University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

A qualitative examination of postsecondary education as a remedy to recidivism among formerly incarcerated African-American men

(USC Thesis Other)

A qualitative examination of postsecondary education as a remedy to recidivism among formerly incarcerated African-American men

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content RECIDIVISM 1

A Qualitative Examination of Postsecondary Education as a Remedy to Recidivism Among
Formerly Incarcerated African-American Men
by
Edward Rice

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

DECEMBER 2018

RECIDIVISM 2

Table of Contents

Chapter One: Overview of Study 5
Introduction 5
Background of Problem 6
Statement of Problem 8
Purpose of Study 10
Significance of Study 13
Organization of Study 14
Definition of Terms 15
Chapter Two: Literature Review 17
Introduction 17
Research Questions 18
Conceptual Framework 18
Critical Race Theory 18
Intentional Recidivism 21
Prison Industrial Complex 21
Transformative Resistance Theory 24
Education and Inmates 28
The Cost of Educating Inmates 31
Race and Recidivism 34
RECIDIVISM 3
Education and Race 36
Summary 40
Chapter Three: Methodology 42
Methods 42
Participants 45
Measures 46
Site Selection 47
Data Analysis 48
Coding 48
Limitations and Delimitations 49
Credibility and Trustworthiness 50
Researcher Positionality 51
Ethics 52
Chapter Four: Presentation of Data and Findings 55
Section 1: Participant Profile 57
Section 2: Research Question 1—Accessing Postsecondary Education 61
Section 3: Research Question 2—Preventing Recidivism 73
Section 4: Framework Analysis 83
Chapter Five: Summary, Discussion of Findings,
Recommendations and Implications 90
Summary 90
Discussion of Findings 92
Recommendations 93
RECIDIVISM 4
Implications for Further Research 96
Conclusions 99
Bibliography 101

RECIDIVISM 5
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Introduction
It’s no secret that the U.S. incarcerates more of its citizen than any other country in the
world. According to MacKenzie & Weiss (2009), the United States incarcerates more people
than any other developed country, despite little evidence that high incarceration rates reduce
crime. In their study, MacKenzie & Weiss note that while the U.S. is home to merely 5% of the
world population, its home to 25% of the world’s prison population. By the end of 2007, nearly
1.6 million prisoners were incarcerated in federal and state prisons; with another 780,000 being
held in local jails—that equates to 756 inmates per 100,000 citizens, which is more than any
other Western democracy (MacKenzie & Weiss, 2009).
Another widely accepted truth of the U.S. penal system reveals people of color,
specifically African Americans, are disproportionately represented within the criminal justice
system in the U.S. (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). In that same study, Brewer & Heitzeg (2008) note
that more than three quarter of a million Black men are now behind bars, and 2 million are under
some form of correctional supervision in the U.S. Additionally, one in every eight Black men
between the ages of 25 and 34 are in either prison or jail. Moreover, many of these prisoners
never break the cycle of incarceration and contiue to recidivate or become reincarcerated for a
new crime.
The most recent national-level study on recidivism conducted by the Bureau of Justice
Statistics (BJS) in 1994, showed that over two-thirds (67.5%) of the prisoners released had been
rearrested for a new offense within three years; and almost half (46.9%) of the prisoners had
been reconvicted of a new crime. The most troubling aspect of mass incarceration and recidivism
rates is that compelling data (which is detailed later in this study) also exists, which strongly
RECIDIVISM 6
suggests that postsecondary education programs reduce recidivism and unfortunately they have
been widely ignored or discounted as policy makers have enacted policies that severely hinder
and limit inmates access to postsecondary education.
Background of the Problem
Nils Christie author of the book, Crime Control As Industry: Towards Gulags, Western
Style, in 1993 penned one of the first books to tackle the subject of mass incarceration. In it Christie
points out, the dramatic rise in incarceration rates in the U.S between 1991 and 1999. According
to Christie, in 1991 the US prison population reached 1,219,014 or 482 prisoners per 100,000
inhabitants. Just over two years later by 1993, the prison population had risen to 1,369,185 or 537
prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants. By the end of the decade in 1999 the U.S held approximately
1,934,532 or 709 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants—and by February of 2000 the US prison
population reached the 2 million mark. In his book, Christie tracked prisoners in state and federal
prisons for almost 55 years. Figure 1, below illustrates the growth of the US prison population
during that time between 1945 and 1999.

RECIDIVISM 7
Note. Adapted from, “Crime Control As Industry: Towards Gulags, Western Style” by Nils
Christie, 1993
Figure 1. US Prisoners in State and Federal institutions per 100,000 resident population

The most revealing aspect of Christie’s chart is that for almost 35 years the US prison
population remained fairly consistent at approximately 100 prisoners per 100,000 residents. The
data indicates that an upward trend in prison populations began in the 80’s and continued with the
most dramatic increases in prison populations occurring in the 90’s. The increase in prison
poulations during the 90’s is central to this study because it coincides with another phenomenon
the Prison Industry Complex. The Prison Industrial Complex, as described by Brewer & Heitzeg
(2008)
“is a self-perpetuating machine where the vast profits (e.g., cheap labor, private and public
supply and construction contracts, job creation, continued media profits from exaggerated
crime reporting, and crime/punishment as entertainment) and perceived political benefits
(e.g., reduced unemployment rates, “get tough on crime” and public safety rhetoric,
funding increases for police, and criminal justice system agencies and professionals) lead
to policies that are additionally designed to ensure an endless supply of “clients” for the
criminal justice system (e.g., enhanced police presence in poor neighborhoods and
communities of color; racial profiling; decreased funding for public education combined
with zero-tolerance policies and increased rates of expulsion for students of color;
increased rates of adult certification for juvenile offenders; mandatory minimum and three-
strikes sentencing; draconian conditions of incarceration and a reduction of prison services
that contribute to the likelihood of recidivism…”
RECIDIVISM 8
Statement of the Problem
Despite popular belief, the most common goal of incarceration in the United States is not
punishment but rather rehabilitation. Stevens and Ward (1997), detail in their research that in
order to determine the legally mandated purpose of state correctional departments, researchers
examined the legal codes of all fifty states. As a result, it was determined that rehabilitation is in
fact, the most common goal for correctional organizations with 41 states mandating its use.
Social theorists attempting to explain the U.S. incarceration phenomenon, suggest that the
intended purpose of imprisonment is to preserve social order. In the preservation of social order,
incarceration is also viewed as a tool to rehabilitate deviants into productive citizens, as well as
mete out “just desserts” to those who cross the bounds of socially tolerable behavior, or to
provide a credible threat that deviant behavior will incur harsh costs (Smith, 2004). However, as
previously noted, the BJS reported that within 3 years of release, 67.5% of stated prisoners were
rearrested for a new offense and most notably, within 3 months of release, roughly 30% of the
inmates had been rearrested (Cullen, Jonson, & Nagin, 2011). Here, it’s important to note that
researchers have indicated that social, psychological, and demographic factors correlate
powerfully with recidivism. Most inmates released from prison are released into the community
unskilled, undereducated, and highly likely to become involved in crime again. As a result,
recidivism in the United States is extraordinarily high, ranging from 41% to 71% (Karpowitz &
Kenner, 2010). Therefore, it is safe to conclude correctional organizations in the U.S. are failing
to rehabilitate prisoners and ensure upon their release, inmates go on to lead productive lives,
make positive contributions to society and not return to prison. Furthermore, even more troubling
are the number of reports that suggest recidivism is a problem that can be significantly reduced
by providing inmates access to education. According to Karpowitz & Kenner (2010), prison-
RECIDIVISM 9
based education is the single most effective tool for lowering recidivism. In their 2010 study,
Karpowitz and Kenner state that according to the National Institute of Justice Report to the U.S.
Congress (1997) prison education is far more effective at reducing recidivism than boot camps,
shock incarceration, or vocational training. In the same study the authors contend that in 1997
“The Three State Recidivism Study” for the United States Department of Education using
education participation as the major variable, revealed that “simply attending school behind bars
reduces the likelihood of reincarceration by 29% (Karpowitz & Kenner, 2010). Most
importantly, since 1990 the literature examining recidivism has concluded that prisoners who
attend educational programs while they are incarcerated are less likely to return to prison
following their release. Studies in several states have indicated that recidivism rates have
declined where inmates have received an appropriate education (Vacca, 2004).
The problem with recidivism is that there’s an ailment to address the issue but its
existence is allowed because it’s a necessary function of the prison industrial complex. Private
industries, which benefit from prison labor, need sufficient quantities of raw materials to
guarantee long term growth in the prison industry. The raw materials that the company needs are
prisoners. Unfortunately, the industry will do what it must to guarantee a steady supply of
prisoners—to ensure that the supply continues and grows criminal policies must deliver a
sufficient number of incarcerated Americans whether crime is rising or incarceration is necessary
(Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008).
Our current penal system has abandoned rehabilitation as a goal in favor of profits.
Today’s prisons are more than just a place to send the criminally inclined of our society—they
have become a source of cheap labor and increased profits for various industries (Brewer &
Heitzeg, 2008). Incarceration in America has most notably become a black hole of poverty,
RECIDIVISM 10
crime and diminished opportunities. Instead of functioning as an institution where people go to
pay a debt to society, prisons are political battlegrounds devoid of humanity where people are
valued more as a commodity. Taking that into consideration, the research questions which
motivates this study are, “How does postsecondary education (or formal job training) counteract
recidivism and how do formerly incarcerated African American men access and successfully
navigate higher education systems?”
Purpose of the Study
At the macro level, recidivism has been examined and thoroughly discussed. However,
the perspectives of those who have personal experiences in this system are rarely part of the
conversation. The bulk of the existing literature on recidivism has focused on the rate of return of
inmates. For example, the largest and most recent study of recidivism from 1994 documents the
rate of return of inmates at the federal and state level. Other reports such as Education Reduces
Crime: Three-State Recidivism Study (Steurer & Smith, 2003); The Effect of College
Programming on Recidivism Rates at the Hampden County House of Correction : A 5-Year
Study (Visian, Burke, & Vivian, 2001) and The Effect of Correctional Education on Postrelease
Employment and Recidivism (Lockwood, Nally, Ho, & Knutson, 2012) have reported on
recidivism from a purely numerical perspective. The gap in the literature exists as it relates to the
attainment of education by inmates. Despite the criminal justice and prison industrial complex
system acting upon African American men, many African American male inmates find a way to
disrupt the cycle of recidivism by fighting for their education. Understanding these men’s stories
and perspectives will help us understand the importance of postsecondary education in breaking
the cycle of recidivism—their stories have been hidden and not given a platform to be an agent
for change.
RECIDIVISM 11
Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine personal stories of recidivism, a
complex story that reaches beyond the numbers. This study will contribute to the literature on
recidivism, the experiences of African-American men who have been incarcerated and did not
recidivate. Through the inmate’s stories the study will examine how inmates are able to attain
education amidst considerable obstacles aimed at ensuring their retention in prison.
From “invisible punishments” (collateral consequences of incarceration such as voter
disenfranchisement; 48 states prohibit prisoners from voting; 32 states prohibit felons on parole
from voting and 28 states prohibit individuals on probation from voting ) meant to further
decimate communities of color to the prison industrial complex, where vast profits and perceived
political benefits lead to policies which reduce prison services, increase recidivism and all but
guarantee continued participation in crime and a return to prison upon release; African-American
men were never meant to recover from incarceration (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). The penal and
criminal justice systems in America are meant to maintain White supremacy and its legal
structures (Smith, 2004).
This study will also explore race as a motivating factor, which has allowed recidivism to
be perpetuated within the prison industry because it primarily affects African-American men and
their communities. In the current literature on recidivism, recidivism is discussed as a byproduct
of the system rather than a function of it; meant to affect primarily communities of color,
specifically African-American communities. Consider, K. B. Smith (2004) in his study offered
five explanations for incarceration: the underclass hypothesis, the democracy-in-action
hypothesis, the partisanship hypothesis, the electoral cycle hypothesis, and the policy hypothesis.
In the underclass hypothesis, Smith argues that social fault lines appear around racial
and/or class differences and that the greater the proportion of the disfavored group in a
RECIDIVISM 12
population the greater its perceived threat to the favored group. Thus, as the underclass grows so
does the use of prisons as a means to protect the dominant position of those at the top of the
social hierarchy. In his discussion of the underclass hypothesis, K.B. Smith (2004) also includes
the racial threat hypothesis. The racial threat hypothesis contends that “White racial hostility is a
common feature of American political life, and it frequently varies as a direct function of blacks’
presence in the population.” Finally, the author offers an empirical analysis which suggest that
blacks are the particular target rather than minorities generally—the presence of other minority
groups (such as Latinos) do not show up as significant predictors of incarceration in multivariate
analyses. Political activist and educator Angela Davis provides further evidence in her study,
which argues that racism is at the core of the criminal justice and creates an environment where
recidivism is not only welcomed but can flourish.
“To deliver up bodies destined for profitable punishment, the political economy of
prisons relies on racialized assumptions of criminality…and on racist practices in
arrest, conviction, and sentencing patterns. Colored bodies constitute the main
human raw material in this vast experiment to disappear the major social
problems of our time. Once the aura of magic is stripped away from the
imprisonment solution, what is revealed is racism, class bias, and the parasitic
seduction of capitalist profit” (Davis, 2000)
Therefore, this study will show how recidivism functions as a part of the prison industrial
complex to the detriment of African-American male inmates; how education is effective at
disrupting the cycle of recidivism and the role of race in the proliferation of recidivism.

RECIDIVISM 13
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because it seeks to contribute to the literature, the stories of
prisoners who in spite of the prison industrial complex attained postsecondary education. Rather
than simply report the numbers, an important component of the recidivism narrative that is
currently missing is how inmates attained postsecondary education within a racist system designed
for them to recidivate. The study will also attempt to frame the educational attainment of inmates
as a form of transformative resistance. Transformational Resistance, is one of four different types
of student oppositional behaviors and it refers to student behavior that provides both a critique of
oppression and a desire for social justice (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001). As a theoretical concept it
focuses on the transformative potential of resistance and it possess the greatest potential of change
of the four types of student oppositional behavior (Covarrubias & Revilla, 2003). Transformative
resistance is relevant to this study because as described by Solorzano & Bernal (2001) theories of
resistance are moving toward an interest in the discussion between human agency (the confidence
and skills to act on one’s behalf) and structure and the opportunity for transformational resistance
when examining the oppositional behaviors and academic achievement of historically
underrepresented minorities. Simply stated, transformative resistance seeks to examine student’s
level of awareness and critique of their oppressive conditions and structures of oppression and
their motivation by social justice to overcome them (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001). As it pertains to
this study, the education attainment of African-American male inmates will be examined as a form
of resistance to the oppressive conditions (the U.S. penal system) and structures of oppression (the
prison industrial complex). Moreover, inmate educational attainment will be explored as a form of
transformational resistance because it is a direct attempt to overcome the intended outcome
(recidivism) of the established institution. Ultimately, the researcher believes the attainment of
RECIDIVISM 14
education among inmates can be seen as transformational because of its social justice implications.
By attaining education and not recidivating the study will show how the subjects were able to
break the cycle of poverty, incarceration and lawlessness.
Finally, one of the aims of this study is to provide a counternarrative to the master narrative,
which suggests that recidivism is a result of individual choices rather than systemic racism.
Solorzano & Bernal (2001), note in their study that Richard Delgado (1989) defines
counternarratives (or counterstorytelling) as a technique of telling the story of those experiences
not often shared and a tool for challenging the stories of those in power whose stories is a natural
part of the dominant discourse or master narrative. There are several theoretical, methodological,
and pedagogical functions of counterstorytelling (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001) For this study, the
researcher will employ the use of counterstorytelling for the following purposes: 1). To build
community among those at the margins of society by putting a human and familiar face to
educational theory and practice; 2). Challenge the perceived wisdom of those at society’s center;
3). Open new windows into the reality of those at the margins of society by showing the
possibilities beyond the ones they live and to show that they are not alone in their position; 4).
Provide a context to understand and transform established belief systems (Solorzano & Bernal,
2001).
Organization of the Study
The theories which will provide the framework for this study include: Critical
Race Theory (CRT) (Delgado & Stefancic, 2006), Transformational Resistance Theory
(Solorzano & Bernal, 2001) and the Prison Industrial Complex (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008)
Through review of the theoretical concepts and the research which ground this study, the
researcher will explore how race and capitalism are used to expand industry and increase profits
RECIDIVISM 15
at the expense of the advancement of inmates within the prison system. The next chapter begins
with an overview of CRT and its use as a framework in this study. In particular, because of
CRT’s roots in law, its relationship to civil rights and its ability to provide a lens to critique the
Prison Industrial Complex and understand how, “racism advances the interests of both white
elites (materially) and working-class people (psychically); large segments of society that have
little incentive to eradicate it”(Delgado & Stefancic, 2006). The next section in the chapter,
provides a historical overview of the Prison Industrial Complex and describes the convergence of
political, bureaucratic and economic interests within the modern US prison system that
prioritizes capital gains over humanity. The third section addresses Transformative Resistance
Theory and examines how it was used to frame Chicana/Chicano student resistance and how it
can apply to this study. Finally, the researcher will examine education and recidivism research to
demonstrate how education reduces recidivism; and how investing in prison education programs
is more cost effective than building more prisons.
Definition of Terms
For the purposes of this study, the following words and terms are defined below:
Prison Industrial Complex: a convergence of the economic and political interests of exalting
corporate profits and elite power from incarceration (Davis, 2000; Parenti, 1999; Schlosser,
1998). The term is used to describe the magnitude of the involvement of private, for-profit
enterprise in the corrections system. The prison industrial complex comprises two major
segments: prison privatization and prison industrialization (Chang & Thompkins, 2002)
Human Capital: A major part of the prison problem is that an enormous amount of human capital
is lost with the incarceration of African American men during their most productive years. These
men learn few transferable skills while they are in prison, and when they are finally released,
RECIDIVISM 16
they are useless to themselves and to others. Becker (1975) provides a working definition of
human capital:
“Schooling, a computer training course, expenditures of medical care, and
lectures on the virtues of punctuality and honesty also are capital. That is because
they raise earnings, improve health, or add to a person’s good habits over much of
his lifetime. Therefore, economists regard expenditures on education, training,
medical care, and so on as investments in human capital. They are called human
capital because people cannot be separated from their knowledge, skills, health, or
values in the way they can be separated from their financial and physical assets”
(Hattery & Smith, 2007)
Incarceration: Blumstein (1998), defines incarceration as, “a tool to rehabilitate deviants into
productive citizens, to mete out “just desserts” to those who cross the bounds of socially
tolerable behavior, or to provide a credible threat that deviant behavior will incur harsh costs.”
(Smith, 2004)
Recidivism: the act of reoffending, rearrest, or reincarceration, among prisoners within the prison
system (Mukamal, Solomon, Brazzell, Crayton, & Lindahl, 2009).

RECIDIVISM 17
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
High rates of recidivism, or the return of inmates to confinement after being released,
suggests that incarceration as a deterrent to crime may not be as effective as once believed. In
their study of recidivism, Langan and Levin (2002) traced the criminal involvement of state
prisoners released in 1994. Langan and Levin (2002) reported that within 3 years of release,
67.5% of the prisoners were rearrested for a new offense, 46.9% were reconvicted for a new
crime, and 25.4% were resentenced to prison. Notably, within 3 months of release, roughly 30%
of the inmates had been rearrested (Cullen et al., 2011).
This literature review examines the effectiveness of post-secondary education prison
programs at reducing recidivism. The literature review examines five-year recidivism studies
conducted in Indiana and Massachusetts; in addition to recidivism studies conducted in North
Carolina, Maryland, Minnesota, Ohio and other factors to summarize the different perspectives
of the effectiveness of prison post-secondary programs at reducing recidivism. The researcher
will also explore potential legislative efforts to limit inmates access to post-secondary programs
in order to enable the proliferation of the prison industry.
In reviewing the literature on recidivism, three themes are evident: 1) Recidivism is an
intentional function of the Prison Industrial Complex; 2). Recidivism is a result of structural
racism and capitalism and 3). Recidivism can be reduced by education. In order to gain a more in
depth understanding of recidivism each theme will be explored further in the literature review.

RECIDIVISM 18
Research Questions
Two research questions are posed for this study are to explore the perspectives of men
who have been deeply impacted by this system. The questions ask for these men’s perspective
about the relationship between postsecondary education and recidivism while exploring the
impact education has on inmates lives as well as those within their immediate community.
Moreover, the researcher seeks to align inmates’ strategies to persist and obtain postsecondary
education to related transformational resistance strategies. The research questions include:

1. How do formerly incarcerated African American men access and successfully
navigate post-secondary education?
2. How does the post-secondary educational experiences of formerly incarcerated
African American men act in retaliation to recidivism among formerly
incarcerated African-American men?

Conceptual Framework
Critical Race Theory
Today, the majority of the research on recidivism simply identifies recidivism as a
problem within the modern U.S. penal system. As Vacca (2004) indicated in his study, the
research has shown since 1990 that education reduces recidivism. Vacca (2004) is supported in
his claim by other studies such as College Education and Recidivism: Criminals Is Meritorious
(Stevens & Ward, 1997b) and Education as Crime Prevention: The Case for Reinstating Pell
Grant Eligibility for the Incarcerated (Karpowitz & Kenner, 2010) which also confirm that
education reduces recidivism. The abundance of evidence which suggests education reduces
RECIDIVISM 19
recidivism combined with the on-going persistence of recidivism implies, at minimum, that
recidivism is intentional. Continuing to simply name the problem of recidivism in the literature
while avoiding explicit efforts to humanize the issue allows people to ignore its true impact on
the lives of inmates and their communities, while dismissing the racism at its core. Thus, Critical
Race Theory (CRT) will be used to examine recidivism because it will allow the researcher to
center the issue on those impacted by it, instead of focusing on the need for social order and the
irrational fears of White supremacist structures.
According to Delgado & Stefancic (2006) Critical Race Theory (CRT) began as a law
movement and has its roots in law, which makes it even more relevant to this study. CRT seeks
to ascertain how society organizes itself along racial lines and hierarchies; as well as questions
the very foundations of the liberal order, including equality theory, legal reasoning,
Enlightenment rationalism, and neutral principles of constitutional law (Delgado & Stefancic,
2006). One of the themes of CRT, is the premise that racial privilege and related oppression are
deeply rooted in both our history and our law, thus making racism a “normal and ingrained
feature of our landscape” (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). More importantly, in the same study the
researchers state that, “CRT acknowledges the myriad ways in which the legal constructions of
race have produced and reproduced systemic economic, political, and social advantages for
Whites.” Therefore, if analyzed through a CRT lens, one could conclude that the Prison
Industrial Complex is just one of the myriad of possibilities that the legal construction of race has
manifested.
In addition to observing racism as a “normal and ingrained feature of our landscape,”
another principle of CRT is the idea of interest convergence. Interest Convergence, is the belief
that racist systems will consider and advance the interests of people of color, only when it
RECIDIVISM 20
promotes and preserves the self-interest of Whites (López, 2003). For example, despite
overwhelming evidence which suggests post-secondary education in prisons has positive effects
on inmates’ lives, the data is either ignored in most cases or simply dismissed altogether.
A third and critical component of CRT is the counternarrative. In CRT, the stories of
people of color are centered and there is a belief in the unique voice of color. In their book on
CRT, Delgado & Stefancic (2006) emphasize the importance of voices of color within the master
narrative by noting that because of their different histories and experiences with oppression,
black, Indian, Asian, and Latino/a writers and thinkers may be able to communicate to their
white counterparts matters that they are unlikely to know. López, (2003) describes it in even
more compelling terms as two different realities. Lopez (2003) states that CRT scholars believe
there are two differing accounts of reality: the dominant reality that “looks ordinary and natural”
to most individuals, and a racial reality that has been filtered out, suppressed, and censored. As a
result, Lopez (2003) concludes,
“…the counterstories of people of color are those stories that are not told, stories
that are consciously and/or unconsciously ignored or downplayed because they do
not fit socially acceptable notions of truth. By highlighting these subjugated
accounts, CRT hopes to demystify the notion of a racially neutral society and tell
another story of a highly racialized social order: a story where social institutions
and practices serve the interest of White individuals.”
For the purposes of this study, the researcher will employ the use of counternarratives to
illuminate the stories of former prisoners who have persisted through the prison industrial
complex and educations systems in order to attain higher education. It is the researcher’s belief
that adding these stories to the recidivism narrative will help disrupt the cycle of recidivism;
RECIDIVISM 21
while continuing to expose and challenge the prison industrial complex.
Intentional Recidivism
In their study, Steurer & Smith (2003) described how during the late 80’s and early 90’s
most states were struggling to keep education programs in the prisons and did not have the funds
for research needed to examine the effectiveness of correctional education programs. Steurer &
Smith (2003) stated, “The U.S. Department of Education, Office of Correctional Education, saw
the need for a study to assess whether or not correctional education programs were reducing the
risk of recidivism for those inmates reentering their communities” (Steurer & Smith, 2003). As a
result of the studies on recidivism during the late 80’s to mid 90’s, the idea that post-secondary
education could reduce recidivism and rehabilitate the lives of inmates began to gain traction but
it stalled as a result of the Prison Industrial Complex.

The Prison Industrial Complex
The Prison Industrial Complex describes the convergence of political, bureaucratic and
economic interests within the modern US prison system that prioritizes capital gains over
humanity. In 1998, the term “The Prison Industrial Complex” was coined by either Eric
Schlosser or Angela Davis to examine correlations between the prison system, multi-national
corporations, private businesses and inmate populations in the social and political economy of
21st century United States (Thompson, 2012). “Prison privatization requires collaboration among
business leaders, elected state officials, political party elites, and correctional experts. Elected
officials were attracted to what corporations promised: to absorb the soaring incarceration rate
while saving taxpayers money” (Chang & Thompkins, 2002). In that same study, Chang and
Thompkins (2002) noted the conflict of interest associated with the privatization of prisons.
RECIDIVISM 22
“For-profit firms may put profit motives ahead of the interests of the public and inmates, and the
purpose of imprisonment. To expand their markets, it is in the interest of private correctional
companies to deny inmates due process, lengthen their prison time, and lobby for laws and
policies that create more imprisonment.” Schneider (2000) found that states with more private
contracts in 1996 had higher rates of incarceration in 1997, when the factor of state budget was
controlled.
Based on the literature, the success of the prison industry relies primarily on an influx of
prisoners. More prisoners mean more prisons, and more prisons equal larger profit margins for
the prison industry. Ultimately, recidivism produces repeats customers for the prison industry.
Hence, despite much of the data which suggests that post-secondary education in prisons
positively impacts inmates’ lives and reduces recidivism, the prison market requires a steady
supply of prisoners and recidivism ensures that supply. Thus, anything that decreases recidivism
is a threat to the bottom line of the prison industry. Brewer and Heitzeg (2008), cite Dozinger
(1996) who contends that,
“Companies that service the criminal justice system need sufficient quantities of
raw materials to guarantee long term growth in the criminal justice field, the raw
material is prisoners. . . . The industry will do what it must to guarantee a steady
supply. For the supply of prisoners to grow, criminal justice policies must insure a
sufficient number of incarcerated Americans whether crime is rising or the
incarceration is necessary. (p. 87)
As indicated throughout the literature there is a direct correlation between the expansion
of prison industrial markets and harsher laws which increase imprisonment. The literature also
exposes a direct relationship between education attainment, capitalism and policy making in the
RECIDIVISM 23
prison industry. To illustrate the relationship between race, capitalism and policy, Fig. 2
identifies key events between 1970 and 2000 which lead to the prison industrial complex and the
industrialization of the U.S. prison system.

Figure 2. Key Events in U.S. Prison Industry between 1970-2000 (Chang & Thompkins, 2002)
The literature reveals a system fixated on profits and motivated by White supremacy to
maintain a social order, that is harmful to African American men and communities of color.
While we know that education reduces recidivism, what is less apparent in the literature are the
stories of those inmates who survived prison and attained their education. The researcher seeks
to understand how African-American who were incarcerated broke the cycle of recidivism and
how they used their education to improve their lives and the lives of those around them. The
researcher posits that their struggle to change their life by attaining education, breaking the cycle
U.S. incarceration
rates are on par with
most industrialized
nations at 100 per
100,000 citizens
(1970)
Congress enacts the
Prison Industry
Certification
Program. This
program allowed
businesses to employ
inmates and sell
prisoner goods in
interstate commerce
(1979)
Correction
Corporation of
America (CCA), the
first and largest
correctional
corporation was
founded--it's co-
founder Thomas
Beasley was the
former chairman of
the Tennessee State
Republican Party
(1983)
U.S. prison
population
increases to 482
prisoners per
100,000
inhabitants
(1991)
U.S. prison
population
extends to 537
prisoners per
100,000
inhabitants. (1993)
By February of
2000 the US
prison population
reached the 2
million mark
(2000)
Regan begin war on
crime and drugs
and enacts
Comprehensive
Crime Control Act
of 1984 (1984)
Regan enacts
the Anti-Drug
Abuse Act of
1986 (1986)
CCA becomes a
publicly traded
company--between
1992 through 1997
CCA ranked as one
of five top
performers on the
NYSE (1986)
These pieces of legislation
increase the federal criminal
justice budget and promote anti-
offender mandatory sentencing
policies, law enforcement
practices and judicial processes.
The bill created new federal crimes, mandated
more severe minimum sentencing, enforced
border patrol control, budgeted $30 billion to
hire 100,000 police officers and construct more
prison--often referenced as the cause of
increased number of African American and
Latino men in prison.
Bill Clinton signs
controversial Violent
Crime Control and
Law Enforcement
Act of 1994
U.S. prison
population
reaches 200
prisoners per
100,000
inhabitants
(1987)
Drug offenders (violent &
non-violent) in state and
federal prisons increased
by 1000% between 1980
and 1997
RECIDIVISM 24
of recidivism and positively impacting the lives of those around them, can be interpreted as a
form of transformative resistance.

Transformative Resistance Theory
In their 2001 study, Examining Transformational Resistance Through A Critical Race
and LatCrit Theory Framework: Chicana and Chicano Students In An Urban Context, Solórzano
& Bernal use Critical Race Theory and LatCrit Theory to examine Chicana and Chicano student
resistance. The researchers study two events—the 1968 East Los Angeles school walkouts and
the 1993 UCLA student strike for Chicana and Chicano studies—along with qualitative inquiry
and counterstorytelling to analyze the construct of student resistance and its transformative
potential. The authors of the study assert that the current body of work on school resistance tends
to focus primarily on working class males and their self-defeating resistance. Solórzano and
Bernal contend, “Chicana and Chicano students have engaged and indeed do engage in resistance
that is motivated by a desire to create more just and equitable learning environments. However,
this resistance is almost entirely ignored by social scientists” (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001). At the
core of the motivation for the author’s study, is their claim that current resistant studies focus on
youth participation in oppositional behavior that reinforces social inequality, rather than offer
examples of how oppositional behavior may be an impetus toward social justice. As a result, the
authors identify four frames of oppositional behavior to analyze Chicana/o student resistance as a
form of social justice; as well as extend the definition of transformative resistance to include
resilient resistance. The behavior frames that the authors identify include:
1. Reactionary Behavior- oppositional behavior that is not a form of resistance because
the student lacks both a critique of her or his oppressive conditions and is not
RECIDIVISM 25
motivated by social justice. In addition, the student is not motivated by an interest in
social justice and may challenge the teacher or other authority figures “just for kicks”
or “to see the teacher sweat.”

2. Self-defeating Resistance- This is the traditional notion of school resistance. Self-
defeating resistance refers to students who may have some critique of their oppressive
social conditions but are not motivated by an interest in social justice. These students
engage in behavior that is not transformational and in fact helps to re-create the
oppressive conditions from which it originated.

3. Conformist Resistance- This form of resistance refers to the oppositional behavior of
students who are motivated by a need for social justice yet hold no critique of the
systems of oppression. These students are motivated by a desire to struggle for social
justice yet engage in activities and behavior within a more liberal tradition. They want
life chances to get better for themselves and others but are likely to blame themselves,
their families, or their culture for the negative personal and social conditions.

4. Transformational Resistance- This form of resistance refers to student behavior that
illustrates both a critique of oppression and a desire for social justice. Hence, the
student holds some level of awareness and critique of her or his oppressive conditions
and structures of domination and must be at least somewhat motivated by a sense of
social justice (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001).
RECIDIVISM 26
Also, included in Solórzano & Bernal’s (2001) analysis of Chicana and Chicano students’
transformational resistance is the notion of resilient resistance. The authors note that resilient
resistance is, “surviving and/or succeeding through the educational pipeline as a strategic
response to visual microaggressions.” Chicano and Chicana students’ effort to create more just
and equitable learning environments parallels inmates’ effort to attain education and break the
cycle of recidivism. Student resistance which leads to social transformation, according to
Solorzano & Bernal (2001) in their study of Chicano resistance, explores how oppositional
behavior may be an impetus toward social justice. In that study, the researchers seek to explore
student resistance outside of the working class male framework which is the norm. Solorzano &
Bernal (2001) note how specifically, the small but growing body of work on the phenomenon of
school resistance tends to focus primarily on working-class males and their self-defeating
resistance. In their study, it was important for the researchers to center the story of student
resistance on Chicano/Chicana students and allow their experiences to provide insight to a
manifestation of student resistance other than the working-class male narrative (Solorzano &
Bernal, 2001).
Many inmates, especially inmates of color enter prison with very little education and low
job skills and upon release return to communities with no job prospects, no skills and eventually
resort to crime in order to survive (Mukamal et al., 2009). One of the most notable studies on
recidivism, Langan & Levin, (2002) revealed that within three months of release nearly three-
fourths of prisoners recidivate, thus the expectation within the prison industry is that most
prisoners will return. Although for inmates who don’t return, their education is about more than
job readiness or even avoiding more jail time—their education can be a means of self-efficacy.
Mukamal, Solomon, et al (2009) conclude: “Education in the prison setting provides far more
RECIDIVISM 27
than a degree and lower recidivism rates . . . Through its transformational powers, it provides for
a socialization and self-actualization process that no other treatment program can offer. It allows
offenders to better understand their own self-worth and potential.”
By, honing their cognitive skills the researcher contends that much like their
Chicano/Chicana student resistance counterparts, inmates in their quest for educational
attainment are engaged in resilient resistance. Solorzano & Bernal, (2001) argue resilient
resistance is where the behavior frames of conformist resistance and transformative resistance
intersect. In resilient resistance, the strategies students use to resist structures of domination
leave the structures intact yet help the students survive or succeed (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001).
For example, the authors discuss Chicana and Chicano students attempts to “prove them wrong.”
According to Solórzano & Bernal (2001) proving them wrong is how Chicana and Chicano
students confront negative images and portrayals of Chicanos and use them as inspiration to
navigate the education system for themselves and other Chicanos. As it applies to inmates,
educational attainment has been proven to be key to their survival and success in life outside of
prison. Historically, education has been widely recognized as a pathway to assimilation and
economic mobility for immigrant and other disadvantaged populations throughout the U.S.
(Mukamal et al., 2009). For those involved in the criminal justice system, education offers a path
to increased employment, reduced recidivism, and improved quality of life (Mukamal et al.,
2009). Subsequently, attaining education while in prison may not on its own unravel the prison
industrial complex; but it does play a pivotal role in disrupting the cycle of recidivism—an
important cornerstone of the prison industrial complex (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001).
For the purposes of my study, the fourth frame (transformative resistance) and resilient
resistance are most relevant. In my study, I will use qualitative inquiry and counterstorytelling to
RECIDIVISM 28
analyze the attainment of postsecondary education within the prison industrial complex as a form
transformative resistance; while illuminating the struggles among African-American male
inmates to attain their education and the power of education to reduce recidivism.
Education and Inmates
Without a doubt, evidence from the literature indicates that education (lack of it or access
to it) is the most significant factor which affects recidivism. In one of the largest and ground-
breaking studies on recidivism, data was collected on more than 3,000 inmates in three states
(Maryland, Minnesota, and Ohio). The data from that study revealed that over 62% of
correctional education participants had not completed high school (Steurer & Smith, 2003). The
research in the Steurer & Smith (2003) study also showed that on average study participants did
not have a literacy competency level of ninth grade in math, reading, or language. It is important
to note, several key demographical factors in the same study: 1) the mean age of the study
participants was just over 30 years of age; 2) close to two-thirds of the participants had children
under the age of 18; 3) over one-fourth of study participants had not held a legal job in the year
prior to incarceration; and 4) almost half had been unemployed for six months or more in the
year prior to incarceration (Steurer & Smith, 2003). In this study, what the data reveals for the
reader is a profile of a significant portion of the prison population: over 30, with more than one
child, low proficiency in literacy and limited job skills. If you compound those factors with a
conviction on a person’s record and the added stigma of being a former inmate, the legal means
for former inmates to provide for themselves and their families are severely diminished.
Unfortunately, further studies on recidivism and prison post education programs
uncovered similar results. In his study of prison education programs, Vacca (2004) reported that
more than half of the adults incarcerated in American federal and state prisons can neither read
RECIDIVISM 29
nor write, and they have less than an eight-grade education. “Many adult prisoners are dropouts,
and given probation do not finish high school. According to a report to the New York State
Senate, a majority of state prisoners have no high school diploma and a majority of them cannot
read” (Vacca, 2004). Given the pre-education attainment of the majority of inmates, if inmates
are not educated while incarcerated, upon their release their options for employment will be
limited, increasing the likelihood of recidivism. “The prison population includes a
disproportionate number of adults who are economically poor or disadvantaged. Inmates who are
released from prison are frequently unable to find jobs because they either lack experience and/or
literacy skills” (Vacca, 2004). Thus, it’s no surprise Stevens & Ward (1997) affirm in their study
that while the main purposes of education are learning and academic progress; for inmates, there
could be secondary benefits such as employability and other societal benefits such as decreased
recidivism.
The Impact of Prison post-secondary education programs. In a five-year study on the
effects of college programming on recidivism rates at the Hampden County Correctional Center
(HCCC) in Ludlow, Massachusetts 32 inmates who received college experience were compared
to another demographically similar group who did not participate in the college classes at HCCC.
Initially, the college courses offered at HCCC consisted of only distance learning courses
offered online by Atlantic Union College of South Lancaster, MA. In 1996, the program became
an onsite program taught by instructors from the local community college, Springfield Technical
Community College. Over an eight week period inmates were allowed to register in one or two,
three-credit courses.
In the HCCC study, Visian & Burke (2001) found that an inmate who completed at least
one college course while incarcerated at HCCC was 21.9% less likely to recidivate 5 years after
RECIDIVISM 30
release, than a comparable inmate who did not enroll in college courses at HCCC during the
same time period. Furthermore, almost two-thirds of the comparison group recidivated within
three years, while just under one-third of the college group recidivated during that same time
period.
In a related study in North Carolina, 320 inmates earned 373 post-secondary degrees in
North Carolina prisons from one private university and four community colleges serving the
geographical area of each prison over a ten year period from 1981 to 1991(Stevens & Ward,
1997a). The recidivism rates of the inmates who earned their degrees while incarcerated were
compared with the recidivism rates of nonstudent inmates. Once again, research from the
Stevens & Ward (1997) study confirmed that post-education in prison can decrease rates of
recidivism.
According to Stevens & Ward (1997) sixty of the inmates released in 1991 who earned
their associate and /or baccalaureate degrees while incarcerated were traced for a three-year
period. During that time 5% of the inmates with associate’s degrees recidivated; while none of
the inmates with bachelor’s degrees were reincarcerated. Additionally, all but one of the inmates
with bachelor’s degrees found employment in their chosen profession. Also, included in the
Stevens & Ward (1997) study, was further anecdotal evidence on recidivism from several other
states. Some of the findings included:

• Of Alabama's 19,492 inmates, approximately 11 % are enrolled full time
in correctional education. The general prison population recidivism rate in
any given 12 month period averages 35% as compared to 1% for those
inmates who completed post-secondary degrees (Stevens & Ward, 1997a)
RECIDIVISM 31
• New York's Correctional Service reports that 24 colleges and universities
throughout the state provide college programming for approximately
3,500 student-inmates in 66 correctional institutions. Twenty-six percent
of the inmates who earned a college degree while incarcerated were
returned to prison as compared with 45% of New York's general prison
(Stevens & Ward, 1997a).
• In Maryland, inmates released from prison who had completed a two or a
four-year degree while incarcerated were most likely to gain employment.
Of further importance, 46% of those inmates released from the general
prison population of Maryland's 19,014 inmates, were returned to prison
within three years of their release as compared to none of the 120 (52 were
violent offenders) inmates who had received degrees while in prison
(Stevens & Ward, 1997a).
Overwhelmingly, the evidence from the literature indicates at minimum a positive,
correlation between post-secondary education programs in prisons and recidivism. More
importantly, the data also suggests that post-secondary prison programs may aid in the
achievement of the “mandated” goal of rehabilitation for many former inmates. Still, for some
critics, the evidence is not conclusive enough and other factors have inhibited wide spread
acceptance of the merits of postsecondary education programs on recidivism among inmates.

The Cost of Educating Inmates
Since 1990, literature examining the return rates of prisoners, or recidivism, indicates that
educated prisoners are less likely to find themselves back in prison a second time if they
RECIDIVISM 32
complete an educational program and are taught skills to successfully read and write (Steurer &
Smith, 2003). Stevens & Ward (1997) also conclude the "right kind" of education works to both
lower recidivism and reduce the level of violence. Moreover, appropriate education leads to a
more humane and more tolerable prison environment in which to live and work, not only for the
inmates but also for the officers, staff and everyone else.
In Maryland government analysts translated a decrease in recidivism of over 20% with
dollars saved which were based only on re-incarceration costs. Those who did not return as a
result of educational programs saved the state over 24 million dollars per year, twice the state's
investment in its correctional education program (Steurer & Smith, 2003). In Florida, an even
more robust cost-benefit study of education programs in the Florida Department of Correction
was conducted to determine the returns on public investment in education and job training
programs. According to Karpowitz and Kenner (2010) the study revealed that:
• All sub-groups of correctional education completers for FY 1993-4 had positive return on
investment ratios.
• The combined costs-consequences analysis ratio reported a $1.66 return for every $1.00
invested.
• The highest return was for academic completers, with $3.53 returned for every $1.00 of
public investment.

As a nation, we must consider the economic impact of recidivism and incarceration as well as
the social impact. Vacca (2004) cited The New Jersey Department of Corrections, which,
reported that its prisons grew from 6,000 inmates in 1975 to more than 25,000 in 1997. The
significance of this number is that the department reported that of the $25,000 spent yearly on
each inmate, only about 2 percent of this cost is spent on education. Most notably, the
RECIDIVISM 33
Department's Corrections Education Task Force recommended that the significant savings
gained from reduced recidivism could offset those modest increases in educational spending
(Vacca, 2004). In other words, the investment in post-secondary education would be worth the
“significant savings” generated by reduced recidivism as a result of post-secondary education
programs in its prisons.
Karpowitz & Kenner (2010) concluded in their report Education as Crime Prevention:
The Case for Reinstating Pell Grant Eligibility for the Incarcerated, that prison-based education
is the single most effective tool for lowering recidivism. The authors also state, “According to
the National Institute of Justice Report to the U.S. Congress, prison education is far more
effective at reducing recidivism than boot camps, shock incarceration, or vocational training.”
Despite overwhelming evidence in support of prison based education programs and their
effectiveness, Karpowitz & Kenner (2010) describe how politicians still went on to enact laws
which stifled prisoner rehabilitation and increased recidivism.
“In 1965, Congress passed Title IV of the Higher Education Act, which permitted
inmates to apply for financial aid in the form of Pell Grants to attend college. By
1982, there were more than 350 college programs available in 90% of the States.
Numerous studies were conducted to evaluate these programs. Success was
measured by the rate of re-arrest and the offender’s ability to maintain
employment upon release. The results were overwhelmingly positive. Higher
education prevented people from returning to crime, and transformed them into
skilled workers who contribute to the economy.
RECIDIVISM 34
In the 1990s, elected officials began introducing legislation to prohibit tuition
assistance to inmates. The United States Department of Education resisted this
change of policy, and continued to support the use of Pell grants in America’s
prisons.
Despite the position of policy experts within the federal and state government,
including both educators and correctional officials, the Violent Crime Control and
Law Enforcement Act effectively dismantled correctional higher education.
Almost overnight, the most effective and cost-beneficial correctional policy in the
United States collapsed. Some states, like Texas, have found ways to continue
post-secondary education in corrections despite this change in federal policy.
Many others, like New York, experienced the near total collapse of this
outstanding form of crime prevention. In New York State, there were nearly 70
post-secondary prison programs in April of 1994. Four months later, there were
four programs left. Today, two of those programs are on the verge of closing”
(Karpowitz & Kenner, 2010).
Race and Recidivism
It is almost impossible to discuss post-secondary programs in prison, recidivism and the
prison industrial complex without discussion of the African-American prison population.
According to Smith & Hattery (2006), of the 2.6 million Americans who are incarcerated, one
million or 43% are African American men; African Americans men also comprise nearly two-
thirds (62%) of the male prison population, yet they account for just 13% of the US male
population. Women are also being impacted by the industrialization of prisons and the expansion
RECIDIVISM 35
of prison markets. In their 2008 study, researchers Brewer & Heitzeg report that while the adult
male prison population has tripled in the past 20 years, the number of women incarcerated has
increased tenfold during the same time span. According to Brewer & Heitzeg (2008) women
represent the fastest growing sector of the prison population. More than 90,000 prisoners are
women, and they are overwhelmingly women of color. African American women are 3 times
more likely than Latinas and 6 times more likely than White women to be in prison. More than
60% of women who are in prison are serving time for nonviolent offense, especially for drugs.
There is little argument that people of color are overrepresented in prison populations and most
US prison statistics—and that is not by coincidence.
Chang and Thompkins (2002) detail in their study that in order to expand their markets, it
is in the interest of private correctional companies to deny inmates due process, lengthen their
prison time, and lobby for laws and policies that create more imprisonment. As previously noted,
despite its many beneficial effects on recidivism, post-secondary education programs in prisons
do not benefit the interest of the corporations who have invested in the prison system. More
importantly, as reported by Smith & Hattery (2006) capitalism does not need the labor power of
unemployed inner-city youth.
“The material interests of the wealthy and privileged segments of American
society would be better served if these people simply disappeared. However,
unlike in the nineteenth century, the moral and political forces are such that direct
genocide is no longer a viable strategy. The alternative, then, is to build prisons
and cordon off the zones of cities in which the underclass lives”(Thompson,
2012).
Furthermore, the notion of profits over people is also supported by one of the key tenets
RECIDIVISM 36
of Critical Race Theory which, states “the dominant culture will concede to advancements for
people of color only when there is also a benefit to them, referred to as interest
convergence”(Delgado & Stefancic, 2006). Therefore, it would appear that the researchers
Brewer & Heitzeg (2008) were correct when they conclude in their study that “The law and its
attendant machinery were, and still are, enforcers of both White supremacy and capitalist
interests.” Another accessory agent in the maintenance of White supremacist structures
complicit in the low educational attainment of African-American prisoners, is the US education
system. Through stricter discipline policies, tracking of male students the education system has
ensured that prisoners enter the system younger, undereducated and more susceptible to
recidivism—ensuring prisoners for the prison industry for decades to come.
Education and Race
In their study Darensbourg, Blake, & Perez, (2010) report that 68% of male prison
inmates did not graduate from high school, with 35% of prisoners reporting behavior, academic
problems, and academic disengagement as the main reasons for not obtaining their high school
diploma. The researchers argue that these statistics suggest that issues within the educational
system may offer one explanation for the overrepresentation of African American males in the
United States justice system (Darensbourg et al., 2010). Related studies also highlight the
relationship between education and recidivism signifying low educational attainment as a key
component of recidivism. Karpowitz & Kenner, (2010) state The United States Department of
Justice reports that "the typical offender is undereducated, unemployed and living in poverty
before incarceration." As noted by researchers Mukamal et al., (2009) when incarceration is
compounded by poverty, unemployment and low education—upon release the outlook is dire.
“Many people return to the community without a job or with a low-paying job, lacking savings
RECIDIVISM 37
or assets, with poor credit histories, and with a significant amount of debt from child support and
criminal justice expenses”(Mukamal et al., 2009). Thus, it is important to understand the role of
the US education system in the perpetuation of recidivism.
As the point of entry into the criminal justice system for many African American men,
the US education system has been deliberate in its disruption of a lifetime of opportunities for
many African American male inmates. Darensbourg et al., (2010) write,
“Some research suggests that when African American males enter school their
educational path is altered by situational variables. These situational variables
include experiencing harsher discipline practices, being taught by unprepared
teachers, being referred for special education, and a feeling of detachment from
school. The combination of these factors within the education system have been
purported to contribute to the overrepresentation of African American males in
prison. This is referred to as the School to Prison Pipeline. The School to Prison
Pipeline proposes that exclusionary discipline techniques (e.g. detention, out of
school, suspension, disciplinary alternative education placements) experienced by
African American males alienate them from the learning process by steering them
from the classroom and academic attainment and toward the criminal justice
system (Darensbourg et al., 2010).
Disciplinary alternative education programs (DAEP) are out of school suspension
programs designed for students with chronic or severe offenses that result in long term
suspension outside of their regular educational setting (Darensbourg et al., 2010). The
researchers contend, African American male students are suspended 2 to 3 times more frequently
than other students. Consequently, the utilization of exclusionary practices can lead to feelings of
RECIDIVISM 38
school disengagement and perceptions of the education system as being unsupportive
(Darensbourg et al., 2010). One of the most significant findings of Darensbourg et al., (2010)
research, revealed that African American males who are frequently suspended or expelled
become academically disengaged, increase their association with deviant peers, become resentful
of school personnel, and experience a heightened sense of alienation. In addition to early entry
exposure to the criminal justice system, DAEP’s may have the negative effect of normalizing the
prison experience for African American males, consequently increasing future involvement in
the criminal justice system (Darensbourg et al., 2010).
Within the education system suspension, a form of exclusionary discipline, has increased
among all students from 1.7 million in 1974 to 3.1 million in 2000 in the United States
(Darensbourg et al., 2010). In 2000, although African American students represented less than
17% of the student population in United States schools, they accounted for twice the amount
(34%) of all suspensions (Darensbourg et al., 2010). Similarly, in the prison system as a result of
harsher drugs laws and mandatory sentencing Chang & Thompkins, (2002) state African-
Americans are disproportionately represented in incarceration rates. While African Americans
comprise 12% of the U.S. population, they represent almost four times the amount (46%) of the
prison population (Chang & Thompkins, 2002). According to the researchers, African Americans
disproportional share of the prison population is related to the fact that they disproportionately
belong to the economic underclass that is plagued by poverty and unemployment, which are both
byproducts of low education attainment (Chang & Thompkins, 2002).
Whether in the education or prison system, the literature submits, education and race
combine to be powerful indicators of incarceration and recidivism (Hattery & Smith, 2007). In
2000, 11.5% of all African American men between the ages of 20 and 40 were in prison, but
RECIDIVISM 39
32.4% of African American men of the same age who had dropped out of high school were
incarcerated. Thus, the probability that an African American man will go to prison is increased
threefold if he is a high school dropout (Hattery & Smith, 2007). Of even more concern, is the
social and economic impact of incarceration and recidivism when inmates constantly cycle in
and out of their communities. Researchers assert, that those who emerge with a felony record
face chronic unemployment and underemployment. Moreover, inmates who can find a job enter
the labor market with depleted human capital (Hattery & Smith, 2007). Additionally, the
researchers claim evolving technology renders what skills they have obsolete. Inmates who are
released—with no felony record and with human capital still intact—enter the labor market
behind their peers. This affects layoffs, seniority, wages, and retirement accumulation. Not to
mention, even if they can get a job they will have a several-year “gap” in their work history
(Hattery & Smith, 2007).
The social and economic consequences of incarceration and recidivism continue to
decimate communities of color, exacerbating the need for education during incarceration and
prior to if necessary. As an outcome of the prison industrial complex, recidivism has its impetus
in the education system and it effects are long term and wide reaching. As Figure.3 illustrates,
the cycle of recidivism is intricately linked with education.
RECIDIVISM 40
Figure 3. Cycle of Recidivism (Darensbourg et al., 2010), (Chang & Thompkins, 2002) and
(Hattery & Smith, 2007)
Evidence in the literature, clearly points to education as the most effective tool to reduce
recidivism. To reinforce the findings of existing studies on recidivism, this study seeks to
understand how inmates who have broken the cycle of recidivism utilized education to do so.

Summary
Hattery & Smith, (2007) contend that because African Americans are seen (viewed) as a
minority group that threatens the existing distribution of economic rewards and political power,
as well as public safety, the use of coercive social control (prison) has been and remains a major
Misconduct in
PrimarySchool
Stricter
Discipline
Policies
Disengagement in School
increased antisocial/criminal
behavior outside school
early entrance into
criminal justice
system
interruption of
primary school
education
incarceration
release without
education or job
skills
more criminal
activity
reincarceration
RECIDIVISM 41
method of social control used against African Americans. Steurer & Smith (2003) in their study
state that the result of the push to incarcerate and punish that occurred in the 1990s and early
2000s is an unprecedented growth in the size of the nation's prison and jail populations, even as
crime rates have decreased. Furthermore, Steurer & Smith (2003) also claim that given the
economic hardship of maintaining federal, state, and local correctional systems, and the number
of people in jails and prisons, society can no longer afford to ignore ways to reduce crime and
lower over-burdening costs resulting from high incarceration rates.
One estimate is that the average released prisoner who commits crime, costs victims and
the state approximately $24,000 yearly (Stevens & Ward, 1997a). Therefore, in addition to the
societal benefits of reducing the prison population and increasing the skilled labor force
postsecondary education in prisons is economically advantageous and could potentially save
thousands possibly millions of taxpayer’s dollars. Based on the evidence detailed here, the
benefits of educating prisoners—reduced recidivism, increased quality of life, reduced
incarceration costs—are clear. If education keeps inmates out of prisons, reduces the cost of
housing inmates and improves the quality of life for incarcerated individuals, should not more
resources be directed toward post-secondary education programs for prisoners?

RECIDIVISM 42

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
In the preceding chapter the theoretical concepts of Critical Race Theory, Transformative
Resistance and the Prison Industrial Complex were examined in the literature. While those
theories and how they relate to recidivism were explored in the literature, the goal of this study is
to center the perspectives of African American men who have been part of the prison industrial
complex to explore their understanding system and understand how they were able to attain
postsecondary education in spite of the prison industrial complex.
The purpose of this study is to expose how the prison system operates to retain
individuals in the prison industry, from the perspective of individuals who survived the system,
despite the system. The two research questions for this study are:
1. How do formerly incarcerated African American men access and successfully
navigate post-secondary education?
2. How does the post-secondary educational experiences of formerly incarcerated
African American men act in retaliation to recidivism among formerly
incarcerated African-American men?
Methods
Ultimately, the goal of this study is to understand how formerly incarcerated men are able
to navigate the prison industrial complex and attain postsecondary education. Furthermore, it is
also the goal of this study to expose how the prison industry is designed to encourage recidivism
in order to advance the prison market. To answer the questions posed within the research study,
and better understand recidivism, the prison industry and how prisoners navigate it in order to
RECIDIVISM 43
attain postsecondary education, a qualitative study is the most appropriate research option for this
study.
Within CRT, counternarratives are used to examine the stories of those whose experience
within racist institutions differ from the experiences shared by the majority. Researchers Richard
Delgado and Jean Stefancic (1993) describe majoritarian narratives as “the bundle of
presuppositions, perceived wisdoms, and shared cultural understandings persons in the dominant
race bring to the discussion of race.” Majoritarian narratives dominate the discourse on race and
exclude the experiences of those who are not a part of the majority. In a separate study, Delgado
(1989) contends that counternarratives are both a technique of telling the story of those
experiences that are not often told (i.e., those on the margins of society) and a tool for analyzing
and challenging the stories of those in power and whose story is a natural part of the dominant
discourse (i.e., the majoritarian narratives). Building on Delgado’s theories Solarzano and Bernal
assert that counterstories (counternarratives) serve several theoretical, methodological and
pedagogical purposes. According to the researchers, those purposes include:
(a) They can build community among those at the margins of society by putting a
human and familiar face to educational theory and practice; (b) they can
challenge the perceived wisdom of those at society’s center; (c) they can open
new windows into the reality of those at the margins of society by showing the
possibilities beyond the ones they live and to show that they are not alone in
their position; (d) they can teach others that by combining elements from both
the story and the current reality, one can construct another world that is richer
than either the story or the reality alone; and (e) they can provide a context to
RECIDIVISM 44
understand and transform established belief systems (Solorzano & Bernal,
2001).
As it relates to this study, the majoritarian narrative concludes that African Americans
are dangerous, incarceration reduces crime and keeps society safe. Hattery & Smith, (2007)
argue that because African Americans are seen (viewed) as a minority group that threatens the
existing distribution of economic rewards and political power, as well as public safety, the use of
coercive social control (prison) has been and remains a major method of social control used
against African Americans. Researchers, Chang & Thompkins (2002) observe how
criminologists have found that increases in the unemployment rate, poverty, income inequality,
racial conflict, and political conservatism contribute to an increase in the incarceration rate.
Moreover, Chang & Thompkins suggest these findings support the theory that, to preserve their
advantage in the class, racial, and social hierarchies, the dominant classes use imprisonment as a
means of political, economic, and social control over the “dangerous classes,” some of which
include: the unemployed, the poor and people of color.
In their study, Critical Race Methodology: Counter-Storytelling as an Analytical
Framework for Education Research, Solorzano and Yasso (2002) identify three different types of
counternarratives: personal stories, other people’s stories, and composite stories.
Personal stories recount an individual’s experiences with various forms of racism and
sexism. Often, personal counter-stories are autobiographical reflections of the author, juxtaposed
with their critical race analysis of legal cases and within the context of a larger sociopolitical
critique (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). The second type of counternarrative, other people’s stories
are narratives that tells another person’s story and reveal experiences with and responses to
racism and sexism, in a third person voice. Other people’s stories usually offer biographical
RECIDIVISM 45
analysis of the experiences of a person of color in relation to U.S. institutions and in a
sociohistorical context (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). The third type of counternarrative, composite
stories, draw on various forms of “data” to recount the racialized, sexualized, and classed
experiences of people of color. Composite stories offer both biographical and autobiographical
analyses because the authors create composite characters and place them in social, historical, and
political situations to discuss racism, sexism, classism, and other forms of subordination
(Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
In their 2012 study, Harper and Davis posit that the master narrative in education about
Black male students is that they don’t care about their education. The researchers use
counternarratives, specifically other people’s stories, with the purpose of disrupting Black male
students master narratives concerning their responses to inequitable schooling and their supposed
disinvestment in education (Harper,& Davis, 2012).
Similarly, this study intends to utilize counternarratives to refute master narratives about
African American male inmates (they are dangerous; can’t be rehabilitated); as well as illuminate
the struggles of inmates who seek to attain education in order to break the cycle of recidivism,
improve their lives and positively impact their surrounding communities.
Participants
The participants were selected based on a purposeful sampling method to secure
participants who identify as: 1). African-American; 2). male; 3). were incarcerated for a least a
year in federal or state prison in the United States between 1990-2016; and 4). Have attained a
Bachelor's degree, graduate degree or acquired formal career training or certification. Currently,
African Americans are disproportionately represented within the criminal justice system in the
U.S. (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). Brewer & Heitzeg (2008) note that more than three quarter of a
RECIDIVISM 46
million Black men are now behind bars, and 2 million are under some form of correctional
supervision in the U.S. Additionally, one in every eight Black men between the ages of 25 and
34 are in either prison or jail. Unfortunately, many of these prisoners never break the cycle of
incarceration and continue to recidivate or become reincarcerated for a new crime. For this
reason, this study will focus on formerly incarcerated African American men who obtained
postsecondary education to understand the methods they employed to avoid reincarceraton and
lead productive lives outside of prison. Using the snowball method along with purposeful
sampling method, three participants were identified for this study: John (30); James (24); and Joe
(47). All names have been changed to protect the privacy of the study participants.
Through the stories and experiences of those who have successfully navigated the prison
system and acclimated to life outside of prison, this study hopes to provide a blueprint for
rehabilitation and success for currently incarcerated African American men; while illuminating
the experiences of those prisoners who managed to break the cycle of recidivism and contribute
their stories to the existing research on the topic.
Measures
For this study, the researcher sought participants that would be able to address a very
specific set of questions related to their experience as an inmate in a United States prison and
their postsecondary educational experiences upon release from incarceration. This study utilized
counternarratives to refute master narratives about African American male inmates (they are
dangerous; can’t be rehabilitated); as well as illuminate the struggles of inmates who attained
postsecondary education in order to break the cycle of recidivism, improve their lives and
positively impact their surrounding communities. Delgado (1989) contends that
counternarratives are both a technique of telling the story of those experiences that are not often
RECIDIVISM 47
told (i.e., those on the margins of society) and a tool for analyzing and challenging the stories of
those in power and whose story is a natural part of the dominant discourse (i.e., the majoritarian
narratives). Building on Delgado’s theories Solarzano and Bernal (2001) assert that
counternarratives serve several theoretical, methodological and pedagogical purposes. I
conducted structured in-depth interviews, utlizing the attached interview questions (see
Appendix 1) with the study participants. The interviews were one on one interviews with three
formerly incarcerated African American men who possessed either an Associate's degree,
Bachelor's degree, graduate degree or formal job training and certification. I completed one
initial interview and one follow-up interview with each participant. The purpose of the follow-up
interview was to share my findings and confirm my analysis with each participant. Each
interview lasted approximately 45-60 minutes.
Site Selection
It was the decision of the researcher to not use a specific site for the study. Qualitative
research methods do not always require a specified location. According to Ritchie & Lewis
(2014), many of the methods used in qualitative research were developed to allow investigation
of phenomena in their natural settings. In their 2014 study, the authors argue that qualitative
research provides data which is an 'enactment' of social behavior in its own social setting, rather
than a 'recounting' of it generated specifically for the research study. Based on the type of
qualitative inquiry needed to answer the research question the researcher chose to adopt an
explanatory research approach. Explanatory research is concerned with why phenomena occur
and the forces and influences that drive their occurrence (Ritchie & Lewis, 2014). Furthermore,
qualitative research has the ability to examine subjects in depth and provide a unique tool for
studying what lies behind, or motivates a decision, attitude, behavior or other phenomena.
RECIDIVISM 48
Moreover, it also allows associations that occur in people's thinking or acting - and the meaning
these have for people - to be identified. These in turn may indicate some explanatory or even
casual link (Ritchie & Lewis, 2014).
Data Analysis
The theoretical frameworks that were used for this study include Critical Race Theory,
Transformative Resistance Theory and the Prison Industrial Complex. The purpose of this
analysis is to examine the perspective of men in the system who have attained postsecondary
education and/or skills training after being involved in the prison system and the effect of their
education on recidivism. Using data from interviews I conduct with inmates, I will examine the
relationship between education and recidivism among incarcerated individuals within a critical
historical perspective of the prison industrial complex. In the analysis, I will use a constant
comparative method to identify themes and concepts from the data through a process of data
coding and analysis of the interviews. The constant comparative method combines systematic
data collection, coding, and analysis with theoretical sampling in order to generate theory that is
integrated, close to the data, and expressed in a form clear enough for further testing (Kolb,
2012) .

Coding
In her research on Grounded Theory and Constant Comparative methods Kolb (2012),
referenced Strauss and Corbin’s (2008) explanation of coding in a constant comparative method.
Kolb (2012) noted that Strauss and Corbin (2008) contend that the process of analyzing data as
coding involves three levels of analyses: (a) open coding, (b) axial coding, and (c) selective
coding, to gather a complete picture of the information obtained during the data collection
RECIDIVISM 49
process. During this first phase of the coding process the researcher is comparing data and
continually asking questions about what is and is not understood. The identification of different
categories, properties, and dimensions within and among the data can be accomplished by a
variety of techniques that examine parts or the whole document in a systematic manner (Kolb,
2012). The second step of coding is axial coding and it involves the data being pieced together
in new ways after open coding allowing connections between categories. Through continual
questioning and comparisons, the process of relating subcategories to a category is the main
focus of the axial coding (Kolb, 2012). In the selective coding stage, the core coding category is
identified. The core category is selected through systematically connecting it to other categories,
validating those similarities and relationships and then completing categories that need further
refinement and development (Kolb, 2012). In the category construction phase of the data
analysis priori codes or codes determined beforehand will be used. The priori codes that have
been selected for use in this study are: 1). Education level prior to being incarcerated; 2).
educational attainment during and/or after incarceration and 3). Current occupation and quality
of life.
Limitations and Delimitations
Kolb (2012), noted in her research that data and the credibility of sources are concerns in
a qualitative study. Also, noted by the author as a potential limitation is the sampling plan used
by the researcher; in this type of study the sampling plan can possess inherent potential for bias.
Most notably, the researcher’s personal world view and individual biases are contributing factors
that may influence the study. It is necessary to be cognizant of these factors and guard against
interjecting bias within the study (Kolb, 2012).
RECIDIVISM 50
Credibility and Trustworthiness
In order to increase and maintain the credibility and trustworthiness of the study, the
strategies the researcher used included reflexivity, documentation and member checks.
Kolb (2012), suggests that to reduce the effects of researcher bias in a study, researchers’
employ reflexivity. “In being reflexive the researcher must incorporate continuous
awareness of reflecting, examining and exploring his/her relationship through all stages
of the research process.”
Additionally, through detailed data collection and documentation of the inmates’ journey
through the prison system and on to higher education, the researcher extracted data, which told
compelling stories from the inmates’ perspective of the struggle to attain postsecondary
education and remain out of prison. The researcher transcribed the notes from each interview and
employed an open coding process creating categories (codes) from each interview. After
identifying individual codes, the researcher compared findings across the interviews to develop
themes for this study. The themes were analyzed through the frameworks (CRT, Transformative
Resistance and the Prison Industrial Complex) of this study.
Next, in order to confirm the validity of the information provided by the study
participants member checks were performed. According to Creswell, (2014) member checks
consists of taking data and interpretations back to the participants in the study so that they can
confirm the credibility of the information and narrative account. Creswell (2014) noted that one
method of conducting this process is to allow the participants to view the raw data to make sure
the corresponding themes and codes make sense. The researcher also asked the subjects to
comment on the study’s accuracy and incorporated the subjects feedback into the final narrative.
RECIDIVISM 51
For this study, the researcher engaged the subjects is a similar member check
process as described above. Study subjects reviewed the transcripts and the
corresponding codes and themes. The participants were asked to comment about the data
that was obtained in order to ensure the authenticity of their voices. Since the researcher
used CRT to document the experiences of the study subjects—with the intention of
adding their perspective to the literature on recidivism—it was imperative to confirm the
accuracy and authenticity of each subject’s story.
Researcher Positionality
I am a Black man, who has worked as a volunteer in juvenile detention centers and I’ve
experienced first-hand prisons filled with young men who look like me and my loved ones. I am
an educator. I understand the power of education and what it can do to elevate an individual and
a community. I’ve looked at young men disillusioned with the world because they have pay for a
childhood mistake for the remainder of their lives; because they don’t have the means, skills or
support to access a pathway towards better life. I’ve also worked with non-incarcerated young
men that demographically are the same as the imprisoned men sans one very important factor,
education. I’ve witnessed how education or skills acquisition can change lives. More
importantly, as a father, educator and higher education professional, I am duty bound to ensure
that another generation of men of color, their skills, talents, intellect and contributions to society
are not lost in the penal system.
In the public discourse of recidivism, the voices of incarcerated men (former and current)
are often discounted or excluded altogether. It is important to use Critical Race Theory within
this study because it will allow the researcher to shift the focus of recidivism from numbers to
the individuals being impacted by the numbers and their experience. “Critical race methodology
RECIDIVISM 52
in education focuses research on how students of color experience and respond to the U.S.
educational system. From developing research questions to collecting, analyzing, and presenting
data, critical race methodology centers on students of color” (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Thus,
the researcher will apply the same lens to inmates of color within the U.S. prison system. Rather
than theorizes about the impact of recidivism on the lives of inmates, CRT will allow the inmates
to speak for themselves and share their own stories of incarceration, education and recidivism.
Ethics
In Suspending Damage: A Letter to Communities, Tuck (2009) suggests answering the
following questions as being foundational to the ethics of research:
1) What can research do to really improve the situation?
2)Who participates in the research?
3) Who poses the questions?
4) How data are gathered?
5) Who conducts the analysis?
6) How does the framing of the research impact the ethics?
7) What are the real short term and long-term benefits of the research on the community?
Therefore, in consideration of the population that participated in this study the
aforementioned questions are addressed below to ensure the protection and fair treatment of the
study participants.
What can research do to improve the situation—While the research on recidivism has
acknowledged the effectiveness of post-secondary education at combating recidivism, it has
primarily focused on the rate of return among prisoners. This study can improve the situation by
learning how to acquire and use post-secondary education to counteract recidivism from
RECIDIVISM 53
formerly incarcerated men who have attained postsecondary education and remained out of
prison.
Who participates in the research—The research participants will be formerly incarcerated
African-American men who have attained either an AA, BA, or vocational certificate and
remained out of prison.
Who poses the question—The researcher is an educator, USC doctoral student and an African-
American male, impacted by recidivism who believes it can be eradicated and wants to
contribute to its elimination.
How are data gathered—The data will be gathered through 60-90 minute in-depth interviews
which will seek to understand: participants experiences leading to and during incarceration;
participants experience accessing education post incarceration; and strategies participants
employed to remain out of prison.
Who conducts the analysis—The analysis of the data will be conducted by the researcher who
posed the questions to the study participants.
How does the framing of the research impact the ethics—The frames that will be used for the
research are: Critical Race Theory; Prison Industrial Complex and Transformative Resistance.
As a member of the community effected by recidivism, it was important to the researcher that the
story of recidivism and how formerly incarcerated African American men use postsecondary
education to combat it, be told from the perspective of the men who lived it. Thus, the frames
selected for use in this study, impact the ethics of the research because they allow for the
centering of the study participants voice and perspective in the study. Critical Race Theory,
utilizes counternarratives which, empower and give agency to marginalized people by allowing
them to tell their own stories, rather than have their stories told by those in power. The Prison
RECIDIVISM 54
Industrial Complex, examines the merging of government and corporations to create a prison
industry that benefits from, relies on and is willing to sacrifice people of color (specifically
African-American men who comprise a majority of the prison population) for profit. The Prison
Industrial Complex, impacts the ethics of the study by helping contextualize the experiences of
study participants and the situations they encountered as a result of being incarcerated, within the
framework of a racist system meant to benefit off the free labor of incarcerated individuals. The
final frame, Transformative Resistance impacts the ethics of the study by providing the
framework for understanding the study participants response to systemic racism and their pursuit
of higher education, as a deliberate form of resistance motivated by the belief that individual and
social change are possible; rather than meaningless reactions to normal stimuli. Also, analyzing
the study participants actions through this theoretical frame, continues to legitimize a form of
resistance not often seen in majoritan narratives.
What are the real short term and long-term benefits of research to the community—The short-
term benefits of the research to the community, are that the voices and experiences of those
directly impacted by recidivism will be added to the literature on recidivism. This is important
because by allowing those effected by recidivism and the prison industry to tell their own stories,
it provides alternative points of view and helps create narratives more representative of their
realities. The long-term benefit of the study (with more research) could be the operationalizing of
best practices to counteract recidivism employed by the study participants, to larger prison
populations. Additionally, in the absence of current national level statistics on recidivism this
study could provide the impetus for a national level study on the subject.

RECIDIVISM 55
CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION OF DATA AND FINDINGS
In this chapter, the findings from the study of three formerly incarcerated African-
American males who were able to attain postsecondary education/training and use it to break the
cycle of recidivism will be presented. Each individual I collaborated with, shared his personal
narrative during a single, in-depth 60-90 minute interview. Through the interview process, each
collaborator provided the details of their experience in the prison system, the struggles they faced
attempting to advance their education and ultimately the success and freedom they currently
enjoy as a result.
The purpose of this study is to examine the processes James, Joe and John employed in
order to attain postsecondary education and break the cycle of recidivism. Furthermore, this
study seeks to understand how formerly incarcerated African American used postsecondary
education to prevent recidivism through the analysis of their personal first-hand experiences
within the prison system and higher education. The two research questions for this study are:
1. How do formerly incarcerated African American men access and successfully
navigate post-secondary education systems?
2. How does post-secondary educational experiences of formerly incarcerated
African American men act in retaliation to recidivism among formerly
incarcerated African-American men?
Chapter 4 is divided into four sections: Section one is a brief profile and background
information of each study participant. Next, through an analysis of the study participants’
interview responses section two and three will address research question one and two. For each
research question, the researcher identified three key themes that emerged from the data, which
explained how study participants were able to persist through postsecondary education systems
RECIDIVISM 56
and utilize their education to counteract recidivism. As it relates to the first research question the
three key themes were: (1) Programs and Resources; (2) Mentors and (3) Tenacity. For the
second question the three key themes were: (1) Motivational Factors; (2) Finances and (3)
Fulfillment and Purpose. It is important to note, Critical Race Theory (CRT), was used as a
framework to analyze the narratives of the study recipients. CRT was used because it employs
the use of personal stories of people overlooked in the literature to critique, examine and counter
majoritarian narratives about people of color (Harper, S.R., & Davis, 2012). According to
(Solórzano & Yosso, 2002), other people’s stories are narratives that tells another person’s story
and reveal experiences with and responses to racism and sexism, in a third person voice. Other
people’s stories usually offer biographical analysis of the experiences of a person of color in
relation to U.S. institutions and in a sociohistorical context. Thus, the themes presented here
build upon each other to create a counternarrative with regards to the perceived aversion to
education and the criminal inclinations of former incarcerated African American men, which fuel
recidivism.
Section four will summarize the findings and discuss their connections to the theoretical
frameworks: Critical Race Theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2006), Transformative Resistance
(Solorzano & Bernal, 2001) and the Prison Industrial Complex (Conklin, Davis, Land, Simpson,
& Hattery, 2006). Each framework will contextualize the study participant’s experience during
and post incarceration within a racist system, as well as their responses to the circumstances they
encountered as a result of the racist system.

RECIDIVISM 57
Section 1: Participant Profile
John
John is a 30-year-old African American, who resides in Arizona. He is a husband, a
father of two daughters and a devout member of the Nation of Islam. He is a licensed barber, and
has been cutting hair for almost twenty years. Prior to becoming a barber, John spent eight and a
half years in federal prison for possession with a controlled substance with an intent to distribute
and a possession of a firearm in the commission of a drug trafficking offense.
At the time of his incarceration in 1999, John was 19 years old and the highest grade he
had completed in school was the 10
th
grade. He did however, attain his GED when he was 18 and
the Los Angeles native had aspirations (which he still has) of being an architect. Unfortunately,
John became despondent with the school system early on and his dreams were deferred. “I would
say the biggest thing was I lost faith (in 9
th
and 10
th
grade) and I didn't believe that school could
benefit me, at least traditional school. I think it would've served me best in all honesty if I had
just gone to a trade school. I didn't know at the time that I could go get a GED and go straight to
learn a trade…you know I wanted to get to the money,” John recalls. “I kind of had that
mentality early on, so I was already in the streets hustling and stuff like that in the ninth grade
and 10th grade. So, it made more sense to me to be out there getting money in all truth. I didn't
see the benefit of going to high school. I just lost interest.”
Upon his release from prison John entered the RDAP (residential drug and alcohol)
program. According to John, the RDAP program is a program that the federal bureau of prisons
offers to those that are incarcerated to rehabilitate themselves. Although, John never had a
problem using drugs or alcohol he claimed he said he did in an attempt to get his sentenced
reduced. “I didn't have that problem to be honest with you. I tried to manipulate the system to get
RECIDIVISM 58
from up under some time,” John stated. “I told them that, uh, you know I had a drug problem
thinking that might get me some leniency in court, and it actually didn't work because the way
the federal system guidelines are set up, you really can't appeal to the judge in that way and get a
break.” Ultimately, his plan to get some time off his sentence worked out in John’s favor. “I went
to the RDAP program with the idea that I would maybe get a year off. I wound up not getting the
year off, so that didn't help me. But what it did help me to do was secure six months of
guaranteed housing once I got out,” John said. In addition, the RDAP program was also
instrumental in providing John the resources he needed to rebuild his life and avoid returning to
prison.
James
James is a 24-year-old African-American male from Philadelphia. James is currently a
fourth-grade teacher in the Philadelphia School District where he, “hopes to make a difference in
the lives of students like me.” James was 15 years old when he was arrested for possession of an
illegal substance and sent to the city’s juvenile justice center. For his crime, James was
incarcerated for 15 months before he was released in 2011. Prior to his incarceration, James
dreamed of one day attending college. “I did want to go (to college) and it's funny, I didn't plan
for it, I dreamed it. Like planning it you know actively seeking it, trying to figure it out and
putting a plan together and making it happen. I wasn’t doing that,” he remembered. “But I did
have like this dream that I was going to make it to college. I even had a dream before I went to
juvenile that I was a college professor.” Thanks to a program that James was introduced to while
he was serving his time, he was finally able to realize his collegiate dreams from his childhood.
“After graduation, I was approached by one of the counselors in the school department,
and she said what do you want to do? Do you wanna go to college, what's your plan when you go
RECIDIVISM 59
back out to community? I told her I wanted to try college. I wasn't sure if that was going to be a
good idea for me, but from what I knew about it, I at least I wanted to give it a try,” James
shared. “You know and whatever happened from there, like if it didn't work out. I was fine with
it; but you know I was hoping that it did.”
The program that counselor signed James up for was a program with the Center for Male
Engagement in Philadelphia. It's a program that supports African American males who are in
college for the first time pursuing an associate's degree. “I had their support during the summer.
Their job during the summer is to expose us to college before we actually go to college. So, I had
this great support system around me, mentors whose job was to literally tell me everything,”
James said. “I was someone that never had anybody go to college in my family and on top of
that, I had never been there myself. In the program, they helped me with my financial aid, they
helped me sign up for classes and get registered, take the placement test and overcome all those
roadblocks that a lot of people run into that end up holding them back. The program was kind of
my bridge over from St. Gabriel into real life.”
Three years after enrolling at the Community College of Philadelphia (CCP) James
received his associate’s degree. James next stop following CCP, was Howard University in
Washington, DC where he decided to pursue his bachelor’s degree in elementary education. For
James, his decision to attend Howard can be traced to one factor: Philadelphia. “I only knew this
one girl that went there and she was so smart. She was from Philly and her name is Shantae. She
was like an overachiever at Howard. She had a 4.0, she actually graduated a year before I did,”
James stated. “Part of the reason why I decided to go there was just because I saw her success
and I kind of wanted that same success—to be that light from our city.”
Joe
RECIDIVISM 60
Joe is an African-American male from Texas. Joe works as a prisoner advocate in Dallas.
He is also an Army vet, a husband and a father of two sons. Today at 47 years old, Joe is much
closer to who he wants to be and daily getting further away from who he once was. About 10
years ago, Joe would have been best described as a career criminal. Joe has been incarcerated for
everything from misdemeanor gun charges, possession charges, forgery charges and grand theft
auto. Joe estimates that during his criminal career he amassed five felony convictions and 88
arrests. “I've been incarcerated pretty much from 22 to let's say 40 on and off,” Joe claims. “The
longest one amount of time I've done is two years flat. But there was always seven months here,
nine months there, six months here, six months there. It all adds up to about eight and a half, nine
years.” Originally from Los Angeles, Joe grew up near the University of Southern California and
always dreamt of going to college one day. “I always wanted to go to college. I actually lived,
probably about a mile and a half from USC,” Joe stated. “I would go up there and kind of
pretend I was a college student for a little while, but I was still worried about, I guess we'll say
the stigma of being square.” As a teen Joe was drawn to the gang life, which provided a welcome
respite from the monotony of school life. “The streets gave me an identity. It allowed me to
pretend to be something I really wasn't,” he said. “I was in school getting good grades, you
know but I didn't get the cheerleaders. I didn't get the homecoming queen and without things of
that nature I was kind of like being invisible, you know? No one paid attention to the nerds. So,
once I got into the streets, everybody paid me attention then. And I liked it. So, um, it was hard
to let that go. I had been pretending for too long.”
By 2012, Joe was determined to turn his life around and decided to enroll at Ashford
University to get his associate’s degree in business management. Due to several setbacks which
included a change of coursework and a transfer of schools, Joe persisted and finished this past
RECIDIVISM 61
December with two associate degrees: one in mental health services and one in mental health,
substance abuse counseling. Now, Joe is completing his application for admission to the
University of Texas-Austin to pursue his bachelor’s degree in social work. “I really like helping
people. Social workers are in the trenches, and that appeals to me a lot. I'm not the type I guess
we'll say that can be stuck behind a clinical mask or at a desk pushing paper,” Joe insists. “I get
to interact with the individuals and I love it. You know, I'm changing my life around. I've been
employed now three and a half years. That's a record and um, that's what I do every day.”

Section 2: Research Question 1—Accessing Postsecondary Education
The following section will address the first research question: How do formerly
incarcerated African American men access and successfully navigate postsecondary education
systems. Given that postsecondary education increases the likelihood that formerly incarcerated
individuals will not recidivate in a prison system dependent on recidivism, the following section
examines how the study participants were able to attain their degrees or professional
certification, in spite of the system. While researchers have known for more than 30 years that
postsecondary education reduces recidivism, little is known about the process formerly
incarcerated men, specifically African American men, undertake in order to remain out of prison
and secure a degree or professional certification. Through their personal stories Joe, James and
John revealed their unique educational process; and the researcher identified common
experiences and coping mechanisms employed by each of them in their pursuit of higher
education. Finally, the responses of my collaborators to the research questions are presented in
this section and the following section without interpretation. Here, the reader is invited to draw
their own conclusions about the experiences shared in Section 2 and 3. In Section 4, the
RECIDIVISM 62
interpretive lens of the theoretical frameworks will be used to analyze the responses to the
research questions.
Programs and Resources
In this study, programs that supported Joe, James and John’s transition back into society
were the gateway to their success in higher education and degree attainment. The programs that
each individual accessed, provided them with much needed services ranging from housing and
educational counseling and to career support. Among the services that were provided therapy
was identified as one of the most important. In his interview Joe discussed “equine therapy” and
the positive impact it had on his life.
During my treatment program, I got introduced to fishing and equine therapy and that
was my happy place. Equine therapy, is horseback riding...hanging out at a ranch,
learning how to groom horses, saddle horses, ride horses, you know, it was a form of
therapy that I really embraced. I still participate in it to this day. It calms me. ….in that
year and a half I decided to go to college. I attended Ashford University for business
management.
In Joe’s case, therapy allowed him to focus and made the difference in his decision to
enroll in college. After numerous arrests and several convictions, it was a critical step in the
disruption of the cycle of recidivism in his life.
James also praised the benefits of therapy in his interview. However, rather than focusing
on his future, James’ experience with therapy helped him come to terms with his past.
I was in a drug and alcohol unit. So, I was exposed to counseling and dealt with issues
around trauma. Like just going in your past and digging out some of those things that
really kind of like cause trauma. They really dug into the stuff that happened in the past
RECIDIVISM 63
and helped us understand that trauma that we were experiencing growing up. And so, by
verbalizing it and having conversations about it, I think it allowed a lot of us (or some of
us) to just let it go. Kind of like move on and build from that. For me, I used it to build
my success and talk about it and share it with people. But for other people, I think it was
just the opportunity to you know, just call it what it is and to say like, Yo... this is my first
time realizing that, that wasn't right. I shouldn't have had to grow up in a household
where my mom was addicted to crack and seeing, you know, people in my household
fighting and abusing each other. Like that just shouldn't happen.
Based on his admission, therapy was clearly a turning point in James’ life. Throughout
his interview James discussed the trouble in his past and the impact it had on his life early on.
Therapy allowed James to finally cope with his past so it would not interfere with his future.
John’s reflection on his experience with therapy revealed a more delayed appreciation for
its benefits. Whereas, James and Joe recognized its value immediately, John seemed grateful for
the experience as part of his treatment but appreciated it more in retrospect.
While I was in the drug treatment centers, I was introduced to some resources that were
obviously available and they held classes similar to therapy sessions. You know, where
you sit around and you tell your story and you get to hear other people's stories. They had
counselors and different people like that there for us and I thought that it was a pretty
good idea. I thought it was kind of good that I participated in this program. I believe God
had lead me down that way because it paid dividends later on down the line, although my
intentions for initially signing up for the program were something different; I just went
ahead and tried to maximize all of the benefits that were available to me.
RECIDIVISM 64
Beyond attending to the mental health of the prisoners after they are released, many of
the programs provide the initial introduction for former inmates to career and other educational
opportunities. The programs made it possible for the study participants to access and persist on to
degrees and certification by supplying tangible resources and support. James discussed how his
program guided him to postsecondary education and served as a launchpad for career and
educational success.
A guy actually came out and spoke about The Center For Male Engagement, which put it
on the radar you know? It's a program that supports, African American males who are in
college for the first time pursuing an associate's degree and I had their support during the
summer. Their job during the summer is to expose us to college before we actually go to
college. So I had like this great support around me, mentors whose job was to literally tell
me everything about college that there is to know and to help me navigate every
roadblock that I would encounter. Being somebody that never had anybody go to college
in my family and on top of that never had been there myself, that was important. So, they
helped me with my financial aid, they helped me sign up for classes and register, take the
placement test all those roadblocks that lot of people run into and it ends up holding them
back. That was the program that kind of was my bridge over from St. Diggs into real life.
The Center for Male Engagement made it possible for James as a first generation college
student to get through his first higher education experience. It’s also gave James the
encouragement and guidance necessary to succeed at the university level.
` As part of the treatment program that John was in, vocational rehab helped former
inmates identify potential vocations and covered the cost of training.
RECIDIVISM 65
While I was in there they turned me onto some programs. One of them was vocational
rehab. Vocational rehab is basically for those that have drug addiction or those that may
have had some type injury or something or those that's been incarcerated. They had
resources set up that will help us to, um, you know, get a trade. And so I was tapping into
all that were there to help and I was holding them accountable. I would present them
anything to get them to help me; even if it was things as small as a requesting bus pass or
vouchers for the workbooks or anything like that because I knew I had to take steps to get
myself reestablished back in to society. Anyway, the first trade that I took up or went
after was my commercial driver's license and vocational rehab paid for that. I went
through a school called Road Masters and I believe it cost almost $2,000 for truck driving
school. I went through that and I was able to get my CDL….after that I went back in and
they (vocational rehab) had me go through some counseling, which is what they typically
do if you're a patient. So you have to go through that whole process. I did that and they
ended up paying for me to go to barber school.
What John emphasizes here is the critical need for immediate resources following
incarceration. Programs like vocational rehab that cover the cost for schools and training (which
lead to jobs), provide formerly incarcerated individuals a means to legally sustain themselves as
they reenter society.
Unlike James and John, Joe had an advantage as it relates to programs and resources. Joe
is an Army veteran so he had an additional set of resources available to him as he attempted
reenter society post incarceration.
I just started applying the resources I had at my disposal. First getting into the VA
system, humbling myself and swallowing my pride and asking him for help. Becoming
RECIDIVISM 66
willing to accept that help, right now in the form that it was given.….the VA offered
some educational funding and to receive that funding I had to change my program of
study, so I started going to school for substance abuse counseling.
Later on, in his discussion of academic resources Joe details the assistance he received
versus what would have been most beneficial for a student in his position.
You know you get an academic advisor when you get in there and they say, hey, this is
what your program of study is going to look like, but what they don't say is, hey, I
suggest you...you know? Here I am, I'm coming to college after being out of school 20
something odd years and they're not saying, well this is an easier class, why don't you
take this first and then let's work our way into it. You know? There's no transition period.
It's just like, OK, here, here's the class schedule. What do you want to do? You gotta pick
two. I think what we need is maybe a webinar or a workshop that will tell you what
transitioning to college life would look like. You know, there's always a video about this
particular college and what they offer and their success rate. Right? But there's no video
that explains some of the hiccups. There's no assistance for an older student like myself.
You know, there's already the fear of going to school with a lot of young college students
at least that was my thought process. If I would of just had somebody not so much hold
my hand but kind of explain to me what, what to look forward to, you know? Luckily, I
asked a lot of questions and I talked to a lot of people, but what about the students that
don't ask questions that's sitting in the back of the class?

Mentors
RECIDIVISM 67
Another theme that was prevalent among all of the participants in the study was the
influence of mentors. The impact of mentors in the lives of formerly incarcerated men cannot be
understated. Many of them remain in touch with their mentors, years after incarceration and long
after they have transitioned into careers or higher education. Mentors help guide formerly
incarcerated through all phases of life, from educational attainment to spiritual enlightenment.
James formed an unlike friendship with the judge that he came into contact with after her was
released from prison. As a result of her influence, guidance and insistence James was likely
diverted from more jail time.
I remember having this weird conversation with her (the judge) though, because she had
made the decision to keep me. I could've went home. It was like this opportunity for me
to go home or for them to keep me in placement. I was kinda was hoping that they sent
me home like with an ankle bracelet monitor for house arrest... but she said no. She
thought that, you know, I was out there hustling for somebody, um, due to the amount of
drugs I had and she just didn't see that being a brighter future for me. And she was right.
But, you know, obviously at that time I didn't want to think she was right. Some years
later, I ended up back in front of her, when I came back after I was being released. Then
she heard them, run down the list of the things that I was doing and I told her you
changed my life...and she was like, you know what, I'm super proud of you. I'm expecting
to hear great things from you. To this day, I still have that relationship like you saw on IG
(Instagram). It’s really a testament to God in terms of like how far it went. Meeting her
was the first initial thing that happened to me once I got out. I had a great voice of
support from a judge and then I was on probation for 36 months. I ended up getting early
probation because I was doing everything I was supposed to do on top of that, I went to
RECIDIVISM 68
college, I went to CCP, I had a job....um, I was doing exceptional. And people really
started to take notice and knew that, you know, I, I was committed to like turn my life
around and doing the things that was necessary in order for me to stay on that, on the
right track.
In all of the study participant’s interview mentors were identified as those that either
guided the participants in life or careers, provided models for living and held participants to a
standard of living, that did not include incarceration. However, during his interview Joe exposed
another vital purpose provided by mentors: instilling hope.
When I think about people who helped me, there's several individuals that come to mind,
but, um, my mentor was a lady by the name of Mrs. Jackson, that was my mentor. I know
it’s strange to have a female mentor, but um, she was like a legal eagle. She helped me
learn to navigate the VA system. She gave me books to read she sparked hope in me
when I didn't have any hope at all. I actually still talk to her to this day.
The mentors which John discussed in his interviews presented themselves in the form of
community. As a member of the Nation of Islam, figures central to the religion (The Honorable
Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X and The Honorable Louis Farrakhan), the principles of Islam and
the brotherhood formed in prison among its followers, were key factors in ensuring John did not
recidivate.
I know I may have said it before but I'm in the Nation of Islam. So, in terms of
mentorship, character development, brotherhood, which is integral in an environment like
the callous, cold unnatural environment like prison, you know you need a sense of
brotherhood. I believe human beings, we were made to function in community despite
whatever circumstances we might find ourselves in. I believe we function/operate best
RECIDIVISM 69
when we're in community and we're operating in a communal class, in a healthy
community at that—not a toxic, unhealthy community. And so being in the Nation of
Islam and being amongst brothers who strove to exhibit, you know, the highest character,
despite the circumstances, was a blessing. You know contrary to what people might
think, you can easily get caught up in lifestyles in prison that are very non-productive;
that are very, you know ugly: drug addiction, gangs and violence. All of these things are
in here. So I would probably say that the greatest department that served me while I was
in prison was probably the "chocolate-department," because it allowed me to develop
myself spiritually and grow in my faith with the teachings of the Hon. Elijah Muhammed.
Additionally, all of the study participants indicated that post incarceration they remained
in touch with their mentors. It is important to note, that at the core of the relationship the men
established with their mentors was accountability. It also appeared that accountability to
someone without the threat of further incarceration was a factor in their success after being
released. All of the participants mentioned how easy it was to return to their previous lifestyle,
thus having someone hold you accountable to a higher standard of living reduced their chances
of recidivism. Here, John reflected on the Nation of Islam’s continued influence on his life since
his release from prison.
In March, man it’ll be 10 years that I've been home from prison. If it wasn't for the
teachings of the Hon. Elijah Muhammad and staying apart of this believing community
and being amongst brothers, who hold me accountable, I don’t think I would have made
it. You know, I can't go to my brother and be like, hey man, you know I saw this bad,
babe and you know I got her number... they're like hold up brother that's not how we get
down. We don't do that and you can't be around us with that kind of foolishness.
RECIDIVISM 70
Thankfully, I'm a part of a wonderful, brotherhood that holds me accountable and it helps
to keep me on the straight and narrow. To me, that's critical because in this world where
you can get lost in the sauce real easy, you don't always have a solid community of
people who are striving to live a life of righteousness to keep you on track. I'm still in that
process myself. It started while I was in prison, you know, I joined the National Islam in
2001 while I was in prison and its 2018 now and I'm still in the process.
Tenacity
The third theme to surface from the interviews, which proved vital to study participants’
ability to access higher education was tenacity. In order to achieve success in post-secondary
education and their careers two factors occurred among study participants: 1). They had to make
the decision that prison was no longer an option and 2). They had to be will to persist through
multiple obstacles and setbacks to reach their goals. Tenacity was identified as a key theme
because throughout each of their narratives, each participant described various impediments to
their educations (some systemic, some financial and personal) that could have deterred them. In
addition, all of them spoke in detail about avoiding the streets and going back to their old ways
in order to achieve success. As a matter of fact, several of the participants spoke about
deliberately using educational pursuits to evade criminal activity. As John details below
education filled a very necessary void.
Once you get into that lifestyle, you know, you've lived it, you've been there and that's
always something that’s kinda always there because once you've, live it, you've done it so
it's really not hard to turn back, and go to that, you know what I mean? If that's what you
made your mind up to do, it’s not hard because you've done it before and you've had a
measure of success at it. So, I had to have some type of substitute, you know, you have to
RECIDIVISM 71
replace one thing with another, if not then something has to happen. There's no way
around it. I can never see myself, just being a bum, that never made sense to me. So, um
yea, I think I had to get a career and I'm glad that I had enough understanding of myself
and idea of what I wanted to do so that I could go and pursue something that at least I
enjoy. Because, I know a lot of people they're still lost, still struggling to discover what it
is that they need to do in life.
John’s statement illustrates how difficult it can be to transition back into society, in a
completely different capacity for newly released inmates. Without the will and a commitment to
rehabilitation, the prospect of remaining out of the system is severely diminished. Given that
context, high recidivism rates of 67.5% within three years of release as noted in Langan and
Levin (2002) report make sense. Recently, released inmates have to contend with external
systemic forces meant to derail their progress as well as internal struggles that require a certain
level of mental fortitude to overcome those processes meant to hinder them. However, the study
participants prove with enough dedication and persistence, it is possible to break the cycle of
recidivism.
In this excerpt, Joe discusses the slippery slope of recidivism. In his interview Joe reveals
how bureaucracy can often create chasms between inmates and opportunities for advancements.
For many inmates, the lure of their past lives is hard to ignore when faced with the
responsibilities of daily living compounded by limited resources. Under those circumstances,
even the most minute tasks seem insurmountable.
…the roadblocks and barriers that are in place once you're released can seem huge
because there's no resources, right? You know, and uh, it's easy to get distracted because
you're deflated. Like, for instance let's just say I want to get a job. In order to get a job, I
RECIDIVISM 72
have to have an ID. In order to have get a Texas ID, I have to have a birth certificate.
Well, in order to get a birth certificate, I have to have two forms of ID. So now we're
back to not having any support. How do I get these things? I am fresh out of jail. The ID
cost $18, the birth certificate costs, $25. I just, you, told you I'm unemployed and there's
no resources there for me to obtain any of these things. So, in my mind I'm like, why try?
It's so much easier just to go back to the streets because I know what to expect there.
In the previous excerpt, Joe uses a hypothetical situation to explain the challenges faced
by former inmates attempting to reenter society. In his interview, John describes a real-life
experience he encountered, which mirrored the scenario Joe alluded to.
When I first came home, maybe within the first week I heard about this job hiring so I
went over there to get it, you know. I went there and let them know I wanted to put in an
application for the job, and at the time I didn't have any identification. I didn't have any id
or anything like that. All I had was my prison id and my prison id, obviously wasn't
sufficient. I needed to get a birth certificate and a social security number. So, I had to go
through the whole process you know requesting the birth certificate, then applying for the
social security card, then taking that to the DMV and applying for an id, etc. Anyway,
they couldn't hire me until I had my official state id or a birth certificate or a social
security card. Then because the institution was slow dragging, getting it to me I couldn’t
complete the application. So, what I wound up doing was, I just kept going back every
day and the owner he's like, man, we can't hire you until you get all this and that. And I
was like, man. So, I went back again and I would get up early in the morning to go down
there, just to let them know I was still in a process of trying to get it and I hope the job
was still available to me. After three weeks, I went in there early one morning, it was
RECIDIVISM 73
probably seven in the morning when it first opened up, and I walked and it was cold, I
was freezing and he saw how red my nose was and I came in and I went to the back and I
was like, I just wanted to let you know I was still in the process of getting my id and stuff
and they said it’s on its way. He was like, man, I'm a hire you today just because you
showing your persistence and how bad you want to work and you not giving up.
As a juvenile offender, James had a slightly different situation occur. By the end of his
sentence he, didn’t have enough credits to enter his senior. He was considered a “rising junior,”
the equivalent of a sophomore at the end of the school. James was given the option to leave or
stay and get his GED. Ultimately, James decided to stay an extra month and get his GED rather
than return to his neighborhood without it
Ok, so when it came time for me to leave, I didn't have enough credits. If I would have
left I wouldn’t have been ready for my senior year. I was kind of like stuck in that weird
transition, I'm a sophomore and a junior, which I knew I didn’t want to be. Well, I'm not
going to say I knew, but I had some good people around me who advised me to go back,
to stay a little bit longer and just get the GED. So, I took their advice and I executed. I
made sure I walked out of there ready for you know, either college or a job rather than
going back to kind of like the same situation I was in before.

Section 3: Research Question 2—Preventing Recidivism
As an intentional outcome of incarceration, recidivism can be a nearly impossible cycle
for prisoners to break. While education, has been known to be one of the most effective tools at
reducing recidivism it is one piece of an extremely complicated puzzle. In the previous section,
study participants revealed in their narratives the challenges they faced and the strategies they
RECIDIVISM 74
employed in order to access postsecondary education. In the next section, the study participants
discuss how postsecondary education empowered them in their efforts to overcome recidivism.
Motivational Factors
For each study participant, their interest in pursuing post-secondary education as a means
to remain out of prison was motivated by a matter of personal significance or adverse
circumstance, that provided the necessary momentum required to achieve their lofty goals.
After cycling in and out of prison for almost 20 years, it took one encounter with racism
to convince Joe that he finally had enough and was not returning to prison.
The last time I was in prison, it was what we call in Texas a state jail felony and what that
means is it’s just enough not to be a misdemeanor and just enough to be a felony but not
something to get you a substantial amount of time. And uh, they sent me to this little rural
country town that was racist. I’m just gonna say what it was, it was really racist and that
broke me. That let me see the system for what it really was. It was organized slavery, just
with a different name and that was just enough for me to say, OK, you know what, I'm
done. I can't do this. I mean when I first hit the unit, I was pulled over by the gang unit
that was on the farm. And the guard pretty much told me if I got out of line he was going
to put me in solitary confinement for the duration of my time. Then he said, when it was
time to discharge me that they were going to drop me off an hour late after the
Greyhound bus station closed and they were gonna call the cops and get me a new case.
That was a strong motivator right there. Like, I was no longer straddling the fence at that
point. I was already thinking this was going to be the last time and that was it.
RECIDIVISM 75
Racism provided the impetus for Joe to pursue higher education. Joe was certain that he
didn’t want to repeat his experience on the farm and that was enough incentive to endure
anything faced en route to a degree and a life outside of prison.
If racism was Joe’s motivator, love was the motivation that propelled James toward two
degrees. James was raised by his grandmother. Throughout his narrative her presence and love
was a prevalent theme. The arrest that lead to his incarceration took place at her home and
James’ desire avenge that disappointment was a powerful motivator for him.
I was curious to find out if I could be successful at school and I knew that I wanted to
make my grandmother proud. That was something that meant a lot to me, because I knew
what I put her through in terms of uh, in terms of her like seeing me get drug out her
house in handcuffs, having guns pointed at her face, so I knew I had to like change the
narrative for her. Like I really wanted to make her proud, instead of having her tell those
sad depressing stories about her grandson in jail.
In addition, James newly acquired education and the world it exposed him too also
instilled a confidence that motivated him to further his education.
I feel like I never want to stop growing and learning. I'm motivated and inspired every
day. I feel like I opened up a new world in terms of like when I go read and discover new
information and how I interact with words on pages, like those experiences for me have
just shaped like my relationships with other people in a very good way. I can have
conversations with pretty much anybody now. Um, I don't have to feel intimidated
around other people who are academically savvy or have fancy degrees. I just feel like
I've proven myself in a way.
RECIDIVISM 76
John was another participant that was motivated by his family. For John being a stable
presence in the lives of his children was all the motivation he needed to obtain his license and
work as a professional barber.
Once I came out here, you know, and I had my daughter, I realized it was time for me to
go head and get serious about moving forward as a barber. And so it's been seven years
now that I've been licensed out here. The nice thing is just that I'm able to be there. I'm
not out the picture, I'm in the picture. Just the fact that I'm in the picture consistently, I
believe it affords me the opportunity to be a better provider, you know, not just on a
material level, on all of levels: emotionally, spiritually, mentally just being present. I
think that just like in school, you know you can almost get a passing grade just by having
good attendance you know? It doesn't mean you're going to excel in your class but you
might at least be able to get a passing grade with good attendance. So I feel with a
combination of me being present also being able to have a little something to bring to the
table. It's given me a shot and given me a peace of mind, that allows me to navigate and
plot out my next move.

Hustle
Each participant in the study possessed an intense work ethic that made them successful
in their former lives. Upon their release, they were no longer in the care of the state and the need
for income intensified. However, rather than turn to criminal activity for sustenance each
individual decided to pursue postsecondary education. Ironically, the very same enterprising
skills and hustle that they applied on the streets to acquire income, was useful as they made their
way through post-secondary education systems.
RECIDIVISM 77
Upon his release John, immediately sought means to provide for himself and opted for
vocational training rather a 2 or 4-year education plan. The first few months following his release
were critical for John. He lacked money and without family available to provide support he
desperately needed to secure a job. He had saved a little money in anticipation of the income gap
he inevitably experienced.
Once I got out, I was thinking I got to get a job and going to school for architecture for
the next four years or six years wasn’t gonna work. Like I got to figure out how to keep a
roof over my head, like I didn't have nothing. I took the little money I was making while I
was in prison, cutting hair, I took that money and I made myself a care package with
hygiene products, sweatsuit and shoes. I sent this package ahead of myself so when I
came home I said, OK, for the next three months I'm not going to have to worry about
buying no lotion, no deodorant, no toothpaste. You know, I had some clean draws for
myself because I didn't have nothing. Literally when I was released I had $100 bank
check that the institution gave me because I didn't have any money coming on my books
because I didn't have any support coming from the outside. And so I had that hundred
dollars man, that's all I had. When I left, I stopped I got myself a Snapple, some red vines
and I got on the plane and they took me from Oregon and they flew me to Utah. And you
know, I started building from there. In truth you know, because I was in such dire straits
and my means were so strained when I came home, I had to focus on survival first so I
couldn't, I couldn't even really try and pursue no big dreams initially, at least that's what I
told myself, you know what I'm saying? I had to try and get a job, get stabilized, get an
apartment; get a vehicle; get some money saved up. I need to you know, just get my
RECIDIVISM 78
bearing back in this world before I take on something as big as trying to take on this
architecture course, you know what I mean?
Unlike John, James chose the school route. After incarceration James returned back home
with his grandmother, which potentially made the decision to attend school a more feasible
option for him. While school may have been the best option for James future, it required
financing in the present. With limited financial aid options James relied on his work ethics and
his wits to get through college.
Once I applied, and I got in then the conversation became OK now who could I talk to
about my financial situation in terms of really getting the support around me that I needed
so that I can go there and be successful and not have to worry and stress about the money.
So, I went there, and I shared my story with the Dean, and I was like one of maybe three
males in my program. It kind of made it a big deal to have another male added to that
program and I thought that would get me, the funding that I needed but it didn't, initially.
So I had to go up in class still, not knowing where the money was going to come from.
The chair of my department ended up teaching my class the first week and he saw like
my eagerness for learning. He saw how bad I wanted it. I was raising my hand for
everything, I was just engaged. One day after class, I saw him sitting in his office and I
kinda waved to him, and was like see you later professor. Then, he was like Mr. Trice
come here real fast. And he was said I remember you asked me about some scholarship
funds and actually I'm checking my email now and it says that we have some extra
funding. He was like, you know I'm going to confirm this tomorrow and if this is true I'm
going to send you out the information so that you can apply and get it. It was like $7500
and it closed a big gap for me, I was only like $13,000 short then. I ended up getting a
RECIDIVISM 79
teaching grant after that, which was helpful. I think it allowed me to have some extra
funds. Plus, I always had a job. No matter, like the minute I stepped on campus, I had a
job. I was a tutor for a company called A ++ Schools for Schools. I also had employment
as a work study student, I started to drive for Uber and Lyft once they introduced that, I
had a few jobs in schools. That’s how I ended up getting there and really staying there.
Joe was the only the participant in the study that recidivated. Thus, once he made the
decision not to return to prison, his reentry into society was more complicated than James and
John. It had been almost a decade since he set foot in a classroom or held a steady job.
Undeterred, Joe committed himself to his education and applied the hustle he acquired over the
years to help him complete school while also holding multiple jobs.
The first job I got after incarceration was working at a mobile home plant, building
mobile homes. I was dating a young lady whose father had been there 20 years. He put in
a good word and he got me hired. I hated, I hated that job. But it was my first step to
maturity and becoming responsible, but all along I knew that I was not going to be the
guy with 15, 20 years in the warehouse. Computers always piqued my interest, something
that's always evolving and something that's always changing is what always piques my
interest. And so I thought I was going to get a job in computers and then I landed a job at,
a recycling company digging through trash and cleaning trash receptacles. I hated that.
But I knew in order to not be a trash guy or retire from a warehouse, I had to pursue some
education opportunities. Um, so landing a job at a treatment center and seeing friends or
associates that I knew from before pursuing their education and going to college, it
sparked a little fire in me. I was like, well, if they can do it, I can do it right? I knew I
could. So, during the night I took as many classes as I could online and then I had a
RECIDIVISM 80
couple classes in the classroom. I would say, on average I had two classes online and two
classes in the classroom.
Fulfillment/Purpose
Throughout the narratives of the study participants, finding purpose was discussed
prominently and a key finding in the prevention of recidivism. While postsecondary education
was the medium they used to escape the cycle of recidivism, recognizing their purpose or finding
their calling is what sustained them after they realized their goal. In his narrative, Joe details how
he found purpose in a gang as a teen, which ultimately was his entrance into a lifestyle that led to
his incarceration.
I was pretty much a product of my environment to be honest with you. The hustling, the
gang affiliations and things of that nature. You know, I went to a private school, I got a
good education. I was a B student. There was that thing where I guess we'll say I didn't
get enough attention at home so I tapped into the, the negative attention and that seemed
to be the thing that continued to feed me…the streets gave me an identity. It allowed me
to be something I really wasn't. I was in school getting good grades, you know but I didn't
get the cheerleaders. I didn't get the homecoming queen and without things of that nature
it was kind of like being invisible, you know? No one paid attention to the nerds. So,
once I got into the streets, everybody paid me attention then. It was hard to let that go. I
had been pretending for so long.
In their interviews, all of the participants exhibited a belief that they were meant for
something greater than imprisonment. Each individual discussed a higher purpose connected to
something other than themselves (typically their children or their community), which would
RECIDIVISM 81
benefit from its fulfillment. In the end, discovering their purpose and committing to its
realization was the goal of postsecondary education attainment for them.
After his release, the impact of James’ experience in the Philadelphia school system led
him to teaching, which is where he found his purpose.
I talk about that in terms of like why I became educator and I go back to my story
initially when I was struggling in school and when school stopped being fun for me
around ninth and tenth grade. It was because teachers in high school, at that high school
at least, never approached learning the same way—like someone who loves their job, like
someone that loves teaching. They never brought that passion and excitement to the table.
So I just want to connect myself with the issue that I experienced growing up. I was like,
why did I have to wait until college to meet someone like this? Why did I have to wait
until I enrolled into this program to have people share these jewels with me, and these
gems of great information? So, I went back and I did some research on what it is that I
could do that related to what I was already involved. I was involved in church but I knew
I didn't want to be a preacher or anything like that. So, I asked myself what else is there?
What else is a part of my story that could allow me to give back and be a resource to my
community? That was teaching. It fell back on teaching. And I was so committed to it
because so many people when I shared it with them was like, yo, bad idea they don't
make enough money. And, you know, in that conversation, which was so necessary I
thought about it, like this is the problem. Why are we running away from teaching our
people, our community? We can’t let that be an excuse to not do it. I'm like man if that's
the excuse we need to get in there and change that.
RECIDIVISM 82
For the remaining participants, their motivation and purpose for achievement was firmly
rooted in improving the lives of their families. John followed his passion for cutting hair and
found his purpose as the head of his family.
In essence, it's provided me a means to be able to provide for myself and my family. It's
also given me a sense of purpose and a sense of accomplishment. It’s a passion of mine
so I do feel like I'm doing something that I actually enjoy, I believe it’s a gift that Allah
gave me early on. I've been cutting hair since I was 13 years old and I've always been
artistic and been good with my hands. It definitely has provided that peace of mind and
you know I can rest easy at night knowing that I don't have to get out there and do
anything that's harmful to anybody else to provide sustenance for myself and my family.
There was a time when no one would have considered Joe a role model. Joe however,
received his AA this past December and intends to pursue his BA in Social Work at the
University of Texas-Austin. He’s worked steady for three years now, and currently works in
courtrooms and prisons in the Dallas area as a prison advocate. Joe has fought hard to get his life
back on track, so that he can be a better example for his sons.
Well, again, like I said, college had always been a dream of mine and plus working in the
mental health field, you can't move up the corporate ladder unless you have a few
credentials behind your name. That was a strong motivator, but I'm a firm believer in
legacy and I have two sons, 25 and 26 and I did not want them to follow in my footsteps.
So, I decided to be more of a role model for my sons…. You know, growing up, you
always hear go to school and make something of yourself. And, you know, I never
bought into that whole heartedly. It wasn't until this journey now late in life that I
understand the value of an education and how it can help you. I went into the substance
RECIDIVISM 83
abuse counseling, mental health field thinking I was going to learn about people and I
actually ended up learning more about myself. I learned a lot about not wanting to go
back to prison. So, there's a lot of encouragement that comes from higher education.

Section 4: Framework Analysis
The narratives shared in this chapter provide insight on some of the challenges and
barriers that formerly incarcerated African American men face attempting to access higher
education and remain out of jail. The stories they shared, suggest recidivism is not easy to
prevent and takes effort to overcome. Essentially, this is problematic because as a society we are
lead to believe that if you commit a crime jail is the debt you pay for your transgressions and
theoretically once you serve your time you’re allowed to proceed with your life. Unfortunately,
the lived experience of the participants detailed here, depicts a different story more aligned with
the Prison Industrial Complex.
Prison Industrial Complex
Throughout each narrative shared in this chapter, the prison industry served a backdrop to
every story. It’s obvious that prisons have become big business and the focus has shifted to
profits instead of rehabilitation, a phenomenon not lost on the prisoners most affected by it. In
his interview Joe characterizes the Texas prison system as racist. He is also keenly aware of the
industry which exists in prison, it’s need for laborers and its suppression of education as a result.
Yeah man, Texas prisons are racist. They don't want you to get an education. You're
deemed a threat you know with education. They want you to come down there and they
have fields full of different agriculture, right. They're growing beans, they're growing
corn, they're growing jalapenos, tomatoes, and if you become educated and stop coming
RECIDIVISM 84
to prison, they have nobody to harvest these things. So, they're not promoting you getting
any smarter. They're not going to add that resource for you because they want you to
return.
John also shared similar sentiments as Joe regarding on the lack of interest by the state to
educate prisoners in order to aid in their rehabilitation.
…they gave the impression that education was something that was important but they
didn't offer anything real. You couldn't get certain certifications in there. You know, if
you wanted some type of college education there was a community college close by the
federal institution and they offered one lone computer class and so I joined that class and
learned powerpoint and excel, publisher, word it was helpful. But the reality of it is if you
wanted to go beyond that you had to get some money. So how does somebody on the
inside, get some type of scholarship or the funds to actually pay for an education? And
just one computer class, not a course or something that gets you to a degree isn’t enough,
you know? Those courses weren’t transferable, or nothing.
To reiterate, the goal of incarceration is rehabilitation not punishment. As previously
mentioned, in an examination of the legal codes of all fifty states, Stevens and Ward (1997),
determined that rehabilitation was the most common goal for correctional organizations with 41
states mandating its use.
One of the more other insidious by products of the prison industry complex that was
revealed in the study was the disconnect between skill and certification. Several participants
noted how all prisoners have a job, many of which are highly skilled positions. According to
John, prisoners are gaining valuable skills sets while they are incarcerated that they are unable to
translate into paid positions upon release.
RECIDIVISM 85
…you got to understand this; the prison system is built to be self-sustaining. So um, they
have what they call compound maintenance service. So basically, you've got an
institution that has 3000 or 2000 people and they have plumbing, electrical, and a kitchen
that has to be maintained, the grounds have to be kept, so the compound maintenance is
maintained by the prison population. You might have one person that might be over the
electrical department which is an actual staff member and he might have 20 or 30 guys in
there that are prisoners that help him. So that's their job and they're making pennies to do
what they do. The actual staff member, who covers supervises them he might be a
licensed electrician or something like that. But the people, the people that do work are the
actual prisoners. So, you're learning certain things about the electrical work while you're
in there. Pretty much like an apprentice and so you're in here working and sometime you
become really proficient. But in terms of actually getting a certification to where when
you can come right out of prison you're qualified to go and get a $20-$30 an hour job as a
plumber or as an electrician or something like that or even as a cook it doesn’t happen
because there's no certification. The system is designed to be self-sustained; not to
necessarily put you through a process to qualify you so that when you come home you're
able to get a job doing the things that you were doing while in prison, for how many ever
years. For example, me personally I worked in the barber shop for 8 years. I was a
proficient, competent barber that could cut anybody's hair. You know what I mean? And
I was confident in that ability. But once I got out, I couldn't go to a barbershop and say
here's my resume, I've been cutting hair for 8 years in federal prison, you know, give me
a shot, and they're like where's your license? Even though I had actually put in the hours
to get the license. You have to have so many hours to get your license and I did that. I did
RECIDIVISM 86
three or four times the number of hours that it takes to be a licensed barber, while I was in
there but that's not the way it's set up. That time didn’t count.
If prisoners were able to apply their hours on the job inside the prison toward certification
in a vocation, they would have access to decent paying job sooner and would be able to provide
for themselves decreasing their chances of recidivating.
Transformative Resistance
As a framework, Transformative Resistance was used in this study to examine the use of
postsecondary education to break the cycle of recidivism among study participants. According to
Solorzano & Bernal (2001) transformative resistance seeks to examine student’s level of
awareness and critique of their oppressive conditions and structures of oppression and their
motivation by social justice to overcome them (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001). In the telling of their
stories what all the study participants described was a form of transformative resistance. Each
participant, was not only aware of the social conditions of incarceration but they were all
intentional about their pursuit of education as a means to resist recidivism, which is the intended
outcome of the prison industrial system. Through their narratives each participant exhibited
behavior that was political, conscious, and motivated by a belief that individual and social change
are possible. For example, Joe discussed the mental toll of the system on individuals and how
education can help overcome it.
Incarceration plays with the psyche. And what I mean by that is, you know, once you get
out, all you hear is convicted felon. Every time you fill out an application you see convicted
felon and you know, you go to a temp service and they say, hey, there's nothing available
with your criminal background at this time. You go to job fairs, and they say hey, there's
nothing available because of your criminal background. And so when you do get a job,
RECIDIVISM 87
your psyche says, hey, stay right here. You finally got a job because it's been seven to nine
months before you got that job, right? And it's hard to endure and hold on and stay focused.
You know, the whole time I'm thinking before I got the job, I'm like, I got one foot in prison
and one foot out. Which way do I want to go? And I finally made that decision to not return.
And it was hard, bro. I'm not going to lie to you. You know, street life is, it's easily
accessible, it’s on every corner, you know? Incarceration told me I wasn't worthy of a
life....and it damn sure didn't tell me I was going to go to college. It didn't tell me that I was
worthy of going to college. It just told me I was worthy of working this dead-end warehouse
job. But I stayed focused. I went from making $7.25 an hour to $18.00 hour. I make $18
an hour. It's not a lot of money but it’s the most money I ever made and it's all because of
my education and not wanting to go back to being incarcerated.
As an educator, James utilized the education that he attained not only as a tool of resistance
but also as an agent of change. In his narrative, he spoke about wanting to become a teacher so
that he could a give back to his community and be a resource in his neighborhood. He also spoke
about using his education to help him connect with people and allowing him to be an example.
I would say education has definitely now been a bridge for me that I can use to reach a lot
of people, uh, in terms of like being a teacher and talking about how I was once
unsuccessful in terms of going through the school process and then becoming successful
throughout the rest of my time spent in the school and in my academic career. But the point
for me is that I'm learning to be something that everybody should. You know what I mean?
It benefits you and more than just inside of a classroom. It benefits you obviously in life,
it opens up your eyes to a new world. And that's, that's really the big thing for me.

RECIDIVISM 88
Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) was central to this study, because it made it possible for the
study participants who are directly impacted by recidivism to tell their stories. The study was
centered on the participants lived experienced and how they overcame recidivism rather than
their rate of return. The study participants provided context regarding processes that impacted
their ability to remain out of prison. It also highlighted the challenges former prisoners face
reentering society and provided a deeper understanding of how difficult it is not to recidivate. Of
the five tenets of CRT, counterstorytelling and interest convergence appeared most frequently
throughout the interviews. In his interview James, discussed the ability of education to change
the narrative of black boys.
I'm a testament to power of education and there’s other people who are testaments to that
too. And that's the narrative that I hope this is creating, right, that this is the point of this
conversation. And I'm just also blessed to have this story. You know what I mean? Like I
don't look at it like my story; like a story just belonging to me because this is a story of a
lot of young black American men, boys, however you want to define us. We’re talented
beyond measure, right? But we’re put in these boxes, sometimes because everyone our
governments, our school system, they have this benchmark to judge us by and just
because we don't, you know, reach that benchmark, and measure up with it doesn't mean
that we're not going to be highly successful people and people who can really produce for
our country and our society.
Recidivism, is built on the fallacy that prisoners don’t have anything of value to
contribute and incarceration is better than rehabilitation. By proving that educational attainment
is possible, the study shows that rehabilitation and degree completion are viable options for
RECIDIVISM 89
formerly incarcerated individuals. Joe, recidivated several times before finally breaking the cycle
of recidivism. Joe is a perfect example of how education can disrupt the cycle of recidivism.
He’s also changing the narrative about career criminals and what we think about them.
When I was in the game, there were kids looking at me growing up, those very same kids
on the streets, gang banging and everything, right? And I never knew they were looking
at me. So now that I know someone is always watching me, I know someone is seeing
my story and seeing that I've changed my life and now they can believe that they can
change their life. So yes, education was a key component in making that possible.

RECIDIVISM 90

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS,
RECOMMENDATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS
Summary
The purpose of this study was to examine the personal stories of three formerly
incarcerated African-American men who were able to attain postsecondary education and break
the cycle of recidivism. This study also sought to understand how inmates were able to attain
their education within the context of prison and legal systems meant to ensure their retention. In
addition, absent from much of the research on recidivism, are the stories of African-American
men who escaped the system, attained education and successfully reentered society. Thus, it was
important to examine this topic through a qualitative study in order to add the lived experiences
of those formerly incarcerated men to the litany of studies on recidivism.
The frameworks used in the study included Critical Race Theory, Prison Industrial
Complex and Transformative Resistance. Critical Race Theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2006) was
necessary in the study to allow for counternarratives to: 1) To challenge the master narrative that
recidivism is the result of individual choices rather than systemic racism; 2)Place a human face
on recidivism and to discuss how to overcome recidivism, rather than reexamine rates of return.
For this study, it was important for it to be framed within the Prison Industrial Complex
(Hattery & Smith, 2007), because the Prison Industrial Complex served as a backdrop for the
study participant’s experience. Furthermore, the industrialization of the prison system has
changed the focus of incarceration from rehabilitation to the generation of profits. Individuals
lives and whole communities are being destroyed because the prison industry requires human
RECIDIVISM 91
capital to operate. Therefore, it was necessary to understand how the prison industry complex
works, to understand how recidivism functions as an intended outcome of the system.
Finally, Transformative Resistance (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001) was used to frame the
study participants’ acquisition of postsecondary education as a form of protest against a racist
prison system. In light of the considerable obstacles meant to deter prisoners from education
(post incarceration) and ensure their retention combined with the navigation of higher education
systems, prisoner’s intentional efforts to avoid intended outcomes should be framed within the
context of resistance theories. The mere fact that they sought out additional education or training
after years of incarceration is a radical endeavor.
The process of successfully transitioning into society after incarceration is not a simple
process. In order to eradicate recidivism, we must learn how to overcome it from those who have
and provide those struggling with it a pathway toward success. This study of formerly
incarcerated African American men who attained a postsecondary education, revealed the
process the study participants took part of to obtain a degree and not return to prison. The
experiences of James, Joe and John align with the findings of researchers such as Hattery and
Smith (2007) who detailed in their report, the challenges formerly incarcerated African-
American men face without an education or skills in the labor market.
Those who emerge with a felony record face chronic unemployment and
underemployment. Those who can find a job nevertheless enter the labor market
with depleted human capital. They emerge from prison as constantly evolving
technology has rendered what skills they have obsolete. Those who emerge in the
best of possible situations, with no felony record and with human capital still
intact, nevertheless enter the labor market behind their same-age peers. This
RECIDIVISM 92
affects layoffs, seniority, wages, and retirement accumulation. And all of this
assumes that these ex-cons can even obtain a job, given that they will have a
several-year “gap” in their work history (Hattery & Smith, 2007).
While the current research on recidivism, notes the various barriers to successful reentry
to society for formerly incarcerated African American men, few studies explored how men who
have successfully reentered society accomplished this feat. Moreover, rarely are these men
allowed to tell their own stories. Therefore, rather than allow someone else to explain their story,
it was important for the study participants to tell their story themselves. I did not want my
collaborators reduced to third person narrators of their own narratives. Instead, I intended to
center their stories in the study and allow their experiences to become the data extrapolated from
this study.
Discussion of Findings
As it relates to how former prisoners were able to access postsecondary education and not
recidivate within the prison industrial complex three key significant findings were present:
Replacement, Commitment and Purpose. According to the data, absent of all three variables
degree/certification training attainment was diminished and the likelihood of recidivism
increased.
Replacement
Each participant in the study acknowledged a pull in their lives of their criminal past.
They all explicitly stated that upon release the void of criminal activity must be replaced with
something else. Minus, a means to support themselves or their families upon release the data
indicates its likely former prisoners will resort to the methods that served them prior to
incarceration and eventually land themselves back prison in an effort to survive.
RECIDIVISM 93
Commitment and Purpose
According to the data, purpose and commitment worked in tandem with each other in the
lives of formerly incarcerated African-American men who obtained their degrees and beat
recidivism. The process the study participants revealed was 1). Committing to a decision to not
return to prison and 2). Honing in on a purpose, which then fueled their actions.
The combination of commitment and purpose was important because during the pursuit
of their goals former prisoners needed to be willing to endure numerous obstacles. Many of the
obstacles they faced, were further complicated by laws and policies meant to suppress their
access to education, services and basic needs to almost guarantee recidivism. For example, if a
former prisoner wants to pursue a BA, it’s not as simple as submitting an application to a school.
It’s determining how to obtain a degree after not setting foot in a traditional classroom setting for
several years; and worrying about funding your education with minimal job prospects, and a 10k
tuition bill, that you have to pay out of pocket because you’re ineligible for financial aid. It’s
seeking a job and fearing the question, “have you ever been convicted of a felony,” on an
application. It’s wanting to work and having a job prospect deferred while you wait for your
birth certificate to arrive so you can get a social security number, so you can apply to get a state
issued ID because all you have is a prison ID. Its having more experience than most working
barbers but having your experience discounted because it was acquired in prison. In all of these
situations what does the “right decision” mean when all the rules are set up to incarcerate?
Recommendations
This study shed light on the challenges faced by formerly incarcerated African-American
men, who obtained postsecondary education and did not recidivate. This research also focused
on understanding the process that each participant employed in order to secure a
RECIDIVISM 94
degree/certification and successfully integrate into society. In their study, researchers Karpowitz
& Kenner (2010) noted that inmates released from prisons into the community unskilled,
undereducated are highly likely to return to prison—a sentiment which was unanimously echoed
by the study participants in this research. Karpowitz and Kenner (2010), further contend that
simply attending school in prison reduces the likelihood of reincarceration by 29%. In this study,
all but one study participant received their GED while incarcerated. Moreover, the participants
that received their GED’s in prison went on to receive their AA and BA.
In the following section, based on information derived from the participants in this study
recommendations for practice are presented.
Recommendation 1 - Permit hours worked in a trade during incarceration as applicable
toward certification within that trade. Findings from this study suggest that being able to apply
hours worked in prison toward certification upon release, would increase employment
opportunities for inmates, while decreasing the amount of time between release and employment.
This could also potentially counter the urge to resort to criminal activity to survive and therefore
reduce recidivism. Participants noted frustration in their responses due to having the required
number of hours needed for certification but not being allowed to use them. This inconvenience
prolonged the employment process for newly released prisoners desperate for income, anywhere
from 12-18 months.
Recommendation 2 – Supply inmates eligible for release temporary state ID applications
prior to release to ensure former inmates have adequate identification upon release. One of the
most important requirements needed to function in society is proper identification. Often,
obtaining proper identification can be a complicated process; and bureaucracy can further
convolute that process making it nearly impossible for formerly incarcerated individuals to
RECIDIVISM 95
successfully reenter society. Furthermore, lack of identification inhibits former prisoners’ ability
to do the one thing that they need most upon release: generate income. Typically, prisoners are
not wealthy individuals and they won’t be able to sustain themselves nor will their families be
able to absorb the cost of their living while they navigate that process and simultaneously search
for a job, which may be impossible to acquire without adequate identification.
Recommendation 3—Raise the prison wage to the federal minimum wage. It has been
widely documented, understood and confirmed in this study that prison laborers are taken
advantage of to increase corporate profits. In their study, Brewer & Heitzeg (2008) stated,
“Today’s prisons are more than just a place to send the criminally inclined of our society—they
have become a source of cheap labor and increased profits for various industries.” Prisoners are
released from prison with perhaps a $100 check, no identification (to cash said check), no job
prospects, low skills and little education. However, they are expected to provide for themselves
or it is assumed that their family will accept that responsibility, which many times is untrue. If
prisoners were able to make minimum wage in prison for the labor they provide, that money
could be saved, accrue interest and by the time of release may be enough to sustain them for a
short period of time while they seek employment.
Recommendation 4—Increase access to college and career readiness pathway programs
for former prisoners. There are various programs that are available to support inmates as they
attempt to further their education and skill set during their transition back into society. Within
this study, all of the participants were aided by a support program and expressed an appreciation
for them as well as a need. Several participants, noted the lack of expertise and consideration
needed to support specialized populations such as former prisoners, absent among
university/college personnel trained to address the needs of more traditional college students.
RECIDIVISM 96
According to the data presented here, prisoners found more success with programs that
intervened with them and made them aware of postsecondary options before they were released.
In addition, it was incumbent upon the inmates to follow-up with the program upon release to
enroll in the program and receive services. However, the recommendation is to make college and
career pathway programs that bridge the gap between incarceration and opportunity after release
the norm in prison systems. This study confirmed once again, education or training is key to
preventing prisoners from being reincarcerated. If the goal of incarceration is rehabilitation,
ensuring access to higher education and career training is the first step of that endeavor.
Implications for Further Research
The subject of recidivism and postsecondary education is a very complex matter.
Educational inequities faced by African-American men (without the added burdened of
incarceration) have been the source of extensive research throughout the years. While the focus
of this study was uncovering the process of African American men who obtained postsecondary
education and managed to evade recidivism, there were still several closely related themes
prevalent within the data worthy of further exploration.
Due to the small data set utilized within the study, the findings of the study while
compelling are not generalizable to all former African-American male prisoners who have
attained postsecondary education and not recidivated. However, further research on this subject
is recommended; specifically, qualitative studies that add the voice of African-American male
inmates who have degrees and did not return prison. It’s important to understand their process on
a grand scale in order to change the narrative regarding recidivism being an expected outcome of
incarceration. Ideally, further research could possibly reveal a strategy for post incarceration
success, that can be operationalized and supplied to currently incarcerated men who have been
RECIDIVISM 97
led to believe that prison is the sole option for their lives. Further research could provide these
men an alternative.
School to Prison Pipeline
In all of the narratives of the study participants a common theme emerged, which was the
disconnect in school between the 8
th
and 10
th
grades. The disconnect the study participants
detailed—aggressive discipline policies, lack of student engagement, heavy police presence—are
indicative of the school to prison pipeline. Researcher, Nancy Heitzeg (2009) declares
the school to prison pipeline is a consequence of schools which criminalize minor
disciplinary infractions via zero tolerance policies, have a police presence at the
school, and rely on suspensions and expulsions for minor infractions. What were
once disciplinary issues for school administrators are now called crimes, and
students are either arrested directly at school or their infractions are reported to
the police. Students are criminalized via the juvenile and/or adult criminal justice
systems. The risk of later incarceration for students who are suspended or
expelled and arrested is also great. For many, going to school has become literally
and figuratively synonymous with going to jail.
The current research on the school to prison pipeline indicates that prison is the end result
for African American boys within the educational system in America (Heitzeg, 2009). Similarly,
recidivism research also points to prison as the intended outcome for African-American men
(Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). This study highlights another aspect of the school to prison pipeline
that deserves more attention in future studies, education disruption. This study exposes the
education disruption that results once students are pushed out of schools and into juvenile and/or
adult criminal justice systems.
RECIDIVISM 98
Within the juvenile system, classes or alternative schools are not rigorous and fail to
provide adequate skills or training for students beyond incarceration. Heitzeg (2009) claims, “For
students who are suspended or expelled the stakes are even higher. Students are deprived of
educational services and, at best referred to sub-standard alternatives schools.” Without proper
training or skills juvenile offenders are more vulnerable to recidivism as adults. Furthermore, the
Advancement Project (2005) also notes that once many of these youths are in the system, they
never get back on the academic track. Sometimes, schools refuse to readmit them; and even if
these students do return to school, they are often labeled and targeted for close monitoring by
school staff and police. According to the same study, many become demoralized, drop out, and
fall deeper and deeper into the juvenile or criminal justice systems; and without postsecondary
education or job training many never find their way out (Advancement Project, 2005).
While the focus of this study is recidivism, it is impossible to dissect the impact and
functions of recidivism without acknowledging the relationship between the education system
and the prison system. In order to completely address recidivism, solutions must include
alternative forms of school discipline which don’t involve removing students from schools or
criminalizing student behavior. Additionally, more thought needs to be put into increasing the
rigor of classes ins juvenile correctional facilities as well providing more transitional services
which connect juvenile offenders to postsecondary education programs and/or trade schools.

RECIDIVISM 99
Conclusion
The study aimed to examine how formerly incarcerated men were able to achieve
postsecondary education and not recidivate. Additionally, the study also sought to add the voices
and lived experiences of those formerly incarcerated men, most vulnerable to recidivism to the
existing literature on the topic. Rather than focus on the rate of return to prison, the study wanted
to understand the factors involved with staying out of prison for African American men.
At the onset of this study, the literature clearly indicated that education has been proven
effective at disrupting recidivism (Vacca, 2004). Current research also confirmed that recidivism
is an intentional outcome of the Prison Industrial Complex (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). Based on
the current research on recidivism, further inquiry was needed to better understand the process
formerly incarcerated African American men enact to access higher education and legitimate
opportunities to generate income. The key gap in the literature highlighted in this study was the
formidable process the men in the study endured to access higher education and not recidivate.
The data extracted from the three in depth interviews of former incarcerated men,
revealed the considerable obstacles formerly incarcerated African American men face when
attempting to earn their higher education degrees/or certificates and remain out of prison. Several
common behaviors were discovered, that each participant initiated as they endeavored to earn a
degree and remain out of prison. The data confirmed that the prison industrial complex and
institutions of systemic racism, encouraged prison retention and hindered degree attainment
efforts. It’s also important to note, the study participants’ interviews strongly suggest the school
to prison pipeline laid the foundation for recidivism during the study participants’ adolescence.
However, due to the scope of the topic and the considerable amount of research already
dedicated to the school to prison pipeline I chose to maintain the focus of the study on
RECIDIVISM 100
recidivism. Nevertheless, because of the prevalence of the school to prison pipeline in the
interviews I felt it was important to acknowledge it in the study.
The narratives of the study participants, parallels findings by researchers Mukamal et al.,
(2009) who claimed, “When incarceration is compounded by poverty, unemployment and low
education, upon release the outlook is dire. Many people return to the community without a job
or with a low-paying job, lacking savings or assets, with poor credit histories, and with a
significant amount of debt from child support and criminal justice expenses.” Thus, it’s no
surprise Stevens & Ward (1997) affirm in their study that while the main purposes of education
are learning and academic progress; for inmates, there could be secondary benefits such as
employability and other societal benefits such as decreased recidivism. According to the
participants of this study, in addition to its other noted benefits, educational attainment is a
matter of survival. Without it, the prospect of freedom is significantly diminished for formerly
incarcerated African American men.
As an educator and African-American man, I understand the transformative power of
education and I believe the eradication of recidivism will commence the restoration of our
communities through the release of our fathers, sons and brothers. The most urgent reason for
further research on this issue is because a blueprint exists. There are men who have attained their
education, avoided recidivism and used their degrees to champion progress personally as well as
within their communities. It is time we study their success and develop models of it, which can
be replicated throughout the community leading to the destruction of the prison industry along
with recidivism.

RECIDIVISM 101
Bibliography
Advancement Project. (2005). Education on Lockdown, (March), 1–64.
Brewer, R. M., & Heitzeg, N. (2008). The Racialization of Crime and Punishment: Criminal
Justice, Color-Blind Racism, and the Political Economy of the Prison Industrial Complex.
American Behavior Scientist, 51(5), 625–644.
Chang, T. F. H., & Thompkins, D. E. (2002). Corporations Go to Prisons: The Expansion of
Corporate Power in the Correctional Industry. Labor Studies Journal, 27(1), 45–69.
Conklin, G. H., Davis, B., Land, K., Simpson, M., & Hattery, A. (2006). and, (2).
Covarrubias, A., & Revilla, A. T. (2003). Agencies of Transformational Resistance. Florida Law
Review, 478(459).
Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative and Mixed Method
Approaches (4th ed.). Washington, DC: Sage Publications.
Cullen, F. T., Jonson, C. L., & Nagin, D. S. (2011). Prisons Do Not Reduce Recidivism : The
High Cost of Ignoring Science. The Prison Journal, 91(No.3), 48–65.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0032885511415224
Darensbourg, A., Blake, J. J., & Perez, E. (2010). Overrepresentation of African American males
in exclusionary discipline: The role of school-based mental health professionals in
dismantling the school to. … of African American Males …, 1(3), 196–211. Retrieved from
http://www.churchandprison.org/files/3483016/uploaded/Mental Health-
Overrepresentation-of-African-American-Males-Alicia-Darensbourg-.pdf
Davis, A. (2000). Indigenous Law Bulletin Masked Racism : Introduction : Race , Prison and
Politics in Australia. Indigenous Law Bulletin, 4(June 1999), 1–6.
Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2006). Critical race theory: An introduction, 6.
RECIDIVISM 102
Harper, S.R., & Davis, C. H. (2012). They (don’t) care about education: A counternarrative on
Black male students’ responses to inequitable schooling. Educational Foundations, 26(1),
103–120.
Hattery, A., & Smith, E. (2007). African American Males and the Incarceration Problem: Not
Just Confined to Prison. African American Families, (2003), 233–284.
https://doi.org/10.4135/9781452225906.n9
Heitzeg, N. (2009). Education or Incarceration: Zero Tolerance Policies and the School to Prison
Pipeline. Forum on Public Policy Online, 1–21. Retrieved from
http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/recordDetail?accno=EJ870076
Karpowitz, D., & Kenner, M. (2010). Education as Crime Prevention: The Case for Reinstating
Pell Grant Eligibility for the Incarcerated.
Kolb, S. M. (2012). Grounded Theory and the Constant Comparative Method : Valid Research
Strategies for Educators. Journal of Emerging Trends in Educational Research and Policy
Studies, 3(1), 83–86. Retrieved from
http://jeteraps.scholarlinkresearch.com/articles/Grounded Theory and the Constant
Comparative Method.pdf
Langan, P. A., & Levin, D. J. (2002). Recidivism of Prisoners Released in 1994. Source: Federal
Sentencing Reporter, 15(1), 58–65. https://doi.org/10.1525/fsr.2002.15.1.58
Lockwood, S., Nally, J. M., Ho, T., & Knutson, K. (2012). The Effect of Correctional Education
on Postrelease Employment and Recidivism. Crime & Delinquency, 58(3), 380–396.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0011128712441695
López, G. R. (2003). The (Racially Neutral) Politics of Education: A Critical Race Theory
Perspective. Educational Administration Quarterly, 39(1), 68–94.
RECIDIVISM 103
https://doi.org/10.1177/0013161X02239761
MacKenzie, D. L., & Weiss, D. B. (2009). Other Countries Have Successfully Reduced
Incarceration Rates Without Increasing Crime: We Can Do It! Victims & Offenders, 4(4),
420–426. https://doi.org/10.1080/15564880903260637
Mukamal, D. a, Solomon, A. L., Brazzell, D., Crayton, A., & Lindahl, N. (2009). From the
Classroom to the Community: Exploring the Role of Education during Incarceration and
Reentry.
Ritchie, J., & Lewis, J. (2014). Qualitative Research Practice: A Guide for Social Science
Students and Researchers. Qualitative Research, 356.
https://doi.org/10.4135/9781452230108
Smith, K. B. (2004). The politics of punishment: Evaluating political explanations of
incarceration rates. Journal of Politics, 66(3), 925–938. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-
2508.2004.00283.x
Solorzano, D. G., & Bernal, D. D. (2001). Examining Transformational Resistance Through a
Critical Race and Latcrit Theory Framework : Chicana and Chicano Students in an Urban
Context. Urban Education, 36(3), 308–342. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042085901363002
Solórzano, D. G., & Yosso, T. J. (2002). Critical Race Methodology: Counter-Storytelling as an
Analytical Framework for Education Research. Qualitative Inquiry, 8(1), 23–44.
https://doi.org/10.1177/107780040200800103
Steurer, S. J., & Smith, L. G. (2003). Education Reduces Crime: Three-State Recidivism Study.
Retrieved from http://www.ceanational.org/documents/ EdReducesCrime.pdf.%0AOpinion
Stevens, D. J., & Ward, C. S. (1997a). College Education and Recidivism : Educating Criminals
Is Meritorious. Journal of Correctional Education, 48(3), 106–111.
RECIDIVISM 104
Stevens, D. J., & Ward, C. S. (1997b). College Education and Recidivism: Criminals Is
Meritorious. Journal of Correctional Education, 48(3), 106–111.
Thompson, H. A. (2012). The Prison Industrial Complex. New Labor Forum, 21(3), 39–47.
https://doi.org/10.4179/NLF.213.0000006
Vacca, J. S. (2004). Educated Prisoners Are Less Likely to Return to Prison Published by :
Correctional Education Association Stable URL : http://www.jstor.org/stable/23292095
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article : Educated Prisoners to Return to
Prison. Journal of Correctional Education, 55(4), 297–305.
Visian, J. E., & Burke, L. O. (2001). Correctional Education Association The Effect of College
Programming on Recidivism Rates at the Hampden County House of Correction : A 5-Year
Study Author ( s ): James E . Visian , Lisa Ouimet Burke and James E . Vivian Published
by : Correctional Educati. The Journal of Correctional Education, 52(4), 4–7.
Visian, J. E., Burke, L. O., & Vivian, J. E. (2001). The Effect of College Programming on
Recidivism Rates at the Hampden County House of Correction : A 5-Year Study. Journal of
Correctional Education, 52(4), 160–162. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/23292189

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The most recent national-level study on recidivism (when prisoners are reincarcerated for a new crime) conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) in 1994 revealed that within 3 years of release, 67.5% of stated prisoners were rearrested for a new offense and most notably, within 3 months of release, roughly 30% of the inmates had been rearrested. In the United States recidivism is extraordinarily high, ranging from 41% to 71% (Karpowitz & Kenner, 2010). The current penal system in the US has abandoned rehabilitation as a goal for inmates in favor of profits. Today’s prisons are more than just a place to send the criminally inclined of our society—they have become a source of cheap labor and increased profits for various industries (Brewer & Heitzeg, 2008). Instead of functioning as an institution where people go to pay a debt to society, prisons and prisoners are viewed as commodities. Taking that into consideration, the research questions which motivate this study are: How are formerly incarcerated African American men able to acquire postsecondary education within the prison industrial system and How does post-secondary education (or formal job training) contribute to preventing recidivism among African-American men. This study will employ a Critical Race Theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2006) framework to utilize the personal stories of formerly incarcerated African American men between 18-60 years old who have attained postsecondary education (or formal job training) and not recidivated, in order to examine how former prisoners obtained postsecondary education and avoided recidivism. Additionally, the study intends to contribute former prisoner's stories to the predominately quantitative data available on recidivism.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Self-evident truth that all men are not perceived equally: examining perspectives of African American male college graduates who have been criminalized

PDF

Breaking the cycle: addressing recidivism among Native Hawaiian males

PDF

Education after incarceration: identifying practices in prison education programs that positively affect the persistence of formerly incarcerated men to continue education

PDF

A critical worldview: understanding identity and sense of belonging of underrepresented students' participation in study abroad

PDF

A decolonial praxis of hip-hop: hip-hop culture's connection to resilient youth's critical consciousness and wellbeing

PDF

Authors of our story: Black female students' experience during their first year at a predominantly White institution through a syncretic lens of critical race feminism and Afro-pessimism

PDF

Out of the darkness into the marvelous light: anti-Black racism awareness in teacher education

PDF

Post-incarceration challenges: examining barriers to reentry post-release

PDF

Black and [mis]educated: the Black American adult’s perspective of the U.S. K–12 public school system

PDF

Grinding harder than a molcajete: a qualitative study of Latina charter school principals

PDF

Is healthcare for all? A qualitative questionnaire study of systemic racism in healthcare and the perception among stakeholders of U.S. healthcare corporations: an exploration of moral disengagement..

PDF

Teachers’ experiences and preparedness to teach in an inclusive environment

PDF

Recognizing whiteness: the journey of White educators to unpack racial identity and heighten racial consciousness

PDF

The resiliency of African American adolescent females in the face of trauma exposure

PDF

Exploring the satisfaction, experiences, institutional support of student veterans in transition to higher education: a case study

PDF

Assessing the impact of the Puente Project on Latino males in California community colleges

PDF

School-to-prison pipeline: an all-out assault on Black males in U.S. K-12 public schools

PDF

The revolution just might be digitized: toward a critical race theory of the African-American igeneration's online social enfranchisement

PDF

Preserving the HBCU mission: experiences and sense of belonging of Black alumni at a PW-HBCU

PDF

Increasing African American male participation in pre-college programs: improving TRIO programs’ support for Black men

Asset Metadata

Creator Rice, Edward III (author)

Core Title A qualitative examination of postsecondary education as a remedy to recidivism among formerly incarcerated African-American men

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 10/26/2018

Defense Date 08/16/2018

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag critical race theory,incarceration,OAI-PMH Harvest,prison industrial complex,prison system,recidivism

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Green, Alan (committee chair), Hinga, Briana (committee chair), Black, Ernest (committee member)

Creator Email erthree@gmail.com,ricee@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-97983

Unique identifier UC11675555

Identifier etd-RiceEdward-6912.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-97983 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-RiceEdward-6912.pdf

Dmrecord 97983

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Rice, Edward III

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA