University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Ethnic-specific resources and the path to graduation for African American students at predominately White institutions

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Ethnic-specific resources and the path to graduation for African American students at predominately White institutions

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Content Running head: ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 1

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND THE PATH TO GRADUATION FOR AFRICAN
AMERICAN STUDENTS AT PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTIONS

by

Markeith Arentheo Royster

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2018

Copyright 2018 Markeith Arentheo Royster

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 2

DEDICATION
I would like to dedicate this to students from Booker T. Washington High School in
Norfolk, Virginia. You served as my motivation to work towards a better understanding of the
educational system; so that I may be able to have an impact. I pray that you are well and this
accomplishment is viewed as a sign that there are limitless possibilities with belief in your
individual greatness and faith that your authentic self is beautiful and amazing. Remember to
always reach for your P.E.A.C.E: Persistently Elevate Above Common Expectations.
This is additionally dedicated to anyone who possesses a vision, but is perceived by the
world as an underdog. Please have faith in your authentic self and your capacity to surpass all
expectations, statistics and odds.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 3

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would first like to acknowledge and thank the most beautiful woman in the world, my
mother, Ms. Charlotte Amelia Royster. I daily reflect on the love that you have constantly poured
into me. For the sacrifices and dedication to ensure that I believed in myself and knew that I was
capable of amazing things, I sincerely thank you. I have grown and become the man that I am
today, as a result of your unconditional love and support. Thank you will never be enough to
truly express how I feel. Please know that I love and cherish you as my source of life, energy and
hope. Although I walk a unique path, I am eternally grateful that you have been always here
walking with me. There would be no me without you!!!! I would also like to acknowledge Mr.
and Mrs. Jack and Joyce Connor. I know that regardless of distance, time and space that you both
are always with me.
I would like to acknowledge Dr. Alan Green. You are one of the key reasons that I came
to the university and even believed that graduate school was an option. As a first-generation
college student, I had no idea how to navigate graduate school. However, from the moment that I
sent you a three-page email, which teaching in Norfolk, VA, through today, you have stood with
me. I truly appreciate your faith in my capacity and ability, even when I failed to see it in myself.
I am now in a position of knowledge and power to impact the world. Thank You!!! Dr. Rey Baca
and Dr. Fischer, I would like to thank you for your support and understanding throughout this
entire process.
This dissertation is rooted in my personal experience with ethnic-specific resources. With
that said, I would like to sincerely thank the Center for Black Cultural and Student Affairs!
(CBCSA) This space served as the tool that allowed me to begin and complete the program. I am
eternally grateful to the staff and the community that was developed in this amazing space.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 4

I would also like to thank my entire village! If you are a member of my Maryland,
Norfolk, SPOT, USC, or UCLA village, I truly appreciate your faith in the unorthodox. Although
I cannot name every member of my family, know that I love you and thank you for your trust.
Most importantly I must acknowledge God! This journey was, and still is, based upon
faith. He has been with me throughout the entire course of this journey and my strength is based
in Him. Through faith all things our possible!
Overall, I would like to acknowledge everyone who pushed me to overcome my fear of
being successful. Your support is valued more than you will ever know.

Our greatest fear is not that we are inadequate, but it is that we are powerful beyond measure…
-Marriam Williamson

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 5

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
Abstract 7
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 8
Statement of the Problem 8
Purpose of the Study 10
Significance of the Study 11
Key Definitions 12
Limitation and Delimitations 14
Organization of Study 14
Chapter Two: Literature Review 16
Retention 16
The Study of Retention 17
Tinto’s Theory of Retention 19
Retention of Students of Underrepresented Populations 20
Retention of African American Students 21
Stereotype Threat 23
Study of Stereotype Threat 23
Factors That Lead to Stereotype Threat 24
Stereotype Threat: Impact on Individuals 26
Self-Handicapping 26
Disengagement 27
Cognitive Load 27
Remedy to Low Retention Rates 29
Ethnic-Specific Organizations 29
Cultural Centers 30
Reduction of Stereotype Threat 31
Rationale for Study 33
Gap in Literature 34
Chapter Three: Methodology 35
Research Methods 36
Sampling 37
Site Selection 37
Participant Selection 37
Stereotype Threat Measure 38
Interview Protocol 39
Data Collection 40
Data Analysis 41
Summary 42
Chapter Four: Results 43
Participants 43
Angie 45
Jay 45
Cecil 46
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 6

Joe 47
Ashley 47
Aaron 48
Brittany 49
Ebony 50
Summary of Participants 51
Results For Research Question One: Sense of Belonging 51
Authenticity With Peers 52
Authenticity With Faculty and Staff 54
Involvement in Ethnic-Specific Resources: Initial Experience: 56
University As A Whole 60
Summary 62
Results for Research Question Two: Stereotype Threat 63
Results for Research Question Three: Ethnic-Specific Resources 64
Access: Peers 64
Access: Faculty and Staff 67
Theme Summary 69
Ethnic Development 69
Theme Summary 73
Conclusion 74
Chapter Five: Discussion 75
Discussion of Findings 76
Research Question One: Sense of Belonging 76
Research Question Two: Stereotype Threat 77
Research Question Three: Ethnic-Specific Resources 78
Implications for Practice 79
Support for Ethnic-Specific Resources 79
Importance of Faculty and Staff 80
Over-Engagement: Accountability of Leadership 80
Resources as Stepping Stones to University 81
Recommendations for Future Research 82
Conclusion 83
References 84

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 7

ABSTRACT
There is currently a gap between African American graduation rates and those of their non-
African American counterparts. This qualitative study analyzed the narratives of graduating
African American students attending a private predominately-white institution in California, and
their perception of ethnic specific resources as it relates to their graduation. Utilizing Tinto’s
theory of student departure, one-on-one interviews were conducted to obtain the narratives of
graduating students actively engaged with ethnic-specific resources. Findings indicate that the
ethnic-specific resources played a role in developing a sense of belonging, ethnic identity
development, and contributed to students’ successfully navigating the college experience. This
study highlights the value of ethnic-specific resources and their relationship to reaching the goal
of graduation, for African American students attending predominantly White institutions.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 8

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Although the National Center for Educational Statistics (2013) reports a decreasing gap
between the admission rates of White students as compared to those of African American
students, their 2013 report indicates that there is a 22.2% gap between the graduation rates of
White students and that of African American students. Although diversity on campuses across
America is increasing, there remains a consistent gap in graduation between African American
students and their White counterparts. According to Museus (2008), “over half of all
racial/ethnic minority students matriculating at a 4-year colleges fail to graduate within 6 years”
(p. 568). This issue that currently faces higher education will shortly affect the country. Kelly
(2005) asserted,
If the current trends continue the projected increases in diversity in the American
population and persisting racial disparities in rates of education attainment will lead to
future declines in average annual individual income, thereby threatening the nation’s tax
base and economic well-being. (p. 569)
With the stakes of the American economy in jeopardy, a large amount of research has been
conducted to analyze and resolve the current graduation gap.
Statement of the Problem
Research has focused on student retention since approximately 1934 when J. B. Johnston
conducted one of the first empirical retention studies. Since then, a number of retention theories
(Spady, 1970; Tinto, 1975) have been used to analyze retention and develop appropriate
strategies to increase it. However, most of those studies looked at majority White populations.
Later, researchers such as Tierney (1992) and Just (1999) looked specifically at the retention of
students from underrepresented backgrounds. These studies established that students from
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 9

underrepresented backgrounds have different needs related to retention than their White
counterparts, especially at predominantly White institutions (PWIs). In recent years, research that
specifically looks at the retention of African Americans (Bensimon, 2005; Harper, 2006) has
begun to highlight this populations needs in terms of persisting at PWIs.
Research has pointed to several factors contributing to African Americans’ low retention
and graduation rates. A highlighted reason for these rates has been stereotype threat (Steele &
Aronson, 1995). Stereotype threat consists of several attributes that potentially lead to low
retention and graduation rates, including self-handicapping, disengagement, and increased
cognitive load. Another major attribute research has pointed to in terms of reasons for low
African American retention and graduation rates at PWIs has been sense of belonging (Tierney,
1992). Studies have illustrated that African American students feel like guests in someone else’s
house (Turner, 1994).
Acknowledging the challenges of retention and graduation rates for African American
students at PWIs, several universities have strategically implemented and supported ethnic-
specific resources as a method of engaging and assisting in these students’ development. The
resources can range from predominantly African American Greek organizations to ethnic-
specific mentoring programs. Qualitative studies on the effectiveness of university-sponsored
ethnic-specific resources have found them to have a positive impact on students’ social
integration. Harper and Quaye (2007) found that student organizations and resource groups and
were an important venue for students’ identity development and expression. These findings were
echoed by Museus (2008), who found that ethnic resources facilitated the cultural adjustment and
membership of minority student participants by serving as sources of cultural familiarity,
vehicles for cultural expression and advocacy, and venues for cultural validation. The findings
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 10

were also congruent with the results found at private institutions. Simmons (2013) conducted a
qualitative study of African American students who participated in an ethnic-specific
organizations at a private institution and found growth related to goal-setting, social connections
and relationships, and commitment to school.
Although much research supports the notion that social integration leads to persistence to
graduation (Tinto, 1993), and ethnic-specific resources assist in facilitation of social integration
for African American students at PWIs (Simmons, 2013). However, the research fails to make a
distinct connection between ethnic-specific resources and the graduation of African American
students. The studies do not specifically address whether involvement in organizations leads to
persistence to graduation.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to gauge student perspectives of connection between
involvement in ethnic-specific resources and the reduction of stereotype threat, stereotype threat
to retention, and retention to graduation. The study focused on graduating seniors, as they have
the best perspective regarding how, or if, their involvement in ethnic-specific resources
contributed to the reduction of stereotype threat and to their graduation. Three research questions
guided this study:
1. What does social integration, and its relationship to graduation, mean to African
American, graduating seniors who are actively engaged with campus ethnic-specific
resources at a PWI?
2. What is the meaning of stereotype threat and what role does it play in academic success
for African American students at a PWI?
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 11

3. What perspective do African American students at a PWI have of ethnic-specific
resources and their role in overcoming stereotype threat?
The aim of the qualitative study was to examine, from the student perspective, whether there is a
connection between involvement in ethnic-specific resources and sense of belonging, the
reduction of stereotype threat, and graduation rates.
Significance of the Study
Students, regardless of their ethnic background and identity, should have an equitable
opportunity to achieve within higher education. Although ethnic-specific resources have been
established at colleges and universities for over a century, they have faced a number of obstacles.
One of the obstacles the ethnic-specific resources have had to overcome is the overarching idea
that these resources promote self-segregating tendencies (Deo, 2013). Some researchers found
that ethnic-specific resources lead to racial balkanization (Duster, 1995) and have a negative
impact on student progress and attachment to the university (Villalpando, 2003).
A more recent obstacle ethnic-specific resources face at PWIs is the momentum of
resources moving away from being ethnic-specific and toward being multicultural. With steady
increases in enrollment of Latino, Asian, and international students (NCES, 2015), there has
been a focus on bringing all of the ethnic resources together rather than having them separated.
For example, Hefner (2002) cited Dr. Francis Dorsey, an associate professor in Pan-African
Studies at Kent State University in Ohio and president of the Association of Black Culture
Centers as stating,
As the new code words of diversity and multiculturalism have allegedly embraced this
nation, it has done so at the expense of Black cultural centers. Resources have been found
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 12

to create or develop multicultural centers, but at the expense of undermining and/or
totally eliminating Black cultural centers. (p. 7)
The recent emphasis on multicultural resources over ethnic-specific resources is also grounded in
an attempt to reduce ethnic segregation.
One of the most prevalent obstacles that ethnic-specific resources must overcome is
actual resources, including staffing and funding. Resources for ethnic-specific services, like
cultural centers, are limited (Patton, 2006). Patton (2006) stated, “Reasonable funding should be
allocated to these focused centers to ensure the existence of updated facilities, resources,
equipment, and the hiring of knowledgeable, friendly, and supportive staff members” (p. 8).
According to Hefner (2002), resources for ethnic-specific services are limited, which has a
negative impact on the quality of programming and resources that can be offered to students.
Although there are empirical articles that have pointed to ethnic-specific resources as one
of the potential solutions to inequitable experiences, poor campus climate, and lowered retention
rates, the overall body of literature on ethnic-specific resources is limited. There is also limited
research that relays student perspectives of ethnic-specific resources in terms of graduation.
Thus, the aim of this study was to fill in gaps left by previous research and attempt to present the
value of ethnic-specific resources and counter the notion of ethnic-specific resources leading
students to self-segregate.
Key Definitions
African American/Black: A person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of
Africa (NCES, 1997). In this study, all participants self-identified as African American/Black.
Ethnic-specific resources: (a) Organizations that were created specifically for African
American/Black students. These include Black fraternities and sororities and discipline-specific
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 13

organizations for Black students, such as National Society of Black Engineers and Black Student
Assembly). (b) Cultural centers: Developed around the 1960s and 1970s in response to student
protests about un-inclusive environments, cultural centers are spaces dedicated to community
building, supporting, awareness of and development of students from a specific background
(Patton, 2010). This study focused on African American/Black centers.
Graduation rate: This annual component of the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data
System (IPEDS) was added in 1997 to help institutions satisfy the requirements of the Student
Right-to-Know legislation. Data are collected on the number of students entering the institution
as full-time, first-time, degree/certificate-seeking undergraduate students in a particular year by
race/ethnicity and gender. It refers to the number of students who complete their program within
150% of normal time (6 years) to completion or the number who transfer to other institutions if
transfer is part of the institution’s mission (NCES, 1997).
Predominantly White institution: Abbreviated as PWI, it relates to schools that are
historically White and wherein students who identify as White make up the highest percentage of
the student population.
Racial balkanization: The tendency for students of color to self-segregate from the
university’s predominantly White student body and into their respective racial enclaves (Altbach
& Lomotey, 1991; Astin, 1993b; Duster, 1991, 1993, 1995).
Retention: A measure of the rate at which students persist in their educational program at
an institution, expressed as a percentage. For 4-year institutions, this is the percentage of first-
time bachelors (or equivalent) degree-seeking undergraduates from the previous fall who are
again enrolled in the current fall (NCES, 1997).
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 14

Sense of belonging: Students’ subjective sense of belonging and fitting in on campus,
perceptions of the warmth of their interpersonal relationships, and feeling unpressured by
normative differences between them and the environment (Spady, 1970)
Stereotype threat: Refers to being at risk of confirming, as self-characteristic, a negative
stereotype about one’s group (Steele & Aronson, 1995).
Limitation and Delimitations
There are various limitations to this study. The qualitative nature of the study limits the
generalizability of its results (Creswell, 2014). Another limitation to the generalizability of the
results is that the ethnic-specific resources discussed are specific to the study site. Every
university establishes a variety of different ethnic-specific resources that belong to different
departments and rely on various resources such as employees, funding, and space.
Organization of Study
This dissertation is organized into five chapters. Chapter One includes the background,
purpose and significance of the study. Within this chapter was an introduction to the current
standing of retention and graduation rates for African American students as compared to their
White counterparts. The chapter also included the research questions that guided the study.
Lastly, the chapter detailed where this study fits among literature that is related to ethnic-specific
resources and their role in the retention and graduation rates of African American students.
Chapter Two presents a review of the literature related to current state of retention and
graduation rates of African American students, the background and theoretical framework of
stereotype threat and the role of ethnic-specific resources at PWIs. The chapter also presents
gaps in the literature. Chapter Three includes the methodology used to conduct the study. It
includes the details of the sample population, instrumentation, data collection and how the data
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 15

were analyzed. Chapter Four present the results of the study. Lastly, Chapter Five presents an
analysis of the findings, limitations of the study, and future implications and recommendations.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 16

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This literature review is focused on the retention of African American undergraduate
students at PWIs. The review presents empirical research and theoretical concepts to capture the
experiences of and interventions for African American students at PWIs. The chapter presents
challenges and university-administered interventions to those challenges.
This literature review consists of three sections: student retention/sense of belonging,
stereotype threat and research-based solutions. The student retention/sense of belong section
discusses the importance of establishing a sense of belonging for African American students at
PWIs. The section also presents resources and initiatives that have been implemented to assist in
the retention and sense of belonging for these students, including cultural centers and ethnic-
specific organizations. The second section of the literature review examines stereotype threat and
its relationship to cognitive load theory and student success. This literature review concludes by
connecting the two prior sections and presenting the need for a study that looks at how they
correlate in the success of African American students at PWIs.
Retention
The concept of retention as it relates to higher education has no set concrete or
established definition. Although the term consistently refers to students who depart from the
university setting, “there is no universally accepted definition or measurement of retention” (Van
Stolk et al. 2007). The closest to a set definition can be discovered through the postsecondary
education data system (IPEDS). The IPEDS (2014) is the primary source of retention
information for the nation, and retention is defined as follows:
A measure of the rate at which students persist in their educational program of an
institution, expressed as a percentage. For 4-year institutions, this is the percentage of
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 17

first-time bachelors (or equivalent) degree-seeking undergraduates from previous fall
who are again enrolled in the current fall. (p. 11)
This is the most universal and inclusive definition of retention that exists currently.
One of the primary reasons there is not concrete definition for retention is the fact that
there are multiple stories that can serve as reasons for student departing from school. These sub-
categories of student departures include drop-outs, stop-outs, and transfer-outs. Drop-outs are
previously enrolled students who do not reenroll or do not complete their intended degree
program or set of courses (Tinto, 1993). Stop-outs are students who begin with a plan of study,
withdraw and leave for a time, and reenroll in order to complete their degree programs
(Gentemann, Ahson, & Phelps, 1998). Transfer-outs are students who embark on their
educational careers at one institution and, before they reach their goal or obtain their degree,
leave and enroll at another campus (Bonham & Luckie, 1993). Hoyt and Winn (2003) argue that
these different types of non-returners are important to differentiate if effective retention
strategies are to be implemented.
The Study of Retention
A focus on the retention of students from institutions of higher learning has existed since
the early 20th century. Johnston (1934) was one of the first to conduct an empirical study on the
concept. He looked at factors that contributed to the departure of students at the University of
Minnesota. The study was derived from the contradictory fact that, although there was an
increase in college student enrollment, there was also an increase in unsuccessful students:
“Some of the facts were that student enrollment was enormous and increasing in the early
college years; and only some 15 to 20 percent took degrees in four years” (MacLean, 1934, p.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 18

240). Johnston looked at 100 admitted students with low college aptitude and concluded that less
than 10% of these students achieved at least a C average and virtually none graduated in 4 years.
Although Johnston’s (1934) initial studies examined retention from a lens of ability,
skills and motivation, later studies focused more on the sociological aspects of students’ ability.
An empirical study on retention conducted by Hermanowicz (2006) indicated that academic
performance and ability did note contribute to students’ departure:
The population of leavers entered the school with a median high school point average of
3.87 on a 4-point scale. They had a combined median scores on the Scholastic Aptitude
Test (SAT) of the 1290 out of 1600. The median college grade point average, before they
left the school was 3.13 on a 4-point scale. (p. 24)
Rather than lack of academic preparation, multiple other factors did contribute to student
departure, ranging from “peer perceptions/not fitting in” to “the school’s social life”
(Hermanowicz, 2006, p. 26). In conclusion, the study found that the solution to student departure
was not merely increasing academic preparation, as “reasons for leaving can often be
ameliorated and the reasoning process enhanced by the benefit of time, contact, and discussion
with persons knowledgeable about specific aspects of college life at an institution”
(Hermanowicz, 2006, p 26).
The shift in beliefs about the root of student retention was derived from a number of
tested and proven theories. Spady (1970) created a model that took into consideration the
sociological perspective. The theory stemmed from Durkheim’s (1897) theory of suicide, which
highlights the importance of one’s own beliefs aligning with the beliefs of their social circle.
With this as a base, Spady developed a theory related to students and higher education. “Spady
considered leaving college analogous to committing suicide- in each case a person withdraws
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 19

from a social system. It followed that students would withdraw from college because they lacked
congruence or social support” (Bean & Eaton, 2002, p. 74).
Tinto ’s Theory of Retention
Following Spady’s (1970) connection to student retention and Durkheim’s (1897) theory
of suicide, Tinto (1975) became the leading researcher on student retention in higher education.
Tinto also reviewed the literature on this problem and noted the lack of theoretical formulations
to account for college student departure. As consequence, Tinto constructed his internationalist
theory of college student departure (Bray & Braxton, 1999 ). There are four parts to Tinto’s
interactionist theory:
1) Student entry characteristics affect the level of initial commitment to the institution, 2)
the initial level of commitment to the institution affects subsequent commitment to the
institution, 3) the greater the degree of social integration, the greater the degree of
subsequent institutional commitment, the greater the likelihood of student persistence on
college (Bray & Braxton, 1999, p. 646).
Tinto continued to be a leading researcher on student retention. In 1993, Tinto developed the
theory of student departure. The theory elaborated on his previous theory, but was limited to four
components: social integration, academic integration, and connection to faculty and staff. Tinto’s
theories continue to be cornerstone works cited in most research about retention.
However, despite Tinto’s (1975) work on student retention being seminal, it has been
criticized for being culturally insensitive. One of the main opponents to Tinto’s work has been
Tierney (1992), who pointed out that Tinto’s theory is based on Van Gennep’s anthropological
rite of passage. Based on Van Gennep’s theory, Tinto (1975) claims that “adolescents must
“physically as well as socially dissociate themselves from the communities of [their] past” in
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 20

order to become fully incorporated in the life of the academy (p. 96). Tierney claims that this
interpretation could “hold potentially harmful consequences for racial and ethnic minorities” (p.
603). This premise lays the groundwork to make the claim that retention for students from under-
represented populations looks different from retention for White students.
Retention of Students of Underrepresented Populations
Over the last few decades, there has been a significant increase in the enrollment of
students from under-represented populations at 4-year institutions. Between 1990 and 2005,
under-represented student populations rose from 1,128,900 to 2,309,500 students (Snyder et al.
2007, p. 310). However, despite the increase in population, these students’ retention rates have
not improved as has their enrollment. As Dodson and Montgomery (2009) noted,
Despite the larger number of students of color enrolling in colleges and universities, the
percentage of these students graduating from the schools showed extremely limited
growth over nearly three decades of active interventions, i.e., 9.9% in 1976 vs. 10.7% in
2005. (p. 187)
Research found a number of factors underlying the slow growth in student retention. One
factor is that most universities were not initially developed with a founding principles of serving
students from under-represented populations “because most colleges are populated by majority
of White students, the cultures of the college are, understandably, geared more for those
students” (Seidman, 2005, p. 19). Despite the increase in population, many institutions have
failed to make accommodations for changing student demographics. Thus, “Institutions are
confronted with a growing minority population that has a different value system, and intensified
awareness of their minority status, and a need for climate inclusiveness” (Jones et al. 2002, p.
20). Bensimon (2005) notes the cognitive frames of the university as whole must adjust to
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 21

adequately meet the needs of all of students. As it relates to diversity, Bensimon mentions that
most university officials and administrators view students from under-represented populations
from a deficit perspective. Without adjustments to meet the needs of all students in an inclusive
environment, students from under-represented backgrounds enter the university being exposed to
a hostile environment, which makes adjustment difficult.
All students, in general, have difficulty acclimating to college. “However, minority
students sometimes face unique problems not experienced by students of the dominant culture”
(Just, 1999, p. 5). Overall, students from under-represented backgrounds have a difficult time
adjusting to PWIs (Jay & D’Adugelli, 1991). Landry (2003) points out that, for American Indian
students, formal education in an institutional sense can result in loss of language, family, and
culture due to the forced assimilation and acculturation process that occurs. Research on
Hispanic students points to being away from family and lack of community as key contributors
to troubles with retention (Seidman, 2005). Studies also look at the role of the model minority
myth and its negative impact on the identity and academics of Asian students (Chou & Feagin,
2010). Although several populations are affected by adjustments that need to be made while
attending a PWI, African American students currently have the lowest national retention rate at
these institutions (NCES, 2013).
Retention of African American Students
Past research looked at African Americans who attended a PWI in terms of academic
ability and behaviors as the root cause for such a consistent gap. Bensimon (2005) asserts that
many faculty members “are inclined to attribute differences in educational outcomes for Black
students such as lower rates of retention or degree completion, to cultural stereotypes, lack of
motivation and initiative on the part of the students (p. 102). However, a lens looks at aspects of
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 22

African American students and their social integration into the culture of PWIs as a potential
reason for the gaps: “One explanation for low graduation rates is minority students’ inability to
find membership in the culture and subcultures of their respective campuses” (Museus, 2008, p.
568).
Guiffrida (2003) defines social integration as a “students’ personal affiliations with peers,
faculty, and staff that occur largely outside the academic realm of the institution” (p. 304). Tinto
(1993), whose theory of student departure is consistently referenced by researchers analyzing
dropout rates, refers to social integration as one of the key elements of student retention. Gurin
(2002) found that “education is enhanced by extensive and meaningful informal interracial
interactions, which depends on the social integration of diverse student bodies” (p. 359).
Nonetheless, Tinto (1993) also findings highlighted that the African American students’
integration experience proved not only to be different but overall more difficult than that of their
white counterparts. Tinto’s is echoed by Johnson and Williams (2006) who state, “The structure
and formulation of college campuses were designed to serve predominantly White students.
Black students were thus expected to adjust to the environment even when they did not feel
affirmed by its culture (p. 25).
This adjustment does not come easy for several students. Guiffrida (2003) conducted a
qualitative study and found that African American students attending a PWI “felt the need to be
guarded with their opinions and actions when they were around Whites; in order to avoid
offending other” (p. 310). African American students at PWIs also face stereotypes that affect
their emotional and academic growth “pressures for Black students to disprove stereotypes that
they are academically inferior can constitute serious barriers to those students’ engagement both
in and out of the classrooms at PWIs (Museus, 2008, p. 570). Utilizing the multicultural model of
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 23

racial identity framework in qualitative study, Baber (2012) found that African American
students at PWIs struggled while dealing with understanding and navigating racial salience,
racial centricity, racial regard, and racial ideology.
Stereotype Threat
Another reason that has been attributed to low retention of students from under-
represented populations has been stereotype threat. The theory developed (Steele, 1988) looks at
the impact of negative expectations placed upon a particular group and the role these play in their
success. Students from under-represented populations often face the pressures of stereotype
threat in the form of feeling like they, individually, represent their entire culture. “Colleges and
universities with fewer minority students treat these students as symbols” (Love, Trammell, &
Cartner, 2009, p. 21). The feeling of representing one’s entire culture against a stereotype can
affect students’ ability to achieve academically. Seidman (2005) points to the added burden as an
“interference to institutional acculturation and academic purpose (p. 19). Love et al. (2009) point
out some of the struggles faced by African American students in terms of facing stereotypes
daily: “African-American students spend an enormous amount of time trying to establish their
credibility at PWIs. Constant opposition caused African-American students to internalize the
stereotypes from their white peers, which might have an effect on their intellectual functioning
and performance” (p. 23).
Study of Stereotype Threat
Steele and Aronson’s (1995) seminal work on the role of stereotypes in comparisons
between the GRE scores of African American and their White counterparts yielded the phrase
stereotype threat. Stereotype threat is defined as “a social-psychological threat that arises when
one is in a situation or doing something for which a negative stereotype about one’s group
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 24

applies” (Steele & Aronson, 1995, p. 797). The threat itself leads to lowered academic
performance, as those who are subject to the threat impair themselves from working harder to
disprove the threat.
The concept was originally applied to African Americans in testing situations, but
research has been extended to any group that could be subject to a negative stereotype. Research
has extended to White students when compared with Asian students academically, women in
mathematics, and memory as it correlates to age (Aronson et al., 1999; Chasteen, Bhattacharyya,
Horhota, Tam, & Hasher, 2005; McIntyre, Paulson, & Lord, 2002). All of these studies have
resulted in a confirmation that, if stereotype threat is present, there is a significant reduction in
performance of the stereotyped group.
Factors That Lead to Stereotype Threat
There are several potential causes of stereotype threat. Some sources are as subtle as
mentioning a type of assessment without acknowledging gender, race, or any other identity. Such
is the case in Steel and Aronson’s (1995) study which indicated that, when African American
students were given GRE questions and informed that the assessment was diagnostic, they scored
significantly lower than their White counterparts. However, when informed that the assessment
was non-diagnostic, the African American students performed equally as high as their White
counterparts. Another study conducted by Stone et al. (1999) tested stereotype threat as related to
ethnicity and athletes. Under one condition, athletes were told that they were given a golf
assessment that was standardized and would measure natural athletic ability. Under a second
condition, the athlete were told the golf assessment was a measure of their ability to think
strategically and an analysis of their sports intelligence. Under the first condition, African
American athletes far outperformed their White counterparts. In the second, the White athletes
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 25

outperformed their African American counterparts. Neither Steel and Aronson (1995) or Stone et
al. (1999) specifically mentioned ethnicity; however, the preconceived stereotypes played a role
in the results.
Stereotype threat can also be caused by subtle reminders of membership in a particular
group. Danaher and Crandall (2008) conducted a study indicating that simply indicating one’s
gender and ethnicity on a standardized exam can elicit stereotype threat. Danaher and Crandall
provided a mixed-gender group an AP calculus exam. One set of students indicated their gender
and ethnicity prior to the exam and another group made the indication at the conclusion of the
exam. The gap between male and female performance decreased from 16% to 5%. A study that
held similar results was conducted by McGlone and Aronson (2006). One condition highlighting
gender differences asked students to describe their experience living in a co-ed dorm. The second
condition did not mention gender, and students were asked to describe their experience of being
in the Northeast. Although there were gaps in gender performance in the condition where gender
was not mentioned, the gaps in the condition where gender was mentioned were doubled. Both
Danaher and Crandall (2008) and McGlone and Aronson (2006) illustrate how highlighting an
individual’s identity can affect an impact academic achievement.
Although several studies have proven the existence of stereotype threat, it is not a
consistent, always present condition. Schmader et al. (2008) describe the three conditions that
must be present in order for stereotype threat to take place as “the concept of one’s in-group, the
concept of the ability domain in question, and the self-concept” (p. 338). The first concept relates
to the negative perception of a particular group in a particular domain. This can occur through
prompting that explicitly states a negative stereotype regarding a particular group (Specer et al.,
1999) or simply a general awareness that you belong to a particular group that possesses the
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 26

negative stereotype (Davies et al., 2002). The second concept, ability in the domain, relates to
individuals identifying their membership within a particular group. This is done through bringing
awareness of an individual’s identity within the given environment by asking individuals to
indicate gender or ethnicity (Danaher & Crandall, 2008) or creating a setting where a student is
noticeably the lone representative with a particular identity (Inzlicht & Ben-Zeev, 2000). The last
concept of the model is that self-concept actual indicates that, in order for stereotype threat to
occur, the individual must have a high self-concept prior to task. In order to control for an
individuals’ mere lack of academic ability as the cause for lowered academic performance in
stereotype threat studies, studies have made it clear that they test the most accomplished subjects.
Steel (1997) pointed out that it is the most invested and those with the highest self-concept that
are affected by stereotype threat. If one is not invested and does not feel motivated to disprove
the stereotype, stereotype threat does not apply (Stone et al., 1999). All three of concepts of
Schmader et al.’s model are equally pre-requisites for the presence of stereotype threat.
Stereotype Threat: Impact on Individuals
Self-Handicapping
An established result of stereotype threat is decreased performance (Neuville & Crozet,
2007; Steel & Aronson, 1995); however, there are multiple factors that can potentially lead to
decreased performance. Keller’s (2002) study on male and female math abilities identified self-
handicapping and task discounting as causes for poor performance. In one study, a co-ed group
of college students received a math test with the following premise: “The following math test is a
collection of questions which have been shown to produce gender differences in the past. Male
participants outperformed female participants” (Keller, 2002, p. 195). The control received
provided the assessment with no preliminary statement. Following the assessment, both groups
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 27

received a questionnaire that measured self-handicapping behaviors, asking questions such as
now much stress participants had been under and how unfair they found the test? The results
indicated that the female students in the stereotype threat group performed poorly and rated high
on the self-handicapping post-assessment measure.
Disengagement
Another factor identified as a contributor to low performance is disengagement. A study
conducted by von Hippel et al. (2005) looked at White students’ performance on an IQ test when
they were under the stereotype threat of being compared to Asian students. Before taking the
assessment, the stereotype threat group was informed that “You will probably not be surprised to
hear that Asians tend to perform better than Whites on test of intelligence. For this reason, we
need you to indicate your ethnicity so that we can score people’s performance separately by
racial group” (von Hippel et al., 2005, p. 245). The control group was told, “the particular IQ test
is used in this research was chosen because it was culturally fair” (von Hippel et al., 2005, p.
247). Before taking the assessment, the value the participants’ placed on intelligence was
measured. The results showed that the stereotype threat group indicated a sense of low
intelligence, which may be a result of a desire to avoid embarrassment of potentially low scores.
Cognitive Load
One of the most studied contributors to low performance in a setting of stereotype threat
conditions is the impact on an individuals’ cognitive load. Engle (2001), working through the
lens of cognitive psychology, defined working memory capacity as the ability to focus one’s
attention on a given task while keeping task-irrelevant thought at bay (p. 440). Cognitive load
theory looks at an individuals’ memory processing ability. Sweller (1998) defines three types of
loads that affect the thought process. Intrinsic load is the level of difficulty within a certain task,
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 28

Extraneous load is additional information that is unnecessary for learning, and germane load is
information that contributes to learning. Intrinsic load is the level of difficulty within a certain
task. Schmader, Forbes and Johns (2008) looked at the role of cognitive load and the ability to
conduct tasks, stating,
High working memory predicts the ability to maintain the accessibility to task goals
(Kane & Engle, 2003) as well as the ability to control attention (Kane et al,, 2007) and
minimize the influence of intrusive thoughts while completing resources-demanding
tasks (Rodsen & Engle, 1998). (p. 341)
Multiple studies have indicated that the presence of stereotype threat contributes to
extraneous processing load and results in lower performance. Beliock, Rydell, and McConnell
(2007) looked and role of cognitive load and stereotype threat using the standard components of
a group selected based on their high level of mathematics achievement exposed to a stereotype
threat and a non-stereotype exposed control group. However, the difference in this study is that it
was conducted twice. The first time, participants had to complete an easy mathematics
assessment that did not require an abundance of cognitive space. The second time involved a
challenging mathematics assessment. The findings indicated that, although there was a still a
difference due to stereotype threat, there was a significant decline on the more challenging
assessment. The findings indicated that the performance decreased due to the fact that the easy
assessment did not require the same amount of cognitive load.
A study conducted by Richeson and Tawalter (2005) analyzed the social context of
stereotype threat and cognitive load. The study involved observation of White Americans’
actions, including speaking and assessment participation, in front of a Black moderator compared
to a White moderator. The study found that the performance of the group with the Black
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 29

moderator was significantly lower that of the control group who had a White moderator. The
findings point to the cognitive load of attempting to manage behaviors and actions that did not
appear racist in addition to performing on the assessment led to an overload which resulted in
poorer performance.
Collectively, there are a number of factors that are evoked by stereotype threat and lead
to lowered performance. Self-handicapping (Keller, 2002), disengagement (von Hippel et al.,
2005) and cognitive overload (Schmader & Johns, 2003) are some of the consequences of
stereotype threat that lead to reduced performance. However, along with research dedicated to
understanding the consequences of stereotype threat, there has been an abundance of research
conducted to determine solutions to stereotype threat.
This literature review has thus far focused on two concepts that research has shown to
affect students’ retention and graduation: sense of belonging and stereotype threat. However, just
as research has provided a rationale of low graduation rates of students from under-represented
backgrounds, research has also provided a number of potential solutions.
Remedy to Low Retention Rates
There has been continuous research on practices and solutions to low retention rates and
difficulty establishing a sense of belonging for African American students. Solutions include
mentoring programs (Dodson et al. 2009), ethnic-specific organizations (Simmons, 2013) and
support from cultural centers sponsored by student affairs (Patton, 2010).
Ethnic-Specific Organizations
Acknowledging the challenges of social integration for students of diverse backgrounds
at PWIs, several universities have strategically implemented and supported ethnic-specific
organizations as a source of engaging and assisting in the development of African American
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 30

students. The organizations can range from predominantly African American Greek
organizations to ethnic-specific mentoring programs. Qualitative studies on the effectiveness of
university-sponsored ethnic-specific organizations found them to have a positive impact on
student social integration. A qualitative study conducted by Harper and Quaye (2007) examined
the role of Black undergraduates’ membership in student organizations and found that those
organizations provided an important venue for students’ identity development and expression. In
addition, Museus (2008) found that ethnic organizations provided cultural familiarity and
facilitated cultural adjustment, cultural expression, advocacy and membership for minority
students. Simmons (2013) found growth among African American students who participated in
an ethnic-specific organizations at a private institution related to goal-setting, social connections
and relationships, and commitment to school. He suggests that “higher education institutions
must be strategic in involving African American students early in ethnic-based student
organizations” (Simmons, 2013, p. 71).
Cultural Centers
Research on cultural centers shows that development of the centers was due to outcry and
activism among African American students (Patton, 2005). Black cultural centers date to the
1960s when African American enrollment increased significantly from 3,000 to 98,000 (Mingle,
1981). Due to the rapid change, universities were not equipped and showed little desire to meet
the needs of the changing demographic of students (Patton, 2005). However, African American
students demanded equal rights, accommodations, and recognition on campuses across America.
Rhodes (1998) stated, “Armed with the tools of civil disobedience and a spirit of radicalized by
witnesses the American dream betrayed, thousands of college students committed themselves to
transforming campuses into sites of social and political change” (p. 2). The solution was not
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 31

merely found in the designation of a space. Patton (2005) noted, “Black students’ demands for
Black cultural centers were inextricably intertwined with the yearning to see Black culture
manifested throughout the entire system of higher education” (p. 157).
Black cultural centers serve the same purpose today, as students face similar challenges
of social integration, belonging, and recognition at PWIs. “Today cultural center have been
pivotal in providing safe havens for ethnic minority student groups who have traditionally been
denied full access to PWIs” (Jones et al. 2002, p. 21). The purpose of the centers is to assist with
the identity development of students and provide opportunities for cultural growth. “These
centers are established to provide a location and facility for programming various academic,
social and political events. They exist to support ethnic students in pursuing their educational
goals while retaining their cultural ties” (Young, 1989, p. 124).
Reduction of Stereotype Threat
There are a number possible solutions to stereotype threat. One strategy has been
provoking thought of self-worth through highlighting positive attributes about ones’ identity.
McGlone and Aronson (2006) conducted a study where males and females took the Vandenberg
Mental Rotation Test, a standard test of visual–spatial ability. Three coed groups, each with a
different pre-assessment questionnaire, were determined prior to the assessment. One
questionnaire focused on gender identities, another focused on identity as a student in the
Northeast, and the last focused on identity as an attendee of a prestigious private institution. The
results indicated that the students in the prestigious private institution group showed little
variation in scores while the gender-focused group showed great difference favoring males. The
results highlight the concept that naming identities plays a role in reducing stereotype threat.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 32

Self-affirming has also been identified as a strategy to reduce stereotype threat. Cohen et
al. (2006) conducted a study that allowed seventh graders to self-affirm at the start of the school
year. The students were asked to indicate values about themselves that were important and why
they were important. The control group wrote about their least important values and why they
were least important. Throughout the year, there was a positive difference between the self-
affirming and non-self-affirming groups of students. Another study that indicates self-affirming
as a strategy to reduce the impact of stereotype threat was conducted by Schimel et al., (2004).
The study provided one group of students with fill-in-the-blank affirmation statements about self,
and another group with fill-in-the-blank statements about hobbies. The difference was significant
for the women in the study who were primed with the stereotype threat of women having poor
mathematical abilities. The study indicated that self-affirmations make a difference in results
obtained from assessing students.
Mentoring, role modeling, and exposure to successful individuals with similar identities
have been identified as common and effective strategies for reducing stereotype threat. Steele
(1997) stated, “Role models, people from the stereotype threatened group who have been
successful in the domain carry the message that stereotype threat is not an insurmountable barrier
there” (p. 622). A study conducted by McIntyre et al. (2002) confirmed such a notion through
exposure to positive accounts of individuals from similar backgrounds. The study consisted of a
co-ed group of college students tasked with answering challenging mathematics problems. Both
groups were informed that women typically underperformed when compared to men on math
assessments, initializing stereotype threat. The students were separated into two groups. One
group read success stories of four women in fields unrelated to mathematics: law, medicine,
intervention, and architecture. The second group had similar pre-assessment reading, but the
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 33

passage suggested successful corporations. Results found that the women in the successful
corporations group underperformed when compared to male assessment takers. However, scores
for women who read the passages about successful women were equal to those of men in the
sample. The men were not affected regardless of whether they read a passage or not. These
findings “suggest that being reminded of any type of group achievement might alleviate the
performance of people who belong to negatively stereotyped groups” (McIntyre et al., 2002, p.
88).
Rationale for Study
Thus far, this literature review has looked at retention, sense of belonging, ethnic-specific
resources and stereotype threat. Although these factors seem connected in an effort to assist
African American students’ journey through higher education, literature that connects these
components is missing. The aim of this study was to work within the framework of Tinto’s
(1993) theory of departure, and Steel and Aronsons’ (1995) theory of stereotype threat to analyze
the use of campus ethnic-specific resources as tools to assist in countering stereotype threat and
increasing retention. Although stereotype threat has faced criticism for relying heavily on a
college student population (Whaley, 1998) and not being applicable in realistic scenarios
(Sackett, Hardison, & Cullen, 2004), these criticisms do not affect this study due to the fact that
participants were college students. However, the gap in the literature occurs in the fact that an
abundance of stereotype threat literature heavily focuses on women and mathematics and fails to
account for the role of campus resources in reducing stereotype threat and increasing graduation
rates.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 34

Gap in Literature
Among the most researched methods to reduce stereotype threat are mentoring and role
modeling. Stereotype threat’s effects can be eliminated if people have positive or stereotype
inconsistent exemplars of their group (Marx & Roman, 2002).Within these systems, students
witness individuals with similar identities overcome stereotype threat and achieve success.
Campus ethnic-specific resources offer such examples of successful individuals with similar
identities (Museus, 2008). The aim of these organizations is to increase sense of belonging and
assist with identity development and retention of students from under-represented backgrounds
(Simmons, 2013). The goal of this study was to understand the African American student
perspective of campus ethnic-specific resources and their role in retention and overcoming
stereotype threat at a PWI. This study sought to answer three research questions:
1. What does social integration, and its relationship to graduation, mean to African
American, graduating seniors, who are actively engaged with campus ethnic-specific
resources, at a PWI?
2. What is the meaning of stereotype threat and what role does it play in academic success
for African American students at a PWI?
3. What perspective do African American students at a PWI have of ethnic-specific
resources and their role in overcoming stereotype threat?
The aim of this qualitative study was to specifically explore students’ perceptions of a
connections among engagement with ethnic-specific resources, the reduction of stereotype threat,
and graduation rates. By exploring these connections, university leaders can focus on and invest
in alternative solutions that address the gap in educational progress between African American
students and their White counterparts at PWIs.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 35

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
Although the enrollment of African Students has increased, when compared to their
White, Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander and International counterparts, African American
students have the lowest 4-year graduation rate (NCES, 2014). African American graduation
rates also exhibit the largest gap when compared to the national average (NCES, 2014). Among
numerous others causes, a sense of belonging (Tinto, 1993), and stereotype threat (Steele &
Aronson, 1995) have been included as potential reasons for lower retention rates. One effort to
foster sense of belonging and reduce stereotype threat has been the creation and usage of ethnic-
specific resources for African American students. These resources include Greek organizations,
cultural centers, and major-specific collectives. The aim of this study was to work within the
framework of Tinto’s (1993) theory of departure and Steel and Aaronson’s (1995) theory of
stereotype threat to analyze the use of campus ethnic-specific resources as tools to assist in
countering stereotype threat and increasing retention. This study sought to address the following
research questions:
1. What does social integration, and its relationship to graduation, mean to African
American, graduating seniors who are actively engaged with campus ethnic-specific
resources, at a PWI?
2. What is the meaning of stereotype threat and what role does it play in academic success
for African American students at a PWI?
3. What perspective do African American students at a PWI have of ethnic-specific
resources and their role in overcoming stereotype threat?

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 36

Research Methods
Qualitative studies intentionally seek a deeper understanding from an individual’s
perspective, as “qualitative researchers are interested in understanding how people interpret their
experiences, how they construct their worlds, and what meaning they attribute to their
experiences” (Merriman, 2009, p. 5). The research questions were designed to elicit
understanding of the narratives of African American students involved in ethnic-specific
organizations at a PWI. Qualitative research allows for a focus on students with specific
characteristics, as “qualitative researchers usually study a single setting or a small number of
individuals or sites, using theoretical or purposeful rather than probability sampling, and rarely
make explicit claims about generalizability of their accounts”(Maxwell, 2012, p. 137). The aim
was not to generalize the experiences of all African American students in ethnic-specific
organizations. Rather, the aim was to be precise, specific and deliberate.
One source of data were interviews, as “interviewing provides access to the observations
of others. Through interviewing we can learn about places we have not been and could not go
and about settings in which we have not lived” (Weiss, 1994, p. 1). Interviewing respondents
provides their perspectives. The aim was to generate a series of questions to explore participants’
experiences. The questions asked in the interview provided depth to emotions, interpretations
and reactions. Through the interviews, the goal was to have a “purposeful conversation” (Bogdan
& Biklen, 2007, p. 103) that would lead to an understanding of their experiences. The hope was
to understand the extent to which respondents perceive value, or lack of value, in their ethnic-
specific organization in terms of graduation and social integration on campus.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 37

Sampling
The following sections describe and provide the rationale for the site selection and the
sample population. Qualitative studies consist of a specifically selected and purposeful
(Merriam, 2009) site location and group of respondents because “non-probability sampling is the
method of choice for most qualitative research” (Merriam, 2009, p. 77). The research questions
are specific. The respondents selected met the criteria established by the questions. The goal of
this study was to uncover the story of graduating African American seniors who were members
of an ethnic-specific organization at a PWI.
Site Selection
To support the research questions and analyze the role of ethnic-specific resources, an
institution with a myriad of ethnic-specific organizations was required for the study. The site
selected is a highly selective, western research institution with a population of approximately
40,000 students. The site was selected based on the low percentage of enrolled African
Americans of approximately 6%. The selected site currently houses approximately 70 African
American/Black ethnic-specific organizations. These organizations include a Greek, academic,
social, and a cultural resource center. The goal of these organizations is to work together to
support African American at the university through opportunities to become involved. The
African American culture center acts as an umbrella/hub for the majority of the ethnic-specific
organizations.
Participant Selection
Study participants were selected based on a number of criteria. The first requirement was
that the students self-identify as African American or Black. The respondents selected met the
criteria established by the questions. The goal of the study was to uncover the story of graduating
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 38

African American seniors who were actively engaged members of an ethnic-specific
organization or frequently use the cultural center’s resources. This population was best suited to
speak about their journey to graduation, their extended experiences with ethnic-specific
resources, and stereotype threat.
Stereotype Threat Measure
In order to establish the presence of stereotype threat, an adjusted stereotype threat
measure was used. The measure selected was the Social Identities and Attitudes Scale (SIAS)
established by Picho and Brown (2011). The instrument was designed as a detailed stereotype
threat susceptibility measure (Picho & Brown, 2011). The instrument is meant as a tool that
could incorporate several components of other measures that fail to account for the inter-
relationships between factors that lead to stereotype threat. The 30-item measure incorporates
several different components of stereotype threat: math identification (six questions), ethnic
identification (four questions), gender identification (three questions); gender stigma
consciousness (five questions), ethnic stigma consciousness (five questions) and negative affect
(six questions). Each component was strategically selected as factors that have been included in
several previous studies (Picho & Brown, 2011). For the purposes of this study, the component
of math identification was eliminated from the measure, resulting in a 24-question measure. The
measure was assessed on a seven-point Likert scale that asked about respondent’s level of
agreement, ranging from strongly disagree to neutral to strongly disagree.
In checking for reliability of the SIAS, Picho and Brown (2011) found a Cronbach
coefficient for each of the different components of the measure: .95 for mathematics intelligence,
.85 for ethnic stigma consciousness, .93 for negative affect, .89 for ethnic identification, .82 for
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 39

gender identification, and .88 for gender stigma consciousness. All of the Cronbach alpha’s fall
well within the acceptable of reliability as suggested by Salkind (2013).
The SIAS (Picho & Brown, 2011) is a valid measure. Certain stereotype threat
components were intentionally not included within the development of the measure. Stereotype
threat
Variables reported in only one or two studies in the literature were excluded because the
number of investigations was too few for one to determine the relative consistency of the
variable as a moderator. Including then as a part of the measure could have serious
implications for the internal validity of the scale (Picho & Brown, 2011, p. 380).
Secondly, content validity (Salkind, 2013) was utilized when a group of stereotype threat experts
analyzed the instrument. The experts expressed a number of concerns: item redundancy, double
barrel items, and gender-specific stems. These adjustments were made and led the experts to
determine an average content validity ratio for each item of .80 (Salkind, 2013).
Interview Protocol
A structured protocol was used in this study based on the fact that my views before the
interview did not align with the other structures. Although the semi-structured protocol offered
the benefit of “flexible and open ended questions” (Merriman, 2009, p. 90), it also lacks exact
wording and predetermined order of questions. An unstructured protocol would not allow for
depth. Merriman (2009) states, “the unstructured protocol is useful when the researcher does not
know enough about a phenomenon to ask relevant questions” (p. 91). Personal experience with
the topic of this study yielded questions relevant to the study. It was also important to narrow the
lens of possible answers. This study inquired about aspects that kept the respondent in school.
The possible answers for those questions can range from family to scholarships to professors. I
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 40

specifically sought to look at the impact of ethnic-specific organization and whether there was
any connection between persisting or declining in school. The specific order of the questions was
also important to the study. The topic of study involves race relations, which could be a sensitive
topic for some respondents. If the questions were not in an intentional order, then the direction of
the interview could have been revealed and direct some of the responses. For example, bringing
up race relations within the first couple of questions may have caused the respondent to focus on
racial relationships inspired by the organization rather than other attributes achieved from the
organization. A structured interview protocol also served to draw comparisons among
respondents.
Data Collection
Data were collected between December, 2015 and February, 2016. The stereotype threat
measure was distributed in the fall semester. However, the interviews took place during the
spring semester to allow a more accurate gauge of the students’ graduating status. The stereotype
threat measure was distributed via email. Snowball sampling (Merriam, 2009) was utilized to
secure the student population. The initial measures were distributed to the African American
theme floor in the residential setting. Another method of securing participation was advertising
within the CBCSA.
The participants were secured through snowball sampling as well. I initially contacted the
center for Black cultural and student affairs, the Black alumni association and the Black student
assembly to gain access to the first participants. Interviews were conducted in 90-minute one-on-
one sessions to ensure that responses of one student did not influence the responses, or
perspectives, of another. Each interview was facilitated with a 10-question protocol. The
participants were recorded and notes were taken during the interviews.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 41

Data Analysis
The data analysis took place in two portions. Initial analysis of the stereotype threat was
through SPSS. From the data analysis I will secure descriptive data (Creswell, 2014), that
established the existence of stereotype threat on the campus.
The interview data were analyzed simultaneously with data collection to allow me to
understand emerging themes and restructure interview questions. After each interview, I
transcribed the recording of the interview. Transcribing assists in “generating insights and
hunches about what is going on in [the] data” (Merriam, 2009, p. 174). Throughout transcription,
I created emerging codes; “Coding is assigning some sort of shorthand designation to various
aspects of your data so that you can easily retrieve specific pieces of data” (Merriam, 2009, p
173). Each interview code assisted with narrowing attention for the next data collection outing.
Upon the completion of collection, transcription and open coding of the data, I began analytic
coding: “The process is on of breaking data down into bits of information and then assigning
these bits to categories or classes which bring these bits together again” (Merriam, 2009, p. 177).
To ensure credibility and trustworthiness, I utilized triangulation, which means “using
multiple sources of data means comparing and cross-checking data collected through
observations at different times or in different places or interview data collected from people with
different perspectives or from follow-up interviews with the same people” (Merriam,2009, p
216). Triangulation included member checking (Maxwell, 2013, p. 126). After the interviews, I
share with participants my observations to ensure that their responses and actions were not
misinterpreted.
To ensure ethics were preserved during the study, each participant had the opportunity to
read and sign a consent form. The consent form ensured participants that their identities,
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 42

opinions, and thoughts would not be released to the public. The form also allowed for the
participants to be recorded during the interviews. Another technique used to ensure
confidentiality was to secure a private location for the interviews and member checking. The
goal was to provide a safe space for participants to express themselves freely. The location
selected allowed for and ensured rich data and ensured privacy and confidentiality for the
participants.
Summary
The purpose of this chapter was to present an overview of the methodology of this study.
The aim of the chapter was to elaborate and detail how the study was conducted, including the
research design. The chapter included details on the methods, sampling, instrumentation, checks
against validity threats, data collection, and data analysis. The following chapter presents the
results.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 43

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
This chapter presents results derived from an analysis of student interviews in an attempt
to capture their narratives as they relate to their involvement in ethnic-specific resources and
their respective paths to graduation. The study was aimed to understand the perspective of self-
identifying African American students who have experienced stereotype threat and are
graduating from a highly selective PWI in California in 4 years.
This chapter has been broken down into three sections. The first section provides
background information about the participants in order to provide a holistic perspective of their
identities. The section also provides context for similarities and differences that may influence
their narratives. The remainder of the chapter presents the emerging themes pertaining to the
research questions aimed at exploring the perspectives of participants on ethnic-specific
resources, stereotype threat, and graduation. Three research questions guided this study:
1. What does sense of belonging and its relationship to graduation, mean to African
American graduating seniors who are actively engaged with campus ethnic-specific
resources, at a PWI?
2. What is the meaning of stereotype threat and what role does it play in academic success
for African American students at a PWI?
3. What perspective do African American students at a PWI have of ethnic-specific
resources and their role in overcoming stereotype threat?
Participants
This section provides background and a brief narrative of each of the participants. The
participants’ names have been changed to protect their identities. Included in their descriptions
are factors that make them unique and aspects of their identities that make them relevant to the
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 44

study. The participant description includes their ethnic-specific organization affiliations, major,
and in-state status.
Table 1
Participants
Name Area of
Concentration
Resources/Orgs Out-of-state vs
in-state
High School
Demographics
Angie Visual and fine
arts and social
sciences
psychology
Diaspora Floor
(Resident Assistant)
Hawaii Diverse
High Filipino population
Smaller Black
population
Smaller White
Population
Joe Industrial and
systems
engineering with
a minor in
musical
recording
National Society of
Black Engineers.
(E-Board Member)
Bronx, New
York
Predominantly Black
and Hispanic.
Ashley Cinematic Arts Black student
assembly/Black
campus ministries
(Leader)/Black
Alumni Scholarship
Mentee
Sacramento,
California
Predominantly Black
Jay Journalism President of
National
Association of
Black Journalists
Chicago,
Illinois
Majority White
Cecil Accounting and
music
technology
Alpha Phi Alpha
Fraternity,
Incorporated
Las Vegas,
Nevada
50% African American,
50% Latino
Aaron Mechanical
engineering
National Society of
Black Engineers
Alexandria,
Virginia
45% Black; 30 %
Hispanic; 25% White
and Asian
Brittany International
relations
Black student
assembly (e-board)
Washington,
DC
Predominantly Black
high school.
Ebony Theater Black student
assembly e-
board/diaspora
Floor
Houston,
Texas/Atlanta,
Georgia
Started high school at a
White performing arts
high school.
Transitioned to an all-
Black non-themed high
school
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 45

The study began with a preliminary stereotype threat assessment administered to 30
African American students attending a large private institution on the west coast. From the 30
students who took the assessment, eight students who exhibited the highest measure of
stereotype threat were selected to participate in one-on-one interviews. The stereotype measure
asked respondents to reflect on the first-year experience. The eight students were all involved in
ethnic-specific resources on campus. By their senior year, most of them took on leadership roles
in their organizations. Included in each participant’s description is their major, their high
school’s demographics and which resources they utilized while attending the university. The
participants ages ranged from 21 to 22. These details are included to provide a well-rounded
description of each participant. Table 1 captures the essential details of the participants.
Angie
Angie is a woman double majoring in visual/fine arts and social sciences psychology.
Identifying as a first-generation college student, Angie was born and raised in Hawaii. Angie
described her high school demographics as diverse: “In Hawaii, it’s predominantly Filipino. The
only Black students that you’ll have are from the military. Mine was pretty mixed.”
Angie is highly involved in a number of ethnic-specific resources on campus, including
high involvement in the Black student assembly and the campus capoeira team and regularly
involves herself in off-campus community outreach engagement. Angie did not simply live on
the diaspora floor; after her first year, she became the resident assistant for the floor. Angie is
additionally highly connected to the university’s African American centered cultural center.
Jay
Jay is a woman majoring in journalism from Chicago, Illinois. When asked about her
home demographics, she stated,
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 46

I grew up in a Jewish neighborhood in Chicago, and, from kindergarten to 8th grade, I
went to a very small, loose-end republican school, so I grew up literally just around
people who didn’t look like me and who were mostly White.
She also described her high school demographics as majority White.
Jay’s primary involvement in ethnic-specific resources includes actively supporting and
attending programming sponsored by the campus Black culture center and serving as the
president of the National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ). In describing NABJ, Jay
states, “The mission is to encourage and train journalists of color, specifically Black journalists
to get good jobs in the industry, and better telling stories of our community, which historically
have not been that great in the media.” Jay mentioned that the 40-year-old organization engaged
in intentional alumni pairings, trips and general exposure to the industry.
Cecil
Cecil is a man majoring in accounting and music technology from Las Vegas, Nevada. In
describing his high school, he stated, “I went to a very bad high school which was 50% African
American, 50% Latino and point something percent other.” Cecil provided a description of his
transition from high school with a high population of African American and Latino/a students to
a space where that population only makes up approximately 18% of the population:
When I got to USC, the demographics were totally different from what I used to. As soon
as I got to USC to see individuals that did not look at me or knew where I came from, I
then felt that I did not belong.
While at the university, Cecil participated in multiple ethnic-specific resources, including
the Black Business Student Association (BBSA), National Association of Black Accountants
(NABA) and Alpha Phi Alpha. Cecil describes BBSA and NABA as “major specific
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 47

organizations that assisted me academically while at the university.” However, Cecil stated that
his primary involvement in ethnic-specific resources was related to Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity
Incorporated. In describing his organization Cecil stated, “It’s a Black letter Greek organization
created to develop leaders, promote brotherhood and academic excellence while providing
service and advocacy for communities.”
Joe
Joe is a man majoring in industrial and systems engineering with a minor in musical
recording from the Bronx, New York. In describing his high school, Joe stated,
My high school was predominantly Black and Hispanic. There was one White person in
my high school and she was the valedictorian. Then, there [were] like two Asian girls,
and they were like twins. Everybody else was either Dominican, Puerto Rican, Haitian,
African, Jamaican or Black.
Growing up in the Bronx, Joe described a very homogenous environment that was extremely
different from his university setting. “I came from a predominantly Black neighborhood, so, for
me, coming to USC was my first time meeting non-Black people, or White people.”
While attending the university, Joe often frequented the African American cultural center
and Black student assembly programs. However, Joe’s primary engagement with ethnic-specific
resources came from his involvement with the National Society of Black Engineers (NSBE).
While a member of NSBE, Joe served as executive board member. Joe described NSBE’s
purpose: “Our mission is to increase the number of culturally responsible Black engineers who
excel academically, succeed professionally, and positively impact the community. What we try
to do is work on those three pillars, exceeding academically, professional development.”
Ashley
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 48

Ashley is a woman majoring in cinematic arts. Prior to attending the university, Ashley
attended a predominantly Black high school in the Sacramento, California, area. Ashley briefly
elaborated on her pre-college experience related to culture and mind-state of her community. She
expressed how her home environment was completely different from that of the university, and it
was, overall, a significant shift from what she was accustomed to:
The culture of my school was very hood, very ghetto. Everyone had to be hard. People
who were idolized sold drugs or were highly sexually active, and my school was all about
relationships and money. That’s all people care about.
Throughout her college experience, she was connected and supported the African
American cultural center, and Black student alliance. The majority of her involvement within
ethnic-specific resources was rooted in her work with Black campus ministries. Ashley became
involved with the organization during her freshman year at the university and serves as the
director during her senior year. Ashley describes Black campus ministries as “a space where I
was able to combine my religion and Blackness.”
Aaron
Aaron is a Nigerian American man majoring in mechanical engineering from Alexandria,
Virginia. Aaron arrived at the university from a high school with mixed demographics: “I went
to a predominantly mixed high school, with mostly Black people. It was about 45% Black, and
30% Hispanic. The rest were White or Asian.” In describing his initial transition from high
school, Aaron stated, “I feel like it made me a craving, or that African American community is
going to such a high school where you have mostly Black, or mostly Hispanic high school.” He
expressed that the transition from his majority Black and Hispanic high school was challenging.
Based on the transition, he had a yearning to be reconnected to a Black community: “When you
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 49

come to a college where there are very few minorities, and you just crave this community of
minorities. I didn’t really feel at peace, or at home here initially.”
Throughout his time at the university, Aaron was involved in a number of ethnic-specific
resources. Aaron often frequented the African American cultural center and was a member of
multiple organizations that focus on Pan-Africanism. Aaron was most involved as a board
member of the NSBE. He explained the mission of the organization: “Our mission is to increase
the number of culturally responsible Black engineers who excel academically, succeed
professionally, and positively impact the community.”
Brittany
Brittany is a woman majoring in international relations from Washington, DC. Brittany
identities as a first-generation college student. Prior to coming to college, Brittany attended a
high school that was not diverse. She described her high school experience and initial moments
of transition by saying, “I came from a predominantly Black high school. I want to say it was
maybe like over 90% Black and coming to school, I think, initially, was exciting.” Arriving at
the university with an understanding of her Blackness, Brittany expressed that she did not arrive
at the university craving the Black experience. “It was like I’m not necessarily looking for the
Black people because I’ve had that experience, but I kind of naturally gravitate towards them
anyway.”
Brittany began her involvement as a part of ethnic-specific organizations at the start of
her university career. Starting with her freshman year, Brittany was heavily involved with the
Black student union, the Black cultural center and the Black alumni scholarship organizations.
Over the years, Brittany took leadership roles within the Black student union. During her senior,
year she worked on the executive board of the organization.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 50

Ebony
Ebony is a woman majoring in theater from Houston, Texas, by way of Atlanta, Georgia.
Prior to attending the university, Ebony attended multiple high schools in Houston, Texas, and
Atlanta, Georgia. As she went to different high schools, her pre-college experience varied based
on the school. She stated that, during her freshman and sophomore years, she went to a
performing arts high school in Houston and the demographics were mixed but predominantly
White because Houston is predominantly White. Although it was diverse, she conveyed that the
school as a whole was a healthy space for all identities. Ebony moved to Atlanta for her junior
and senior year. While there, she attended an all-Black high school which she described as “a
traditional high school experience, you know, like the jocks and the nerds and all that stuff.” She
expressed that her experience there was where she began to understand her Black identity:
“That’s when I really learned what Black culture was because my neighborhood was all-Black
and my high school was all-Black, and you really saw the range of all Blackness.” Overall,
Ebony’s exposure prior to attending college was diverse.
As Ebony navigated university life, she participated primarily in the Black student
assembly. Throughout her university experience, she was an active member of the organization.
During her senior year, she took leadership on the executive board of the organization.
Throughout Ebony’s university experience, she was also very present in the Black cultural
center. Among Eli’s culturally related involvement was her role in the Black talent/artistic circle
at the university. Ebony participated in song and poetry in several of the BSA-sponsored talent
opportunities.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 51

Summary of Participants
The interviewees collectively participated in the university’s cultural center throughout
the course of their academic tenure. All eight of the students participated in a variation of
multiple ethnic-specific resources. Eight out of eight students were also traditional students
entering the university during the fall quarter of their freshman year. At the time of the
interviews, all students were within the final three weeks of their graduating year. These factors
allowed for an overarching narrative of participants that chronicled their collegiate experience.
Additionally, none of the participants originated from the Southern California area, as they
derived from a range of locations beyond the area. The next section addresses the research
questions and their respective emerging themes.
Results For Research Question One: Sense of Belonging
Research question one asked, “What does sense of belonging and its relationship to
graduation, mean to African American, graduating seniors, who are actively engaged with
campus ethnic-specific resources, at a PWI?” The purpose of the question was to capture
participants’ overall sense of belonging with the university and their perception of how that
played a role in their ability to graduate in 4 years. An analysis of the data yielded two themes:
the authenticity found in Black spaces and the role of ethnic-specific organizations. The first
theme was related to students’ sense of belonging and its relationship to graduation. Participants
expressed that they felt a sense of belonging when they were able to be their authentic selves
without judgement or assessment from others. Transitioning from high school, the participants
collectively lacked a sense of belonging and a feeling that they could express their authentic
selves to the university as a whole and their White counterparts in particular. Based on the
interviews, the space for authenticity has two categories: sense of belonging amongst peers and
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 52

amongst faculty/staff. These spaces include the residential halls, campus in general, and
classroom settings. This finding supports the social and academic aspects of Tinto’s (1993)
theory of student departure, the framework through which the data were analyzed.
Authenticity With Peers
Six of the eight students expressed that, throughout the course of their experience, they
did not feel comfortable being their authentic selves when starting at the university, especially in
relation to their White counterparts. They described interactions as being limited to “surface-
level conversations because they couldn’t relate enough,” as described by Joe, and that their
White counterparts were not “understanding the unspoken language of the [Black] culture,” as
described by Ashley. Participants had an overarching feeling that, amongst their White peers,
there was a lack of understanding of culture, which prevented them from being themselves.
Ebony mentioned that a part of why she felt a disconnect was her feeling as though she could not
be vulnerable: “I still feel that there’s this disconnect where I can’t be open because they just
don’t want to understand or they don’t understand and things like that.” Overall, the idea of a
missing piece related to cultural language led participants to feel they could not truly be
themselves and served as the root of the disconnect with their White counterparts.
Throughout the study, participants highlighted the value of cultural understanding as it
relates to building and developing relationships. Ebony summarized the idea by mentioning her
desire to “start the conversation in the middle.” She explained,
I feel like, with students from underrepresented communities, we’re already starting the
conversation in the middle when we get together compared to if you’re talking to
someone who’s White. There’s some explanation that always goes into everyday
conversations.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 53

Based on responses, “starting the conversation in the middle” meant a significant amount of
background knowledge was not required for a productive conversation. Starting the conversation
in the middle also meant that the participants could be open, vulnerable, and authentic when
engaging with others. The desire to start in the middle related to several aspects of life, including
music, academic experience, and current event; specifically those that relate to social justice.
Ashley expressed value in being able to reach out to someone who understands her macro and
micro experiences:
I want to call someone who just understands my class experience or if I’m having a bad
hair day and I don’t have to explain to them anything because they already understand
and they can relate to me. That really mattered.
Jay went into great detail about the unspoken language that exists within the Black community.
Jay conveyed how, without the context of the hidden language, even a simple joke can be taken
out of context and result in a feeling of discouragement and isolation from non-Black
counterparts.
Collectively, there was a desire amongst the participants to connect with someone who
understood them and allowed them to be their authentic selves without explanation or a filter.
Throughout the course of the study, participants conveyed that they felt their greatest sense of
belonging when they engaged with peers, as they could be their complete selves without being
judged. Cecil expressed that this is explicitly why he joined his ethnic-specific organization:
“They understood where I was coming from. I felt like I didn’t have to filter my words. I could
be who I was without being stereotyped.” Ashley expressed similar sentiments about the Black
campus ministries providing a space where she could be open without fear of judgment: “It was
the only place on campus where I could be 100% vulnerable and feel comfortable. A place where
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 54

I can feel open about my emotions and talk about things I wouldn’t normally feel comfortable
talking about.” Joe additionally described his involvement in his ethnic-specific resources as a
space where he could be vulnerable and find support in emotional times. Joe continued by
drawing a comparison between his comfort and ability to be vulnerable, in the non-ethnic-
specific space as compared to the ethnic-specific spaces:
I could be on the engineering team or the race club and things like that, but when there’s
police brutality going on in the news, I can’t necessarily feel that comfort level to mourn
about it or grieve about it, whereas, being in an ethnic organization, that kind of gives me
that comfort level, that safe space to really express my true feelings about the things
that’s going on in my life and find people who can relate to it.
Overall, students found a sense of belonging in spaces that allowed for a level of understanding,
openness and vulnerability and where they would not be judged.
Authenticity With Faculty and Staff
The next section addresses the role of faculty and staff play in fostering a sense of
belonging through a space and connection that allowed participants to be their authentic selves.
Six of the eight participants expressed that they developed a strong and close relationship with
faculty and staff that they felt as though they were family members. The remaining participants
mentioned that the mere acknowledgement of their presence on campus allowed for a
strengthened sense of belonging within the university. Cecil expressed that the acknowledgment
was rooted in mutual understanding with his professors whom he believed experienced the same
isolation as he did. He expressed that he felt comfortable being himself around the Black faculty
and staff he encountered while attending the university. He conveyed that it was simply his
professor’s acknowledgment of his existence the led to feeling like he belonged:
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 55

Just that simple head nod that he gives me regardless if it’s not going to his office hours.
Just a head nod, just a sense of, “Hey, what’s up? I know you,” makes me feel more
belonged than some of the other professors that I attend office hours for.
Joe indicated that he felt welcomed by some of the Black faculty and staff and felt as
though he could be vulnerable and understood. Joe expressed that he could be have open, honest,
and sincere dialogue with Black faculty and staff, which he could not with all faculty and staff.
Joe also expressed that his level of comfort allowed him to be vulnerable about his mental health
and emotional space without fear that he would not be understood:
I’ve had times where I wasn’t feeling well and didn’t want to go to school because of just
trauma from news that I heard and other events, and it was easy to find that faculty
member and confide in them. I might explain to them why I’ve been in an academic
slump or why I missed class and things like that, and they can really understand what I’m
going through.
Jay and Ashley expressed that interactions with faculty and staff allowed for a greater
sense of belonging. Both students conveyed that Black staff and professors created a place where
they could have a casual conversation. Feeling comfort and belonging was a result of being able
to have an open and sincere conversation with a Black faculty member. Jay recalled,
I remember going into her office hours sophomore year and her speaking so straight and
coy with me about things I was going to encounter in the industry being tough and even
cursing at some points. It just like my aunt was talking to me.
Ashley conveyed that professors who were relatable allowed for a connection that went beyond
that which she secured with other professors. She expressed the importance of being able to be
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 56

herself without judgement. She expressed a direct correlation between feeling comfortable and
connecting with a faculty member through their ethnic identity:
He’s one of the best professors that I’ve ever had, and it’s because he’s just down to
earth. He brings you to that level where he’s not judging you. He’s very easy to go in and
talk to and I felt those are the professors that I reached out to.
Cecil echoed sentiments that a professor who is relatable allowed for a strong connection.
He also expressed that their relationship extended beyond just knowledge related to the
classroom. The professor assisted with his overall college transition experience:
I feel like they know. I feel like [this professor] was a mom because she educated me. I
forgot what the class was called, but it was relating African American writers to Greek
and Roman writing, something like that. She was just very down to earth. She let me
know how professors work here. I really felt like she was a mom.
Overall, the participants’ statements expressed that it was peers and faculty and staff who
also identified as African American who helped them develop a sense of belonging. Students
expressed that it was within these spaces and connections that they felt they could be their full
authentic selves; without being judged for comments or perspectives expressed. They
collectively communicated that it was this connection that led to their success and graduation.
Involvement in Ethnic-Specific Resources: Initial Experience:
The second theme that emerged from the analysis of data pertaining to the first research
question was the role ethnic-specific resources played in the participants’ initial and university-
wide sense of belonging. All eight student participants indicated that arriving at a PWI as an
African American student was challenging. Students expressed that the ethnic-specific resources
allowed for an easier transition. This transition was especially difficult for students who arrived
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 57

at the university from a predominantly Black or LatinX community. Five of the students
expressed that their affiliation with an ethnic-specific resource that allowed for a sense of
belonging amongst peers. Aaron described the natural yearning that he gained from a community
similar to that of home and how the resources satisfied that yearning. Aaron attributed his initial
sense of belonging at the university to his engagement with the ethnic specific resources.
When you come to a school like this where there are very few minorities, and you just
crave this community of minorities. I didn’t really feel at peace, or at home until I found
CBCSA, NSBE, [and other groups]. All the other groups that focused on and included
minorities.
Cecil, who also attended a predominantly Black and LatinX high school, also expressed similar
feelings that that his initial sense of belonging derived from joining and participating in ethnic-
specific resources:
I first felt a sense of belonging when I started becoming an interest of my fraternity. I
would start hanging around them and go to different events and felt like I could find the
people that understood where I was coming from.
Both Aaron and Cecil expressed being at the university for some time before recognizing the
value of belonging while at the university. However, other students recognized, prior to arriving
at the university, the importance of belonging and the importance of utilizing ethnic-specific
resources early in their university life.
Unlike Cecil and Aaron, Angie and Jay came to the campus from high schools that are
more diverse and immediately immersed themselves in ethnic-specific resources. They entered
into the university with a desire to connect with the Black community. Angie began her
university career living on the African American theme floor. When asked why, she explained,
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 58

I think it’s always important to feel a sense of belonging. I think that everyone that comes
to college is looking for a space where they feel like they can be useful and they can be at
home and meet other people who are similar to them in some way. I think, being at a
PWI, it can be really intimidating if you go home and you don’t feel like you can relate to
anyone because you’re already in classrooms where you don’t really feel like you can
relate to many people or you feel like you’re that one token Black person, and you got to
stand in for the whole community and enlighten your peers and take on that
responsibility.
Similar to Angie, Jay engaged in ethnic-specific resources early in order to avoid feelings
of isolation and loneliness. When asked if she thought that ethnic specific resources played a role
in developing a sense of belonging or they were segregating, she answered that the resources
served as a means to connect. Jay spoke to the value of resources serving as a tool that offers
support and, similar to Angie, addressed the resources serving as a means to counter the feeling
of isolation experienced when surrounded by people whose identities do not match one’s own:
It has been encouraging and gives a sense of belonging because we’re always interacting
with people who aren’t like us. In the classroom, we’re probably not going to be the
majority, even on campus, just walking, you’re not going to see a majority of Black
faces. It just doesn’t work in that direction for Black students here. Having ethnic-
specific organizations is one of the ways someone can be supported.
The connection to the ethnic-specific resources offered assistance with students feeling like they
were not visually represented on campus and allowed for students to recognize that they were not
alone in their feelings, self-esteem, and academic experiences. Aaron explained how the
organization put him in spaces where he was able to connect with other African American
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 59

students and learn that they were going through the same struggle as him. “On the way to a
conference, we were talking about school, and it was cool to meet other Black people who were
going through the struggle.” Ashley expressed a very similar notion as it relates to the value of
being a part of resources that allowed for connections to other African American students having
difficulties. Additionally, she compared the differences between the ethnic-specific resources and
the non-ethnic-specific resources:
Just feeling like I wasn’t lonely here [and like] I had someone who was going through the
same obstacles I was going through really helped. Yeah, they definitely helped me. When
joining other groups that weren’t ethnic-specific, I did feel shunned a little bit, but I don’t
think that’s because I had other groups to go to. I think that’s just the culture and reality
of joining majority Caucasian groups, or majority Asian, or whatever.
Some students reported a direct correlation with the resources and reaching their
graduation goals. The resources established a sense of belonging, through connecting students to
other students who had narratives and experiences, and allowed for support in navigating how to
survive setbacks. Ebony and Aaron shared thoughts about their involvement in the ethnic-
specific resources as assisting with their graduation. Ebony stated, “I think the ethnic-specific
organizations kept me enrolled in school and, without them, without connecting to those people
and making those friends that I made, I wouldn’t be here. I wouldn’t have graduated and gotten
through it.” Aaron correlated engagement with resources with graduating. Aaron recognized that
being exposed and involved in ethnic-specific resources boosted his self-esteem, provided a
home, and assisted in his navigation to graduation. He stated:
I feel like they’ve streamlined my way to graduation. They’ve given me something to feel
that I’m a part of. When you don’t have that sense of community, of home, you feel
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 60

marginalized and cold. Your confidence, self-esteem, all those things go down. Because
I’ve been able to find these groups, who have been able to support me, act as a backbone
whenever I needed help, I feel like I’ve been able to accomplish a whole lot more than I
would otherwise have been able to accomplish. That’s played a huge and key part in
helping me graduate.
Collectively, students felt that their ability to feel a sense of belonging, share in the
struggle that is college, and be aware that they were supported as a part of a unified collective
assisted in their ability to reach their goal of graduation.
University As A Whole
Overall, students expressed that their ethnic-specific resource experience did not isolate
them to the Black community. Rather, they served as a stepping stone and granted access to the
university at large. Six of the eight students expressed that the resources provided them with an
initial sense of confidence that allowed them to explore and get involved outside of the Black
community. Angie indicated that she felt empowered with an overarching sense of confidence
that encouraged her to step outside of the Black community:
I have actually met so many people outside of the Black community, I think, because I’ve
been so empowered within it to go out. It’s like the inward-outward approach where
you’re empowered first. You need to understand who you are and where you come from
in order to then navigate the world more clearly. That has really given me the confidence,
I find, to be in different spaces and have interest in learning about other groups.
After leaving the diaspora floor, Angie participated in the executive board of the floor and
eventually became a resident assistant for the university at large. Her ability to start within the
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 61

Black community, develop a sense of confidence and step into the campus as a whole, serves as
evidence of the ethnic-specific resources serving as a stepping stone to the campus at large.
Aaron shared a similar experience of being able to engage with the campus at large after
establishing himself within his ethnic-specific resource: “While I might have been really shy in
freshman year, my sophomore and junior year, being in these orgs you feel more connected and
more wholesome. I was filled with a sense of confidence and self-esteem.” Ebony added to the
narrative that ethnic-specific resources served as a stepping stone as she expressed that, after her
freshman year, she was comfortable and stepped out of the community, to engage with the
university as a whole:
I found myself, my first year, being very, very drawn to just Black community
everything. I did find that after, halfway through my second year, I was ready to step a
little bit away from just the Black community and expand and realize there are students
outside of this race.
While some participants shared a narrative of the development of confidence and
engaging with the campus as a whole, others referenced how their experiences intentionally
placed them in spaces where they had to connect with non-Black students. Cecil spoke about the
responsibilities that come with being in his organization in terms of working with other students
for collaborative efforts to best serve the campus:
I feel like joining these organizations forced you to socialize and get involved in other
things and meet new people, so you just have a hand in everybody’s business, so you
know what’s going on and what’s the need on campus.
He expressed his role in the organization allowed him to enter into those spaces confident and
feel a sense of comfort and respect in these spaces.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 62

Jay addressed that, due to her involvement, she is recognized as an authority on the
overall campus, which assisted in development of her role as a campus leader. As a result, she is
often invited to represent herself or organization at non-ethnic-specific events. She mentioned
that, in these spaces, she now feels welcomed and respected. She takes pride in sharing the
narrative of the Black student with the campus at large:
I feel like I’m kind of the seat-at-the-table kind of idea, even though they could ask any
other African American who might even have a better opinion than me. I’m called on
lots, like asked to give my opinion or my take on how it feels like to be African American
here.
Collectively, respondents expressed that ethnic-specific resources served as a stepping stone for
them to develop an improved self-esteem and self-image and allowed for a transition from
ethnic-specific resources to university-wide resources.
Summary
This section highlighted the theme that arose when students were asked to discuss their
perceptions of belonging as it relates to their progress to graduation. Two overarching themes
were pulled from the data. One was the value of spaces of Blackness where students’ authenticity
can be freely expressed, which included spaces with peers and staff and faculty alike.
Additionally, the theme of involvement in ethnic-specific resources assisted in initial transition
to the university and led to an overarching university-wide sense of belonging. Respondents
expressed a direct correlation between their sense of belonging and their ability to persist to
graduation in a predominantly White space.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 63

Results for Research Question Two: Stereotype Threat
Research question two asked, “What is the meaning of stereotype threat and what role
does it play in academic success for African American students at a PWI?” The purpose of the
question was to explore the perspectives the participants and their experiences of stereotype
threat. Although there were specific questions asked regarding moments where the participants
experienced stereotype threat, none of them were able to cite specific examples. Angie
expressed, “I know that it happened. However, I can’t provide a specific example.” Five of the
eight participants expressed similar sentiments of an awareness but could not provide detailed
accounts. They were, however, able to articulate moments of experiencing micro-aggressions
from peers, faculty, and staff. Respondents conveyed that micro-aggressions took place with
faculty and staff based on vocabulary used in class and direct statements during conversations.
Ashley recounted feeling uncomfortable being in class when a White faculty member said
“colored people” to describe African Americans. Joe recounted attending office hours with a
faculty member who asked, “Oh you like hip-hop don’t you?” Similar micro-aggressions
occurred with peers who openly expressed that they did not anticipate much from the participants
in group projects. Cecil recalled being pulled aside by a group member who asked, “Do you
really plan on doing anything in this group?” Although participants discussed the occurrence of
micro-aggressions, they collectively never expressed perceived stereotype threat. Overall, it was
determined and supported by writings by Steel (2003) that stereotype threat is challenging to
capture qualitatively when compared to test outcomes or physical assessments that analyze stress
and anxiety levels.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 64

Results for Research Question Three: Ethnic-Specific Resources
Research question three asked, “What perspective do African American students at a
PWI have of ethnic-specific resources and their role in overcoming stereotype threat?” The
purpose of the question was to capture interviewees’ overall perspective of the role their
involvement with ethnic-specific resources played in their ability to achieve at the university. An
analysis of data yielded two themes. The first theme was access, which encompasses people and
opportunities granted to the participants due to their involvement with resources. Participants
found that their involvement lead to access to Black community, mentors as possible selves, and
leadership opportunities among peers. Participants also found access to close relationships,
emotional support and academic guidance from faculty and staff. Similar to results regarding the
first research question, the results have been separated in accordance with Tinto’s (1993) theory
of student departure. Results related to peers are presented separately from those related to
faculty and staff.
Access: Peers
Being a part of ethnic-specific resources granted the participants access to other students
who identified as African American, which allowed for the participants’ social and academic
growth. Awareness of how and where to find other students with similar identities and narratives
served as a remedy to isolation and loneliness. Access to other African American students
fostered a sense of social growth. Cecil expressed that the Black cultural center served as a space
where he knew he could always find a peer to converse with, gain support from, or simply share
a meal. He found comfort in the fact that, although there were few African American students in
his class, he knew how to access the African American student population: “Even though they
weren’t in my classrooms, I knew where to find them.”
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 65

In addition to participants growing socially through connecting with other African
American students, access to other students assisted in academic growth. Participants found that
connecting with students who had been at the university longer than they had significantly
assisted in their navigation of the university. The students who were part of the organizations
served as knowledgeable inspiration and role models for the participants. Like other participants,
Aaron mentioned these individuals, informed him of several helpful aspects from study skills to
choosing the most effective instructors: “Whenever I’ve needed help, I’ve been able to reach out
to some of the seniors in these groups, or some of the older folks in these groups. All of these
contribute to my achievement overall.” Joe echoed Aaron’s thoughts about the support offered
through connecting with other African American students:
I would say that ethnic organizations and groups have definitely been a big part of my
university experience, and it’s allowed me to see people who look like me doing good
things. That planted the seed because they know that there’s a lack of diversity in
engineering, so seeing a Black person in engineering, they’re going to point me in the
right direction.
Joe’s testimony additionally alluded to the concept of possible selves and that those students
served as role models for success and overarching support.
As Joe and Aaron reflected on the personal impact these mentors had on them, Jay and
Brittany addressed how the resources granted access for them to take on the role of mentor for
future students. Both students expressed that, as they progressed through the university, they
were inspired to work through these resources to support the sense of belonging and success of
younger peers. Describing why she joined and continued to support ethnic-specific resources, Jay
expressed a desire to continue the work that was done before. “It feels like a family, and I just
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 66

definitely want to keep extending that offer to other African American students here for them to
get involved and see how easy it is and how encouraging it can be.” Brittany also expressed
being intentional in serving as part of the ethnic-specific organization so that she could give back
and support the community:
I just kind of wanted to be the next generation of leadership. I wanted to get to know all
the people who I wanted to be like or who served as role models. I wanted to be them
eventually or be in their position. I felt that I was kind of my responsibility to position
myself so I would be ready to fill that space when they graduated.
Overall, the ethnic-specific resources granted access to student leaders and opportunities for
participants to take on leadership roles. The resources sparked a desire to actively engage with
generations who were entering into the university and having similar experiences. The ethnic-
specific resources provided opportunity to serve as a mentor or possible self.
As stated previously, the resources offered access to several positive aspects, such as
peers, mentors, and leadership opportunities. However, three of the eight student participants
addressed the fact that so much access could lead to over-involvement and negatively affect their
academic standing. Joe mentioned an understanding and appreciation for ethnic-specific
resources, yet recognized the time commitment, obligations, and lifestyle that aligned with active
engagement. “This past semester, I was involved in seven different organizations, and I feel like
just doing that many things definitely doesn’t help with trying to graduate. It clots up my time.”
Joe explained that he felt as though his role in so many resources were obligations because he
cared about his community. Comparing his involvement with ethnic-specific resources to non-
ethnic-specific he stated,
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 67

For them [non-ethnic resource participants], it’s just kind of like a hobby, while, for me,
this is a part of my identity. It’s always being attacked, so I feel like I have to do so much
to protect it whereas, [with] the other types of orgs, you can come in one hour a week and
get whatever you want out of it, but, if I miss a meeting for one of my ethnic orgs, I feel
like I really missed something. I think that definitely shows the gravity of the
organization and how it can impact your focus in school.
Joe’s feelings about how extended involvement could negatively affect grades were similar to
those of Cecil, who expressed that his best grades were during his first year when he was not
involved with any resources at all: “I would go to class and then come back home.” Although
both Joe and Cecil experienced a negative impact on their grades, they also affirmed that it was
worth being involved due to the benefit of overall access granted by the resources.
Overall, participants indicated the ethnic-specific resources allowed for access to mentors
and possible selves, which allowed for an increase in self-esteem and sense of belonging.
Additionally, the resources granted access to leadership opportunities that allowed for adjustment
of roles as they progressed through the university, allowing the mentees to become mentors and
assist with the growth and development of incoming and younger students. Participants
additionally mentioned oversaturation and grade impact based on the magnitude of access
provided.
Access: Faculty and Staff
In accordance with Tinto’s (1993) theory of student departure, one of the key components
of students’ retention is their connection to faculty and staff. Each ethnic-specific resource that
was included in the study had a faculty or staff advisor or support person. The following section
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 68

presents participants’ respondents about how involvement in ethnic-specific resources allowed
access to faculty and staff and how that access played a role in their academic success.
Four of the eight student participants became so close to the faculty and staff affiliated
with their resources that they began to consider them as family or an emotional support system at
the university. The resources provided direct access for students to engage with adult role models
who provided a place of safety and assistance in times of need. Jay spoke about how close she
became with a staff member from the cultural center during a civil rights alternative spring break
trip: “The assistant director and I became a friends and someone who I could just go into the
office and talk to, and share stories with. I feel like that’s made a huge impact in my college
career.” Joe echoed the feeling that the resources allowed for a close emotional connection with a
faculty advisor. He spoke about how close they became through their involvement with the
organization and the level of vulnerability that existed between them: “She knows when I’m
going through stuff and how I would feel, whereas a lot of times I can’t necessarily talk about
certain things because it might just be inappropriate or un-relatable to my other teachers.”
Collectively, participants mentioned access to an adult figure at the university played a role in
their emotional well-being. Ebony drew the correlations among her personal and emotional
relationship with the director of the cultural center, her self-efficacy, and her academic pursuits:
Last year, my grades weren’t going as well as I would have like them to be, and I went to
the director. We sat down, we discussed things, [and] I left feeling a whole lot more
inspired and encouraged to do well. I actually came back that semester and got straight
As. I thank the director. I thank her a lot. She’s been a huge source of inspiration and
encouragement for me.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 69

In addition to emotional connections, participants mentioned the professional and academic
benefits of having access to faculty and staff at the university. Aaron addressed how involvement
with his resources allowed for connections to multiple people within the school of engineering
and how some of those relationships were pivotal in his path towards graduation:
It was because of NSBE that I actually reached out to a lot of the faculty and deans who
are actually running the school and who have helped me a lot in my 4 years here. The
dean of the school has been a huge resource to me, and helping me go through school
here. Because of all these orgs, I’ve been connected to other resources here that,
otherwise, I don’t think I would have been able to know of or get connected to.
Theme Summary
This section exemplified that access to faculty and staff through involvement in ethnic-
specific resources played a pivotal role their emotional support, academic success, and
institutional access while at the university. Some of that support was derived from the
development of personal relationships and an overarching awareness that support was always
present.
Ethnic Development
The second theme related to the third research question was the concept of ethnic and
identity development. Seven of the eight participants mentioned their Black identity was
positively and directly affected as a result of involvement with ethnic-specific resources. The
impact on identity ranged from initial realization of the importance of and desire to learn more
about the Black identity to understanding the spectrum that is Blackness and to learning to
successfully navigate non-Black spaces.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 70

Two participants spoke about their transition from high school into college. Some of the
participants came from homogeneous backgrounds consisting of majority Black and LatinX
communities. For these students, coming to a PWI was their first experience in such a diverse
environment. Aaron stated that, prior to coming to the university, he did not see the need to learn
about his Black identity. He arrived at the university and did not initially seek Black resources,
as he did not see the value or purpose. However, after being at the university for a year, the
purpose became clear to him:
I would not be who I am today without these groups. These groups were the ones who
actually made me realize how important it is to learn about who I am as a person, as a
Black student, as a Black person in general.
Joe shared a similar narrative. Joe acknowledged that transitioning to college was the first time
that his identity as a Black man was not the majority and how the organization assisted with his
navigation of this new space:
I didn’t see race before I got to college. Just being in a predominantly Black background,
I am the majority. Until I got to a PWI, I didn’t visualize how miniscule I was in the
grand scheme of things, so joining Black orgs kind of emphasized that, but, at the same
time, gave me a purpose and a mission to understand who I was as an African American
man because I definitely had been disassociating that and believing that we’re in a post-
racial society and none of that stuff matters anymore. Joining these ethnic orgs, I learned
a lot about the history that wasn’t taught to me in school about all the African American
people.
Joe and Aaron expressed the organizations assisted in their transition into the campus as African
American men who had limited experiences existing in majority White spaces.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 71

While Joe and Aaron expressed that their involvement with ethnic-specific resources
allowed for discovery and appreciation of their Blackness, other participants who arrived at the
university with a stronger sense of Blackness grew to be more inclusive of Blackness. Two
students who viewed Blackness as a salient identity did not previously perceive the spectrum of
Blackness beyond their personal experience. Ebony expressed that, through her involvement
with resources, she learned that there is not just one way to be Black: “While being involved,
I’ve learned that there’s definitely a spectrum of Black identities, and there’s no one unique one
besides the fact that we’re all African American.” Brittany had a similar experience in growing
her perspective and educating others who engaged with resources about her Black narrative. She
mentioned that, upon entering the university, the feeling of ostracism did not come from non-
Black counterparts but from the Black community: “It was a little confusing, like a reverse
culture shock almost. There weren’t many people who just had similar experiences to me.”
However, she expressed a desire to engage with the resources. As a result of her involvement in
ethnic-specific resources, she was introduced to the spectrum that is Blackness:
I think I learned a lot about the variety of Blackness that exists in this country, and I think
they learned a lot about me and where I’m from. It’s very diverse, so I think that people
have become more inclusive and more open to different interests that people have and
just different types of Black people. I think it’s more integrated right now, and that’s
really nice to see people not being ostracized for being too Black or being too White or
whatever they’re from or their interests.
Although arriving to the university with a strong sense of Black identity, Ebony and Brittany
acknowledged that, their involvement led to personal growth and a greater acceptance of others.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 72

The two students expressed that the resources allowed for a greater understanding that Blackness
exists on a spectrum and is not limited to a singular experience.
For participants who arrived at the university with an awareness of their Blackness,
although it may not have been their most salient identity, there was a greater desire to learn about
the culture in general. The four remaining participants expressed that being involved in resources
allowed a greater sense of appreciation for their Black identity. They stated it made them more
aware of the identity and assisted in developing a sense of pride in their Black identity. Angie
mentioned that engagement with the Black community sparked a desire for her to conduct a
personal exploration of her identity. When asked if her involvement in ethnic-specific resources
hindered her development, she stated that they inspired the opposite: “If anything it’s encouraged
me to explore the ancestry. It inspired me to explore different parts of my ethnicity.” Cecil, like
Angie, arrived that the university with a surface-level understanding his Blackness and was
inspired to explore a deeper understanding of his personal narrative.
There are things that I didn’t really know. As far as slavery, Brazil and the Caribbean had
way more slaves than America. They were worked and had half the lifespan. I didn’t
know any of these things. It wasn’t until I got into these organizations with other
individuals that had bits and pieces to the story [that] I felt more educated about my
ancestors and my history.
Overall, all eight participants experienced growth in understanding, inclusion, and appreciation
related to their identity. Additionally, as a result of their involvement, they stated that they
developed tools to navigate non-Black spaces and when facing microaggressions and
stereotypes. Angie stated that being in the cultural center allowed her to have regular
conversations that contributed to her ability to navigate non-Black spaces. She mentioned that
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 73

the resources provided vocabulary that allowed her to represent herself verbally, as an African
American student: “It’s just given me so much more jargon and tools to be in any space and
create empathy for those individuals because I’ve already created that empathy and allowed
myself that space first.” Joe expressed a similar sentiment about thriving in hostile spaces. He
stated that the resources allowed him to develop confidence around his Blackness that
encouraged his navigation of moments where he felt as if he did not belong at the university:
I experienced things interacting with White people that kind of rubbed me the wrong
way, and these ethnic orgs helped me to understand how to react to those things and to
understand those things and still feel like I belong here, even if I run into situations that
make me feel like I don’t. I want to say that’s definitely been a helpful tool in
understanding my purpose here at the university as well as who I am with my Black
identity.
The tools that were provided by the ethnic-specific resources allowed for several of the student
participants to obtain vocabulary, self-awareness and self-confidence to navigate through their
college experience at a PWI.
Theme Summary
This section exemplified that involvement with ethnic-specific resources allowed
respondents to grow within their ethnic identity. This growth was due to engaging with other
African American students who also participated in the resources, engaged in enlightening
dialogues, and offered affirmation for their Black identity. Additionally, the resources allowed
for critical dialogues that allowed for growth in their awareness of how to manage conversations,
micro-aggressions, and moments where their identity was marginalized.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 74

Conclusion
This chapter provided a review of the eight interviews of African American students
involved with ethnic-specific resources at a PWI and their narratives as they moved towards
graduation. This chapter captured student narratives and provided insight into their experiences
related to sense of belonging, stereotype threat, and engagement with ethnic-specific resources
on campus. The following chapter reviews findings from the study and includes implications for
practice, recommendations for future work, and an overall summary of the study.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 75

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
Nationally, college acceptance rates for students from underrepresented populations have
increased (NCES, 2013). However, there exists a significant gap, approximately 22.2%, (NCES,
2013) between the graduation rates of African American students and their university
counterparts. The absence of sense of belonging has been identified as just one of several
possible reason for African American students’ lower graduation rates (Tierney, 1992). The
purpose of this qualitative study was to examine the perceptions of African American students at
a PWI regarding ethnic-specific resources and their role in their path to graduation. The goal was
to capture the narrative of graduating students who were actively engaged in various ethnic-
specific campus resources; as graduating seniors, their narratives directly connect ethnic-specific
resources to graduation. The aim of this chapter is to review the purpose of study, summarize the
findings, present implications for practice and present recommendations for research.
A key aspects of Tinto’s (1993) theory of student departure focuses on interactions
students have with peers, faculty, and staff. Using Tinto’s theory as a base, an interview protocol
was developed to inquire about relationships formed with peers, faculty, and staff. The protocol
helped explore the extent to which these relationships allowed interviewees to feel like they
belonged and what role they played in overall navigation of their college experience.
Participants’ narratives highlighted experiences that ranged from their freshman to their senior
year at the university. These experiences spoke to a sense of belonging with peers, faculty, staff,
and the university as a whole. They also spoke of specific roles that involvement in their
respective ethnic-specific resources played in their path to graduation. This chapter presents an
overarching summary of the results presented in Chapter Four.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 76

Discussion of Findings
The study consisted of interviews with eight graduating African American seniors who
participated in ethnic-specific resources during their tenure at a PWI in California. They were
involved with two to seven ethnic-specific resources. All participants were introduced to the
umbrella organization of the African Student Union and were all engaged with the university
cultural center for African American students. Data was collected through a structured interview
protocol, which took place in a one-on-one private setting.
Research Question One: Sense of Belonging
Participants described that development of a sense of belonging derived from different
sources. Overall, they felt like they belonged when they could be their authentic selves. Being
their authentic selves meant they did not feel pressured to code switch or judged for their
thoughts, perspectives or experiences. They felt able to openly exist in spaces of vulnerability.
These feelings echo the definition of sense of belonging established by Spady (1970). As their
authentic selves, participants were able to fit in and not feel pressured by the differences between
the environment and them (Spady, 1970). A level of authenticity among peers and faculty
contributed to their overall sense of belonging. This finding aligns with Tinto’s (1993) theory of
departure, as the theory addresses the importance of peer group, faculty, and staff interactions in
being connected to the university.
Additionally, students found a sense of belonging through their involvement in ethnic-
specific resources. Their involvement contributed feeling connected to other African American
students who were navigating the same troubles, worries, and concerns as they were. Their
involvement also allowed for an awareness that they deserved to attend the university and
alleviated feelings of isolation and loneliness. Students also reported that their involvement in
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 77

ethnic-specific resources served as a starting point or springboard to engage in the campus at
large. After being involved with ethnic-specific resources, respondents felt comfortable engaging
and actively participating in other types of resources and opportunities. Tinto’s (1993) theory of
student departure also addresses the importance of extracurricular activities in feeling connected
to the university.
Research Question Two: Stereotype Threat
The participant responses indicated that stereotype threat did not play a role in their
academic success. Although interviewees stated that, at times, they felt marginalized, they did
not feel affected by stereotype threat. There is as assumption that a qualitative study cannot
capture stress or anxiety levels. Additionally, the participants were graduating seniors who were
actively involved and engaged in ethnic-specific resources, which potentially countered
memories of stereotype threat. Stereotype threat has been defined as being at risk of confirming a
negative stereotype about one’s group (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Although participants were
selected due to being affected by stereotype threat, the measure asked for a reflection on their
freshman year. However, each student’s participation in ethnic-specific resources potentially
played a role in their not being able to recount feelings of self-handicapping (Keller, 2002),
disengagement (von Hippel et al., 2005), cognitive overload (Engle, 2001) or other symptoms of
stereotype threat. Although stereotype threat has traditionally been captured through comparative
studies of academic achievement (Steel and Aronson, 1995), future studies should aim to capture
the phenomenon through qualitative means.
There is a possibility that explicitly providing participants with the definition and
examples of stereotype threat may assist in participants being able to recall specific accounts the
experience. Additionally, a longitudinal study that specifically analyses the years between their
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 78

first and graduating year, could prove to provide an opportunity to account for the occurrence of
stereotype threat. As this study did not have the opportunity to speak with participants prior to, or
in the early stages of their active engagement in ethnic specific resources, it may not have been
able to capture experiences of stereotype threat that took place. Participants’ active engagement
in ethnic specific resources could have alleviated the threat, as the resources fostered ethnic
identity integration, positive self-efficacy, and encouraged authenticity; which are tools to reduce
stenotype threat (Steel and Aronson, 1995). Future studies looking at stereotype threat should
intentionally aim to capture narratives of anxiety, self-handicapping, disengagement and
cognitive overload throughout the students’ academic experience.
Research Question Three: Ethnic-Specific Resources
The results revealed that ethnic-specific resources provided access to possible selves and
mentors, closer relationships with faculty and staff, and leadership opportunities. Respondents
indicated an opportunity to meet students who had walked in their footsteps, which served as an
inspiration for several of them to eventually take on leadership roles to support and inspire
younger students. This is consistent with Harper and Quaye’s (2007) study connecting possible
selves to an academically and socially successful college experience. Participants also mentioned
that the resources allowed personal connections with upper-level administrators and other staff
members who served as personal mentors and assisted in their progress through the university.
They conveyed that the resources granted greater levels of involvement that affected their
academic performance. Overall, students articulated that this access was a direct result of being
engaged in their ethnic-specific resources, which played a role their reaching graduation.
The second theme derived from data analysis was that ethnic-specific resources led to
ethnic development. This result is supported in previous literature stating that ethnic identity
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 79

development leads to successful outcomes, especially for students from underrepresented
backgrounds (Museus, 2008; Ng, 2008). This development was sparked through conversations,
connections, and affirmation of ethnic identity. Additionally, being engaged with resources
allowed greater understanding of the spectrum that is Blackness and an overarching sense of
being more inclusive of Black and non-Black identities. Although not specifically stated, results
revealed examples that align with solutions determined to reduce stereotype threat (Steel, 2003).
Implications for Practice
The following section focuses on the implications of practice reinforced or discovered in
this study. These findings include support for ethnic-specific resources, importance of faculty
and staff roles, accountability of leadership in assisting with over-involvement, and ethnic-
specific resources as a stepping stone.
Support for Ethnic-Specific Resources
As universities become more diverse (NCES, 2013), there has been a national push for
student resources to become multicultural rather the ethnic-specific. This push has rerouted
funding once allocated to ethnic-specific resources to new initiatives (Hefner, 2002). Ethnic-
specific resources also face the challenge of being criticized as self-segregating and detaching
students from the university as a whole (Deo, 2013). Although an analysis of the effectiveness of
multicultural resources was not within the scope of this study, the findings indicate a student-
perceived value in ethnic-specific resources.
Throughout the study, there were several positives attributed to ethnic-specific resources,
such as access to possible selves with similar identities and ethnic identity development. Museus
(2008) found that ethnic-specific resources facilitated cultural adjustment. Based on this study’s
results, these resources aided in the participants’ retention and graduation. Although historically
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 80

under-resourced (Hefner, 2002), they have a positive impact on students’ lives. Funding and
resources can be beneficial in efforts to reduce disparities in graduation rates.
Importance of Faculty and Staff
According to Tinto (1993), positive peer interactions are as valuable as interactions with
faculty and staff. This study highlighted the role that faculty and staff play as instructors and
mentors and emotional support systems. Faculty and staff served as advisors for student
organizations or as staff at the cultural center. It is important that those who serve in this role
recognize the value of spaces of vulnerability, guidance, and overall support. Participants
reported close relationships with faculty and staff members they perceived as “family members.”
As reflected by this study, the role faculty and staff goes beyond the responsibility to sustain the
resources. Their roles are extended to creating access and pipelines to upper-level administrators,
academic guidance, and assistance with navigating future paths. This aligns with Stanton-
Salazar’s (2011) explanation of institutional agents and how they are critical in supporting and
empowering students from underrepresented backgrounds. These roles must be perceived by
faculty and staff as those of a mentor.
Over-Engagement: Accountability of Leadership
Although there were several positive aspects illustrated throughout this study, one area of
where improvement is needed is that of over-involvement. One student reported being involved
with “seven different resources.” Each student participant actively engaged in more than one
resource through their time at the university. Although there was an overall consensus that being
involved in ethnic-specific resources led to graduation, multiple students addressed the time that
being involved required. Participants felt personal connection to the resources, which led to a
feeling of obligation and time commitment.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 81

Respondents also mentioned that it was “easy to be so engaged that you lose focus on
your academics.” This supports Villapando’s (2003) notion that ethnic-specific resources
negatively affect student progress. With this understanding, there is a suggested responsibility of
leadership to encourage a more balanced approach to involvement. Due to the deep personal
relationship that the participants described, honest conversations about wellness and academic
priorities can be held. Several participants described feeling deep responsibility to their
community when describing being present for programs and activities. Leadership must inform
students of the importance of self-care and taking care of personal responsibilities, academic and
otherwise.
Resources as Stepping Stones to University
Participants mentioned their introduction to the African American community was
through campus organizations. These resources serve as the largest ethnic-specific spaces on
campus. As the participants became more acclimated to the university, they found smaller and
more intimate ethnic-specific spaces to meet their needs. The major implication is that larger
resources should serve as pipelines for students to develop an overarching sense of confidence to
explore ethnic-specific and non-ethnic-specific resources.
In contradiction to studies that support that ethnic-specific resources lead to racial
balkanization (Duster,1995), participants found their voice, connected with mentors, developed
their ethnic identity and ventured to non-ethnic-specific aspects of the campus. Respondents
stated that, although though they ventured outside of the community, they were comforted by
knowing there was a space that they could call home. Ethnic-specific resources should allow
students to find a home and, once comfortable, encourage students to connect to the campus at
large.
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 82

Recommendations for Future Research
This study focused on the role of ethnic-specific resources in graduation. As the findings
for this study are not generalizable to all 4-year colleges, it is important that further work focus
on topics of ethnic-specific resources to contribute to the overall body of work. Additional
research would be beneficial in developing a complete picture of the roles that these resources
play in African American students’ path to graduation.
Although the initial aim was to measure the impact of ethnic-specific resources on
stereotype threat, the qualitative measures utilized did not reveal substantial findings. A
recommendations is to develop a study on how students manage stereotype threat in their path to
graduation. Another effective means of measuring the role of stereotype threat could be to
conduct a longitudinal study to capture participants’ narratives throughout their college
education rather than asking them to recount from memory.
Future research could look into participants’ intersecting identities. Although this study
specifically focused on self-identifying African American students, it did not take into
consideration other identities like gender, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, or additional
ethnic identities. Future research could look at the intersectionality of participants and how they
perceive resources in their path to graduation. A specific identity that should be the focus of
future research is gender in terms of the role it plays on sense of belonging, ethnic identity
development, and engagement with ethnic-specific resources. From this study, there was a
significant difference narratives by gender. All of the men did not engage beyond casually
attending a meeting or event until their second year. They were also the participants who
articulated that, prior to enrolling at a PWI, being Black was not an important part of their
identity. As a group, they mentioned their identity shift to a greater understanding and
ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 83

appreciation of their Blackness during their second year. These narratives vary from those of the
women participants. All women in the study found their primary ethnic-specific resource during
their first year at the university. Their ethnic identity development also looked different from that
of the men. Rather than discovering their Blackness while at the university, the women entered
the university fully aware of their Blackness. Their growth was more focused on being inclusive
of the entire Black spectrum and individuals who did not identify as Black. Further research on
these differences would be beneficial to understanding and supporting how both genders
navigate ethnic-specific resources and the path to graduation.
Conclusion
As African American college admission rates increase nationally (NCES, 2016), attention
must be given to their graduation rates, which have remained the same. Regardless of the
students’ background, once accepted, universities have the obligation to ensure their success
(Bensimon, 2005). One potential remedy for their success, as shown through this study, is
engagement with ethnic-specific resources. This study reflected narratives that correlate
engagement in ethnic-specific directly with sense of belonging and support through connection
with others of similar ethnic identity development. Additionally, this study indicated a
correlation between student engagement and graduation. Overall, the study aligns with Tinto’s
(1993) theory of student departure as the resources allow for the informal interactions that lead to
retention and graduation. This study contributes to research on ethnic-specific resources and their
connection to graduation.

ETHNIC-SPECIFIC RESOURCES AND AFRICAN AMERICANS 84

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Asset Metadata

Creator Royster, Markeith Arentheo (author)

Core Title Ethnic-specific resources and the path to graduation for African American students at predominately White institutions

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 10/18/2018

Defense Date 09/07/2018

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American,cultural centers,ethnic specific resources,OAI-PMH Harvest,sense of belonging,student retention

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Baca, Rey (committee chair), Green, Alan (committee chair), Fischer, Linda (committee member)

Creator Email mr.royster@hotmail.com,mroyster@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-86538

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