 3 Oldest
Isabella Alumni/
Graduate
Student
Psychology/Oc
cupational
Therapy
24 Female Latina 1 Youngest

Ana
Ana is a 21-year-old rising senior majoring in English at RU. Ana grew up in various
lower-income neighborhoods surrounding the university and identifies as a Latina, first-
generation college student. Ana is the eldest of four siblings. She has a younger brother who is
currently a senior in high school and two much younger half-siblings. Ana wanted to go to
college both to better her own life and the lives of her family members while serving as a role
model for them. Although Ana attends college approximately one mile from her childhood
home, her immediate family now lives thousands of miles away. Ana has lived an independent
life since the 11th grade to make her dream of attending RU come true. Ana and her mother
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 49
knew it was important for her to become the first person in her family to attend college, so, when
Ana was 16 years old, they decided to allow her to continue attending NHS and remain in the
PCA program while the rest of the family moved across the country for work. Although Ana did
not grow up with her biological father, her mother and father discussed the situation and planned
for Ana to reside with her father for two years or until she was admitted into RU. This event
ushered in a large transition for Ana.
Ana is mature for her age and became self-sufficient early in life. She attributes her
independent nature to the sacrifices she and her family made for her to remain a participant in the
PCA program. In addition to maintaining a high school grade point average for acceptance into
highly selective RU, Ana worked part time in high school to feed and clothe herself. Ana and
her parents decided five years ago that the possibility of attending RU on scholarship was too
worthy of a goal to jeopardize with the move.
The family’s sacrifice would ultimately be worth it, even though her father and stepfather
both verbalized their doubts. Ana began her studies at RU in 2016, obtained additional
scholarships to afford on-campus housing, works for the university through work-study, and
joined the marching band. Ana has now participated in these activities for the duration of her
time at RU and will continue them into her senior year this fall.
Stefany
Stefany is a 20-year-old rising senior majoring in cognitive science. She has three
brothers and is the third child. As the only female child, Stefany is independent and has a self-
proclaimed “really big attitude,” considering herself to be the older, responsible sister to her
three siblings. Because her two older brothers are half-siblings and significantly older than she
is, she grew up in the home playing the elder sibling role for her younger brother. She always
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 50
felt responsible for setting a great example for this brother and “setting the pace for him.”
Although her half-siblings were older and did not provide much guidance for her regarding
education, the eldest introduced her to the idea of making a better life for herself and her family
by attending a trade school after obtaining his GED and providing for himself despite having
come to the United States from Guatemala at the age of 14. Stefany’s second eldest brother was
the first sibling to attend college when he enrolled in a traditional 4-year university three hundred
miles away from home.
Stefany is aware and passionate about social justice issues and challenging systems of
oppression. Although she did not learn about these topics in high school, she was a part of
summer programs that brought STEM subjects to underrepresented communities. Stefany
considers this outreach program central to her greater understanding of privilege and oppression.
This summer program was tied into her PCA program. At the time that she was recommended to
PCA, she “didn’t know what [she] was getting [herself] into” but is grateful for the experience.
In addition to membership in a multicultural sorority, Stefany works 20 hours each week
through work-study in the admissions office and assisted with research on housing affordability
in the community.
Sara
Sara is a 21-year-old rising senior majoring in journalism. She is an only child and has
lived on campus her entire time at the university. While her “overprotective” parents own a
home one mile from campus, Sara will serve in residential education this upcoming year as a
residential advisor to continue living on campus. In fact, her childhood home is on the same
block as university-owned housing. Like many other participants, Sara is highly involved on
campus. In addition to writing for the campus newspaper and later serving as an editor, Sara is
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 51
highly involved in a multicultural sorority, is president of a student organization that teaches and
mentors low-income and minority students about journalism and starting a newspaper, and she
works as a work-study office assistant for the PCA program at NHS. Sara is also applying to
serve as the editor of her school’s Latin-based news source. Sara is currently awaiting an
admission decision into a master’s program at her school.
The PCA program introduced Sara to the benefits of college. When she joined the
program in seventh grade at the recommendation of her sixth grade teacher, she did not know
that she wanted to go to college. The mentors from the program, the older students who were
accepted at RU, and the full tuition scholarship affected her decision to attend college.
According to Sara, “I knew that I wouldn’t be able to attend college without [PCA].”
Enrique
Enrique is a 22-year-old senior with one semester remaining before he earns his Bachelor
of Arts degree in social sciences with an emphasis in psychology and a minor in education. The
PCA program scholarship provides full tuition for nine semesters, allowing PCA students an
additional semester should they wish to obtain a minor or to finish remaining degree
requirements. It is not uncommon for program participants to utilize this extra semester to better
manage remaining degree requirements, add a minor program, or complete a double major or
double degree. Enrique took part in commencement in May 2019, and his degree was conferred
in December 2019.
Enrique’s interest in college began early in his educational journey. He acknowledged
that his elementary school teachers were always intentional in creating a college-bound culture
by displaying posters and pennants from various colleges and universities in the classrooms.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 52
Research University has a large presence in Enrique’s community, as the campus is a five-
minute drive from the neighborhood and K-12 school that the PCA program students attend.
Enrique has two younger brothers and identifies as a Latino/Mexican American first-
generation college student. While Enrique is the oldest of the children in his immediate family,
his mother has a younger brother who is just two years older than he is. Enrique first learned of
the importance of the PCA program and the application process from his uncle, whom he
considers his cousin or older sibling. Enrique’s uncle attended the same high school as he did at
the same time, was also in the PCA program, and graduated from RU.
Enrique is very involved on campus and is looked to by his peers as an accomplished
student leader. In addition to working 20 hours per week in his work-study position, Enrique
also serves as a board member for a prominent service organization at RU and tutors several
subjects at his former high school for the PCA program. Educational access and empowerment
for local K-12 students is an important and personal mission for Enrique. As such, he plans to
apply to either a Master of Education or Master of Social Work program at RU to professionally
serve as a resource for high school students from lower SES communities.
Gustavo
Gustavo is a 24-year-old alumnus of RU, with a Bachelor of Science degree in global
health. Gustavo has three siblings and is the oldest child. At the time of this study, Gustavo had
just learned he was admitted to a top-ranked medical school on full tuition scholarship. During
these interviews, Gustavo reflected on his educational journey as a first-generation college
student at RU.
Gustavo has always been a go-getter. When he learned of the PCA program while in
middle school, he knew this was a program he wanted to be a part of. Unlike other interviewees,
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 53
Gustavo was the one to approach his teacher about an application to the pre-college outreach
program. In fact, Gustavo was disappointed to learn that he was not initially selected for the
program. He did not understand why, as he had good grades and would be a good fit. However,
due to his initiative and early independence, Gustavo’s teacher kept him in mind for an opening
when a fellow student moved out of the district, thus opening a space for him to join the
program.
In addition to being a pre-medicine student at RU, Gustavo was involved in community
service geared towards children with special needs from his community, worked in the PCA
office under the federal work-study program, and volunteered at the county hospital. His
professional goal is to address health disparities in underserved communities.
Jessica
Jessica is a 24-year-old alumna of RU, graduating two years prior to this study with a
Bachelor of Science degree in business administration and a Bachelor of Arts degree in
sociology. Additional outside scholarship funds through her father’s place of employment
helped her double major in college. Jessica is now working for a well-known corporation
approximately five hundred miles from her friends and family. Jessica identifies as Latina,
specifically Mexican American, and is the middle child of three siblings. Despite being very
close to her friends and family, they were very supportive when she decided to apply to and
accept a full-time position far away from home. In the future, Jessica desires to go to graduate
school and move into the business side of the sports industry.
While in college, Jessica was involved in a multicultural Greek sorority, worked 20 hours
per week through work-study, and gave back to the PCA program on Saturdays. She also
experienced assisting faculty with research while working another work-study position. After
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 54
her first two years at RU, Jessica decided to save money by moving back home and spending
more time with her family outside of classes. She describes herself as very family oriented.
Even when living away from home, she went home every weekend. Therefore, the transition to
the family home made sense for her and her immediate family while she pursued her two
degrees. Moving back home allowed her to save enough money to purchase transportation to
and from the university as her mother would bring her to campus and oftentimes drop off food
for her throughout the week.
Mayra
Mayra is a 24-year-old alumna of RU, having graduated with a degree in health
promotion and disease prevention. She has three younger siblings. Her younger brother recently
graduated from another top college and her two sisters are much younger in age. Mayra sees
herself as a role model for them and wants to guide and encourage them regarding their
educational endeavors. While in college, Mayra worked 20 hours per week under the work-
study program, helped fellow students plan events on campus, and gave back to her PCA
community as a math and physics tutor for their Saturday program. She continued to work as a
tutor for the program until last year, having worked with the program for over six years.
As an alumna, Mayra now works full time at a hospital as a clinical research coordinator
and still lives in the community near RU where she grew up. Mayra feels comfortable and proud
of the community in which she grew up and does not see herself relocating in the future.
Mayra’s childhood home, elementary school, middle school, high school, and university are all a
mile of one another. The area is special to her and brings back fond memories, so Mayra plans
to return to RU for a graduate degree in the near future.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 55
Isabella
Isabella is a 24-year-old alumna of RU, holding a bachelor’s degree in psychology with a
minor in occupational science. Since graduating, Isabella continued her education, now pursuing
a graduate degree program in occupational therapy. Once she completes a master’s degree this
semester, she will enroll in doctoral studies this fall in the same field of study at RU. Isabella
identifies as Mexican American and has one older sister.
Outside of the classroom, Isabella connected with the Hermanas Unidas organization on
campus and worked 20 hours per week under the federal work-study program. Like many of her
accomplished peers, Isabella gave back to her community while in college as a PCA program
tutor at her former high school. Despite studying full time to become an occupational therapist
in graduate school, Isabella still gives back to the PCA program as a substitute teacher. This is a
testament to the effect of the PCA program on her life in that it became her second family.
Findings
The primary purpose of this study was to address the research question: How do first-
generation college students from Neighboring High School employ forms of Community
Cultural Wealth to succeed at highly selective Research University? Yosso’s six forms of capital
(aspirational, linguistic, social, familial, navigational, and resistant) draw on the strengths and
cultural knowledge, skills, abilities, and contacts possessed by traditionally marginalized college
student populations (Yosso, 2005). This Community Cultural Wealth model acknowledges the
multiple strengths that students of color bring from their home communities into the university
environment to become successful in the college classroom and beyond.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 56
Employing Aspirational Capital
“Be ambitious and push yourself. Because nothing is ever going to come to you in life. ”
-Stefany

Aspirational capital is instilled by family values and upbringing. Each study
participant attributed their motivation and desire to go to college to their family members,
especially their parents. Although their parents did not pursue higher education, collectively,
they did value college and shared this message with their children early on. Isabella, while
preparing to begin doctoral studies at RU in the fall, stated,
[Going to college] was ingrained in me from a small age. My dad and my mother always
informed me that they didn’t have a chance to go to college, just how much that meant to
them. We’re firm believers that an education, or going to college, meant being successful
or going forward in life.
Regarding her parents’ influence on her college aspirations, Mayra shared her father’s work ethic
and upbringing inspired her to pursue higher education:
My dad is really persistent when he wants something. Like, he’s going to get it and he’s
going to get it no matter how long it takes. I think seeing him work so hard—you hear
their life stories about how they grew up. Man, it’s so inspiring. Hearing stories of them
growing up, I feel like [going to college] is nothing compared to what they had to do, you
know, like labor work and all of that. If they were in the hot sun doing whatever they had
to do, farm work, then I can be here studying for this exam for two hours in an air-
conditioned library. When you compare [going to college] to how they’ve had it, it was
just more motivation and perseverance to do what I wanted to do. [Going to college] is
like a thank you to them in a way.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 57
Jessica shared a similar sentiment about her own parents:
So, we were born in Mexico, and [my parents] always stressed the fact that they
obviously wanted a better future for us. They were just like, “okay, you have to do well,
you have to get As.” It’s always been a huge part of our priorities. It was just something
that was meant to be, we had to, there was no way that we were going to say no to this
opportunity.
Aspirational capital builds resilience. Aspirational capital refers specifically to the
ability to maintain hopes, aspirations, and dreams of success despite the presence of social and
structural barriers. Each study participant mentioned graduating from college was much too
important in their lives and the lives of their family members to allow barriers to discourage
them from accomplishing their goals. Enrique explained why he never let discouraging moments
affect his college completion:
I knew that these weren’t challenges that were ever going to stop me from achieving what
I wanted to do there. I mean there was a clear reason why I was at [RU] and it was
always for myself, for my family, and for us progressing together into a new part of life
that our families were never exposed to earlier. So, even if I never found a way to
overcome the challenges I was facing [in college], that would still never stop me from
finishing [RU]. No person or group would ever stop me from finishing that up.
Similarly, Ana’s aspirational capital gave her the strength to live independently while still in
high school while her mother and siblings moved across the country with her stepfather:
We all agreed that it was an opportunity to do this program and I had been in it for so
long that it seemed pointless for me to just leave, like that didn’t make sense. Especially
when I had really high chances of finishing the program and getting into [RU].
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 58
All participants and their families made personal sacrifices to support their success in higher
education. Similarly to earlier statements made by Mayra and Isabella, Jessica put these
challenges and obstacles into perspective by comparing them to the lives her own parents
experienced growing up:
I think I’ve always been the type of person that can get very stressed over things, but I’ve
always just gotten over it by saying, at the end of the day, no matter how stressed I am, I
know I’m going to get this done, and it’s going to happen. That’s pretty much all I ever
tell myself when I’m in a very hard situation. My parents and I had this on our minds
forever and it’s going to happen. That’s just how I’ve always thought about things and
how I’ve always pushed myself through things.
Gustavo celebrated the role that aspirational capital plays in his life:
We come from certain neighborhoods, but you know, we got here because we are
hardworking and resilient, and that resiliency is going to take us far.
Employing Linguistic Capital
“I think it ’s enhanced my career and personal experiences. Even today, I just had an interview
for a potential residency and one of the questions was, ‘Are you fluent in any other language? ’
And I was able to say, ‘Yes, I ’m fluent in Spanish. ’”
-Isabella
All participants in this study spoke English and Spanish fluently from a young age.
Furthermore, all provided rich examples of their linguistic capital making them desirable job and
internships candidates, increasing their production value in the workplace, and/or helping them
forge connections with others in the communities they serve.
Linguistic capital increases professional value. Participants interned or worked in a
wide array of fields from hospital settings to educational research and outreach, non-profit work,
or journalism. Despite their varied career aspirations, being bilingual (or, in some cases,
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 59
trilingual) enhanced each participant’s professional skillset and value outside of the classroom.
For journalism major Sara, speaking Spanish enhanced her ability to report the news for a spring
major course by allowing her to connect with interviewees:
I feel like knowing Spanish has given me so many advantages. I recently went to Puerto
Rico to report with NBC News [for class]. Being able to speak Spanish helped me so
much in my reporting and just being able to relate to the people. When I approached
people [in Puerto Rico] to interview them [post Hurricane Maria] about their struggles
and how they were recovering, it just helped me relate to them and they were like “Oh
you speak Spanish?” and they were so helpful and nice. Sometimes, it’s hard for other
reporters when they go out and they only speak English and they can’t really talk to
people.
Similar to Sara, Mayra, Jessica, Isabella, and Stefany all saw being bilingual as a primary
reason they were hired in their various work-study, internship, or full-time positions because
speaking both English and Spanish languages was critical to fully performing their day-to-day
roles in working with community members. Mayra, a clinical research coordinator, explained
speaking Spanish improves her daily work with patients in a hospital:
I work at a hospital, and the majority of our patients in our clinic are Spanish-speaking
patients. Oftentimes, there is no one around that can translate. It’s definitely helped me
with a lot of patients, for sure patient recruitment. And I think that was one thing that
they were looking for when they were hiring [for this position]. I’m the only one in the
office that speaks English and Spanish.
Linguistic capital encourages leadership. Even when a job description does not require
participants to explicitly speak another language, bilingual students are oftentimes called upon to
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 60
translate in emergency situations. These experiences were validating experiential learning
opportunities for the participants who may have questioned their place at a predominately White
institution (PWI) or workplace. Exercising knowledge of their home language in professional
settings helped students celebrate their linguistic capital and realize that their contributions are
both needed and valuable in these settings. Gustavo, an incoming first-year medical student,
reflected on his undergraduate experience as a hospital volunteer:
[The hospital physicians] always asked me for help [with translating] and everything was
very eye opening because I was like, oh, my God, I can make a difference by just
knowing Spanish because there’s a lack of Spanish-speaking physicians or any type of
health professional.
Gustavo elaborated further by sharing a memorable story of an elderly hospital patient who did
not speak English:
She was just so scared. I just remember seeing her face and the physician came up to the
volunteers and asked, “Can anyone translate for me? I don’t have anyone to translate for
me.” Oh, my gosh, I could do it! And just seeing this woman’s face, me having a
conversation with her and telling her everything’s going to be okay and letting her know
we could call her son and everything would be fine. I can’t even imagine just laying
down on a gurney talking to a surgeon and not being able to understand what they’re
telling you. I was very, very fortunate to be there.
Enrique, aspiring to work in the education field, also has recurrent experience stepping up when
a language barrier is present in an organization:
In all of the organizations I’ve worked with in the past four years, there have been
moments where I’ve had to utilize my skill of being bilingual and speaking Spanish
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 61
fluently. Most [community service] organizations, when working with Spanish-speaking
families or community members, they might not have something established to help
translate information. So, if I see an opportunity where I need to come up, whether it’s to
work with families because I can speak Spanish or explain a situation for them and their
kids, it’s always come up as something needed, a very necessary tool, especially working
with a community that predominately speaks Spanish.
Employing Familial Capital
“College for a first-generation student is not just learning by yourself, it ’s learning with your
family. ”
-Ana

Families provide emotional support. All study participants described their families as
“caring,” “loving,” “supportive,” “understanding,” and “nonjudgmental.” Even though
participants’ parents did not personally pursue higher education, students spoke of their parents
valuing the ideals of college and acknowledgement of the opportunities further education would
produce for their children. As such, the parents supported their children in their pursuit of higher
education in the best ways they could, most often presented as emotional support. Gustavo
described the emotional support of his parents in the following way:
My parents are the foundation of whatever success I have in this life. They’re super
supportive. They’re always there to listen to me. In college, I’ve had days where I’m
like, “I don’t know if I can do this.” I was studying for the MCAT and my parents were
always like, “As long as you try your best, that’s all that matters.” So they’re very great.
Jessica, Ana, and Isabella also recounted times when their parents provided emotional support
and encouragement to push forward. Isabella shared her family keeps her grounded:
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 62
In terms of education, my family does really keep me grounded. They’re there for me, I
know at any moment I can call on them. My mom was there making sure that I was
emotionally well in terms of not having low self-esteem, boosting my confidence, and
saying, “No, you’re doing great.” [She was] rerouting my thoughts in terms of validating
my hard work. It’s more of the support, the emotional, the psychological help that one
needs.
One student, Isabella, described her father as “one of her biggest champions.” While,
oftentimes, parents were unable to contribute substantial financial support for their children, they
made sure to provide in other ways that allowed their children to focus exclusively on their
studies. Jessica’s parents made it clear early on that her role as their daughter was to focus on
her education:
Having the support of my family was definitely huge just because I knew that there was
really nothing else I had to do other than focus on my studies and go to college. My
parents always stressed that my only job was to be in school and to do well and that, once
high school was done, the next step was going to go to college.
Similarly, Mayra explained her mother helped her to focus on her studies:
My mom always knew when I was tired or hungry, so she would come to bring me food
or she’d say, “come home, I made something” and I’d say “ok.” My mom would help me
with the little things that you take for granted, like laundry. It was really, like, emotional
support. [My family] knew that I was tired, so they would try to help me be as
comfortable as possible.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 63
Other participants described the transportation support their families provided. Because students
oftentimes did not own a vehicle or did not drive, their parents or siblings would pick them up
from campus and take them home on weekends or for family dinner nights during the week.
In addition to emotional support from parents, oftentimes, participants had the emotional
support of their siblings or cousins as well. Ana described her siblings in the following way:
“My siblings definitely root me on. They’re just like, ‘You’re going to be the first, we’re going
to follow your steps.’”
Parents, siblings, and other family members voiced their support and took great pride in
their first-generation college students. This space they provided was conducive to venting
feelings or family time away from campus and played significant roles in each student’s college
success.
Families provide guidance. Jessica, Isabella, Sara, and Gustavo all sought guidance
from their parents, even in college. Jessica summed up the educational and career guidance she
and others received from their parents while in college, even though they did not attend college
themselves:
I definitely look to my parents because I think that, regardless of whether they had a
college degree or they didn’t, they’ve definitely given me the best advice. I will always
look up to them for any decisions and anything that I want to do or anything that I want
to change.
Furthermore, Jessica provided examples of the different ways her parents guided her while in
college:
They were always just very aware like, “oh, if you need anything,” “how’s school going,”
“you should probably go to office hours,” or “you should ask for help,” or “maybe this
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 64
person can help you,” so that’s a way that they were very involved in my education, and
just making sure that I was always taking advantage of other scholarships, so when my
dad told me about the scholarship that his job offered, he was just kind of like, “Okay,
when are you applying?”
Isabella, Sara, and Stefany shared stories about going to their families when something was
bothering them, such as issues with a roommate. Isabella said her family guided her holistically:
“I feel some of my family members, who, even though they didn’t go to college, I still know I
can rely on them as my support system in terms of mentoring me and how to have a balanced
life.”
Regarding parental guidance prior to college matriculation, Jessica and Gustavo
discussed the times their parents sat down with them during their primary and secondary
educational years to complete homework assignments and guide them towards positive student
success strategies. Jessica stated, “My parents were always very, very invested in my education.
They were always helping me with my homework as best as they could and really trying to just
be there for us in whatever way they could.” Similarly, Gustavo shared, “They were very much
involved, even though they didn’t have much education. They’re like ‘Let’s do your homework
together’ even though they didn’t know how to do it.” In addition to sitting at the dinner table
together to complete homework assignments, Gustavo’s parents also participated in family
development meetings offered by the PCA program to better prepare their children for college.
Gustavo described his parents’ involvement at school: “And then when I was in high school, my
parents would go to the [PCA family development meetings]. So that’s how they were involved.
They really made an effort to be there for us.” Gustavo attributes his parents’ educational
involvement to their embracement of higher education as the avenue towards a better life for
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 65
their children: “My parents were very motivated. They really wanted me to go to college and
they saw the only way to come out of the hood was through college.” Enrique’s parents valued
college for the same reasons: “[My parents] just knew that college was going to be a
steppingstone to help me move up quicker into whatever profession I get into.”
Jessica’s mother was involved in her education by ensuring she attended the best high
school in her neighborhood. When Jessica and her family moved to a different area of the city,
she ensured Jessica was still able to attend the same school her older sister attended. Jessica
described why her mother decided to enroll her at NHS:
I think she heard many things that weren’t the best [at the new high school]. She had a
good idea of the faculty already [at NHS], and so she’d just rather me stay at [NHS],
where she already knew the teachers, she already knew the program.
In addition to familial involvement in K-16 education and the personal guidance they
provided, Isabella and Enrique both described their families “toughened” them up for the future.
Enrique shared he felt prepared for difficult conversations while in college: “My family
toughened me up, so I have these conversations and never felt uncomfortable or forced to have to
do something that I wouldn’t want to or allow people to treat me a certain way.”
Families are in the college-going journey together. The participants interviewed were
very close to their families and oftentimes made educational decisions together. Mayra, Ana,
Stefany, and Jessica each described being a role model for their younger family members.
Stefany described paving the way for her younger brother: “I was the one doing the
steppingstones for my little brother and setting that pace for him.” In addition, Ana, Mayra, and
Stefany all recounted times when they shared their college-going experiences with younger
siblings in hopes to better prepare them for what is to come next and ease the transition into
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 66
higher education. Both Mayra and her younger brother attended top research institutions after
high school. As such, they worked with their parents as a family unit to guide their younger
sisters:
If my little sisters are doing bad in school, my mom finds out about it and she tells my
dad, and I will find out about it soon after. And then I go tell my brother like “Hey, team
meeting, we need to talk about what’s going on.”
Due to Ana and her brother’s experiences in paving the way as the first two to graduate from
college in their family, they actively participate as part of the family unit to keep their younger
siblings on track for success: “I just want them to do well because I think that my brother and I
have really set a good example. But, you know, I just want my siblings…we’ve got to push it at
least to college.”
In addition to helping younger brothers and sisters, Jessica shared a time when her
extended family members asked for her help in positively influencing her younger cousins:
I have other family members that are just like, “Hey, talk to my son. Tell him that he has
to get his stuff together.” I think it’s just amazing to get to the point where you graduate,
and it’s not like only you graduated, but you brought your family along with it. You
know, you brought your family so much pride and so much happiness to know you
graduated from a university. It’s just very impactful for your family, because at that
point, you’re the first one.
Enrique explained how he attended RU for the betterment of his family as a whole: “There was a
clear reason why I was at [RU], and it was always for myself, for my family, and for us
progressing together into a new part of life that our families were never exposed to earlier.”
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 67
Similarly, participants oftentimes projected into the future to consider how going to
college would have a positive impact on their family’s future generations. Jessica had this to say
when discussing her future children:
I’m like, oh my God, if my parents got me to this point of graduating and having a good
job, I hope I can do more [for my future children] with knowing the [English] language
and with being able to help them navigate through college.
Earlier, when discussing parental emotional support, Isabella described her father as “one of her
biggest champions” while in college. After college graduation, Isabella’s father suddenly passed
away, right before she was to start a master’s program. She was able to continue on in the
program for him, in honor of his legacy: “That’s part of the reason [why I continued on with my
graduate program] and that motivates me every day.”
While students recounted times they helped their families, their younger siblings and
cousins, their family members helped them as best as they could to succeed as well. Enrique
shared how he became involved with the PCA program in middle school:
One of my mom’s youngest siblings [was in the PCA program]. When the application
process began the year I was eligible to apply, he told my mom. And so we made sure to
apply to the program.
Similarly, Stefany’s brother supported her college dreams by saving up money as a high school
student to help her pay for a college application because she did not qualify for a fee waiver:
He saved up his money. He paid for one of my [college] applications. So, he’s like my
best friend, he’s one of my biggest support systems and so I’m going to be there for him
when he needs it.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 68
Although families took pride in encouraging and emotionally supporting their college-
going children, interview participants also had their own concerns for their families’ wellbeing.
For example, Jessica decided to move back home after two years of living in an apartment to
save money for a car. She explained that she did this to ease the transportation burden on her
family: “I decided to get a car just because my brother was always the one taking me and
bringing me and taking me and bringing me and my mom would come and drop off food
wherever I lived.” Stefany made a similar sacrifice to ensure her parents had enough money for
her younger brother:
My parents could help me [financially] but that was further stretching out their budget.
That was for my little brother and I didn’t want to deprive him of what he needed. So I
knew that I had to get two jobs.
Enrique also modified arrangements so that his parents could spend more time with his younger
brothers who were not doing as well academically. Because he knew it was more important for
his parents to attend his brothers’ parent-teacher conferences due to their struggles in high
school, Enrique recounted he met with teachers independently from a young age to discuss his
progress:
My teachers would expect my parents to come [to parent-teacher conferences] but them
having to worry about my younger brothers, they would go to their conferences instead.
And I actually developed the habit of just going to my own conferences, like having a
conversation with my teachers. So, since ninth grade up until my last grade of high
school, I would go to my own parent-teacher conferences and just check in with my
teachers and ask them is there room for improvement which generally speaking there
never was because I was doing pretty okay. But, in the beginning, [the teachers] were a
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 69
little astonished about seeing a kid represent himself. You know, even though his parents
were around, but they had to help someone else.
As the quote at the beginning of this section captured, college for participants, meant
learning with family. In addition to learning together as a family unit, participants also described
their families as graduating together. Jessica illustrated her family’s journey navigating college
together, from matriculation to graduation:
I think the moment when you realize that you’re graduating, and that your parents are
with you, it’s kind of like they’re graduating as well. I feel like it’s just a feeling that
your parents are so proud, that this makes up for all the different hurdles that you came
across, and just dealing with this and navigating this experience. Just navigating through
all these hurdles is definitely worth everything once you graduated. Personally, it’s just
so nice to know that my parents say it with so much pride when they’re like “She
graduated from [RU].”
Employing Social Capital
“My parents would see me stay up late, but they knew they couldn ’t help me-they were a support
system. But I remember my dad and my mom would always tell me ‘I wish I could help you; I
wish I could be the one at 2am or 3am helping you but I can ’t.’ So, I think that they want to be
there, but they have a working lifestyle as well. So, who ’s up with you? Who’s seen you cry
while studying for exams? It ’s your friends. ”
-Mayra

Friends understand what participants are going through. Each participant
acknowledged the various friend groups who supported them and validated their personal
experiences while on their college-going journeys. These students were mindful in ensuring they
surrounded themselves with like-minded peers who shared similar goals. Mayra described how
she selected her group of friends while in secondary school:
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 70
I think I always was really good at choosing good study groups growing up, specifically
in high school, because that’s when stuff gets a little harder. I think people around you, if
they’re motivating you and they’re empowering you, you kind of just all think about
college together and you all end up going together.
Jessica elaborated on how her education-minded friends helped her with her academics by
encouraging the expansion of her social network while in college:
[My friends are] very supportive. I mean, luckily, I’ve come across so many people that
have been very school-oriented but also just very kind, and genuine, and very real.
They’ve always had my back with anything, just always providing support, you know,
just mentally, going to study, or taking breaks. They’ve always been great at just
supporting me and really trying to find ways to help me, or if they help people that are in
similar classes as I am, just being like, “Oh, I’ll put you in touch with this person that can
perhaps help you for that specific topic.” But my friends have always been very
supportive of whatever I’ve decided to do, so it’s been very helpful.
Even after college matriculation, peers from the PCA program remained an important
social network in participants’ lives. These special relationships continued into college. Mayra
summed up the relationship many had with their PCA cohorts:
A lot of my friends that I grew up with in middle school and high school are still my
friends today, even elementary. I have some friends that I’ve known since fifth grade and
they’re still really close to me. And, even though not all of them came to [RU], some of
them did, but even after that I’m still really close to them. I feel like the friends I have,
because I’ve known them for so long, it’s a different type of special.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 71
Both Sara’s and Stefany’s roommates in college were fellow PCA program participants. Sara
shared how close she became with friends from her community:
I live with two of the girls that are in the same graduating class as me. We basically
attended middle school, high school, and, now, college together. And, now, we’re in the
same sorority. I feel like they’re the people that I spend the most time with since I do live
with them. And I do rely on them with whatever is going on.
Stefany shared a similar experience:
My roommate, I’ve known her since elementary school. And we went from the same
elementary school to the same middle school and high school and college and then
pledging the same semester. So now she’s my line sister.
Because participants grew up together through the PCA pre-college outreach program, and
overcame obstacles together, they have a strong connection to the program and are eager to help
one another, even with participants from other cohort years that they might not know personally.
Jessica expressed:
Just being in [PCA], I know I can reach out to anyone there, whether we went to [RU] or
not. I mean, personally, if you’re in [PCA] and if you ever need help in whatever I can
help with, I will be there. It’s like we went through the same thing, so I definitely feel a
connection to people that were or are part of [PCA] just because of it.
Through this social group connection, Gustavo found a mentor. He had this to say when
describing a fellow PCA alumna who had an impact on his educational journey:
I met her my last year of high school when she started working for the [PCA] program.
And it’s just someone I got pretty close to pretty fast, someone I looked up to, she was
actually a [PCA] alumni from the second class. So, I saw a lot of myself in her. I also
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 72
just saw what she was doing. She was giving back to the program that gave her so much.
I really admired her a lot.
Friends made participants comfortable seeking help and resources. Participants’
friends helped ease their transition into unfamiliar territory on RU’s campus. Jessica and Stefany
both shared specific examples of a friend’s encouragement improving their circumstances while
in college. When Stefany experienced food insecurity, one of her sorority sisters encouraged her
to visit a food bank and offered her transportation. Stefany recounted this moment with her
sorority sister:
One of my [sorority] sisters was like, “Oh hey, if you need me to go with you where they
have food, I could provide transportation to the food bank if you need it.” So, having that
support. They have the biggest hearts you could ever imagine.
This form of support from a peer was helpful in Stefany’s moment of need because both she and
her mother were unable to drive. Stefany found this supportive multicultural sorority through
another peer from the university band:
So, Jasmine was in the sorority, and she would always tell me it’s such a great
community for her, and she just told me to come out to some of the events, and I was like
okay, cool, I’ll check it out since I didn’t have anything to do that semester. And, once I
came to the first event, everyone was so confident, it was so loving. We stand for
women’s empowerment and you definitely felt that in the room, even with them just
being so welcoming and actually talking to you and supporting you. And they don’t even
know who you are, but they’re so supportive. So, that space was something that I really
gravitated to and it just worked out.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 73
Similarly, Jessica recounted a time her friend helped her to find a supportive space on campus
where she could feel a sense of belonging:
I wouldn’t say I met many friends through classes. I feel like I struggled a bit with
making connections with other people in my classes, but I think a lot of it was a mixture
of high school, my multicultural Greek sorority, and the Chicano Center. I was more
involved with the Latino community once I started going to the Chicano Center and just
getting to know more people. Especially since I mentioned, business didn’t really have
Latinos in that major as much. I think it was just a friend of mine had, I went with a
friend [to the Chicano Center], and, once I started going with them, I kind of started
going on my own, but I think I felt a little bit awkward at first going there. I don’t know
why I felt it’s so awkward going to the Chicano Center by myself. I felt like I needed
someone that knew the center and that was comfortable being in that space for me to go
with and to feel comfortable. Once I started going there with that person, then I started
going there on my own, and, gradually, I started meeting other people. I remember
meeting someone from sociology and I started meeting people from my friend’s
fraternity, and that’s kind of how I started feeling much more comfortable in that space,
and once that happened, then I pretty much just started telling people, “Oh hey, let’s meet
up at Chicano Center. I’ll see you there.”
Student organizations provide a mentorship network. Each student described
meeting individuals in their respective student organizations who were like-minded, provided
mentorship, and helped them to acclimate to the university environment. Isabella shared how
Hermanas Unidas was an important social organization for her:
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 74
The main program I was involved in was Hermanas Unidas, which I don’t remember how
I heard of it, but I remember going to their information session and really just felt
connected with all the ladies there. Their message of support in terms of culture shock
and balancing your culture, but also balancing being at the university. And considering a
lot of them were first-generation girls, so they understand what I was going through.
Stefany’s multicultural sorority played a similar role in her transition to college. She explained
how this social organization improved her confidence on campus:
I didn’t own this space until my second semester as a freshman when I found my sorority.
They’re all women from my same background. They’re all Latinas or the majority are
Latinas, from a multicultural sorority where most of us are first-generation and come
from the same background of low income. So, having that support system very much
made me confident in this space.
Gustavo recounted how joining different student organizations validated his college-going
experience as a first-generation college student:
But, when I joined different organizations, whether it be a first-generation organization or
predominately Latinos, or [a service-related organization], it would be more diverse [than
my pre-health classrooms]. I realized you know, we’re all struggling in this together, I’m
not alone.
Enrique made a conscious effort to step out of his comfort zone and expand his social
network while in college by not joining a multicultural fraternity or Latino organization. Instead,
he joined an all-male community service organization with strong ties to RU. From Enrique’s
first year on campus, this social organization provided a mentorship network for him to help him
through his transition to college:
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 75
[Members of the organization] would always reach out and do check ins with me because
they knew I was working and managing school, work, and my family, and just other
issues. They were a very good support network, making sure I was good and always
offered advice to help with my transition. I joined [this organization] my very first
semester in my freshman year.
Similar to Enrique, Isabella, Gustavo, and Jessica recounted times they counted on older peers in
their social groups to provide them with guidance and an academic or pre-professional road map.
Isabella shared:
When I was a freshman, I would have these long conversations with the girls who were
seniors, and that really did help me in terms of knowing what to look forward to in
college. I really did rely on those girls that I had in my life who also were years ahead of
me.
Gustavo, preparing for medical school, also sought guidance from older first-generation college
student peers who successfully navigated the path to medical school: “When I was in my
freshman year, a lot of them were applying for medical school, and I just reached out to them.”
Isabella also often reached out to her older peers from the PCA program or Hermanas Unidas
who successfully navigated through her chosen graduate school program:
One of them I had already known from [PCA] and one of them I met through Hermanas
Unidas. They actually still give me advice on how this could work, or how to study for
an exam. Or even when I have clinical reasoning questions, I can call them up and they
have many times guided me through.
Regardless of each student’s chosen educational or career path, each participant found
peer groups on campus who helped them answer unfamiliar questions and formulate meaningful
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 76
solutions. Jessica described this first-generation college student network of people and
community resources that many were able to employ while at RU:
Some of my Hermanas, they’re the ones that I really look up in terms of being, “I’m like
this, I don’t know what to do.” Or even them, sometimes they reach out to me and
they’re just like “Hey, this is what I’m thinking, I don’t know what path I should take.”
It’s kind of like we really trust each other on helping each other, give out advice and
guidance as to what would be best for us. They’re the group of people that I ultimately
look up to whenever I have any questions or need any advice.
Social capital encourages giving back to the community. Seven interviewees went
back to their former high school to work with the PCA program as tutors, coordinators, or in the
program office while in college, and, sometimes, continued to work with the program beyond
graduation from RU as teachers and volunteers. The eighth interviewee also went back to the
same high school to give back, but to serve as a mentor for the band program. Mayra described
her relationship with the PCA program and how she continued to give back after college
matriculation:
I’ve always had a really good support network with [PCA]. I worked for the director for
a really long time. I was a science coordinator for some time. I was also a tutor for some
time, so I have a really good relationship with [PCA]. I came back to do a couple of talks
with students that were interested in [transferring to RU].
Enrique, who also went back to work with the high school students in the PCA program
discussed how his values informed which student organizations he joined:
Being a part of the organizations that I am in, I still ensure that all the work that we do or
if I do join them, that they already do work related to working with youth and education
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 77
in communities around [RU]. So, [my work] is always centered around educational
empowerment, access, and mentorship for kids and their families.
Similarly, Jessica shared how she gives back to her community through educational
empowerment:
All of my presentations were pretty much in Spanish. It’s really helped because I’ve
been able to really connect with parents, letting them know that I’m a first-generation
college student, I’m a Latina, and I was also going through the same challenges they are
right now. It’s great for me to connect with parents who have questions about this whole
new process.
Jessica’s desire to help others in her community encouraged her to provide outreach
presentations about college to parents in Spanish. She did not know she would be paid for her
work as a presenter: “It was pretty funny afterward because I found out that I actually got paid
and I had no idea.”
As with the examples above from Enrique and Jessica, while students gave back to the
PCA program, their life-changing experiences made possible through PCA encouraged them to
give back to other local high schools, not just their own. Sara explained she sought to support
other high schools that did not have the same programmatic opportunities as her own:
I feel like I’m definitely still involved in my community. I feel like I got really lucky that
I was in a program that encouraged me to go to college. But I also know that there are a
lot of schools around this area that don’t have [PCA] and aren’t as lucky and aren’t told
from sixth grade that you can go to college, you can do it, and you deserve to go to
college and you’re deserving of a place in higher education. I’ve definitely become
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 78
involved since I got to college and trying to give that experience to others as I continue to
work for [PCA].
Enrique explained why he and other participants are motivated to give back to their community:
People did it for me growing up, and it played a large role into feeling like I had people
who were looking out for me. So, because of that, I think it’s important to provide the
same thing to those who are coming up the same way you were.
Jessica shared a similar sentiment about first-generation college students’ motivations:
I think we always tend to go back and do things that are for our community, and I think
it’s amazing because we’re showing other kids that are minorities that we made it to
college as well. I think many of us, we always tend to just give back to our community
because we were in that same situation, so there’s a very strong connection with where
we grew up, and we don’t let go, it’s still there. We still want to be present, helping our
community as much as we can.
Beyond their college years, social capital has encouraged these first-generation college
students to give back to their community full time in professional capacities. Upon college
graduation or with further education, each participant has plans to work in or with their
underserved communities. The lived experiences of these first-generation college students are
preparing each of them to become K-12 teachers, social workers, college admissions counselors,
journalists, doctors, and other key figures in the helping professions. Enrique described his
reasons for wanting to work with high school students in a professional setting:
High school is always my favorite group to work with. It’s a transitional phase for
students developing their own self identity and because of that, I just want to make sure
that they’re developing the skills and mindsets that empower them to want to achieve
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 79
what they want versus feeling that they would have to become another stereotype or
statistic that was sort of already in place for us. I think a lot of my feelings just come
from how passionate I am about not allowing this form of systemic oppression that exists
to dictate how I go about my direction in life. I mean, this is why I want to work with
youth because I want others to develop their own confidence and have this mentality.
Stefany shared a similar sentiment when illustrating how she determined her career goals: “[I
want to provide] resources for my community and stuff like that. I feel like we find very
humbling reasons compared to [those who are not first-generation college students].” It is for
these humbling reasons that Gustavo will begin medical school this fall. He had this to share
about his future plans and career:
My plan for the future is to pursue a Doctor of Medicine (MD) degree, so I’ll be starting
medical school in the upcoming fall. My dream, my goal in life, is to pursue the MD
degree, not just to be a physician, but to be a physician who serves underserved
communities. I just really want to see myself working in [this community], and giving
back to the community that gave to me, and that’s really where I see myself practicing. I
see my next four years being in medical school, and then hopefully matching into a
residency program and working with the community and the population I always worked
with. I want to get into a great residency program and do well on my exams to make sure
I come back and become the best doctor possible [for my community].
Employing Navigational Capital
“I feel like being first-generation college students and not really having a parent who went to
college, I think through this journey, we definitely become much more independent in figuring
out how to navigate this college experience. I think it ’s just becoming much more comfortable
with our voices and being heard. ”
-Jessica

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 80
Navigational capital refers to the skills required to maneuver through social institutions
that were not created with communities of color in mind. Students are considered to have
navigational capital if they sustain high levels of achievement, despite the presence of stressful
events and conditions that place them at risk of doing poorly at school and, ultimately, dropping
out of school. This attribute is also known as academic invulnerability and is demonstrated when
a student successfully navigates through the educational system. The concept of navigational
capital moves beyond traditional notions of cultural capital to acknowledge individual agency
within institutional constraints.
Work-study jobs enhance navigational capital. All study participants worked
approximately 20 hours per week through the federal work-study program. While their student
positions varied from assisting with academic research, working at the student recreational center
or their former high school, or in other offices across RU’s campus, those who worked on
campus in student services-related offices were better equipped to strengthen their navigational
capital while earning money for school. Jessica, who worked in one of these student services-
related departments, stated, “I think even just working at [work-study job], I became aware of
other resources that I had and I think it was because I had that job that I knew of them, otherwise
I wouldn’t have.” Stefany shared a similar experience, stating, “With working at the admission
center, I learned about all the different resource centers on campus.” In addition to learning
about the university’s myriad resources available to her and her peers, Stefany’s work-study
position also garnered her a supportive network of mentors and colleagues she feels comfortable
reaching out to as she prepares to navigate the world of work following graduation: “I’m going
to reach out to my current supervisors to see if they can help me with applications for [college
admissions jobs after college].” Enrique experienced a similar strengthening of navigational
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 81
capital by increasing his interaction with his work-study colleagues in another student support
services-related work-study position:
Whether it was a personal issue I was facing at home or academic-related, I was able to
confide in my coworkers [academic advisors] because of the relationship I had with my
advisors [as my advisors and colleagues]. So learning to speak up helped me until senior
year.
Navigational capital requires openness. As Stefany and Enrique alluded to when
discussing their interactions with colleagues in their respective work-study positions required
openness, enhancing navigational capital requires first-generation college students to become
comfortable with openness, or emotional vulnerability. Mayra, when describing her initial
experience navigating through the RU environment, stated,
I was just kind of like, pushed into a pool. Different environment, different classes,
different friends. It was difficult, but I think that you grow from that and learn how to
toughen up and [realize] “I deserve to be here, I worked so hard to be here, and,
therefore, I’m going to make it work.”
To navigate through this different environment, each study participant understood it was
important to reach out for help. Stefany shared:
You’re going to learn about the resources and you’re going to learn about all the different
things that are available to you. But it takes the first step of being vulnerable to get those
resources.
All participants acknowledged the vulnerability and acceptance of the unfamiliar that
were required for each of them to persevere in RU’s environment as first-generation college
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 82
students. Gustavo summed up the common navigational capital-related experiences first-
generation college students face in college:
Not only are we experiencing what it’s like to come to college and the academics of
college, but we’re learning how to navigate through the social waters here, and we are
navigating. We’re doing so much that second generations may not have had to do, you
know, third generations—legacy students. They don’t really understand what the first-
generation students have to go through and I think one big thing is definitely being
emotionally resilient.
While study participants felt “pushed into a pool” when describing the college environment, a
new environment with very different peers than those from high school, Ana described the
importance of not being afraid to reach out for help, even in an unfamiliar environment: “Don’t
be afraid to ask questions, even if it’s somebody that you’re not comfortable with. You have to
find out the answer somehow.” Ana furthered how her vulnerability in an uncomfortable
environment led to a positive outcome on her college journey: “But with the navigation that I
did, I happened to find those that were like me despite our skin color.”
Mayra shared other strategies, such as tutoring, used to navigate through the new
challenges faced at RU:
There were times when I would not sleep, but it just meant that I had to study harder than
the person next to me. Like, whatever they could do in an hour, I’m going to do it, too,
[even] if it takes me two. I think you just have to have that mentality. That really helped
me, shaped me, throughout college because you can’t always compare yourself because
everyone’s experience is different. Obviously, people are going to do better if they had
private tutoring or whatever. So then, for chemistry, I was doing really bad and I was
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 83
like “Ok you know what, so I’m going to try something that I’ve never tried before, I’m
going to get private tutoring [available on campus for free]” and it worked. So it’s just
being able to use your resources and seeing that you have a lot of options.
After college graduation, Gustavo reflected on the positive experiences gained while navigating
through RU: “I feel you learn so much about yourself when you remove yourself from a place
you’re so familiar with.”
Participants possess an information-seeking mindset. Mayra, when struggling in her
chemistry class, identified free tutoring sessions on campus by employing the navigational
capital she brought with her to the college environment. Each of the participants possessed an
information-seeking mindset. This important student characteristic helped these first-generation
college students locate and test out academic success and retention strategies that were novel for
them. Mayra described her information-seeking behaviors by stating:
I think, if you want to be a part of something and you want to utilize your resources, then
you can pretty much look stuff up on the [university] website. I was doing really bad in
chemistry. I ended up searching it up, come on, we have to have some tutoring—and it’s
available to you for free. I had a really good experience [with the tutor]. My grade went
up two letter grades. So, I think that you just have to look. If you’re not looking, you’re
not going to find anything.
Similarly, Sara learned about many of the resources on campus such as the career center,
mental health services, and free printing locations through her own information-seeking
behavior: “I’ve learned about these resources just by looking them up or going into the student
center and picking up pamphlets and learning about everything that we can take advantage of as
students here.” Reflecting on college experiences and the navigational capital it took to
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 84
successfully navigate through the educational system, Ana described how straightforward and
comfortable they now are in networking with others to better plan for their professional careers:
“And now I pick anybody’s brain that is a teacher or a professor, like ‘Hey, what should I do?’
And I know what steps to take [to become a teacher] because I’ve been talking to people that
have been in the same steps.”
Employing Resistant Capital
“Don ’t be afraid and feel like you’re an outsider, because you ’re not, you belong here.”
-Gustavo

From culture shock and otherness to a sense of belonging. Prior to acceptance and
matriculation at RU, PCA participants’ high school teachers cautioned them about the culture
shock and otherness they would experience at a PWI. While NHS’s PCA program included
discussions about transition and culture shock, these aspects did not become a reality for
participants until they became undergraduate students. Ana recounted the culture shock that all
participants faced as first-generation college students at RU:
Freshman year was definitely hard because I had to figure out who could be my buddy
system in my classes even if they didn’t look like me. I had to find other backgrounds
that were similar. I was like, what, I cannot see any brown people. And I mean they tell
you that in high school. They’re like, you got to prepare yourself, there’s going to be a
majority of White kids at this school. It’s a predominately White school. But you don’t
really…I mean you hear it and you’re like sure whatever. But, then, you actually get put
into it and it’s like whoa. You’re like this is just down the street. This is in my backyard.
But, then, you’re just like fazed by it.
At first, each student questioned their place at RU. Isabella also shared her experience
with culture shock prompted by the transition from high school to college:
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 85
So, it was a culture shock of being in school with peers that looked like me from
kindergarten to twelfth grade to peers that came from different backgrounds, peers that
were predominately White or predominantly had more resources and were exposed to
more things that I was not. Even though I did have the help of PCA, which I’m forever
grateful for, but as a first-gen student, it was navigating that stress, but also navigating
feeling proud that I was the first one in my family to go to college and be part of
something.
Each student had encounters with culture shock, not seeing others who looked like them
in their classrooms, second guessing their college admittance, and figuring out with whom they
could connect for support. Over time, through lived experiences, and with the empowering
advice of parents, teachers, and peers, participants grew to take pride in their differences and
speak up in and out of the classroom to voice their perspectives. Sara recounted how her college
experience changed over time:
There came a moment of realization where I was like, I actually do belong here. I’m
doing a lot of stuff, and I’m contributing a lot to this campus as a student. I’m proud to
be here. And, yeah, it’s been a struggle, but I’m also glad that I’ve struggled, and I’ve
learned so much, and I’ve been able to work as a college student and been able to go
through these challenges because they’ve made me so much more resilient and stronger.
That’s kind of how [my college] experience has changed over time. It kind of went from
“I hate being first-gen, like it kind of sucks that I’m already at a disadvantage” but then
now I’m like “I’m proud to be first-gen.” It’s made me who I am, and I’ve worked so
hard to feel like I belong, and I do belong.
Sara also shared how she became proud of her identity and more confident in college:
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 86
I’m proud of all of these things that have earned me a spot here and made me who I am.
And then I realized, okay I’m not hiding who I am anymore, I’m being open. I had all of
these struggles and all these things that have been obstacles, but now I’m here and I’m
stronger because of it. And I guess that’s when that realization came that I’m not hiding
anything anymore. This is who I am and it’s just me.
The importance of speaking up. A pivotal moment, in the form of student discussion in
journalism class, empowered Sara to strengthen her resistant capital and to resist dominant
societal messages devaluing her lived experience. Given the direction of class discussion, Sara
asserted herself as strong and worthy of respect:
It was during one of my writing classes where we had to share in class. I felt like some
of my classmates were kind of…they didn’t really understand their privilege in a way.
And I kind of started speaking out about it because they also judged the area [that I grew
up in] and they were like, “It’s so dangerous and all these things happen here” and I’m
like “Honestly, it really isn’t. I mean, it has its flaws, but it’s not dangerous.” And then I
started speaking out and I’m like, “I’m from [the area], and I’m here and I’m proud to be
from [the area] because it’s made me who I am.”
Sara explained why she decided to speak up:
I should stand up for what I believe in and not just go along with what everybody else is
doing because I feel that’s what I would always do before-I would sit in the back of the
room and not really talk. But now I’m like no, I want to really take advantage of my
education and if I don’t say this, nobody else is going to say it.
Participants rejected stereotypes and discouraging authority figures. Whether
overtly or covertly, participants received messages on campus questioning their abilities. Both
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 87
Stefany and Gustavo discussed moments on campus where their hopes and dreams were
discouraged by authority figures. Their resistant capital allowed them to keep moving forward
and rejecting these harmful messages. In Stefany’s case, she recounted receiving a discouraging
message from her new academic advisor at orientation during her first official experience as an
undergraduate student at RU:
He laughed, and I was like what’s funny? He was like, well, one out of five kids that
start [the pre-med track], he basically said four kids drop out of being pre-med out of the
five and only one kid continues being pre-med. First of all, that irritated me because I
was like, “Who are you to tell me that I’m going to drop out of being pre-med?” Not
having that support was like basically my initial welcome to [RU]. I was like “How are
you going to be working with kids and having that negative perspective already?” But he
did not know me and he did not know I was resilient, and I’m still out here getting my
degree. I ended up figuring out that being a nurse isn’t what I wanted to be, and maybe
that’s a conversation he needed to have with me, but being able to just shut me down was
the thing that I was upset about and was like no. First of all, he didn’t know me. So, I
was just like “Okay, cool” and I was upset because I was like “Who are you to tell me
that I’m going to be dropping out when you’re supposed to be one of the people that are
supposed to support kids.” I can’t believe he told me this. I mean, I had to do what I
have to do regardless of what people think of what I’m going to do. I’m still going to get
my degree, and I’m still going to do what I want to do, and I’m still going to service the
community that I want to service. And whether that be as a nurse or an occupational
therapist or as a resource for higher education, I’m still going to find it. So, when he said
that, I was just like “Oh, ok, that’s what we’re doing.” And, so, I was just kind of upset
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 88
at the reaction that he had and the unprofessionalism that he had. But I was also like,
“Cool, he probably doesn’t know who I am, probably had a rough day.” I’m like, “Ya’ll
don’t really know me, don’t have the time to know me, probably thinks I’m already a
cookie cutter image of who he thinks I am.”
Gustavo, the alumnus who is about to begin his Doctor of Medicine program at a top medical
school on a full tuition scholarship also recounted a time that an advisor on campus discouraged
him from pursuing the pre-med track:
So, actually during the Summer Bridge Program, me and my really good friend, we both
went to pre-health advising, you know, super excited. It was the summer. We were great
students. We were trying to prepare before college even starts, so we go talk to an
advisor. So, we show up, we sit down, and she’s talking to both of us and my friend’s
telling her that she wants to go into medicine. And then she asked me, “Where’d you go
to school?” And I told her, “[NHS].” And she’s like, “I don’t know, because I don’t
know if your school prepared you for the resources.” I always have this conversation
with my best friend now. Like, “Can you believe that one time we were discouraged and
we hadn’t even started school and we didn’t even have grades yet?” They didn’t know
anything about us, they just assumed that obviously our school was underresourced,
which is true, but that doesn’t mean we can’t do this. You know, there are resources here
that we can take advantage of. So, that was the first and last time I went to that office
throughout my whole time in college. And it sucks because they’re supposed to be
helpful in getting you to medical school, but I realized I’m not going to be comfortable
here. And, if I don’t feel like they have my back one hundred percent, I’m not going to
put myself in that situation.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 89
Given Gustavo’s discouraging experience with a pre-health advisor, he shares this message of
resistant capital with other first-generation college students starting college:
Not everyone is going to give you the best feedback. I’m not saying the first [advisor] is
going to be helpful, but just know it’s like a market out here, you’ve got to try out
different ones and see which one best fits your needs.
Stefany, while working in the university admissions office, found an opportunity to use
her resistant capital to make a difference to improve the experience of future first-generation
college students and PCA participants. When one of her peers mistakenly referred to the PCA
program as “that group that kids go to Saturday academy for and they basically have an easier
way of getting into [RU],” Stefany devised a creative solution to challenge that message
devaluing her lived experiences:
I told [my work-study supervisor], “Can I make a presentation?” Because we have staff
meetings, I was like “Can I make a presentation either at a staff meeting or at a retreat to
educate people [about the PCA program] because [the admission office has] never had a
[PCA] kid be on your staff before and for you to be representing [RU] and talking about
my community or program that I was in in that way was very hurtful. But also, if you’re
going to be representing and telling other people about this program, I need you to be
educated on it.” And so he was like “Yeah, you have that freedom and whenever it’s
ready, tell me, I’ll give you that space.”
Summary
Chapter Four presented the findings of this qualitative study on eight first-generation
college student participants who graduated from NHS’s PCA program and matriculated to RU.
After a biographical statement on each participant, I provided an in-depth qualitative analysis of
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 90
how the students employed the six forms of Community Cultural Wealth to succeed in college.
In this chapter, rich examples of aspirational, linguistics, social, familial, navigational, and
resistant capital were discussed to provide a deeper understanding of the factors that influence
first-generation college student success at a PWI. Chapter Five will provide a summary of the
study’s findings, implications for practice, suggestions for future research, and concluding
remarks.

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 91
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
This study utilized a qualitative methods approach to better understand the forms of
Community Cultural Wealth that FGSA program participants at RU bring from NHS to the
college environment. I interviewed FGSA program participants to recognize the rich forms of
capital existing within these participants that equip them to succeed in college. This chapter
presents an overview of my study’s findings, implications for practice, recommendations for
future research, and conclusion.
Informed by Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth model, this study sought to
move beyond the lens of first-generation college students’ lack of cultural capital or cultural
literacy oftentimes presented in research to instead acknowledge their strengths. To better
understand the strengths of first-generation college students who thrive in the university setting,
this study explored the six forms of Community Cultural Wealth (aspirational, linguistic,
familial, social, navigational, resistant) that FGSA program participants at RU brought with them
from NHS to persevere in the college environment.
To acknowledge the cultural capital of first-generation college students in college, I
sought to develop a richer understanding of the PCA first-generation college student experience
at RU. Through semi-structured interviews with first-generation college students who
participated in the program (specifically three rising seniors, a senior beginning his ninth and
final semester, and four college graduates), I presented the ways in which students employed the
six forms of Community Cultural Wealth to succeed at RU.
Beyond gaining admission into U.S. post-secondary institutions, first-generation college
students from underrepresented backgrounds still face challenges related to social adjustment
and engagement once matriculated. In an active effort to close the gap related to institutional
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 92
adjustment difficulties, first-generation college student pipeline programs such as summer bridge
programs were developed to provide additional resources and support mechanisms for first-
generation college student transition into higher education (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005;
Walpole et al., 2008).
While high school to college pipeline programs differ across campuses, outreach
programs are oftentimes developed to serve recent first-generation, low-income high school
graduates admitted to a particular college or university. Arguably, the primary purpose of these
pipeline programs is to demystify the college-going experience, develop self-esteem and self-
efficacy, and orient the student to the higher education environment (Pascarella & Terenzini,
2005; Walpole et al., 2008). Research on these pipeline programs typically describe
programmatic and academic offerings at one site and have not explored deeply participants’
experiences following program completion (Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002; Sablan, 2014;
Strayhorn, 2011; Suzuki et al., 2012; Tierney, 2002; Walpole et al., 2008). Existing research
oftentimes operates from a deficit analytical lens to study pre-college pipeline programs. When
it does, it places “value judgements on communities that often do not have access to White,
middle or upper-class resources” (Yosso, 2005, p. 82). As such, I sought to address the
following research question: How do first-generation college students from Neighboring High
School employ forms of Community Cultural Wealth to succeed at highly selective Research
University?
Informed by Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth model and related research, this
study sought to move beyond the lens of first-generation college students’ lack of cultural capital
or cultural literacy to acknowledge the strengths of first-generation college students. To critique
the prevalent assumption that students from nondominant sociocultural and linguistic
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 93
backgrounds come to the classroom with cultural deficiencies, Yosso (2005) introduced
Community Cultural Wealth as a CRT challenge to traditional interpretations of cultural capital
often cited in social reproduction literature. Using a CRT lens, Yosso points out that traditional
conceptualizations of cultural capital fail to acknowledge the cultural capital of marginalized
groups (Jayakumar et al., 2013; Yosso, 2005).
To address this study’s research question, a qualitative research design was utilized. This
qualitative research methods approach allowed me to focus on the process, understanding, and
meaning of first-generation college student experiences at RU. While there are different types of
interviews, semi-structured interviews allowed me to delve deeper into the perspectives and
experiences of all interview participants. This approach was also valuable because very little
research has highlighted students’ own voices in their pre-college outreach and pipeline program
experiences after program completion.
Discussion of Findings
This study found the following themes associated with the study’s research question:
1. How do first-generation college students from Neighboring High School employ
forms of Community Cultural Wealth to succeed at highly selective Research
University?
a. Employing Aspirational Capital
i. Aspirational Capital is Instilled by Family Values and Upbringing
ii. Aspirational Capital Builds Resilience
b. Employing Linguistic Capital
i. Linguistic Capital Increases Professional Value
ii. Linguistic Capital Encourages Leadership
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 94
c. Employing Familial Capital
i. Families Provide Emotional Support
ii. Families Provide Guidance
iii. Families Are in the College-Going Journey Together
d. Employing Social Capital
i. Friends Understand What Participants Are Going Through
ii. Friends Made Participants More Comfortable Seeking Help and
Resources
iii. Student Organizations Provide a Mentorship Network
iv. Social Capital Encourages Giving Back to the Community
e. Employing Navigational Capital
i. Work-Study Jobs Enhance Navigational Capital
ii. Navigational Capital Requires Openness
iii. Participants Possess an Information-Seeking Mindset
f. Employing Resistant Capital
i. From Culture Shock and Otherness to a Sense of Belonging
ii. The Importance of Speaking Up
iii. Participants Rejected Stereotypes and Discouraging Authority Figures
To better understand the strengths of first-generation college students who thrive in the
university setting, this study explored the six forms of Community Cultural Wealth that FGSA
program participants at RU brought with them from NHS to persevere in the college
environment. The importance of acknowledging the cultural capital of marginalized groups as
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 95
influencers in college success is supported by this study’s literature review and advanced by its
findings.
This study confirmed the role of aspirational capital in participants’ success and
persistence at RU. This component of the cultural wealth model can also be found in educational
literature on college student resilience (Jayakumar et al., 2013). All of the participants stated
they would graduate from college, despite obstacles, in part due to aspirational capital instilled
by their parents. This finding contradicts earlier research showing that students who do not make
social or academic connections in college are less likely to be successful once matriculated
(Hsiao, 1992; Nicpon et al., 2006; Suzuki et al., 2012). Feelings of not fitting in, rejection, and
maladjustment, especially among vulnerable populations are all correlated with student attrition
(Collier & Morgan, 2008; Heisserer & Parette, 2002; O’Keeffe, 2013). While the PCA first-
generation college student population at RU may be unique, aspirational capital played an
integral role on student persistence despite feelings of otherness or social isolation on campus.
This study confirmed the role of bilingual students’ linguistic capital in real-world
experiences of being called on to translate, which provides an experiential education in cross-
cultural awareness, teaching and tutoring skills, civic and familial responsibility, and social
maturity (Faulstich Orellana, 2003; Yosso, 2005). Furthermore, linguistic capital encouraged
participants to take on leadership roles in their work-study positions, volunteer work, and student
organizations. This unique skill they possessed in predominately White spaces validated their
professional contributions and increased personal confidence.
This study confirmed the importance of familial capital in participants’ experience at RU.
According to Yosso (2005), familial capital is informed by the research on communal bonds
within African American communities, funds of knowledge within Mexican American
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 96
communities, and pedagogies of the home that students of color bring to the classroom (Yosso,
2005). As Yosso (2005) asserted, all participants in this study maintained a healthy connection
to their community and its resources. This study also revealed that, oftentimes, parents provided
guidance and promoted academic success by sitting down with their students at the dinner table
to complete homework assignments. Despite not having attended college themselves, parents
made it clear to their children that college was to be their priority and participants still sought out
parental guidance when making important decisions about college and career. Long established
retention theorists such as Tinto (1993) have stressed the importance of first-generation college
students separating from their home contexts and communities to persist and socially integrate
into the college environment (Tinto, 1993). The participants did not separate from their home
contexts and communities to persist. In fact, they continued to live in their home communities or
at home with their parents and siblings to save money.
This study confirmed the important role of social capital in navigating RU, an institution
designed without communities of color in mind. Interviews with participants provided many rich
examples of the ways in which social capital improved their experience, encouraged them to give
back to their community, and influenced career selection. Historically, communities of color
have bonded together to attain legal justice, employment, health care, and education (Yosso,
2005). As such, members of communities of color often give back to their social groups to share
information and resources for mutual benefit. This tradition of “lifting as we climb” has been
documented by ethnographic researchers studying African American and Mexican communities
(Yosso, 2005, p.80). Ethnographer Delgado-Gaitan’s (2001) research on a Mexican community
in California found that “families transcend the adversity in their daily lives by uniting with
supportive social networks” (p. 105). Interviewees’ friends provided a mentorship network in
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 97
college, helped them feel more comfortable in seeking help, and validated their college-going
experiences.
This study found that work-study positions enhanced interviewees’ navigational capital.
The concept of navigational capital moves beyond traditional notions of cultural capital to
acknowledge individual agency within institutional constraints (Yosso, 2005). While Astin’s
involvement theory (1984) recommends increased student involvement like working on campus,
working on campus in student services-related offices provided an additional benefit in requiring
participants to know of the many resources available on campus, which helped them better
navigate the college environment. Participants shared they most likely would not have been
aware of many of these resources if they had not learned about them through work-study.
This study confirmed the importance of resistant capital in first-generation college
student persistence and graduation. Students’ family, social, day-to-day life, and educational
experiences growing up can teach them to resist dominant societal messages devaluing their
lived experiences (Yosso, 2005). In research on Black and Latina mothers, parents of color were
found to consciously instruct their children to uphold outlooks and behaviors that question
existing circumstances and to assert themselves as strong and worthy of respect (Yosso, 2005).
Students’ families, communities, and high school teachers in the PCA program instructed
participants on the culture shock they would face when matriculating to RU. With the help of
resistant capital, participants challenged inequity and feelings of otherness on campus.
Implications for Practice
This study provides the following recommendations for future practice:
1. Embrace the Community Cultural Wealth model when developing student affairs
programming. Introduce the tenets of the Community Cultural Wealth model to higher
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 98
education leaders and encourage team members to develop student learning outcomes
informed by Yosso’s (2005) framework (in lieu of common deficit frameworks).
Empower first-generation college students to utilize the many strengths they brought with
them from their home communities to the college environment.
2. Demystify student counseling services and promote specific benefits for first-generation
college students. Partner with university mental health counselors to present counseling
center offerings and mental health-related presentations in classrooms or during student
organization training to help destigmatize mental health resources on campus and to
explain how this important resource can support first-generation college students’
experiences. Many participants discussed culture shock and the emotional vulnerability
required to successfully navigate through the university. These are topics that can be
discussed in a first-generation college student support group facilitated by student
counseling services or in individual counseling sessions.
3. Encourage first-generation college student family involvement. Invite first-generation
college student parents or guardians to attend family weekends or orientations on campus
while providing each first-generation college student with complimentary guest tickets
for parents and/or siblings. Oftentimes, these programs require parents and guests to pay
out of pocket, which further discourages first-generation college family attendance.
Another solution to involve parents or guardians is to implement a university-wide first-
generation college student parent newsletter with monthly or semesterly college transition
tips and a listing of campus resources to be mailed to the home address on file. This
study found that parents do their best to guide their students in college and these
resources would help strengthen family discussions.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 99
4. Train academic advisors on first-generation college student experiences and concerns.
Train academic advisors to encourage conversations beyond class selection and academic
performance—during intake meetings, ask probing questions about motivation, values,
family support network, student organization involvement, and work-study positions, etc.
Train academic advisors on the importance of trust building when working with first-
generation college students. Resistant capital gained through lived experience has taught
first-generation college students to not readily trust all advice given to them, even by
advisors or teachers. By training academic advisors to be sensitive to first-generation
college students’ aspirations and to celebrate when students seek creative solutions to
their problems, advisors will be better equipped to serve as mentors and champions for
this student population.
5. Train career counselors on first-generation college student experiences and concerns.
Train career counselors on how to guide first-generation college students in marketing the
transferable skills gained through Community Cultural Wealth. Train career counselors
to encourage students to demonstrate their leadership qualities when discussing language
skills in resume development workshops.
6. Involve first-generation college students’ peer leaders as frontline resources. When
training all student organization leaders on campus (regardless of the organization type),
ensure they are aware of the important campus resources to share with their peers. The
study identified the many ways that participants’ peers influenced their college-going
experience. From providing a peer-to-peer mentorship network to help them feel more
comfortable in seeking help, participants most often first sought the help of their peers
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 100
and student organization leaders when navigating the unfamiliar terrain of higher
education.
Future Research
This study presents the following recommendations for future research:
1. Challenge deficit-informed research viewing first-generation college students and
families from nondominant sociocultural and linguistic backgrounds as lacking the
necessary knowledge, social skills, abilities, and strengths to succeed in higher education.
Continue to critique deficit theorizing and data by including voices from these
communities.
2. Expand higher education research on first-generation college parent and guardian
involvement. Expanding the research on parental involvement in their first-generation
college students’ lives will add an important perspective to the existing literature on first-
generation college students. This can include ethnographic research on the first-
generation college parent and their concerns, sacrifices, familial roles, and experiences
from when their students first applied to college to college matriculation, and ultimately,
graduation. Parents and guardians have their own perspectives and concerns and often do
everything in their power to support their children in their aspirations. Parents have their
own stories to recount throughout their students’ college-going narratives and a more
informed understanding of the parents will improve future research, policies, and
practice.
3. Conduct Community Cultural Wealth research at other postsecondary institutions. While
the findings from this study are not generalizable to first-generation college students at all
colleges or universities, or even beyond PCA program participants, it will be important to
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 101
compare this qualitative research study to first-generation college students in other
settings, or even other first-generation college students at RU who are not on scholarship
under a pre-college pipeline program to determine if the six components of Yosso’s
(2005) Community Cultural Wealth model are employed differently in different
environments.
4. Conduct research on the career decision-making processes of first-generation college
students. Many participants were motivated to give back to their community full time, in
professional capacities. The lived experiences of these first-generation college students
influenced each of them to become K-12 teachers, social workers, college admissions
counselors, journalists, doctors, and other key figures in the helping professions.
Potential exists in this research area to better understand the career decision-making
processes of first-generation college students using both quantitative and mixed methods
approaches.
Conclusions
As mentioned, most research on pre-college outreach programs focus on one institution’s
efforts. Research is lacking regarding participants’ experiences and these programs’
effectiveness (Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002; Sablan, 2014; Strayhorn, 2011; Suzuki et al., 2012;
Tierney, 2002; Walpole et al., 2008). This study examined the experiences of first-generation
college students who participated in pipeline programs.
This dissertation calls for a shift from a deficit viewpoint of first-generation university
students as a culturally impoverished group to understand this population’s cultural assets and
wealth (Yosso, 2005). While this study may not be generalizable to every first-generation
college student or institution, it found that higher education administrators and researchers would
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 102
benefit from utilizing the Community Cultural Wealth model in outreach programming aimed at
first-generation college students.
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FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 110
APPENDIX A
Interview Questions
1. Reflecting on your educational journey, when did your interest in college begin?
2. What factors impacted your decision to attend college?
3. How did you decide to get involved with the XXX program?
4. Are you involved on campus now?
a. How do you spend your time when you are not in class or studying?
5. Do you work on or off campus?
6. How would you describe your experience as a first-generation college student at XXX?
a. Has that experience changed over time?
7. Do you speak more than one language? If so, in what ways has this skill enhanced your
educational, career, or personal experiences?
a. Can you provide a specific example?
8. Would you say you have a support network?
a. Who are the people in your life that you rely on or spend the most time with?
b. Do you have a mentor or role model?
9. How would you describe your family?
a. Are they involved in your education?
b. In what ways do they support you?
10. How would you describe your friends?
a. Are these mostly friends from high school or XXX?
11. How would you describe the community in which you grew up?
a. Are you still involved in this community? In what ways?
12. Can you think about a time when you ran into a hurdle as a high school or college
student?
a. What helped you to continue with your studies despite these challenges?
13. While in high school or college, has anyone ever tried to discourage you from doing
something?
a. Can you please share what happened?
b. How did you work through this issue?
14. What resources would you recommend to other first-generation college students in order
to succeed at the university? How did you learn about these resources?
15. Are there any other memorable experiences or signification challenges in your life that
you would like to share in order to help highlight the strengths of first-generation college
students?
16. What are your plans for the future?
a. What steps will you take to achieve these goals?
17. Is there anything else you would like to discuss related your overall experience as a first-
generation college student at XXX?

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 111
APPENDIX B
Research Alignment Matrix
Research Question Conceptual Framework Data Instruments

1. How do first-generation
college students from
Neighboring High School
employ forms of Community
Cultural Wealth to succeed at
highly selective Research
University?

A. Aspirational

B. Linguistic

C. Familial

D. Social

E. Navigational

F. Resistant

Community Cultural Wealth
(Yosso, 2005)

Interview Questions:

1, 2, 3, 16

7

8, 9

4, 8, 10, 11

1, 3, 6, 12a, 13b, 14, 16a

12-13, 15

FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 112
APPENDIX C
IRB Approval

University of Southern California Institutional Review Board
1640 Marengo Street, Suite 700
Los Angeles, California 90033-9269
Telephone: (323) 442-0114
Fax: (323) 224-8389
Email: irb@usc.edu
Date: Apr 26, 2019, 11:43am
Action Taken: Approve
Principal
Investigator:
Michelle Juarez,
ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
Faculty
Advisor:
Patricia Tobey
OFFICE OF THE PROVOST
Co-
Investigator(s):

Project Title: First-Generation Achievement
Study ID: UP-19-00272
Funding:

The University of Southern California Institutional Review Board (IRB) designee determined
that your project meets the requirements outlined in 45 CFR 46.104(d) category (2) and
qualifies for exemption from IRB review. This study was approved on 04/26/2019 and is not
subject to further IRB review.

Consent and recruitment documents are not required to be uploaded for exempt studies;
however, researchers are reminded that USC follows the principles of the Belmont Report,
which requires all potential participants to be informed of the research study, their rights
as a participant, confidentiality of their data, etc. It is recommended that you utilize the
Information Sheet For Exempt Research and revise the template to be specific to your
study. This document will not be reviewed by the IRB. It is the responsibility of the
researcher to make sure the document is consistent with the study procedures listed in the
application.

**Per USC Policy, someone may not collect data about people he or she oversees in a
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 113
professional capacity. Please ensure that someone on the study (represented in 2.1, with the
required human subjects certification) is able to serve as an independent data collector. Further,
data must be stripped of any identifying information before being provided to people who have
the supervisory relationship in order to protect the confidentiality of the participant responses.**

**Note: Data stored on a cloud service must comply with USC policy

You are responsible for ensuring that your project complies with all federal, state, local and
institutional standards. Please check with all participating sites to make sure you have their
permission (including IRB/ethics board approval, if applicable) to conduct research prior to
beginning your study.

All submissions, including new applications, contingency responses, amendments and
continuing reviews are reviewed in the order received.

Social-behavioral health-related interventions or health-outcome studies must register with
clinicaltrials.gov or other International Community of Medical Journal Editors (ICMJE)
approved registries in order to be published in an ICJME journal. The ICMJE will not accept
studies for publication unless the studies are registered prior to enrollment, despite the fact that
these studies are not applicable “clinical trials” as defined by the Food and Drug Administration
(FDA). For support with registration, go to www.clinicaltrials.gov or contact Jean Chan
(jeanbcha@usc.edu, 323 442-2825).

Funding source(s): N/A – no funding source listed
Attachments:
Recruitment Tool Instructions.doc
Information Sheet for Exempt or Flex-Exempt Studies, dated 03-29-2013.doc

Social-behavioral health-related interventions or health-outcome studies must register with
clinicaltrials.gov or other International Community of Medical Journal Editors (ICMJE)
approved registries in order to be published in an ICJME journal. The ICMJE will not accept
studies for publication unless the studies are registered prior to enrollment, despite the fact that
these studies are not applicable “clinical trials” as defined by the Food and Drug Administration
(FDA). For support with registration, go to www.clinicaltrials.gov or contact Jean Chan
(jeanbcha@usc.edu, 323-442-2825).
Approved Documents: view

Important
The principal investigator for this study is responsible for obtaining all necessary approvals before
commencing research. Please be sure that you have satisfied applicable requirements, for example conflicts of
interest, bio safety, radiation safety, biorepositories, credentialing, data security, sponsor approval,
clinicaltrials.gov or school approval. IRB approval does not convey approval to commence research in the
event that other requirements have not been satisfied.
FIRST-GENERATION ACHIEVEMENT 114
APPENDIX D
Consent Form
STATEMENT OF CONSENT

I fully understand the information provided to me about the First-Generation Achievement Study. I have
been given a chance to ask questions. All my questions have been answered. By signing this form, I am
agreeing to take part in this study.

Name of Research Participant Signature Date Signed

Person Obtaining Consent
I have personally explained the research to the participant and/or the participant’s legally authorized
representative using non-technical language. I have answered all the participant’s questions. I believe that
he/she understands the information described in this informed consent and freely consents to participate.

Name of Person Obtaining Informed Consent Signature Date Signed

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This qualitative study utilizes Yosso’s Community Cultural Wealth model to better understand the strengths of first-generation college students who thrive in the university setting. This study explored the six forms of Community Cultural Wealth employed by participants in a first-generation student achievement program. Eight college seniors and alumni were interviewed using a semi-structured interview protocol. Findings indicate that aspirational capital ensures students reach college completion, linguistic capital increases professional value, families go through the first-generation college student experience together, friend groups encourage help-seeking behaviors and expand social networks, work-study jobs enhance navigational capital, and through resistant capital, students move from culture shock and otherness on campus to a sense of belonging as they develop their identities as first-generation college students. The cultural capital of marginalized groups emerged as a key influence in college success. A recommendation is for university administrators to utilize the Community Cultural Wealth model when developing and implementing outreach programming for first-generation college students.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Juarez, Michelle C. (author)

Core Title And still we rise: examining the strengths of first-generation college students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 04/15/2020

Defense Date 03/03/2020

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag community cultural wealth,first-generation college students,OAI-PMH Harvest,pre-college outreach programs,support networks

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia (committee chair), Hinga, Briana (committee member), Lundberg, Carol (committee member)

Creator Email mcjuarez@usc.edu,michellecjuarez@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-281260

Unique identifier UC11675100

Identifier etd-JuarezMich-8263.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-281260 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-JuarezMich-8263.pdf

Dmrecord 281260

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Juarez, Michelle C.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA