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Visibly invisible: the experiences of black queer women on campus

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Visibly invisible: the experiences of black queer women on campus

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Content RUNNING HEAD: VISIBLY IINVISBLE
Rasheeda Bradley
Visibly Invisible:
The Experiences of Black Queer Women on Campus
University of Southern California
A Thesis presented to the FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFRONIA
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF EDUCATION
(Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs)
December 2019
VISIBLY IINVISBLE I

Abstract
This study explores the experiences of Black queer women at a large research university. This
study uses Black to describe anyone of African descent, and Queer as the umbrella term for the
LGBTQ community. While there is current research on the experiences of queer students of
color, there are not many studies that focus solely on the unique needs and experiences of Black
queer women. To do this, this study uses the qualitative method of interviewing to answer the
following questions: What are the experiences of Black queer women at PWI’s? And how can
higher education institutions better support Black queer women? This study included five
participants that identified as Black women and had been at the institution for at least a year.
Using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) to analyze the data, three themes were
uncovered: isolation, flawed support and resources, and identity and perception. These themes
expand on the knowledge of what it means to be a Black queer woman in college and what
support is needed.

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Table of Contents
Abstract................................................................................................................................... I
Chapter 1 ................................................................................................................................ 1
Statement of the Problem ................................................................................................................ 2
Purpose and Significance ................................................................................................................. 3
Brief Review of the Literature .......................................................................................................... 3
Overview of Methods ...................................................................................................................... 5
Organization .................................................................................................................................... 6
Chapter 2: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 7
Queerness and Whiteness ................................................................................................................ 7
Queer People of Color ...................................................................................................................... 8
Queer Black Women ...................................................................................................................... 11
Theory ........................................................................................................................................... 15
Queer Theory .................................................................................................................................................... 15
Intersectionality ................................................................................................................................................ 17
Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 19
Chapter 3: Methods .............................................................................................................. 20
Research Design ............................................................................................................................. 20
Site ................................................................................................................................................ 21
Participants and Recruitment ......................................................................................................... 21
Participant Protection ....................................................................................................................................... 23
Data Collection .............................................................................................................................. 24
Data Analysis ................................................................................................................................. 24
Limitation and Positionality ........................................................................................................... 25
Trustworthiness ............................................................................................................................. 26
Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 26
Chapter 4: Findings ............................................................................................................... 27
Theme: Isolation ............................................................................................................................ 28
Theme: Campus Support and Resources ........................................................................................ 32
Theme: Identity and Perception ..................................................................................................... 37
Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 40
Chapter 5: Discussion, Implications, and Future Research .................................................... 41
Isolation ......................................................................................................................................... 42
Campus Support and Resources ..................................................................................................... 43
VISIBLY INVISIBLE III
Identity and Perception ................................................................................................................. 45
Implications ................................................................................................................................... 47
Future Research ............................................................................................................................. 49
Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 49
References ............................................................................................................................ 51
VISIBLY IINVISBLE 1

Chapter 1
Historically, educational institutions have ensured the future for wealthy, religious,
heterosexual white men (Gordon, 2013). But as time progressed and education became more
accessible, the types of students that were being served by institutions changed. According to
Gordon (2013), as students became more diverse, white, wealthy, heterosexual men were no
longer the default identities of all students. According to the William Institute, 11% of the LGBT
population is African American, and out of the African American LGBT population in America,
57% are female. While there is not an exact statistic on the number of Black queer women on
campus, the above statistic allows us to infer that there is a significant population that may need
support.
In recent years, the field of higher education research that focuses on minoritized groups
has grown. Researchers such as Patton (2016), Alimahomed (2010), and others have focused on
intersectionality in higher education. Intersectionality allows higher education researchers to
explore how a student’s multiple identities may affect them. Intersectionality research is
especially important for people who have multiple minoritized identities because of the barriers
and privileges that their intersecting identities may create for them.
While Intersectionality allows the researcher the ability to consider and be aware of a
how person's multiple identities may affect them systematically, queer theory historically only
focuses on the queer identity at the detriment of other aspects of someone’s identity that may
affect their experiences (Bowleg, 2008). For the sake of this study “queer” is being used as the
umbrella term that encompasses the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBTQ+) community
(Rogers, 2017). Additionally, this study will use “Black” to describe all people of African
descent or a part of the African diaspora.
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This study uses structured interviews to further explore what it means to be a Black queer
woman in college by answering the following questions:
1) What are the experiences of Black queer women at PWI’s?
2) How can higher education institutions better support Black queer women?
Statement of the Problem
Over the last few years, many campuses have worked to create an environment that is
inclusive of queer people (Fine, 2012). Despite campus efforts to create spaces that are more
queer-friendly, some of the diverse communities within the LGBT community. including Black
queer women, have been excluded (Patton & Simmons, 2008). In order for queer resources to
become more inclusive, institutions must deepen their understandings of queer students who
have other marginalized identities in addition to their queer identity. Black women are becoming
more present on college campuses; therefore, the diversity amongst them is also growing (Bailey
& Miller, 2015). They are becoming more diverse in terms of age, culture, socioeconomic status,
sexual orientation, and in many other ways. Even though queer women of color encompass many
types of women, this study will only focus on Black queer women, because the number of Black
women in postsecondary education is increasing and the diversity amongst them may also
increase (Henry, Butler, & West, 2011).
The aim of this study is to better understand the needs and experiences of queer Black
women. There are many factors that may affect the experiences of Black queer women in college
including both peer interactions and interactions with resources (Pastrana, 2016; Patton &
Simmons, 2008).

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The following research questions will be used to understand the experiences and needs of
Black queer women:
1. What are the experiences of Black queer women at PWI’s?
2. How can higher education institutions better support Black queer women?
Purpose and Significance
According to Alimahomed (2010), there is a lack of data about queer women of color,
and there are many gaps in research. The data collected in this study can help fill in some of
those gaps. Additionally, the data collected can be used to better inform LGBT centers on
campuses about the needs and wants of Black queer women.
Given the lack of data, this study presents a significant contribution that can better inform
practices and helps researchers explore varied aspects of life for queer women of color. The
study also can further expand the use of intersectionality in a higher education context. The
increasing prevalence of intersectionality in higher education allows professionals to look at the
students more holistically.
Brief Review of the Literature
Most of the studies that look at the experience of queer students of color tend to focus on
queer men. These studies focus on masculinity, peer relations, and support (Bowleg, 2013;
Means, 2017; Means & Jaeger, 2016; Strayhorn & Tillman-Kelly, 2013). While research about
queer men is important, it is not inclusive of the needs of queer women of color. According to
Abes & Kasch (2007), existing research in education does account for heteronormativity, sexism,
and racism, but it does not adequately account for how all three may affect one another and alter
the college experience. Additionally, Vaccaro & Mena (2013) found that queer students need
validation and support for all of their marginalized identities including gender and religion.
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According to Alimahomed (2010), queer women of color often need support that is inclusive of
their gender identity, race, and sexual orientation. However, most LGBT spaces on college
campuses are focused on white gay men; this focus excludes the needs of queer women of color
completely (Miller & Vaccaro, 2016). Current scholarship about queer women of color is not
disaggregated and looks at their experiences monolithically. This can cause problems because
each race of queer women may have different experiences.
Due to the racialized history of Black people in higher education, their experiences and
needs are different. In recent years, more Black people have been attending institutions of higher
education, but their completion rates remain low at 38% (Shapiro et al., 2017). There are many
factors that contribute to low completion rates for Black students, including racial climate, lack
of inclusive curriculums, and lack of support (Slater, 2006). When students feel unwelcomed or
underrepresented on campus, they often respond by becoming withdrawn. According to
Reynolds, Sneva, & Beehler (2010), when Black students are exposed to a campus climate that
has racial tension, they are more likely to suffer academically due to lack of motivation and
disconnection from campus. Furthermore, Black students often need more support from staff,
facility, and peers. According to Hinderlie & Kenny (2002), Black college students who are
supported on campus adjust quicker and were more socially satisfied. Understanding the
experiences of both queer students and Black students can help administrators, student affairs
professionals, and faculty better serve all students.
Black queer women in college often have issues locating resources; despite this, they
make many efforts to ensure their success, including the creation of support groups within
institutional systems (Worthen, 2018). In addition to having to create resources, they also have
to find supportive systems. Support systems are often difficult for queer Black women in college
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 5
to find due to isolation from both the queer community and Black community (Guyton &
Mcgasky, 2012). As previously stated, support systems are important for student success; for
Black queer women, support creation occasionally means using one source of support for
multiple issues (Guyton & Mcgaskey, 2012). In addition to a lack of support, queer Black
women have to manage the stress of having three or more minoritizing identities while focusing
on their academics (Fine, 2004).
Overview of Methods
This qualitative study used interview data from five Black queer women at a large private
research university with approximately 47,000 students. After the interviews were conducted, the
recordings were transcribed and reviewed, along with interview notes, using an interpretive
phenomenological approach to data analysis. By creating themes from participants, experiences
were highlighted around the phenomenon of being Black, queer, women, and in a higher
education institution. After the completion of data analysis, voice recordings and notes were
disposed of to ensure confidentiality. To further ensure confidentiality, participants created
pseudonyms, and interviews were done at a private location.
IPA was chosen because it allows the participants to make meaning of their own
experiences on campus in a self-reflective nature. Also, IPA allowed the researcher to further
understand those experiences from the participant’s viewpoint. According to Braun (2014), IPA
is an approach to understanding the participant’s experiences from their individualized
viewpoints and allows the researcher to look at the experiences from an outsider’s lens. While
this study uses both intersectionality and queer theory, the aim of this study is to use theory to
further understand those experiences.
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The researcher asked the participants questions about the students’ experiences that were
not theoretical in nature; however, they can be explained by using theory, and this process
allowed the participants to further expand when necessary.
Organization
The following chapter is a literature review that examines the experiences of black queer
women. To do this, the chapter starts by first reviewing the queer experience as a whole, then
queer people of color experience. After that, the second chapter further looks at the experiences
of queer Black women both generally and in higher education. Chapter two ends with a review
and history of the theoretical frameworks that were used. Chapter three provides an overview of
methods and includes information about the sample size and collection methods. Chapter four
provides more information about the participants by highlighting key themes and relevant
findings. The last two chapters discuss the findings and how they relate to the literature discussed
earlier. Also, chapter five discusses the implications of this study and quotes that were
particularly noteworthy. This research paper ends with suggestions for future studies and
clarifying information.
According to Gordon (2013), higher education in the USA is becoming more diverse,
and, as that happens, the needs of college students have changed. Due to the changing
demographics of students, institutions have made efforts to create inclusive environments (Fine,
2012). Inclusive spaces can be difficult to navigate for those who have multiple marginalized
identities. Black queer women in college specifically often face discrimination based on race,
gender, and sexual orientation (Isoke, 2014). This study will further explore the experiences and
needs of Black queer women in college. While there are many diverse populations in college,
Black women are the fastest growing group, and the diversity among them is increasing (Bailey
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& Miller, 2015). Meaning that in order for institutions to better serve them they must understand
the diversity amongst Black women including Black queer women. Understanding the needs and
experiences of Black queer women in college requires an understanding of all of their
overlapping identities. This study gains understanding by collecting qualitative data via
interviews from five Black women in college who identify as queer.
Chapter 2: Literature Review
This chapter will provide empirically based knowledge and research on the Black queer
experience. While there is not very much data about the queer Black women population on
campus, this chapter will explore the broader queer community and the broader experiences of
Black women. To do this, the chapter starts with a brief overview of the history of queer people
in America. Then this section will continue on by discussing whiteness and queer people of
color, followed by a discussion on queer students of color. The second part of this chapter is
focused on Black queer everyday experiences, by gathering an understanding of systematic
barriers and exploring Black queer womanhood in higher education. The last part of this chapter
will be about the theories used and how they relate to this study. Starting with queerness allows
both researcher and reader to fully examine the queer Black women experience in terms of queer
norms.
Queerness and Whiteness
While queer people have been in America for years, it was the Stonewall Riot that further
solidified their place in society (Armstrong & Crage, 2006). The Stonewall Riot was a riot in
New York after a police raid in the late 1960s that was led by many queer activists of color
(Hillstrom, 2016). But despite the important role of people of color to many queer movements,
the general narrative of queerness in America often excluded them. While this study primarily
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 8
focuses on Black women pursuing higher education, the historical context does provide an
understanding of what it means to be queer.
As of 2017, about 4.5% of the population identifies as a part of the LGBT community,
and out of that percentage, 52% identify as female, with a large majority of the population being
between the age of 18 and 39 (William Institute, 2018). While the queer populations continue to
grow, many of the issues all queer people in America are dealing with include issues with mental
health, violence, healthcare, job security, and housing security. These issues have not changed
much since the Stonewall Riot (Mezey, 2017). Even though these struggles prevail, the queer
community has created resources for survival that vary from institution to institution (public,
education, business, etc.). Though these survival tools are available to all, they are more
inclusive to the need of white men due to structural issues and assumptions about the queer
community.
Queer People of Color
Statistically, white people make up the biggest part of the queer community, but this does
not account for age group difference and resource utilization. However, it is well known that
whiteness is present and pervasive in queer spaces and centers. According to Ward (2008), queer
centers often uphold white supremacy and create more barriers for queer people of color. One of
the more prevalent acts of white supremacy that these centers uphold is the false equivalency that
gayness or queerness is equivalent to whiteness (Ward, 2008). In predominantly white queer
space, the focus is usually on the queer part of a person’s identity, and other factors that may
affect the queer person as a whole are not included. This can be dangerous for queer people of
color because it is impossible to look at race, gender, and sexual orientation separately (Fox &
Ore, 2010). Additionally, many aspects of the queer experience are white normative (coming out,
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 9
the closet and sexual identities); this white normativity further centers whiteness in the queer
community (Ward, 2008). Queer spaces on campus are not excluded from centering whiteness,
and this centering can be rather damaging to all students.
For queer students of color, there are certain barriers that cause difficulties during their
educational journeys. For example, in a review of literature by Duran (2018b), it was suggested
that some of the issues that queer students of color are experiencing are coming out and finding
support; campus climate and navigating singular identity spaces; lack of resources and
representation; and individual complexities. For this study, it is particularly important to consider
campus climate, the navigation of singular identity spaces, and the lack of resources and
representation. Navigating singular identity spaces on campus can make the campus climate
harsher for queer students of color, due to issues regarding the feeling of being othered for one
aspect of their identity. Additionally, Duran reveals that campus queer spaces often do not
provide resources that consider the intersecting needs of queer students of color and could
benefit from having more staff members of color.
In higher education, queer students of color usually take on draining activist roles (Renn,
2007). The activist role can be difficult for queer students of color due to multiple stressors and
the feeling of tokenism, which can further hold queer students of color to a higher standard than
other students (Miller & Vaccaro, 2016). According to Miller and Vaccaro, these standards also
separate queer students of color and cause difficulties with friendship and relationship-making.
Building relationships with other queer students of color is important because bonding with like-
minded persons can help queer students navigate institutions. But for queer students of color, that
can be hard because of the lack of visibility on campus (Pastrana, 2016). Also, current queer
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 10
spaces often do not cultivate an environment that interest students of color (Hudson, 2015).
Thus, it becomes hard for queer student colors to connect with one another.
On campus, queer spaces often are not of interest to non-white students, in fact, they
further cultivate the culture of queer whiteness on campus (Hudson, 2015). But according to
Vaccaro (2012), it is the duty of the professional to ensure a quality queer experience for all
queer students, including queer students of color. There are many ways professionals on campus
can combat whiteness and racism on campus. A study exploring the effect of diversity initiatives
suggested that the usual approaches that institutions take concerning racism involve diversity
initiatives; these initiatives merely focus on tolerance (Cabrera, 2014). While tolerance is
important, it is more beneficial for institutions to focus on defining racism and its effects on
racially minoritized students (Cabrera, 2014). In queer centers specifically, professionals and
students have employed a tolerance approach to diversity.
A 2008 study by Ward that explores whiteness in LGBT establishments found that many
queer establishments had multiracial employees doing the work, but not many of them were in
decision making roles. In order for centers to be better engaged with racially diverse people,
centers must first ensure that the management reflects diversity as well. Even though Ward’s
study was not in a higher education setting, the same idea could benefit queer spaces on
campuses as well. In higher education, many of the people interfacing with students are the
student workers; to further ensure that the center or spaces are remaining racially accepting, it
would be beneficial if all staff were knowledgeable about intersectionality (Tillapaugh &
Castellano, 2018). According to Duran (2018a), problems created by the sense of not belonging
were less prominent if the students had formalized institution-sponsored events and
programming.
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Queer Black Women
While this study specifically looks at the needs of queer Black women attaining higher
education, it is important to understand their experiences as a population in a non-educational
setting. Black queer women often need support for issues relating to their gender, race, and queer
identity (Patton & Simmons, 2008). Due to the overwhelming whiteness in queer spaces, finding
that support can be difficult. In order to be fully inclusive of the needs of Black queer women,
queer spaces need to be aware of issues that many Black queer women may face.
One of the issues that many Black queer women are facing is being harassed by men
trying to coax them out of homosexuality and convince them of their straight identity (Brooks,
2016). The threat becomes more dangerous as the Black woman’s queer identity becomes more
visible. According to Brooks (2016), men often feel threatened by Black queer women being
visibly queer, and they may act in a violent way. For example, in 2014, a young Black queer
woman was killed because of her masculine appearance and her refusal to have sex with a man
(Isoke, 2014). Because of the fear of violence, Black queer women are often forced to conform
or hide their sexual orientation.
A qualitative study by Reed and Valenti (2012) that examined how 14 Black lesbians
between 16-24 years old managed their identity in the midst of discrimination found that all of
the participants had been discriminated against before, but the way that the participants dealt
with these experiences varied. Behaviorally, the participants often tried to pass or appear
heterosexual by behavioral modification. Cognitively, the participants reframed the heterosexist
messages by turning them positive; for example, if a person said being gay is wrong, it could be
reframed as everyone should be themselves. For this Black lesbian population, these tactics were
used as an act of self-preservation and affirmation (Reed & Valenti, 2012). While identity
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management is an important aspect of the Black lesbian experience, the stressors and mental
health issues created by discrimination and societal norms - in addition to identity management -
are often viewed as other pressing issues.
According to Balsam et al. (2011), many studies about mental health and resources for
queer people generally desegregate data by gender, and rarely disaggregate data by race. But
there are a few studies that consider how having an intersectional identity may affect a person’s
queer experience. While general information is valuable, the difference of experience in terms of
other identity factors has varying effects on their mental health. The experience of Black queer
women can affect their mental health in many ways.
A study by Szymanki and Dixie (2008) examined the way racism and heterosexism
correlate with psychiatric distress in 91 women who identified as African American sexual
minorities; the study intentionally examined distress in a disaggregated manner. Fifty-Five
percent of the participants were lesbian, 11% participants were bisexual and 4% were not sure.
The study measured racist events, heterosexist events, internalized racism, and internalized
heterosexism, and it found a positive correlation between racist events, heterosexist events,
internalized heterosexism, and distress. This study also found that conversation and awareness of
intersectional identities may benefit Black queer woman clients by allowing them to talk through
some of the issues related to their identities. This study provided an explanation of the way
multiple marginalization may greatly affect a queer Black women mental health and wellbeing.
While the Szymanki and Dixie (2008) study did not specifically look at Black queer women in
college, it did provide a better understanding of what it means to be a Black queer woman in
general.
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There is not much research about the Black queer woman college experience. A few of
the available studies have shown that their needs, experience, and barriers are all due to the
interplay of their multiple minority identities (Fine, 2004). According to Winkle-Wagner (2015),
studies often look at a Black women's experience solely on race, gender, sexual orientation, and
academic success - or other psychological factors. But the following paragraphs will explore
what it means to be a Black queer woman in college.
Black queer women attending PWIs may be able to explore their sexual orientation more
easily than those at HBCUs, but they still may have issues related to support (Bailey & Miller,
2015). Black queer women attending PWIs may have to deal with racism, homophobia, and
sexism while focusing on academics (Fine, 2004). Furthermore, they may lack a support system
that is understanding of all of their marginalized identities.
Predominately white queer spaces often downplay the effect of racism and sexism in
favor of focusing on homophobia and more general queer needs (Fox & Ore, 2010). For Black
queer women, this can make finding support difficult. One study looking at the experiences of
Black lesbians at a PWI highlighted the role of multiplexity (Guyton & McGasky, 2012). This
study defined multiplexity as the way people have to fulfill multiple roles in their relationships.
The participants of this study indicated that support often came from friends and family who
were supportive of their lesbian identity. Those supporters often provided the participants with
social, financial, and emotional support. These multiplistic relationships filled in the gaps left
from inadequate support from cultural-based centers. This study also found that, while many of
the participants had difficulty making connections with both the broader Black community and
the broader queer community, they also were able to maintain strong social networks that greatly
enhanced their college experience. According to Benitez, James, Joshua, Perfetti, & Vick (2017),
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student support is important because it is often used as an indicator of student success, especially
for minortized student populations. This study only looks at their experiences of lesbians and not
queer women in general, but the data provides insight into the general attitude towards Black
same-sex loving women.
There are many ways Black queer women find support on campus. Cultural centers often
disempower Black queer women by forcing them to pick an identity, thus encouraging Black
queer women to find other means of support (Worthen, 2018). Black queer students will create
support systems or peer groups if those systems are not put in place by campus (Means et al.,
2018). Means et al., (2018) further explain the importance of interconnectedness for Black queer
students, thus calling for intentional and informed programming.
In an article documenting the experience of two Black queer woman scholars in graduate
programs, Baily & Miller (2015) reflected on the complex connection between their identities
and academy. They reflected on how their identity as queer Black women brought many
challenges (racism, homophobia, sexism, and discrimination) but also brought opportunities
(support, scholarship, and academic opportunities). Though this study is biographical, it provides
personalized insight about what it means to manage a Black queer woman identity in higher
education.
By first looking at the experiences of Black queer women generally, this section
highlights some of the issues that Black queer women are dealing with and the resources that
they need. This section also looked at the experiences of Black queer women in college. While
there is still not very much research on Black queer women in college, this chapter provides an
overview of their experiences and needs.

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Theory
This study uses Black queer theory and intersectionality to better understand the
experiences of Black queer women on campus. While this study could be explored through the
lens of many theoretical frameworks, both queer theory and intersectionality allow me to work
from a holistic lens and not an additive lens. Previous studies on the experiences on multiple
marginalized often took an additive approach by using either queer theory or intersectionality;
this research aims to avoid that additive approach (Bowleg, 2008).
Queer Theory
Queer theory explores the experiences of queer people as a whole while acknowledging
the fluidity of their identities and their place in a heteronormative society. It also allows
researchers to further explore the connection between sexual orientation and gender (Halperin,
2008). Originally, scholars thought that queer people should strive to assimilate to heterosexual
norms and culture, but with the ideas brought by queer theory, researchers became more
concerned with non-normative ways queer people construct relationships (Abes & Kasch, 2007).
Additionally, queer theory allows researchers to reevaluate what gender means and how gender
is expressed (Halperin, 2008).
Queer theory examines the way heterosexism and heteronormativity effects society, but
the theory originally omitted the effect of race and class (Reid-Pharr, 2002). Queer theory has
empowered the voice of certain people who are a part of the queer community, but, in past years,
it did not include or consider the voices of queer people who were not upper middle class to
upper class white, gay men (Lee, 2003). In recent history, queer theory has aimed at being
intentionally more inclusive.
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According to Reid-Pharr (2002), queer theory has grown to be inclusive of more queer
people, but researchers still fail to consider some of the varying nuanced experiences of queer
people.
Queer theory has been viewed as being white-centered and excludes the needs of queer
people of color. Recently, queer theory research had not considered how race may affect the
queer identity (Johnson & Quaye, 2017). In fact, researchers are critiquing the lack of inclusivity
in queer theory. According to Duran (2018b), when queer theory has tried to be more inclusive
of queer people of color, researchers tend to look at their experiences from a white or
Eurocentric lens. To aid in being more inclusive of queer people of color, both quare theory
1
and
Black queer theory
2
has been used to theoretically explore the queer identity of people of color
and intentionally include other social factors that may affect their experiences (Johnson, 2001;
Gil, 2012). But this study only uses queer theory to understand their experiences.
Until the introduction of queer theory in educational research LGBT people and students
were viewed through a lens of deviance but like the idea of queer studies and queer theory
became popularized the idea of homosexuality was more normalized in research (Tierney &
Dilley, 1998). According to Tierney and Dilley (1998), as queer studies became more
normalized, researchers focused their research on four components: climate, visibility, improving
education for LGBT people, and studies about LGBT people. A 2007 study by Elias and Abes on
lesbian college students used queer theory to further explore how queer identity of the lesbian
students affect other aspects of their lives.

1
Quare theory- a branch of queer theory that is inclusive to other ways a queer person maybe be minoritized.
2
Black Queer theory- Queer theory that focuses on the black queer experience.
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However, the importance of queer theory in education is often contested. According to
Renn (2010) even though studies using queer theory are rare, and often are viewed as less
important, queer theory in education can aid educational institutions on key issues and, in turn,
positively affect practice.
While theory is not being used to construct questions, it is important to use queer theory
to guide this research and further understand the way that the participant’s complex identities
affect their queer identity. To understand this effect, this study will explore participants’ meaning
making in relation to their queer identities. Also, queer theory can help in the understanding of
the way the participants create meaningful relationships. However queer theory alone cannot aid
in the understanding of the complete experiences of Black queer women in college. By using
both intersectionality and queer theory, I can gain a fuller understanding of their experiences.
Intersectionality
According to Crenshaw (1991), intersectionality is the idea that multiple identities extend over
one another to create a whole identity that differs from the singular identities. This idea allows
researchers to look at people as complex individuals with multiple identities that affect one
another. Intersectionality has been used to answer more comprehensive questions about
distributive justice, power, and government function (Hancock, 2007). Furthermore,
intersectionality accounts for the way that privilege and oppression may affect each person
differently, depending on other identities that a person may have (Crenshaw, 1991). According to
Dill and Zambrano (2009), the main tenets of intersectionality are:
• Place the lives experiences or struggles of minoritized people at the center of research
• Explore the complexity of the individual as well as the group experience, while
exploring intergroup differences
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• Reveal the way institution in power organize and further structure oppression and
inequality and
• Promote social justice and social change by using research and practice to ensure an
informed holistic approach
Additionally, using an intersectional approach is useful for exploring the complexity of
intragroup issues. Usually, when intersectionality is being used as a research approach for
sexuality studies, researchers use an intracategorical approach that allows researchers to explore
participants’ experiences and compare them within one intersection or group (Moore, 2012).
Intersectionality has been used to explore many aspects of Black queer women
experiences. In fact, due to the origins of intersectionality, it is important to center Black women
in intersectionality research (Nash, 2008). According to Moore (2012), intersectionality provides
the flexibility to explore Black queer women from a Black feminist ideology and a Black lesbian
lens. Additionally, intersectionality allows the participant to fully define her identities and
allows the researchers to account for the participant's other identities (McCall, 2005).
Intersectionality allows the researcher to acknowledge queer privilege in queer spaces
while also acknowledging marginalization of Black queer women in queer spaces. The way a
student experiences an institution is greatly influenced by how their multiple identities intersect
with one another (Bailey & Miller, 2015). By looking at the participant's experiences with an
intersectional lens, the researcher will be able to understand their meaning-making, experiences,
and needs.
In higher education, intersectionality is used to understand the relationship between
power dynamics, institutions, and students (Mizra, 2014). This understanding is important to
this study because the way Black queer women interact with the institution is very much dictated
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by the power dynamics between their identities and the institution. Intersectionality also further
allows researchers to question orthodox educational traditions, while attuning researchers to
larger structural issues (Strayhorn, 2007). Despite the benefits to exploring these relationships, a
few higher education researchers note that intersectionality as a framework has a major weakness
in that there is not a defined methodology (Duran, 2018b).
This study will use intersectionality as a guide to help with understanding how
participants’ Black and queer identities intersect. This study does focus on queer Black women,
but queer theory alone does not fully provide an understanding of their intersectional identities.
By using intersectionality as a framework, I can gain an understanding of the many ways that
Black queer women may experience both oppression and privilege, as well as how all of their
identities create or effect their experiences.
Conclusion
Looking at the needs of queer students as a monolithic group can be both damaging and
invalidating for queer students who have multiple marginalized identities. In general, queer
women who are Black experience marginalization for their race, gender, and sexual orientation
(Bailey & Miller, 2015). When queer spaces do not acknowledge these experiences, it creates a
space that is not welcoming (Patton & Simmons, 2008). This can be difficult due to the
prevailing culture of whiteness that exists in many queer spaces currently. To better understand
those experiences, this study uses queer theory and intersectionality. Queer theory is used to
define and understand a personal experience in terms of queerness, and intersectionality allows
both researchers and participants to explore experiences from a lens that acknowledges the
interplay of all their identities

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Chapter 3: Methods
This chapter will focus on the methods that were used in this study by first giving details
about the site and a general understanding of the institution and its culture. Then, the chapter will
further describe the participants and recruitment methods. Next, it will provide an overview of
how the data was collected and analyzed, with a specific discussion of participant identity
protection. The discussion in this chapter ends by exploring trustworthiness and the strengths and
weaknesses of this study. As stated above, the goal of this study is to further understand what it
means to be a queer Black woman at a PWI by answering the following questions:
1) What are the experiences of Black queer women at PWI’s?
2) How can higher education institutions support Black queer women?
To do this, both an intersectional framework and queer theory is being used to guide this study.
To adequately apply these theories/frameworks, this study uses a phenomenological approach to
analyze the data and to create the research design.
Research Design
This study aims to explore and understand the experiences of the participants by allowing
the researcher and participants to reflect and make meaning of experiences together. Therefore,
this study uses a qualitative method that allows the participants to discuss and expand on what it
means to be Black and queer at a PWI, as well as describe and explore their experiences. Much
like this study, qualitative research aims to gather, interpret, and understand experiences, as well
as find meaning (Braun & Clarke, 2014). This qualitative study uses a phenomenological
research design.
According to Baughan (2017), phenomenological research that primarily relies on semi-
structed interviews encourages the participants to be interactive in the research process. To
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ensure this, I created a general research protocol with questions, but I also asked follow-up
questions as necessary. Phenomenological research uses a non-dualistic approach that allows the
researchers and participants of a study to gather an understanding in relation to the way that
many factors may affect the participant’s experiences (Akerlind, 2012). To further understand
these experiences, context is important. To gain further context, the following sections will
describe the institution and the participants.
Site
The study took place at a large research one university with approximately 47,000
students. The university is considered a PWI with a majority of their students identifying as
white (about 30%). PWI’s are defined as institutions that have historically served a majority
white student population (Lomotey, 2010). Like many institutions, this university does have
campus resources and centers for their diverse student population. including a center for Black
students and a center for LGBT students.
The cultural centers do have collaborative events and try to employ an intersectional
approach to multicultural programing. The LGBT center is led by both a white director and
center manger but serves students of many racial and cultural backgrounds. Also, the center
student staff is diverse in race. In addition to the LGBT center on campus, there is a Black
cultural center. The Black cultural center’s main focus is on the needs of Black culture and the
experiences of all Black students. These centers are important to this study for two reasons. The
first reason is that they help the students find community on campus while providing them with
resources. The second reason is they were used to recruit the participants of this study.
Participants and Recruitment
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Purposive sampling was used to ensure that all the participants met the qualification of
the study, while snowball sampling helped create a larger sample size. According to Devers &
Frankel (2000), purposive sampling strategies of recruitment and sample creation aims to
understand the experience of a select group of people. Additionally, purposive sampling is often
used in qualitative research to ensure that participants are members of the group being studied
(Braun & Clarke, 2014). Due to the smaller population that was is not always visible, snowball
sampling was used provide access to more participants. According to Crouse and Lowe (2018),
snowball sampling allows researchers to gather more participants and ensure participants have
similar experiences.
There were five voluntary participants that were compensated for their time with a gift
card at the end of the study. In order to be included, participants had to be over the age of 18 and
a current student at the institution for at least one year. Since the study explores the experiences
of queer Black women, all participants identified as both Black and queer. After IRB approval,
participants were recruited using purposive snowball sampling, via posters in the cultural centers
and word of mouth. Willing participants emailed the researcher to set up an interview time and
private meeting location that they were comfortable in.
As mentioned previously, the participants of this study all identified as Black and were
queer. But despite that similarity, there is diversity amongst the participants. The following
information about the participants is to understand how their identities and experiences on
campus may have shaped interview answers. Jai is a first-year third semester graduate student
who identifies as a Black lesbian. Jai is not very involved on campus because of her busyness on
campus and lack of knowledge of campus activities. Naomi is a fourth-year undergraduate
transfer student who identifies as an Afro-Caribbean queer person. Naomi is active on campus
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and always willing to share resources. Kara is a second-year graduate student who identifies as
Black and bisexual. Kara wants to be more involved but, similarly to Jai, is not aware of what is
happening on campus. Angela is a third-year undergraduate student who identifies as lesbian
Black women. Angela is not very involved with campus activities outside of her major but, in the
future, plans on becoming more involved. The last participant is W, who has been a student at
the institution for five years, first as an undergraduate and then as a graduate student. She
identifies as an Afro-Latina Lesbian. W says she was more involved as an undergraduate;
however, due to the accelerated pace of her graduate program, her current involvement is
minimal. Due to the sensitive nature of this study, several precautions were taken to protect the
participants.
Table 1
Participant Demographics
Pseudonym Age

Major
Years on campus/
Graduate (G) or
Undergraduate (UG)
Sexual
orientation
Identity
W 20

Public Health
6/UG/G Lesbian
Black Afro-Latina/
Mixed
Kara 24

Social Work
2/G Bisexual
Black/ Afro-
Caribbean
Naomi 21 Business 3/UG Pansexual Afro Caribbean
Angela 19

Drama

3/UG Lesbian
Black African
American
Jai 30 Communication 1/G Lesbian Black

Participant Protection
To protect the identity of the participants, many precautions were taken. The first
precaution was that the identity of the institution was hidden. Also, the participants were able to
pick pseudonyms as a way to protect their identities. Additionally, after the interviews were
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transcribed, the recordings were disposed of. Lastly, the participants and researcher met in a
private location to ensure protection of their identities and answers.
Data Collection
This study used semi-structed interviews to gather qualitative data from participants. The
interviews were approximately one hour and were recorded, along with handwritten notes. The
researcher used an interview protocol to further ensure reliability. Even though the researcher
used a protocol, participants were encouraged to expand on their answers and were asked to
provide follow-up when needed. The flexibility of semi-structured interviews allowed the
participants to further explain and expound on all of their experiences (Braun & Clarke, 2014).
To collect the data, this study first received approval from the Institutional Review Board
(Study ID: UP-18-00386). After IRB approval, recruitment flyers were sent out, and participants
contacted the researcher via email. After sending the email, the participants and the researcher
set up a time to meet in a private location that the participant felt safe in. Each interview was
about 45 minutes to one hour long. In the beginning of the interviews, the researcher ensured that
the participants were aware that they could stop at any time, and the researcher asked for
consent. The interviews were recorded and later transcribed. At the end of the interview, the
participants were compensated for their time. After the data were transcribed, they were analyzed
using IPA.
Data Analysis
The study used interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA) to interpret interviews
about the experiences and needs of Black queer women. IPA is a frame of analysis that aims to
make sense of a person’s or group’s experiences based on the group or individual’s perception,
by identifying, connecting, and reporting patterns (Trigwell, 2006). The use of IPA allowed the
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participants to explain and describe their experiences in their own words. According to Braun
and Smith (2014), IPA allows the researcher to create meaning from the participants’ events
through their own understanding and relevant research. This meaning making is important to the
current study because it allows participants to invite the researcher into their experiences, so the
researcher can gain understanding. According to Pietkiewicz and Smith (2012) there are four
parts of data analysis in IPA: reading data multiple times and making notes, creating themes
based on notes, finding connections between themes and putting them into a cluster base on
similarities, and then interpreting themes. This study uses IPA to make connections between the
participants and their experiences.
After the interviews were completed and transcribed, the first step was reading through
the transcripts to gain a general idea of possible themes. To create these themes, the raw data
were read over several times, looking for repeated ideas. These repeated ideas were then further
refined, thus creating themes. After the themes were created, they were grouped together and
further refined. After all the themes were clustered and refined, the themes were interpreted
using relevant research and studies.
Limitation and Positionality
The biggest strength of this study is my proximity to the participants and subject. I
identify as a Black queer woman, and this often made the participants more willing and eager to
share their experiences. Another strength is the interview protocol that was open-ended and was
created based on insight from both queer theory and intersectionality. According to Braun &
Clarke (2014), good interviews allow their participants to be a part of the research and engaged.
The last strength is the sample size. Traditionally, IPA lends itself to a smaller sample size to
allow the researcher to thoroughly engage with the data (Braun and Clarke, 2014).
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A limitation of this study is that it is not generalizable; however, the information gathered
in this study can be used to inform educators and as a base for other research. The last weakness
is the cis-gendered focus of this study. The experience of queer Black trans women would be
interesting to explore in the future. In the following section, we will explore trustworthiness.
Trustworthiness
This study uses many techniques to ensure trustworthiness. While IPA and qualitative research in
general often has issues establishing trustworthiness (Rodham, Fox, & Duran, 2015), one of the
keyways to ensure trustworthiness is to ensure that data analysis is adequately reviewed. I
reviewed the transcripts several times to ensure understanding. Purposive sampling was also
used to ensure trustworthiness; purposive sampling is a technique used to ensure that the people
participating in the study are a part of the target population, thus increasing credibility (Braun &
Clarke, 2014). According to Granheim and Ludman (2014), credibility is important to ensure that
the researcher is actually answering the questions that the study aims to answer. Also, purposive
sampling allows for easier replication of the study due to the descriptive nature of the population.
In addition to purposive sampling, the sample group was diverse in perspective, which enhances
credibility despite a small sample size. My closeness with the population provided me with
insider knowledge, thus increasing trustworthiness.
Conclusion
This chapter reviewed the methods used in this study and went into detail about the
participants. To do this, the chapter started by reviewing the goals and aims of the study to
anchor the framework and methods. Then, the chapter provided details about the study site; this
insight provided the reader with important context and created a fuller understanding of what it
means to be a Black queer woman at the institution. After providing details about the institution,
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this chapter provided more detail about the participants, including some background information
that may affect their experiences. Then, the chapter concluded with specifics about how the data
was collected and analyzed. The following chapter discuss findings and relevant information.
Chapter 4: Findings
The aim of this chapter is to further understand the experiences of Black queer women
who are on a college campus. To do this, the study aimed to answer the following questions:
1. What are the experiences of Black queer women at PWI’s?
2. How can higher education institutions support Black queer women?
To answer these questions, the study used the qualitative method of interviewing and the data
was analyzed using IPA. After interviewing the five participants of this study, the interview data
was used to create codes and themes. These codes were used to create the result of this study.
The phenomenological approach to research allowed for a general understanding of the
participants experiences as being Black and queer women at this specific PWI.
This chapter starts with a brief overview of the participants. Then, the chapter goes on to
explore themes that were found. The first theme is isolation, which explores situation and
experience that are relevant to the social aspects of the student experience. The next theme is
campus support and resources; this theme further discusses the campus support needed by the
participants and the support that is currently available. The last theme that this chapter will
discuss is perceptions and identities; this theme will look at how the participant perceived their
interactions with their peers.
The participants of this study came from many academic colleges at this university and
span the ages of 19-30. They all have been at the institution for at least a year and identified as
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Black and queer. The diversity amongst the participants provided insight on the campus
experience in relation to varying identities and relations to campus.
Theme: Isolation
Participants of this study experienced an array of social experience that have been
organized by category to better understand what it means to be a Black queer woman. Among
these experiences are isolation, community and tokenization.
One issue of social well-being that all participants of this study mentioned was a form of
social isolation that mainly was due to the lack of finding other Black queer people in general.
This isolation was even more difficult if they were trying to find Black queer women
specifically. For example, W, who had spent her time as an undergraduate split between the
Black student cultural spaces and the LGBT spaces on campus, had a few moments where she
realized how alone or isolated she felt. She stated:
I don’t really know queer Black women there aren’t really a lot. But I was able to find
queer people of color. But queer Black women are hard to find... I can find queer
women, and if there was a community of queer Black women they are not out.

While describing her experiences in queer spaces and centers, she asserted,
“I felt really weird in those space I would go, and I just couldn’t be comfortable or fit in.”
Similar to W’s experiences and sentiments, Angela shared the issues she has had finding other
Black queer women she said:
It is so hard finding them, literally finding queer people on campus is almost impossible.
It is like no one wants to be (pause) Black and queer. So, no one identifies which means
there is no community.

The issue of isolation is further exasperated by the separation between graduate student and
undergraduate students. The two participants who only attended the institution as graduate
students described feelings of severe isolation and disconnection from both the broader Black
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and queer community. When asked about her connections with Black queer woman on campus,
Kara explained, “I don’t know any queer Black women. I don’t have many connections.” Kara
went on to share, “There aren’t many [Black queer woman] but I will just sum it up by saying it
sucks trying to find other people like me and support me.”

While Jai and Kara shared similar experiences with a lack support, they approached isolation
differently from one another. For example, Jai pointed out:
I think for the most part to me at least. I am the only queer women of color. Unless there
are just people who don’t express that. But I feel like when you do the intros of like who
you are, or you know just introducing yourself. I feel like I always tend to make it a point
to add in that I am a lesbian. Umm just because it is not an exterior situation and I don’t
often her other women saying that. Actually, I have never heard another woman say that.
I think I only met one other gay Black male but again he wasn’t a woman and that’s a
difference.

Jai further detailed her issues connecting with other Black queer women by saying the following:

I don’t know it’s not like I go looking for uhh like I don’t go looking for queer women on
campus. I just know that I am the sore thumb on campus. I’m the sore person who’s there
it is like their goes the queer Black girl. As a graduate student I am like the only Black
girl usually so to add everything else it gets lonely.

Like Jai, Kara expanded on being the only one:

I don’t know I am bit of a loner, so I create my own support. Like there would be times
where I looked around and saw that I am one of five Black girls, but I am the only queer
one and when I am with queer people, I am lucky if I even see another woman of color
especially at graduate [student] events.

While Naomi is not a graduate student, her experiences were similar. For instance, she stated:
When I first started to really accept myself, I like didn’t have many peers to talk to. Like I
went to the counseling center, but I wasn’t sure how much I was able to connect. It was
especially hard because I was new.

It was even more difficult for her to connect with other Black queer people. She said, “It is the
hardest thing ever. I have met a few in the queer lounge but I never meet other queer Black
women; it can be super isolating. Like I spent my first two years here so lonely.”
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While the same environments are isolating, student participants often created many ways
to navigate community. One way participants navigated these environments was community
creation. Community creation helped the students tolerate some of the issues caused by being a
small minority. For instance, several of the participants described creating community based on a
singular shared identity or shared interest. For example, Naomi described using the LGBT center
in a way to ensure community connections:
Then I found the LGBT lounge is something available to me and it helped me feel
comfortable actively identifying as queer. That is where I truly found my support every
day after class, I would go there to just talk to other people who identify as something
similar to me or just outside the binary of hetro. Even if they were not Black, they were
queer. And I feel like when you are Black and queer there is always a tug of war of am, I
Black or queer and because the Black community wasn’t as supportive. I was like at least
I can go to the queer side. I found more support with the LGBT lounge even though I am
Black we are all other.

Like Naomi, W had to be creative with community building by emphasizing one aspect of her
identities:
I don’t really know queer Black women there aren’t really a lot. But I was able to find
queer people of color. But queer Black women are hard to find... I can find queer
women, and if there was a community of queer Black women they are not out.”

W also added, “In terms of the people who are proving space and reaching out. Idk it is such a
small community so those who are creating space are dedicated.” Angela echoed the idea of
having to create community in order to find community:

One time I went to LGBT lounge I made friends with a guy that was in there. This
semester I wanted to make more friends that weren’t straight. All my friends were
straight the past two. So, I rushed this film frat well tried to rush and I met, and I met a lot
of people who were openly queer and trans and stuff like that. The cinema community, I
guess.

Graduate students have different experiences with community than the undergraduate
students previously discussed. Kara and Jai both talked about how finding Black queer women
on campus presented a major barrier for them in their community creation efforts. Kara revealed
that single identity spaces made finding community hard for her:
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Many times, I have felt like I had no one, but in single identity spaces I really see how
much of an outsider I am. I can’t find a community of people. I wish it was easier to find
more Black queer women so I can have more people. It would help to have other people
who understand what I am going through and what it is like to be Black queer and a
woman.

While Jai is less focused on finding community or having a community, she did point out a flaw
with communities for Black, queer women on campus:
They always say representation is important and I don’t see anybody like me. I remember
just thinking it’s important to have those representation around you, the diversity but it
doesn’t always happen.

In addition to the awareness on issues surrounding campus community, participants were
also eager to provide possible solutions to aid in removing community barriers. For example, Jai
said, “Include us create opportunities [to meet other Black queer women] for Black queer women
only it may just be one or two people at first, but it would help.” Angela further expanded that
the solution may lay within the cultural centers themselves and argued that the solution is rather
easy by stating, “They should link up like host an event together. But would people really some
out to that. They need to make their spaces more accepting. Or make themselves more inviting
[to queer Black women] so we can meet each other.”
Participants also described a feeling of slight disconnection to their peers due to the
feeling of being singled out or tokenized. In addition to the general feeling of tokenization, they
also described how this tokenization impacted their social relationship with their peers. One of
the most common ways the participants are tokenized is being treated as experts of Black and/ or
queer issues. Naomi described feeling like a prop:
I feel like it is either I am very much idolized by other queer people. I feel like if you
don’t have another queer and gay people who are well read then they just use you as a
prop. I remember people turning to me when they mention any kind of trans issues
because you know Black trans women are the ones predominantly getting murdered...
They would say can you recite the statistic from you head or can you tell me more about
the Black trauma and I am like yo, this is triggering please stop. Pay me to speak or just
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don’t, Google is free.

For W, tokenism is beyond being told to speak about her identities it encompasses a feeling
inside of being judged
Sometime umm I feel like people are watching me, like they are trying to find something
wrong. [In queer spaces] its weird, I just get stared like they expect me to be act a certain
way or do certain things.

While tokenization is not innately a social issue there are social implication for the
participants of this study. When discussing the benefits of not being a Black queer woman, Kai
discussed a pitfall of being part of a tokenized group by saying, “I think I could be more of
myself. I would not be representing a group, I can make more mistakes and have fun.”
While being tokenized in general is usually viewed as a negative, participants were able
to highlight a few of the benefits of tokenization. Jai does not view the pressure of tokenization
as positive thing, but she does believe it provides her with some sort of pride:
So just being not only am I the only queer women about half the time I am the only Black
woman. Uhh yeah, half the times. It always like looking at the demographics, and it is
like “well we are going to do it for the culture this one time.” In class and in campus I am
always aware.

Similarly, to Jai, Angela felt that tokenization provided her with the opportunity to speak and
make others listen. According to Angela, “People actually want to listen sometimes. Like even
though it is weird once they realized I was queer it made my voice important or less important.”
Participants had varied social experiences on campus. They tend to agree that finding
other queer Black women on campus was a difficult task, and at times their multiple identities
negatively impacted how they interacted with their peers. Participants also discussed barriers and
benefits of being a Black queer woman. Lastly, participants discussed their feelings and
experiences of tokenism. The following section will focus on support and resources on campus.
Theme: Campus Support and Resources
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While participants of this study agreed that the institutions did make efforts to enhance
the experience of students on campus, these efforts may not always work, but they were
acknowledged. They also felt that the institution was lacking diversity in their staffing practices,
especially in the cultural centers. In this section, we will discuss the lack of queer Black or queer
people of color visibility in staffing, issues finding support, and added pressure on students that
are aware of resources and support available.
Participants felt that their experiences in the LGBT center would have improved if they
had a Black professional on staff. When discussing the needs of diverse student populations,
Naomi mentioned the need for diverse institutional professionals. For example, Naomi said,
To help they need to hire more LGBT people and people of color in the centers and
academic spaces, so they have people higher up to talk to. But [redacted] will never look
at LGBT people/ It is just a matter of time. Hopefully there will be more support, like
maybe hire more people of color that are LGBT.

Kara believed that there were issues with the staff and faculty members hired on campus in terms
of student representation. She stated, “I really would love to see more professional queer Black
women on campus. It would give me hope that I can be like them. They would understand what
it is like to go through school with all these identities.”
Reflecting on her experiences at her undergraduate institution Jai reminisced on the
importance of having support with similar identities as her by saying:
No, not at this campus. My undergrad campus, yes, because one of my professors was a
queer woman but here, I don’t know of any queer women [professors]. But to me no.
When I had the professor that was a queer woman of color, I knew I had someone who
understood.

Diversity and representation are important to participants, but they also felt that peer to
peer mentorship was equally important to them and would improve their experiences with
support on campus. For example, Angela said the following:
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More mentorship from like even older students maybe even someone like you who want
to do what you want to do. People who understand my experiences and just help.
Someone easy to talk to. Make the LGBT center more inclusive.

W also wanted more support:
I did actually feel aware of it a conference. I did the conference and that is the first time I
met other queer Black women on campus and up until then I didn’t realize how much I
needed that support. I have never seen so many queer Black women ummm like me and I
just wanted to be like them. I wanted them to be like a mentor or someone I can look up
to.

Visibility of support and resources was one issue that concerned participants. Many of the
participants shared a common experience of finding out about resources too late or at the last
minute. If the participants are aware of the resources available, they feel the responsibility to
share all their knowledge with their peers. According to the participants, the lack of current
resources and support is not intentionally intersectional. W went on to say:
Kind of like more resource and support. More event together with the cultural centers.
Like one time we had a talk (Co-sponsored event) but umm and LGBT center had like a
joint meeting it was really cool if we could have more of these at least, it would help me
feel supported.

Angela also believed intersectional programs and support space are important. She mentioned,
“They (Cultural Centers) should link up like host an event together. But would people really
some out to that. They need to make their spaces more accepting. Or make themselves more
inviting.” Angela also shared, “I saw that they were doing these feel better workshop so that
should help. Maybe, I know that they have (redacted) for sexual assault survivors but we should
have some place where we can complain and meet others (Queer Black women).”
When participants were able to find resources, it was on a need-to-know basis and it was
often due to them reaching out to professors who either provided them with support spaces or put
them in contact with support. For example, W said:
When I was in my grad program I was going through a lot with my mental health. And I
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talked about it with my professor and um he let me talk about my mental health. He gave
me a lot of help. They were all so helpful. I was able to talk to them about my issues
especially about LGBT issues. They knew about my issues at home. Asked me if I need
anything. Right then and they were able to help me go to cultural centers and get help. It
just uh felt good to be a part of that.

Naomi felt that going to her professor for support was helpful, but she also believes that this
system disadvantages students without those professors who are knowledgeable. She stated:
As a Black queer woman, I was able to find my support be using (redacted) in my
professors who again for the most part who are aware of the news and society. When they
learned about my identities, they gave me space to speak and also taught me how to
articulate my feeling better. I also went to therapy with only the six-week time limit. I
was able to understand my anxieties which are valid being a Black queer woman and first
gen. That hurled in actually it got me through the three years. But if I wasn’t outspoken
would I have had that support? Would someone less vocal gotten the same treatment? He
helped me find the LGBT lounge is something available to me and it helped me feel
comfortable actively identifying as queer. That is where I truly found my support every
day after class. But I would not have known about it.

Naomi also added, “I do believe resource are available I remember telling my peers we can get
food stamps. Like there are many resources that we just don’t know about.”
According to the participants, there are a few areas where support systems are completely
lacking, including gender specific support/resources and support for student with multiple
marginalized identities. While all of the participants identified as cis women, several pointed out
the need for adequate trans and gender non-conforming support space as well as queer spaces on
campus that were not men centered. Naomi thought the campus should better provide for the
trans community by ensuring access to necessary medical services. She stated:
I think similar to what Starbucks is doing by support trans worker by providing services
for things like their top surgery and I feel like well (redacted) has group but I think if we
keep expanding people who identify other or queer and give them support.

Kara added the following:
There needs to be groups for queer women of color especially Black women. I need to be
able to just talk about things that are women things but currently the centers are focused
on men and then I feel like I am not getting the support I need. I can only imagine it been
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 36
worst for trans women. I can only speak for myself but trans women specifically where
do they get their support. Or even gender fluid. (pause) Especially if they are Black.

While Kara and Naomi believed that the centers needed to focus their attention on the need of
trans students, Jai believed that there just needs to be more focus on the need of women
specifically. She stated:
I know that often to me often times these centers mostly gay centers. They are not lesbian
centers. They are mostly gay or trans centers they are not for lesbians. Lesbians just get
washed over like in the media. They get overlooked, like how are we getting over in this
space. But I think just looking for support group. Like look on IG (Instagram) found a
lesbian page, but it is hard to find space. There is no space for back queer women or for
people with all the identities.

The main focus of this research was to look at the experiences of multiple marginalized
intersectionality identities. The participants had at least three intersecting identities that are
marginalized. They all felt there was not adequate support for the intersecting identities but there
was support for their singular identity. The feeling of singular identity stress was most common
in Black centers or spaces. When reflecting on the importance of intersectional spaces, W said:
Yeah like umm I just wished they would host more intersectional events and spaces. Like
those things help me feel comfortable figuring out a space because the cultural centers are
like different spaces. Like give me the opportunity to go in there and not be stared at, to
get the support I need.

Kara elaborated by saying, “Like I said more collaborations and including other minortized
identities into the equation. It would bring more people in. It would give more entry or...just
access to support.” Speaking on her experience living on the Black student hall, Angela spoke
about her fears of interacting with Black only resources as a queer woman:
During my first year I was on the Black hall ... I was torn because I was not sure if I
should say I am queer or gay, I felt that people on the hall would make it a big deal or
weird. I didn’t know if they would support me, I was unsure.

Due to issues locating resources or caution over whether or not the resource was available to
them, those who were knowledgeable about available resources were the gate keepers, which
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 37
sometimes created more stress. W and Naomi were both seen as people who helped made their
peers aware of available resources. Nami stated, “In a lot of my classes I spend a lot of time
explaining Black queerness and I should get paid. I should be getting paid for having to share so
much information.” W agreed that a lot of support and resources are shared from student to
student, a process that adds unnecessary stress. She said:
Definitely my senior year. I was interning at the health center. I started a queer support
group and umm and because of all of the scandals associated with the center I felt
everything. And It was just too much to have to support people while still getting good
grades.

W, also shared how this pressure affected her grades and life, saying, “It made me feel pressured
to share all of my resources. The school’s drama on top of having these marginalized identities
was a lot.”
The issues with resources are threefold and were broken up into three main issues. The
first issue was with the lack of sexual/racial diversity of faculty and staff; participants wanted
more queer women of color faculty and staff. The second issue that participants described was a
lack of support for students who were not cisgender men. The last issue that participants pointed
out with support and resources was the lack of intersectional programing.
Theme: Identity and Perception
The last theme that this chapter discusses is perceptions and identity. This section
describes how the participants understand their queer identities via acceptance, discrimination,
and the experience of having dual identities. Participants had parts of their identities that were
salient while there was some aspect that they just started to develop as they started their higher
education careers. For instance, a number of participants did not accept their queer identity until
college, as well as waited until college to start the coming out process. When speaking about
coming out W described the following:
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I didn’t come out until undergrad. I didn’t really take on the identity of the queer Black
women until I went to another conference. It is like I knew I wasn’t straight, but I wasn’t
sure what that would be like and how it all worked to be Afro-Latina and gay.

Naomi shared a similar experience:

There is a lot I am openly out but not to my family. But most of my friends know that I
am gay of course. But at the same time, it’s just like I don’t know it is really weird to say
how identify. But it feels really great to say who I am. Like people don’t see me as queer
as a bi/pan person we already have this queer confusion we are already seen as a
stereotype or trope. Queer pan or bi people have problems with intimacy and when
people hear that I am bi or pan they think or say oh she might be into me. Like I just
want you as a friend. People automatically assume I am attracted to them. Then when I
add my Blackness it is even weirder. I didn’t know how to say this until the last year.

While Angela was already out when she started the institution, she felt weird coming out to her
peers and affirming her queer identity as a student involved with Black programing:
Black student center, like if I ever have an issue, I can go to them. But I always am not
sure how much support there is there. Like I know (redacted) will help but I am not sure
what other students would say or do. I love the center, but I am not sure what being out
looks or feels like there.

The experience of outness was different for graduate student Kara:

It’s hard to find that support while I am secure with being Black and secure being queer,
it is hard for me to combine them at the very white school. Honestly, in Black spaces I
feel forced back in a closet of Christianity, it is hard. When I do bring queer topics in the
space, I feel ignored or just meh.

Discrimination is common amongst all those who have marginalized identities. The
participants of this study all discussed moments of homophobia and microaggression in both
Black space and queer space and how it shaped the way they interacted with their peers. In queer
spaces, the discrimination was not as blatant, but participants did point out systemic ways that
those centers were oppressive or discriminatory. While reflecting on discrimination, Kara
described her experience of being the only Black person at a queer event:
One time I went to a gay event on campus and even though nothing was said everyone
that was putting the event was white... ummm they may have had a light skin Latinx
person, but it wasn’t comfortable. It left me feeling uncomfortable.
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 39

Naomi also felt uncomfortable in LGBT spaces after hearing about a microaggression that
occurred in the LGBT center. She stated:
I remember one time I heard a fellow Black queer person went to the LGBT center to
print and she was told to go to another center. Even though it wasn’t me and I frequent
the center it made me question if I should be there all the time.

Similarly, to discrimination in LGBT spaces and centers, there were incidents of discrimination
in Black spaces and centers. Angela said:
I see homophobic people in Black spaces. I have had to correct several people at the
Black cultural center it was awkward. It is also easy to hide my queerness... people think
I am straight, and they say stuff around me.

Kara also described her experiences in Black spaces:

Be cognizant of the language used in the space. Sometimes I don’t think people know
what they are saying... I hear so much homophobic stuff from other students. I don’t
think those spaces are for me. It is annoying.

When asked about Black spaces on campus, Jai also added her uncomfortableness in Black
spaces by saying:
I feel proud and judged but it doesn’t faze me to hide that I am lesbian I have come so far
that no one can make me feel bad. It’s like when I say I am lesbian they look surprised.
That is why I make it a point to say this happens and this who I am.

Jai also mentioned:

I don’t know I had one experience and we had group project, on Google hangouts. I guess
my group had a problem with me, and I wasn’t sure what the problem was. I was like
what is going on how come I was left out of group convo. They all started to attack me
and hung up. I contacted my professor, and I said I am not going to say this is what it is
but there are all white women and I am a Black queer woman I think there are prejudice.
Because I am not clear on their issues with me. And on the outside, I am the only
different person. My professor l, I was liked can I do it without the group. I did it by
myself. He had to talk to the dean, and he talked to t students about behavior and I had to
be like it is not me.

The last part of this theme that will be discussed is the experience of managing dual
identities. While this is similar to discrimination, the experience of dual identities is problematic
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 40
for many participants. For the sake of this study, dual identities will be used to describe the
identity formation that happens when Black and queer identities converge. Often, participants
felt that one aspect of their identity overshadowed the other. For instance, W felt that that her
Blackness overshadowed her queerness, stating, “When I first got here and spent more time in a
Black center, I always felt like a part me is invisible and um that made me uncomfortable.”
Similarly, Kara spoke about being invalidated or feeling invisible. She said, “Well to me it
means being seen but not necessary being seen. It is like my Blackness is hyper visual and super
apparent, but my queerness is invisible, like no one knows about it.”
The issue of one identity overshadowing an aspect of another identities is even more
complex for Naomi who does not identify as African American but instead identifies as Afro-
Caribbean. She described this by saying:
Man, it’s still kind of isolating. So, contrast to what I said before as a queer Black woman
on campus you have to things against you have being gay but also being Black at PWI.
Being gay in a Black group or area it is almost sometimes it can be equally as isolating,
but in a sense, you can still feel that solidarity because you still have that one thing in
common which is being Black. But sadly, I didn’t feel any of that because I am also
Caribbean that also a different underlying thing that divides me from people because
most people identify as African American or African. But just being gay feel like people
don’t even want to talk to me because I am queer or the simple fact that might think I
have a crush on them. You know I am just a normal human being who has a different
sexual orientation. It like I have to hide two part of me to be Black.

Naomi also shared how her life would improve if she did not have all of her marginalized
identities:
Man, my life would be so much easier I would have a job lined up already. I would have
so many resources uhh man this is without the class like I would have a great time
assimilating with other white people on campus. I really think about this a lot because
there have been times in my childhood where I wished I wasn’t myself because I knew
myself would never be accepted in society and then it was up to junior and senior year, I
knew had to make that space for myself. But If I wasn’t Black and queer, I would be
through the roof doing the best I could. I would have pledged a sorority; I would have a
sugar daddy. Take multiple trips and everything.
Conclusion
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 41
This chapter discussed three major themes: isolation, flawed resources and support, and
lastly identity. The first way identity as a theme was explored was through the idea of outness;
then, this theme explored discrimination, and the last topic involved managing dual identities. In
the following chapter, I will analyze the findings by discussing how they relate to relevant
research and my theoretical framework. I will then discuss implications of the findings, and I
will end the chapter with concluding thoughts.

Chapter 5: Discussion, Implications, and Future Research
The purpose of this study was the explore the experiences of Black queer women in
college at a large research one institution. To do this, queer theory and intersectionality was used
as a theoretical framework to answer the following questions: what are the experiences of Black
queer women at PWI’s and how can institution support Black queer women? To answer these
questions the study used the qualitative method of semi-structured interviews, that were analyzed
and constructed using IPA. This chapter will analyze and discuss the findings presented in
chapter four. The discussion will include connection to theory and relevant research. Then, it will
discuss implications for both research and higher education as whole. This chapter ends with
concluding thoughts and researcher notes.
Discussion
While the participants of this study are varying and unique, there were a few key themes
that connect them. The themes seem to be consistent with current research on the experiences of
Black queer woman in college, they also provided more insight into the experiences of the target
population. The discussion of findings are divided into three thematic areas:
1. Isolation
2. Flawed support and resources
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3. Identity and Perception
This section will analyze the themes and finding using theory and relevant research.
Isolation
According to Bailey and Miller (2015), finding other queer Black women on campus is
an issue for all Black queer women in a higher education institution; this remained true for the
participants of this study. Lack of social community has many negative implications, including
social issues and issues related to mental health and positive peer relation (Formby, 2017).
Participants of this study felt isolated from the Black community due to their queerness and to
the queer community due to their Blackness, which presents further issues of isolation. It is
important to have peer relations with those who have similar identities. According to
Brockenbrough (2013), queer students of color value relationships with those who share similar
identities and experiences, and this was affirmed by the participants of this study
Due to social isolation, participants either struggled to find community or had to create
their own community. According to Means et al. (2018), Black queer students often create
community to fill social needs. Participants who were unable to create community often tried to
code as heterosexual or create the allusion of being heterosexual in order to utilize the already
created Black community. The issues of finding support is further exasperated by separation
created by tokenism. Participants of this study were apt to create community amongst other
queer people of color. They viewed this self-created community as their main source of support.
According to queer theory, queer people often have issues connecting with non-queer
people due to ubiquitous nature heteronormativity (Abes & Kasch, 2007). Isolation and
community building also becomes more complicated because of the complexities of having two
identities that are marginalized. While traditional queer theory ignores the complexities of
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having other oppresses identity, Black queer theory does expand on the isolation that many
Black and queer people may feel due to their identities (Johnson, 2001). According to Johnson
(2001), Black queer theory acknowledges the social issues that present themselves to Black
queer individuals because of lack of community support by fully considering the importance of
communal support for Black people. While participants were created communities based of
shared queer and of color identities, they also expressed the isolation felt due to having multiple
marginalized identities. However, that created community often excluded the use of the single
identity cultural centers on campus.
Dill and Zambrano (2009) address one of the tenants of intersectionality, which includes
exploring intergroup differences. While Black queer women are a part of two minortized groups
due to complexities of the identities, they often have markedly different experience than both the
LGBT community and the Black community. In addition to these varying experiences felt by a
single person, the participants of this study were also aware of how their identities created
isolation in identity-based spaces. For instance, amongst their queer peers they experience
antiblackness, and amongst their Black peers they experience homophobia, thus increasing the
feeling of isolation. According to McCall (2005), intersectionality provides people with multiple
marginalized identities to account for the ways contention may present themselves amongst their
multiple marginalized identities. Additionally, the systemic oppression caused by homophobia
and racism makes the Black queer woman experience a unique experience.
Campus Support and Resources
In recent years, many campuses have worked to ensure that their LGBT resources and
centers are inclusive to the needs of students with varying identities (Fine, 2012). While the
institution in which this study was conducted has done work to ensure inclusive LGBT spaces,
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many of the participants felt the campus very much lacked adequate resources and support. One
major issue that many of the participants discussed was the lack of representation of queer Black
women on campus or queer Black women mentor opportunities. While the LGBT center does
have a peer mentor program, participants of this study would have appreciated support and
mentors solely focused their queer Black women identities. Support and mentorship are
important for queer women of color because often this support acts to fill in the gaps of
inadequate resources provided by cultural centers and campuses as a whole (Guyton &
Mcgaskey, 2012). Additionally, representation is frequently used as to encourage student
success. Furthermore, according to Benitez et al. (2017), students who have mentors who look
like them are able to forge stronger connections with professionals who have similar lived
experiences.
In addition to representation, participants also discussed problems with lack of support
and/or resources, as well as the effects of pressure on those who are aware of where to locate
support. The participants noted that there is very little support on campus, and the support that is
available is hidden or only available to certain students. Resources that were presently available
often were not intersectional in nature, thus making the resources ill-equipped to deal with the
needs of the intersection queer Black women student population. Most queer resources available
benefit the needs of white men and often exclude issues relating to race, gender and other
minortized identities (Ward, 2008; Fox & Ore, 2010).
The findings in relation to support and resources are on par with both queer theory and
intersectionality. While many LGBT services may not use queer theory as a program guide, they
tend to focus on disassembling the establishment of heteronormativity (Reid-Pharr, 2002; Fox &
Ore, 2010). According to Dill and Zambrano (2009), another tenant of intersectionality mentions
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the importance of creating a wholistic approach to research and practice. Accordingly, the
centers on campus need to further ingrain the needs of the multiple views of Black queer women.
Additionally, intersectionality was specifically created to further enhance the experience and
meet the needs of Black women who are dually oppression based on the systems of racism,
sexism, and here homophobia (Crenshaw, 1991). While this institution does not fully utilize an
intersectional approach currently, it would benefit many of the students to do so.
While many campuses have queer centers on campus, they still fail to meet the needs of
queer students as a collective (Duran, 2018b). Queer centers, much like queer theory, operate
under the assumption that white is the queer default (Ward, 2008). Even though there were
resources available for participants, the racial barrier prevented them from receiving those
resources. According to Hudson (2015), queer spaces on campus that center whiteness do not
interest queer students of color, thus creating a further barrier. An additional barrier to receiving
queer center service perhaps may come from the lack of research on queer students of color and
queer resources. Queer theory tends to be exclusive to some of the more nuanced queer
experiences (Reid-Pharr, 2002), thus making research on those more diverse groups and nuanced
experiences unavailable for practical application to improve queer centers on campus.
Identity and Perception
While the idea of identity and intersectionality has been woven throughout this study, the
importance of identity and the influence of identity were mentioned several times by both
participants and in the research question. Participants reflected on identity in terms of
acceptance, discrimination, and understanding of their dualistic identities.
In order to participate in this study, the participants had to affirm their Black queer
women identity; however, the way they made sense or explored their identities varied from
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person to person. According to the participants, one of the biggest risks associated with coming
out as queer had to do with the way that non-queer family and community members may
respond. The idea of coming out is often associated with antiquated Eurocentric ideals of the
LGBT community and many students of color prefer not to come out for many reasons such as
safety and support (Duran, 2018b). Participants of this study felt the pressure to come out
because of current queer norms and often describe coming out as a form of self-acceptance.
While coming out is a big theme with in the LGBT community, participants of this study also
mentioned issues maintaining queer identity as a Black woman. Often, being queer is equated to
whiteness, so perhaps taking on a queer identity means downplaying the importance of their
Black identity (Worthen, 2018). In general, the idea of coming out is common in LGBT research
but coming out as a concept is complicated when there are multiple identities at play.
Participants’ identities were important to them socially, but due to both their queer or
Black identity, they often felt a disconnect between those identities. According to Reed and
Valenti (2012), Black queer women often try to pass as heterosexual to protect themselves from
discrimination, which can create a further feelings of isolation. The idea of wanting to pass as
heterosexual is consistent in this study because participants discussed dealing with the perception
of being heterosexual. In queer spaces, participants were not able to hide their Black identity,
thus increasing the likelihood of isolation due to their blackness. While their duel identities did
provide them with instances of isolation and stress, however, they emphasized the beauty of
Black unity shared by those on campus. But this unity often centered the African American
experience and no other Black diasporic identities.
The multiple identities interacting and affecting one another is intersectional in nature
due to the heightened awareness of the way multiple systems of oppression and privilege effect
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people experiences. This adequately describes the participants feeling of isolation and communal
support. While intersectionality as a concept aims to avoid prioritizing one identity over the
other, it also allows for the understanding of the way these intersecting identities may create the
assumption of prioritization (Bowleg, 2008). Additionally, intersectionality provided an
understanding of how institutions and space can further effect identity. Often, cultural centers on
campus take a single identity approach, which often leaves students with multiple marginalized
identities left out or unable to fully develop their identities (Harris & Patton, 2017). Traditional
queer theory does not allow for that broader understanding of the interplay of multiple identities,
but Black queer theory/quare theory does work to effectively consider the interplay of these
identities and the way they may affect a queer person of color (Harris & Patton, 2017).
Participants of this study were aware of - and accustomed to - the interplay of their identities.
The themes presented in this study further provide an understanding of what it means to
be a Black queer woman at this specific institution. While the data may be institution specific, it
could further provide insights for future research. This current section only focused on the
discussion and analysis of the themes; the following section will focus on the implications of this
study.
Implications
One of the major implications of this study is that it provides the institution with insight
into the higher education experience of Black queer women. Additionally, this study provides
specific suggestion on how the institution can further improve the experience of not only Black
queer women but queer people of color as a whole. In addition to benefiting higher education,
this study provides implication for LGBT centered and Black centered spaces as a whole
The most important implication of this study is what it means to be a Black queer woman
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 48
at this institution. Even though this campus is a PWI, in order to ensure student satisfaction,
considering and acknowledging the needs of all students including Black queer women can
benefit the student as well as the institution (Reynolds, Sneva, & Beehler, 2010). Participants
were adamant about how they were isolated, which could lead to a lack of community and
student success. According to Guyton & Mcgaskey (2012), minortized students thrive more on
campus where they feel like they are a part of the community; thus, by fostering a thriving Black
queer community, institutions can help ensure student success. While the institution under study
does have some resources and programs available, there is no clear line of communication to
ensure student are aware of what is available to them. Additionally, this study further emphasizes
the importance of fair representation on campus and the importance of adequate mentorship.
Diverse and representative staff and faculty is an important part of retention and success of
minoritized students. When students are able to forge a connection based on shared identities,
they are more likely to create adequate support channels that are necessary for student success
(Benitez, James, Joshua, Perfetti, & Vick, 2017). The last implication for this institution is a
further look into the current structure of cultural centers from other campuses that are similar to
them. Participants, in general, valued the cultural center, but they also said at times the cultural
centers can be isolating.
Implications for the field and research is to add to the little knowledge there is about the
experience of Black queer women. For practitioners, this study implies a greater need for
programs that are intersectional, as well as intersectional centers. As students become more
diverse, the need for intersectional identity-based centers become increasingly important, while
intersectionality is difficult to move from framework to practice it would benefit both
practitioner and student (Jennrich & Kowalski- Braun, 2014). Additionally, this study also calls
VISIBLY INVISIBLE 49
for more diverse practitioners in higher education, but, like Jai mentioned, “people are applying
to the jobs - we just need to hire them.” The idea of equal representation has been echoed in
higher education in terms of race but not with in the inclusion of multiple identities and non-
physical identities. Implications for this study are twofold. First, it highlights the need for more
data on the experience of Black queer women on campus, while adding to current data about
Black queer women. Most of the research of Black queer students tend to focus on masculinity
and the Black gay man and often excludes the needs for Black women that are queer (Bowleg,
2013; Means, 2017; Means & Jaeger, 2016; Strayhorn & Tillman-Kelly, 2013). Additionally,
this study adds to the growing field of intersectional research in higher education.
Future Research
While this study looked a small sample from a specific population, future research and
studies can further look at the experiences of Black queer college women in general. As
mentioned earlier, this study only included cis-women; future research including transwomen
would provide a fuller understanding of the black queer woman experience on campus. Also, it
would be imperative to replicate this study with a larger sample size with participants from many
institutions. Doing so will provide more details about the experiences as well as account for
institution specific issues. Finally, studies should focus on research looking at the academic
fimplications for Black queer women.
Conclusion
Queer students of color are a multifaceted group to explore and understand. This is
especially true when the gender of woman is added. The participants of this study have complex
experiences that often make their time on campus difficult. Many of the participants mirrored my
own experiences on campus and many of the issues found and discussed in research currently.
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These issues put the queer women in college population at huge risk for issues academically,
socially, and mentally. While the work many LGBT services and Black centers on campus `are
doing is much needed, it should be encouraged that they work further to use the idea of
intersectionality.
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Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study explores the experiences of Black queer women at a large research university. This study uses Black to describe anyone of African descent, and Queer as the umbrella term for the LGBTQ community. While there is current research on the experiences of queer students of color, there are not many studies that focus solely on the unique needs and experiences of Black queer women. To do this, this study uses the qualitative method of interviewing to answer the following questions: What are the experiences of Black queer women at PWI’s? And how can higher education institutions better support Black queer women? This study included five participants that identified as Black women and had been at the institution for at least a year. Using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) to analyze the data, three themes were uncovered: isolation, flawed support and resources, and identity and perception. These themes expand on the knowledge of what it means to be a Black queer woman in college and what support is needed.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Bradley, Rasheeda (author)

Core Title Visibly invisible: the experiences of black queer women on campus

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Master of Education

Degree Program Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs

Publication Date 12/16/2019

Defense Date 12/16/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Black,education,Higher education,LGBT,OAI-PMH Harvest,people of color,queer,queer women of color,Women

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Ahmadi, Shafiqa (committee chair), Corwin, Zoe (committee member), Tobey, Patricia (committee member)

Creator Email rasheeda2012@gmail.com,rrbradle@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-254333

Unique identifier UC11674140

Identifier etd-BradleyRas-8076.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-254333 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-BradleyRas-8076.pdf

Dmrecord 254333

Document Type Thesis

Rights Bradley, Rasheeda

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA