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Beyond persistence and graduation rates: examining the career exploration processes of first-generation college students

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Beyond persistence and graduation rates: examining the career exploration processes of first-generation college students

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Content Running Head: CAREER EXPLORATION FOR FIRST GENERATION STUDENTS

1

BEYOND PERSISTENCE AND GRADUATION RATES: EXAMINING THE CAREER
EXPLORATION PROCESSES OF FIRST-GENERATION COLLEGE STUDENTS

By

Jacob Canales

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2019

Copyright 2019 Coba Canales
CAREER EXPLORATION FOR FIRST GENERATION STUDENTS

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Acknowledgements
This study would not have been possible without the bravery and persistence of first-
generation college students who both inspired this study and participated in it. I would like to
specifically acknowledge my mentee and friend, George Ramirez, who continues to embody the
limitlessness of the human spirit through faith in God by defying expectations and achieving
what few thought possible. I would also like to honor and recognize my wife, Andrea Meza
Canales, who has given me a front-row seat to witness the challenges and persistence of first-
generation college students. Her experience as a college student has illuminated my work as a
student affairs professional as I aim to serve and support all students. Additionally, without her
support, this project would not have been possible. She has co-labored with me in this endeavor
and I am filled with gratitude and affection for her. All three of my children, Joseph, Ruthie, and
Micaiah, have played a significant role in this project through ongoing words of encouragement,
loving gestures of support, and motivating me to work and study to prepare a way for them.
My parents, Isaac and Ritha Canales, along with all of their siblings from both the
Canales and Brubaker families, embarked on journeys as first-generation college students. Their
collective experience and success beyond college have been a source of inspiration to my
generation and for that I am truly grateful and humbled to be a recipient of their efforts and
dedication. I would like to specifically thank my father, Rev. Dr. Isaac Canales, Ph.D., for
challenging me in every way to aspire to and become everything that God has intended for me to
be. He made me believe and continues to make me believe that nothing is impossible with God.
He has helped to instill in me a passion for thinking, leading, and inspiring others. My mother,
Ritha Brubaker Canales, taught me the importance of diligence, consistency, and kindness.
Their ministry and role in the community has continued to inspire many to pursue their dreams
CAREER EXPLORATION FOR FIRST GENERATION STUDENTS

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and never give up. My brothers, Josh, David, and Kevin have given me a solid foundation and
provided consistent encouragement through this process. Additionally, my home church has
prayed for me, my research, and my leadership and encouraged my progress through notes of
support and celebrating milestones over the last few years.
I would not be in student affairs without the guidance and mentorship of Dr. Terry
Franson who saw something in me and encouraged me to apply for a position. Since then,
countless others have stoked my passion for serving college students and demonstrated a selfless
commitment to pursuing equitable outcomes for all students.
Lastly, I would like to acknowledge my dissertation cohort, dissertation committee
members, and chair, Dr. Briana Hinga, for providing instruction, encouragement, coaching, and
support throughout this entire process. Dr. Hinga’s leadership and perspective will continue to
guide my work and approach for the rest of my career. Dr. Edgar Barron has been a role-model,
mentor, colleague, and friend and I am forever indebted to him for his role in my life. Dr. Mora
Flores graciously took interest in my work and encouraged me with her keen scholarly insight.
To all those who have played a role in this study, mentioned by name or not, I extend my deepest
appreciation.

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Table of Contents

Abstract 7
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 8
Background of the Problem 8
Statement of the Problem 9
Purpose of the Study 10
Significance of the Study 10
Organization of the Study 11
Chapter Two: Literature Review 12
Social Cognitive Career Theory and Critical Race Theory 13
Social Cognitive Career Theory 13
Critical Race Theory 15
Review of Literature 16
Characteristics of First-Generation College Students 17
Definitions and Trends 17
Intrapersonal Challenges 18
Social Challenges 19
Financial Challenges 21
Academic Achievement and Persistence 21
Persistence Challenges 23
Major Choice and Vocational Exploration 24
Motivational Factors 25
Structural Classism 26
Person-Environment Fit 27
Gender and Race 28
Labor Market Outcomes 28
Employment 29
Workplace Perceptions 30
Student Engagement and Career Outcomes 30
Career Expectations, Earnings, and Goals 32
Student Loan Debt 33
Earnings 34
Career Decision-Making 35
Social Capital and Faculty-Student Interactions 37
Informal Relationships and Mentoring 38
Advising and Counseling 39
Innovative Approaches to Increase Faculty-Student Interactions 40
Conceptual Framework 41
Summary 42
Chapter Three: Methodology 43
Context 45
Setting 46
Participants 48
Participant Descriptions 50
Data Collection and Interview Protocol 53
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Qualitative In-Depth Interviews 54
Data Analysis 55
Limitations and Delimitations 56
Positionality 57
Credibility and Trustworthiness 60
Ethics 61
Chapter Four: Findings 65
First-Generation College Student Characteristics 65
Family 67
Motivations for College 69
Academic Success and Major Choice 70
Prior Experiences 73
Social Capital 76
Campus Environment and Student Involvement 80
Financial Challenges and Student Loan Debt 81
Resilience 85
Spirituality 86
Career Development Interventions 88
Chapter Five: Discussion 90
Summary 90
Interpretation of Findings through Conceptual Framework 91
Discussion 96
First-Generation College Student Characteristics 96
Family 97
Motivations for College 97
Academic Success and Major Choice 98
Social Capital 98
Financial Challenges and Student Loan Debt 99
Resilience 99
Spirituality 100
Research Questions 101
Research Question 1 101
Research Question 2 101
Recommendations for Practice 102
Mandatory Career Workshops 103
Demographic Tracking Across Academic Majors 103
Bolstering Support for FGCS in Gateway Courses 104
Culture of Mentorship 104
Financial Literacy 105
Mandatory Internship or Work Experience 105
Faith and Work Education 106
Conclusions 106
Implications for Practice 106
References 109

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Appendix A: Conceptual Framework: Utilizing Critical Race Theory and Social
Cognitive Career Theory to Examine the Career Decision-Making Experiences of
First-Generation College Students 120
Appendix B: Research Questions and Interview Protocol 121

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Abstract
This study employs a synthesis of social cognitive career theory and critical race theory as a
means to understand career development for first-generation college students. The purpose of the
study is to examine the career exploration experiences, beliefs, and choices of FGCS to support
them and university personnel who serve FGCS as they navigate college and the transition into
career. The study aims to examine how FGCS choose and pursue career goals and how their
institutions support that process. Utilizing in-depth qualitative interviews with eight first-
generation college students, the concepts from social cognitive career theory and critical race
theory support the data collection and analysis process to determine career development and
readiness. Through constant comparative analysis and axial coding a few salient themes
emerged, including: Participants navigated career-related decisions in isolation; they made
uninformed decisions about academic major choice; certain rigorous courses discouraged FGCS
from pursuing majors they expressed interest in; access to social capital and mentorship on
campus significantly increased participants career decision-making self-efficacy; participants
demonstrated low financial literacy; on-campus work and off-campus internships proved to be
beneficial to FGCS’s career development; and spirituality had the potential to be both beneficial
and detrimental to student’s career exploration depending on their beliefs about God’s role in
their life. This study supports the notion that FGCS have much to gain from supportive,
informed, and active institutional systems and personnel that recognize the unique opportunity
and responsibility to guide and encourage them in this key developmental period of their lives.

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Beyond Persistence and Graduation Rates: Examining the Career Exploration Processes of First-
Generation College Students
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Background of the Problem
One of the fastest growing demographic populations in American colleges are first-
generation college students (Engle & Tinto, 2008). As of 2002, first-generation college students
comprised 50 percent of all college students in the U.S. and represented 34 percent of students at
4-year institutions (Choy, 2002). However, the national graduation rate for first-generation
college students in 2005 was 24 percent compared to 68 percent for continuing generation
college students (Chen & Carroll, 2005). To compound this—and considering that a high
percentage of first-generation college students are minority and lower income—these two
categories of students borrow at higher rates and are more likely to default on their loans than
their White, middle to higher income counterparts (Horn & Carroll, 1996). Though much
scholarly attention has been given to the persistence and graduation rates of FGCS (Horn, 2001;
Nunez & Cucaro-Alamin, 1998; Warburton, E.G., Bugarin, R. & Nunez, A. M., 2001), not
enough attention has been given to the career development and occupational attainment of FGCS
who do in fact persist and graduate. Over the last twenty years, through quantitative and
qualitative measurements, research has demonstrated that there is in fact a career development
problem for first-generation college students (Parks-Yancy, 2012; Raque-Bogdan & Lucas,
2016; Tate, et al., 2015) that is measured through comparative data collection examining non-
FGCS and FGCS.

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Statement of the Problem
Given the relative strain that student loan debt often contributes to first-generation
students and their families (Engle & Tinto, 2008) as well as the difficulty to quickly and
effectively transition into jobs with good pay and adequate advancement opportunities
(Rosenbaum et al., 1999), more attention should be given to the career development of first-
generation college students. For first-generation college students, the transition from the
baccalaureate program into careers is arguably one of the most significant stages in the journey
of FGCS. Unfortunately, it is also given little attention for a high percentage of this population.
Career centers and college campuses are often under resourced and organizationally structured to
provide passive programming support for only those students who opt to take advantage of the
service. The trends in campus involvement, however, suggest that the students who need it most
are often the students who utilize this service least (Tate, Caperton, Kaiser, Pruitt, White, & Hall,
2015). Additionally, the educational systems that currently exist are not built to prepare students
for equitable outcomes. Rather, systems exist which funnel students toward various outcomes
largely dependent on socioeconomic status, race, gender, and prior educational attainment—
usually related to the quality of their pre-college educational experiences (Chonwerawong,
2006).
Career development, preparation, and transition are challenges for all college graduates
(Abel, Deitz, & Su, 2014) but first-generation college students represent a population which
necessitates a greater degree of preparation, support, and encouragement. Since there are varying
degrees of access to career-oriented social capital between first-generation and continuing
generation students (Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Rosenbaum et al., 1999) the stakes are higher for
first-generation students as they approach graduation day to have adequate preparation and
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resources to navigate life after college. Tate and colleagues suggest that not addressing this
precise issue is an act of perpetuating systemic cycles of oppression (Tate, Caperton, Kaiser,
Pruitt, White, & Hall, 2015).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to examine the career exploration experiences, beliefs, and
choices of first-generation college students in order to help shape a vision for how higher
education institutions can improve how they support this population. The study revolves around
two primary research questions: 1) How do first-generation college students at Hill City
University identify and pursue vocational goals? and 2) How do colleges like HCU support first-
generation college students in their vocational exploration and preparation?
Significance of the Study
First-generation college students are enrolling at increasingly high rates (Engle & Tinto,
2008), are less likely to persist into their second year, less likely to complete a four-year degree
within five years (Horn, 2001; Nuñez & Cucaro-Alamín, 1998; Warburton, E.G., Bugarin, R. &
Nuñez, A. M., 2001), accumulate an average educational loan debt of $27,670 (Engle & Tinto,
2008), and have a more difficult time transitioning into successful careers beyond attainment of
their bachelor’s degree (Parks-Yancy, 2012). A change is needed in order to pursue equitable
outcomes for first-generation college students who are filling seats of higher education
institutions but not experiencing comparable benefits in terms of educational outcomes and post-
college success.
This research study examined the on-campus experiences of first-generation college
students in order to capture thick descriptions of their career exploration process with a particular
emphasis on the role of interactions with institutional agents. Individuals and organizations who
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serve college students can utilize this study to identify areas in their current practice that may be
bolstered through having a more robust understanding of a large percentage of the students they
serve. Interesting findings emerged that help to understand students’ self-beliefs, goal-setting
behaviors, and subsequent actions taken toward their preferred futures. The information provides
queues as to what first-generation college students know, believe, and think about their career
prospects. Additionally, this study provides a narrative description of how students perceive their
environmental surrounding in terms of being supportive, oppressive, or neutral.
Organization of the Study
As a result of an initial review of pertinent literature, namely, the scholarship listed above
in chapter 1, resources emerged which address relevant topics for this study. This led to a
thorough literature review (chapter 2) and helped to shape the research methodology (chapter 3).
The literature review and the conceptual framework were utilized to design an in-depth
qualitative interview protocol that was administered to eight participants. Chapter 4 is a
presentation of findings by theme and chapter 5 is a summary and conclusion of the study.

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
As the number of first-generation college students continues to rise, more attention is
being given to their achievement (Horn, 2001; Nunez & Cucaro-Alamin, 1998; Warburton, E.G.,
Bugarin, R. & Nunez, A. M., 2001). The first section of the literature is devoted to capturing the
characteristics, experiences, and achievement of first-generation college students. A few studies
directly link social cognitive career theory with first-generation college students (Ayala &
Striplen, 2002; Gibbons & Shoffner, 2004; Harlow & Bowman, 2016; Olson, 2014; Owens,
Lacey, Rawls, & Holbert-Quince, 2010; Parks-Yancy, 2012; Raque-Bogdan & Lucas, 2016;
Tate, Caperton, Kaiser, Pruitt, White, & Hall, 2015) while other studies are more general and can
be interpreted as inferential for certain historically underserved populations such as first-
generation college students.
The accessibility of a college education in the United States was originally and
exclusively granted to White males (Ladson-Billings, 2006). Only through struggle, protest, and
various social movements was higher education made accessible to women and racialized
minorities (Baker & Velez, 1996). Ladson-Billings (2006) prefers to speak of the “academic
achievement debt” instead of speaking in terms of deficits-language which typically ignores the
accumulation of deficits over time. She does so utilizing four frames—historical debt, economic
debt, sociopolitical debt, and moral debt. Researching the career development of first-generation
college students addresses this larger accumulation of debts in a way that has the capacity to spur
higher education professionals and institutions to adopt an equity mindset by understanding the
historical, economic, and moral issues that continue to benefit some populations while plaguing
others. Many first-generation college students and their families have operated from a widely
held assumption that college graduation guarantees social mobility and financial success.
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Colleges often refer to figures about wage attainment such as the fact that college graduates will
make over $1 million more than non-college graduates over their lifetime (Carnevale, Cheah,
and Hanson, 2015). However, such presentations rarely disaggregate the research behind such
assertions to account for student factors such as socioeconomic status, parental educational
attainment, gender, or race/ethnicity. This study aims to address the achievement debt by
analyzing elements that may help explain the college-to-career realities of first-generation
college students through the lens of their college experiences, beliefs, and choices.
Social Cognitive Career Theory and Critical Race Theory
The guiding theories shaping this study are social cognitive career theory (Lent, Brown,
& Hackett, 1994) and critical race theory (Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). The primary
theoretical lens for this study is social cognitive career theory. Appendix A provides a visual map
as to how these two theories work together in this study. The nature of social cognitive career
theory is such that it lends to a convenient pairing with critical race theory through the social
component that takes the relational environment into consideration. The following explains the
innerworkings of each theory as they pertain to this study.
Social Cognitive Career Theory
Social cognitive career theory is a development of Bandura’s social cognitive theory
(1986) and focuses on three primary mechanisms: self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and goal
representations (actions). Self-efficacy is defined as one’s beliefs about their own capacity and
abilities. With respect to career development, career self-efficacy is the confidence one carries
about their career development and prospects. Outcome expectations are the extent to which one
believes a certain course of action will garner a particular result and leads students to make a
judgment about whether or not a risk is worth taking. Goal representations are the career
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decisions individuals make to take action on their own thinking related to their self-beliefs and
outcome expectations. As Lent, Brown, and Hackett (1994) have developed the career
component of this theory for late adolescents and emerging adults, it utilizes a ‘triadic
reciprocality’ of person, environment, and behavior to determine the way individuals make
certain choices and decide to pursue them. Higher career self-efficacy causes students to have
higher outcome expectations which then leads them to aim higher toward goals which are
connected to their preferences. Lower self-efficacy and outcome expectations cause individuals
to take less career related risks or to make safer decisions which represent choices that are not
preferred but seen as achievable.
In this construct, repeated success leads to higher efficacy and repeated failure leads to
lower efficacy. Additionally, especially significant for our focus population (first-generation
college students), there are external factors which interact with each of the mechanisms named
by Lent, Brown, and Hackett (1994) and provide support or barriers, depending on what is
received. These can be understood as background distal influences such as financial resources,
role models, previous experiences or as proximal influences such as career development support,
networks, mentoring, or structural barriers such as hiring practices. This theory takes the
‘nurture’ component of individual propensity into consideration rather than assuming a flat and
equal process of career attainment. Wealthier (continuing generation students) are naturally
going to have been exposed to experiences, behaviors, self-beliefs, and knowledge that many
first-generation college students may not have been exposed to. An equitable approach would
make an honest assessment of these inequalities and make conscious efforts to create equity for
those who enter college with limited exposure to components which would maximize student
success and development.
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Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory plays prominently into this study because of the focus on recognizing
the unique features of student experience and achievement related to one’s sociocultural
background. There are five primary tenets of critical race theory: a) the priority of recognizing
race and racism and other forms of subordination; b) the challenge to dominant ideology, c) the
commitment to social justice, d) the centrality of experiential knowledge, and e) the
transdisciplinary perspective (Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). Each of these aforementioned
themes inform and reinforce the current study in that the focus is specifically on the college
experiences and opportunities of first-generation college students, recognizing that there are
inequitable outcomes for first-generation students and unjust practices embedded in systems of
education which prevent FGCS from reaching their academic and career potential. As much as
critical race theory proper has been developed through the critique of societal systems that
perpetuate injustice related to one’s race, this study incorporates this theory as it pertains to the
general characteristics, disadvantages, and marginalization of first-generation college students.
No specific race has been chosen for study. In part, this is in concert with the belief that first-
generation college students, regardless of race, experience different realities as college students.
Additionally, it is important to recognize differences in the kinds of experiences students have
with respect to various kinds of intersectionality such as race, gender, socioeconomic status,
sexual orientation, and other factors. However, for the purpose of this study, the focus is on
examining the first-generation college student experience in general. Furthermore, colleges and
universities have the resources and expertise to provide wider awareness of student achievement
and disparities in the student experience but fail to implement the necessary program adjustments
which would best serve every student.
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Review of Literature
There are five key topics in this literature review: Characteristics of first-generation
college students; major choice; labor market outcomes for college graduates; social cognitive
career theory; and faculty (staff) and student interactions. Where possible, the literature review
topic was connected to first-generation college students but where research was limited on first-
generation students proper, research on college students or college graduates in general sufficed.
Spending time analyzing existing studies on first-generation student characteristics was
useful to this study in order to continue developing robust context for the study as a whole. This
section provides us with generalizations, overviews, common realities, and experiences of first-
generation students. Another relevant topic is studying the process by which students choose
their major. The major selection process is inextricably related to a student’s career exploration
and development process and helps us to begin examining the motives and choices students
make with a keen interest in populations of students who directly or indirectly overlap with our
focus demographic of first-generation college students. Although the focus of this study is on
current college students as they think about future options and choices it is nevertheless
necessary to examine the research on trends of labor market outcomes for college students in
general and first-generation college students in particular. This section explores employment data
for recent graduates, wages, and student loan debt.
As part of the theoretical framework and as a useful component for providing a basis of
analysis, this study incorporates social cognitive career theory and the ways in which the
language and concepts can help to understand first-generation college student’s career self-
efficacy, outcome expectations, and career-related choices (Bandura, 1986; Betz & Luzzo, 1996;
Gibbons & Shoffner, 2004; Harlow & Bowman, 2016; Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994; Lent,
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Brown, & Hackett, 2000; Ojeda, Flores, & Navarro, 2011; Olson, 2014; Owens, Lacey, &
Holbert-Quince, 2010; Tate, Caperton, Kaiser, Pruitt, White, & Hall, 2015). Finally, the
literature review covers the impact of interactions with faculty and staff (university personnel) as
they pertain to academic achievement and career development (Garing, 1993; Guiffrida, 2005;
Komarraju, Musulkin, & Bhattacharya, 2010; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Parks-Yancy, 2012;
Rask & Bailey, 2002; Rosenbaum, DeLuca, Miller, & Roy, 1999; Swecker, Fifolt, & Searby,
2013; Varney, 2007).
Characteristics of First-Generation College Students
Literature on first generation college (FGC) students is a growing body of work and has
generated increased attention in the education community in the last 10 to 15 years since this is
one of the fastest and consistently growing populations of college-going persons who also
experience unique challenges in pre-college preparation, college transition, and college
persistence (Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Engle &Tinto, 2008). The following is a review of
literature which encompasses a few prominent themes addressed across the spectrum of studies
on first-generation students. These themes include definitions and trends for FGC students,
intrapersonal challenges, social challenges, financial considerations, and academic challenges. A
brief overview of general characteristics and descriptions of FGC students provides context for
the rest of this study by identifying trends and themes within the experiences of FGC students.
Definitions and Trends
Scholars define first-generation college students differently as some prefer to focus on
students whose parents have had no postsecondary education while others may define FGC
students as those whose parents do not have at least one bachelor’s degree (Pascarella, Pierson,
Wolniak, & Terenzini, 2004; Terenzini, Springer, Yaeger, Pascarella, & Nora, 1996; Vuong,
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Brown-Welty, & Tracz, 2010). Scholars also define success for FGC students differently while
most would agree that the most convenient measures of student success are GPA and persistence
(Vuong, et al., 2010). The literature, mostly generated from IPEDS data (Choy, 2001) indicated
that FGC students were more likely to be lower-income, Hispanic or Black, female, expected to
support families, work more, be on campus less, be a commuter, come with less academic
preparation in terms of achievement, come from schools that are less academically rigorous,
choose less selective colleges, more likely to drop out before second year, and have less family
support (Inkelas, Daver, Vogt, & Leonard, 2007; Pike & Kuh, 2005; Terenzini, et al., 1996).
Intrapersonal Challenges
Student’s self-beliefs impact their experience and willingness to make significant
decisions to get involved and invest in the kinds of things that would be developmentally
appropriate. Building on the work of Bandura (1986) in social cognitive theory, Lent, Brown, &
Hackett (1994) implemented social cognitive career theory (SCCT) with attention given to the
experiences of first-generation college students and found that FGC students did not have
parental help in navigating college, do better when they have had high school experiences (like
community service and leadership) that prepare them for college activities, are generally less
academically prepared, and have a misalignment with institutional goals since they have a
heightened concern and desire to secure a good job after college (Gibbons & Shoffner, 2004).
Gibbons and Shoffner address self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and goals and make the case
that students need new experiences in order to generate new self-efficacy given that there may be
existing cognitive barriers which are disconnected from barriers of ability.
Another mention of intrapersonal dynamics impacting FGC students examined the
salience of FGC student identity as students navigate the multidimensional aspects of their
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identity (Orbe, 2004). Orbe found that salience of FGC student identity varied and that saliency
depended on other aspects of identity such as race, gender, and socioeconomic status. Using the
communication theory of identity (Hecht, 1993) which explores identity patterns through
individual self-perceptions as well as relationships with others and relationships with groups,
Orbe found that some students thought about being a FGC student everyday while other students
either were not aware of their FGC status or tried to ignore it. Interestingly, all students in Orbe’s
study who tried to distance themselves from FGC student identity were white male students.
Some students expressed feeling proud of being a FGC student, citing that they feel a sense of
responsibility for their families and younger siblings to perform and succeed as a role model.
Students expressed being welcomed back home as a hero, especially in Black communities, and
were often recognized and in some cases presented with monetary gifts as a form of
encouragement and communal pride for their accomplishments. Still others felt conflicted
because of the way in which they felt their identity as a college student impacted their home
relationships and caused family and friends to treat them differently because they were being
exposed to new ideas and experiencing identity transformation. The students in this group
experienced the highest degree of challenge because they found themselves not fitting in
anywhere.
Social Challenges
Elkins, Braxton, and James (2000) analyzed the first semester experiences of college
students utilizing Tinto’s social model of changing group membership along three stages—
separation, transition, and incorporation. The study was drawn from a representative sample at a
large public institution and found that first generation students were more likely to have
difficulties in the separation stage. This is primarily due to the fact that attending college is not
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the norm for these families and they did not provide support for their students as they navigated
this process as a result. Orbe’s (2004) study utilizing communication theory also addressed this
difficulty in making a successful transition into college life.
Some of these difficulties are exacerbated by factors such as whether or not the institution
is considered a commuter school or a residential school. Since FGC students are more likely to
be commuters (Pascarella, et al., 2004; Pike & Kuh, 2005; Terenzini, et al., 1996) the social
architecture of the campus plays a major role in student’s abilities to find community and a sense
of belonging on the campus. If campuses are commuter schools this is less likely to impact
FGC students as they will see themselves as no different than other students in this respect.
However, if campuses give preference to the residential experience, FGC commuter students are
more likely to feel the effects of being excluded from campus culture.
Other than a few references to negative campus experiences in the literature on the topic
of social challenges of first-generation college students, there were few lengthy treatments of the
social impact of racism while there were mentions of the higher likelihood of FGC students to
come from racial minorities and therefore to experience feelings of isolation on predominantly
white campuses (Gibbons & Shoffner, 2004). Interestingly, one study made the case that
contrary to popular belief and rhetoric claiming that smaller campuses are more conducive to a
better student experience, a smaller campus can actually be detrimental to the development of
FGC students since there are not as many student groups and not as much critical mass of each
subcomponent of minority groups (Vuong, et al., 2010). It would be interesting to view a
comparative study that weighs the benefits of smaller class sizes and access to relationships with
faculty and staff (as on a smaller campus) against the access to a larger pool of student diversity
and student groups to identify and associate with (as on a larger campus).
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Financial Challenges
Acquiring the necessary financial means to “get in” is only the first part of the process for
FGC students (Orbe, 2004; Pascarella, et al., 2004; Pike & Kuh, 2005). If students have no
choice but to work long hours in order to survive and contribute to their family income, which is
a typical expectation of many college-aged FGC students, they are less likely to be able to devote
the appropriate amount of time to academic activities (in class or out of class). Additionally,
many considerations for FGC students who may also be classified as lower income, include
being able to afford on-campus housing, meal plans, books, and a personal computer. Lack of
access to any of the aforementioned assets drastically alter the experience of a lower income
FGC student and place them at an academic disadvantage.
Academic Achievement and Persistence
The academic difficulties FGC students face are multifaceted and encompass pre-college
experiences, internal development, and campus experiences. The literature on FGC students is
rife with references to lower academic achievement prior to attending college, lower test scores,
and a propensity to apply to less-selective institutions (Inkelas, et al., 2007; Terenzini, et al.,
1996). I have already mentioned Gibbons and Shoffner’s (2004) application of social cognitive
career theory to understand the factors that may hinder student commitments and involvement.
The interrelationship between self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and goal setting will impede
or advance student academic achievement. Unfortunately, for many FGC students they are
hindered by low academic self-efficacy and take less academic risks as a result. Inkelas, et al.
(2007) address the academic and social transition of FGC students by utilizing Astin’s (1984)
student involvement theory which considers the combination of inputs, environment, and outputs
(I-E-O) to understand the impact of living and learning communities on FGC student
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development. The findings were mixed as there were aspects of the study that confirmed
previous research on the experiences of FGC students with some findings that were surprising.
What was consistent in this study was that being on campus and having structured programming
geared toward faculty interaction and peer support resulted in higher levels of achievement and
persistence for FGC students. The surprising feature of the study was that Inkelas, et al. (2007)
found that students who had high faculty interaction only, at the exclusion of interaction with
peers, had lower overall social engagement on campus. They theorized that this could be a
mutually reinforcing phenomenon as students find less connection with peers they may prefer to
establish relationships with faculty, and when they establish relationships with faculty, they
forego attempting to develop relationships with peers.
Rendon (1992) introduced the concept of intrusive advising for FGC students as a
population who need campus representatives to be more involved in seeking students out and
explaining the benefit of utilizing advising and making meaningful connections on campus. This
was juxtaposed with typical passive approaches which operate with the understanding that
students know what resources are available and know how and why to access these resources.
This is rarely the case for a population of students who already have less disposable time and
money to invest in academic success. Rendon’s intrusive advising approach turns student support
professionals into recruiters who will know who students are and how to find creative ways to
connect them to the necessary touchpoints that will help them succeed.
Proven methods of supporting FGC students include transition programs for first year
students such as bridge programs and when available, living-learning communities (Inkelas, et
al., 2005; Pike & Kuh, 2005; Terenzini, et al., 1996). These opportunities play a major role in
providing structured experiences that will help students learn the necessary strategies of
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partnerships and finding all the benefits that come along with immersion. Additionally, there are
negative effects of commitments such as living on-campus. Students will be forced to wrestle
with identity formation as they will be challenged to consider allegiances and aspects of Tinto’s
separation theory mentioned above as they spend more time acclimating to a setting where they
are the social minority. However, although immersion can feel more threatening in the
immediate setting, the long-term benefits of wrestling with identity management as a social
minority can have positive implications, if students stay the course, as these feelings of
disequilibrium can have developmentally instigative qualities (Bronfrenbrenner, 1995).
Persistence Challenges
Much of the research conducted on first generation college students in the last 10-20
years has addressed the persistence rates gap between FGCS and continuing generation college
students. Data collected is generally derived from United States Department of Education
surveys, particularly the Beginning Postsecondary Students Study (BPS) (Choy, 2001; Engle &
Tinto, 2008; Lohfink and Paulsen, 2005; Nuñez & Cuccaro-Alamín, 1998; Warburton, et al.,
2001). Nuñez and Cuccaro-Alamín (1998) provide a descriptive analysis of first-generation
college student postsecondary experiences and realities which include being older, having lower
incomes, attend public two-year or less than four-year institutions, take remedial courses, and
have lower persistence rates than their continuing generation students (Nuñez & Cuccaro-
Alamín, 1998). Additionally, Warburton, et al. identified that persistence between first and
second year was most problematic for Hispanic first-generation students, lower-income first-
generation students, and female first-generation students (Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005).
Related to these findings, there are a few prominent themes in the literature that may be
factors influencing lower persistence rates for FGCS. These include but are not limited to
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academic preparation for college, financial need, and engagement on college campuses.
Although rigorous high school courses help to mitigate the persistence gap for first-generation
college students there is still a marked contrast in persistence rates even for those first-generation
students who have had adequate academic preparation for college (Choy, 2001; Engle & Tinto,
2008; Warburton, et al., 2001). Financial aid is a significant component of FGCS’s ability to
persist and proved to positively affect persistence for FGCS while showing no effect on CGS’s
persistence rates (Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005). Ishitani (2006) designed a study that analyzed
results of a 12-year longitudinal study (NELS: 88) of the educational outcomes of eighth graders
who would be first-generation college students. The study concluded that there were predictive
outcomes when studying the interrelationship of student’s educational expectations, parent’s
highest educational attainment, student’s high school class rank, level of high school academic
intensity, the type of college institution attended, the level of selectivity of the college, and the
kind of financial aid received by the student. This study was particularly useful in that it helped
to disaggregate predictive performance by looking beyond the simple descriptor of ‘first
generation’ and took other factors into consideration which helped to identify varying levels of
success based on pre-college characteristics and factors such as socioeconomic status.
Major Choice and Vocational Exploration
"There is, perhaps, no college decision that is more thought-provoking, gut wrenching
and rest-of-your life oriented--or disoriented--than the choice of a major" (St. John, 2000, p. 22).
This is particularly true when discussing the relationship between college major choice and first-
generation college students since these students, by definition, are the first in their families to
make such a decision. From a non-first-generation college student perspective, the decision of
choosing a major may initially seem like a symbol of access and upward mobility since it
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represents a challenge that only those who have access to college will face. However, after
admission and gaining entry into college the next portal to success for students is identifying the
correct major. Koeppel (2004) has argued, from an economics perspective, that college major
choice is a more salient predictor of financial gain than college choice. Additionally, major
choice and career interest have been linked as inseparable components of the college experience
(Leppel, Williams, & Waldauer, 2001; Vuolo, Staff, & Mortimer, 2011).
This section of the literature review covers what has been written about college students’
choice of major by examining motivational factors, structural classism, person-environment fit,
and the differences in behavior considering factors such as race and gender. Since the literature
linking college major choice and the demographic subset of first-generation students is scant, this
section will mostly focus on literature addressing college major choice in general.
Motivational Factors
Beggs, Bantham, & Taylor (2008) examined the motivational factors of students’ choice
of major and found that the highest ranked item was match with interests instead of other self-
reported factors such as aptitude in that field or possibilities of higher earnings. Interestingly,
they determined that college students’ concept of match with interests was also connected to
beliefs about job characteristics that may or may not be accurate. It should not be a surprise then
that over half of all college students change their major at least once and that the majority of
seniors demonstrate doubts that they may have picked the wrong major (Easterling & Smith,
2008). In another study from the Journal of Education for Business (Malgwi, Howe, & Burnaby,
2005), the primary factors of college major selection included: interest in subject, availability of
jobs, aptitude for the subject, and earnings potential related to the major. Ayala & Striplen (2002)
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found that first generation students enroll in college and choose a major that will give them an
economic, social, and occupational advantage.
Other studies have found differences of thought patterns and behaviors regarding major
choice between race, socioeconomic status, and gender (Daly, 2005; Leppel, Williams, &
Waldauer, 2001; Malgwi, Howe, & Burnaby, 2005; Montmarquette, Cannings, & Mahseredjian,
2002; Pike, 2006; Rask & Bailey, 2002). Some of these issues will be discussed at greater length
at the end of this section on major choice. Additionally, the next section discusses what some
have described as structural classism by limiting certain choices for some students or not
eliminating factors that may inhibit students from being able to pursue the full range of major
options.
Structural Classism
Major choice can be seen as a vehicle for perpetuating wealth generation for the
privileged class while keeping lower income and minority students out of contention for higher
earning jobs through limiting access to selective majors. Wealthier students are more likely to
take higher academic risks by choosing more challenging majors which tend to lead to more
lucrative careers (Montmarquette, Cannings, & Mahseredjian, 2002). In their paper discussing a
career introduction model for first-generation college freshmen in an Educational Opportunities
Program at California State University, Sacramento, Ayala and Striplen (2002) address the
preference of fiscal expediency over productive inquiry at institutions which aim to mainstream
students rather than recognize their desires and obstacles to attaining preferred outcomes. One
dissertation addressed this kind of institutional disservice to lower income students by examining
the attitudes and beliefs of faculty about lower income first-generation students and found that an
‘institutional habitus’ had formed a ‘weeding out’ process (Chonwerawong, 2006).
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A study that examined the link between college major choice, occupational structure and
demographic patterning by gender and race (Ma, 2011) concluded that college majors are a
“sorting engine” which directly connects the educational stratification process with the labor
market stratification process. In this kind of system, students’ interests and aspirations are
unimportant if they cannot demonstrate an incoming level of competency to succeed in that
major. There are often specific classes, such as chemistry, calculus, and statistics, which serve as
gateways to successfully completing the major. A more equitable and student-centered approach
would try to identify pathways to support students in accomplishing their goals rather than
forcing them to abandoned their dreams in the name of efficiency.
Person-Environment Fit
Holland’s theory of careers (1966, 1985) has been used to understand the relationship
between the individual and the environment they are in. Both personality of the individual and
environmental characteristics are derived from the six-part typology that identifies someone on
the spectrum of these categories: Realistic, investigative, artistic, social, enterprising, and
conventional. This theory operates on the belief that environments will support and reward those
most aligned with values in that domain while, in contrast, provide disequilibrium for those not
conforming to the norms. Using this theory as the theoretical framework for a study of the
college major choice of three consecutive first-year cohorts at a private liberal arts university,
Porter and Umbach (2006) found that personality and political views are a strong predictor of
major choice, regardless of gender or race. Also studying Holland’s person-environment fit,
Feldman, Smart, & Ethington (2004) make the case that too much emphasis in research and
practice has been placed on the psychological component of Holland’s theory and not enough
emphasis has been given to the sociological aspect of the theory. They argue that a more
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balanced usage of sociological realities could help higher education professionals think about the
effect the environment can have on the students by imagining who the students are becoming
along with who they are currently.
Related to the environments that shape student experiences and learning, Rask and Bailey
(2002) studied the relationship between major choice and faculty as role-models by surveying
over 8,000 undergraduate students at Colgate University. They found that the role-model effect
was strongest between White male faculty and White male students. This means that students are
more likely to feel affirmed in their major choice if they can see people who look and seem like
them in leadership roles and faculty positions. Next section discusses environmental concerns by
exploring research on the relationship between major choice and gender and race.
Gender and Race
Gender and race play prominently into college major decisions by either granting or
limiting opportunities. One study concluded that gender, race, social class, K-12 experiences,
and parental education all shape the social capital and behaviors of college students
(Chonwerawong, 2006). Considering gender, men are more likely to make decisions about major
related to higher pay whereas women are more likely to pursue a major connected to their
interests (Malgwi, Howe, and Bernaby, 2005). Another study concluded that men from wealthier
backgrounds are more likely to pursue business, women from wealthier backgrounds are more
likely to pursue their interests, and women who had a high-occupation status father were more
likely to pursue male-dominated fields (Leppel, Williams, and Waldauer, 2001).
Labor Market Outcomes
As a means to understand first-generation college student’s self-perceptions of their
career development trajectories it is vital to investigate the landscape of labor market outcomes
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for recent college graduates. This level of concreteness is necessary for this study since the
known and unknown factors of life after college will be addressed, especially for a population of
students who not only lack personal or vicarious experience with college but have even less
preparation for pursuing post-college prospects. After reviewing the literature there are six
themes that emerge: Employment, workplace perceptions, the effect of student engagement on
career preparation, career expectations, student loan debt, and earnings. Since there is
insufficient literature engaging these topics specifically with first-generation students it is
necessary to broaden the scope to understanding college students and recent graduates, in
general.
Employment
Underemployment, for college graduates, is defined as working at a job that does not
require a bachelor’s degree, working a low wage job, or working part-time (Abel, Deitz, & Su,
2014). According to the same study, 33 percent of all college graduates in the U.S. are
considered underemployed with the underemployment rate of 22 year-old college graduates
being 56 percent between 2009-2011. Vedder, Denhart, and Robe (2013) questioned the urgency
of the Obama administration and other higher education initiatives to increase the number of
college graduates since labor market outcomes seem to indicate a shortage of jobs that would
adequately employ our increasingly college educated society. They state that 48 percent of U.S.
college graduates are underemployed according to the standards set by the Bureau of Labor
Statistics (Vedder, Denhart, & Robe, 2013). One study analyzed labor market outcomes for
college graduates in a bad economy and concluded that there is a higher likelihood of
employment mismatches (including underemployment) which impact wages and many other
factors. Additionally, the study found that even when economies improve it is unlikely that
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graduates who entered the workforce during a bad economy recover with the economy but will
most likely continue to experience job mismatches, underemployment, and lower wages (Kahn,
2010).
Workplace Perceptions
In a study that analyzed the experiences of college graduates during their first year of
work common responses were that these graduates frequently felt a sense of “disorientation,
foreignness, and sensory overload” (Polach, 2004, p. 7). These feelings were often associated
with the stress of adjusting to a new culture, moving to a new social location, making new
friends, not understanding their role, not being given the right information to perform well,
feeling stuck, and not being given meaningful work. Another study which focused on the college
to work transition found that 79 percent of participants felt they had little to no awareness of
workplace culture prior to entry (Wendlandt & Rochlen, 2008). In the same study, Wendlandt
and Rochlen found that many college students felt a deep sense of loss and depression as they
approached college graduation. This seems to be counterintuitive to the general notion that
college graduation is supposed to be an indicator of social mobility and financial stability.
Additionally, it can reasonably be hypothesized that these feelings are magnified for first
generation college students as they near graduation and enter the workforce.
Student Engagement and Career Outcomes
Interestingly, there is a related finding to the above section on workplace perceptions and
the kinds of activities that most adequately prepare college students for optimal career
experiences. Wendlandt and Rochlen (2008) found that part-time work during college can be
helpful in preparing college students for entering the workplace post-graduation because of skills
developed and experienced gained—especially when that experience is related to the student’s
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career interests. In fact, another study asserted that part-time work during college is more
beneficial than finishing a college degree in four years (Sagen, Dallam, & Laverty, 2000) since
those extra years in college could have been gaining students significant skills, knowledge, and
experiences that make them more prepared for their careers post-graduation.
Hu and Wolniak (2013) assessed the benefit of student engagement activities as it
pertains to early career earnings and found that the activities which helped students earn more in
their early years after college were educationally purposeful activities. They found a gender
distinction between the kinds of activities that benefit women and those that benefit men. Men
experience an economic benefit when they were involved in academic activities while economic
benefits for women came through engagement in social activities. This study provides helpful
information which informs the discussion about the kinds of activities students are involved in
and how those may prepare students for life success after college. It can often be assumed that
any kind of interaction or engagement on campus is beneficial, which may be true in a general
sense, but does not speak to the issue as to whether students are being prepared to leverage those
experiences to help them beyond college.
Richards (1984) saw four variables of the undergraduate experience that are directly
related to early career success: college major, grade point average, participation in prevocational
programs (internships and work-study programs) while an undergraduate, and pre-graduation
occupational experience. It was noted in this section that first-generation college students and
others who are in a financial situation which causes them to have to work during college may be
experiencing a benefit they are unaware of since two of the four outcomes are connected to
working a job or internship while in school. When examining early career earnings there was a
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relationship between earnings and major choice whereas there was no indication that higher
grade point average led to higher earnings.
Career Expectations, Earnings and Goals
Earnings, experiences, and perceptions are all related to the expectations that students
have for their own career outcomes which dictate much of their choices during college while also
providing a framework for how they will experience life after college. In another section of the
literature review there will be an extensive review of social cognitive career theory (Lent,
Hackett, & Brown, 1999) but for the purposes of understanding career outcomes in light of
expectations a brief review of what has been said about outcome expectations would be helpful.
Olson’s (2014) study directly examines first generation college graduates through SCCT and
concludes that FGCS have a double assignment to navigate the newness of the college
curriculum while also having to learn middle class culture in order to survive. Olson takes an
interesting perspective that not only examines the career paths that FGCS have chosen but also
listens for the commonalities in the paths not taken—or as Bandura describes, those options
which have been foreclosed on due to an inability to project oneself as successful in a particular
field.
Olson concludes that many first-generation college students make decisions based on
faulty information which may prematurely derail students from considering possible outcomes
that may best suit student’s objectives. This can also be connected to conflicting goals which
may involve family commitments and career interests. The lack of clarity about what to pursue
has a stagnating effect for students as they are unsure what they are pursuing. These students
may settle for opportunities which are less ambitious or find themselves stalling in their career
pursuits due to the lack of information and ability to make informed decisions.
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Student Loan Debt
Whether students display awareness of this or not, student loan debt plays a role in
college decisions such as which school to attend, which major to choose, which career path to
choose, whether or not to attend graduate school, and what kinds of risks to take both
academically and vocationally. In a funding policy study, Guida and Figuli (2012) address the
effectiveness of current federal funding policies and institutional accountability through the lens
of lower income and minority students who graduate at lower rates, borrow at higher rates, and
are more likely to default on their loans. Part of their research included analyzing the history of
federal financial aid in the U.S. In 1965, access to college for low income individuals shifted
drastically as President Johnson issued the Higher Education Act as part of the “Great Society”
reform and allocated Title IV funds to be used to provide a means for students to attend college.
As college tuition continues to increase, Title IV funds amounted to over $134 Billion in aid to
over fourteen million postsecondary students during the 2009-10 award year which includes
federal grants and loans. Turning the focus to loan amounts the education department dispersed
$80.6 billion in loans to 8.3 million recipients. This brings the aggregate loan balance from Title
IV programs to $605.6 billion as of fiscal year 2009 (Guida & Figuli, 2012). The burden of debt,
which continues to be the highest it has ever been, is solely placed on the individuals with little
to no accountability for institutions of higher education.
The students who are most affected by the high rates of student loan debt are those who
are lower income, do not complete their college degree, are unemployed, and are
underemployed. In fact, the increasing cost of tuition and the student loan debt that follows
tuition raises continue to pose a threat to the viability and utility of a college degree (Barrow &
Rouse, 2005). Many students, prospective students, and their families are wondering if college is
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still worth it. Since first-generation students are both less academically prepared to enter majors
that lead to higher paying fields (Ma, 2011) and are less likely to take the necessary risks
associated with landing jobs that pay well (Olson, 2014), first-generation college graduates are
naturally on trajectory to land lower paying jobs which perpetuates the challenge of how to pay
off increasingly large amounts of student loan debt.
Earnings
Whether first-generation college students are aware or unaware of their post-college
earnings prospects while in college there is a need to examine the realities of earnings and
student’s knowledge and perception of their post-college earnings. As Olson (2014) explained in
the preceding section many first-generation college students make decisions about major choice
and career pursuits with faulty information. Similarly, many students simultaneously indicate a
desire to graduate from college to get a good job that pays well yet choose majors and career
trajectories which do not historically pay well. This could be connected to the fact that FGCS do
not have access to the social capital needed to help present, process, and apply correct and useful
information about their beliefs and decisions related to career choice.
It is commonplace to hear university professionals refer to the average projection that
college degree holders will earn $1 million more over their lifetime than those without a college
degree (Carnevale, Cheah, and Hanson, 2015). This is the argument typically used to convince
prospective college students that college is worth the investment of money, time, and energy.
Georgetown University’s Center on Education and the Workforce corroborates this conclusion
and also provided a breakdown of the worth of degrees based on college major choice in terms of
wages earned after college (Carnevale, Cheah, and Hanson, 2015). It is a helpful guide to give a
general understanding to the general public about how lucrative certain majors may be.
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Additionally, if students choose to pursue a career which is considered to be a historically lower
paying field because of their interests or altruism, it is important that students are at least aware
of this rather than having false expectations of labor market outcomes for that field. This is of
utmost importance for first-generation college students since they are less likely to have insider
information about earnings connected to various fields.
One study concluded that even with tuition increases and higher amounts of student loan
debt, it still pays to go to college. After averaging the costs of a college education and the
projected earnings gains with a college degree the student can expect to recover the investment
in 10 years (Barrow & Rouse, 2005). Another study found that average hourly wages for college
graduates is $32.60 and the average wage for those without a college degree is $16.50
(Leonhardt, 2014). One thing that is certain is that with the academic challenges that many first-
generation college students face they are constantly ask the question about whether a college
degree is worth the investment. Their perception of the relative worth of a college degree is the
element that could serve as an extrinsic motivational force which drives degree completion since
many decisions are made based on hearsay rather than research.
Career Decision-Making
Career development theories are relatively new on the world landscape as many global
cultures continue to operate vocationally primarily through hereditary lines rather than as
volitional decisions connected to individuality (Mitchell, Levin, & Krumboltz, 1999). With the
rise of the industrial age, American workers began to leave their rural agricultural settings in
search for work in the urban centers. Frank Parsons is credited as the father of modern career
development theories as he began to ask questions about people’s interests, values, and skills in
order to help provide direction for people to find the right fit between the job market and their
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individual attributes. Holland’s themes emerged as a way to continue differentiating between
categories of work competencies and personalities (Holland, 1966). As outlined briefly in the
major choice section above, Holland’s six-part typology includes realistic, investigative, artistic,
social, enterprising, and conventional ways of thinking and operating. This approach to career
development, though useful, overemphasizes the personal component of the process while
ignoring the social domain (environment), levels of privilege and access to resources, and prior
experiences of individuals.
Lent, Brown, and Hackett (1994) developed the social cognitive career theory based on
Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory to explore the relationship between career decision-
making, environments, and experiences. This theory is interested in studying academic and
career interests, academic and career related choices, and performance and persistence. The three
cognitive mechanisms of SCCT are self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and goal
representations (actions). Each of these elements are interrelated and affect one another to
determine which courses of action individuals take. This theory is essentially a study of the
motivational components of decision-making with a keen awareness of social factors related to
access to role models, resources, prior experiences, supports, etc.
In SCCT there are three facets of career exploration that Lent, et al. (1994) call preferred
occupation, chosen occupation, and attained occupation. This is important to differentiate in
order to study the trajectory individuals follow in terms of being able to accomplish their
preferred occupational goals. Additionally, other theorists have encouraged student affairs
professionals to consider the spectrum of interests or goals which have been foreclosed because
certain students have not had enough exposure to even begin the process of ideating attainment
in that sphere and envisioning themselves being successful in that field (Olson, 2014). Having
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career goals is not only beneficial for career development but has proven to signal higher
academic achievement, persistence, and higher self-esteem (Hull-Blanks, Robinson Kurpius,
Befort, Sollenberger, Nicpon, Huser, 2005). Additionally, SCCT seeks to examine the various
obstacles and opportunities facing different students and the coping strategies students employ to
either persist or exit the process of pursuing particular paths.
In a study which utilized SCCT to examine the career aspirations of first-generation
college students, lower SES first-generation students demonstrated lower college efficacy, less
encouragement from family to pursue college, and had access to fewer educational resources
(Raque-Bogdan & Lucas, 2016). However, they demonstrated high coping efficacy by believing
they were able to overcome the obstacles they faced. In a related study, first-generation students
reported that they perceived that faculty and staff assumed these students have access to social
capital resources and networks which could assist them in career development (Tate, Caperton,
Kaiser, Pruitt, White & Hall, 2015) when in reality students felt alone in the process. However,
similar to the Raque-Bogdan and Lucas study mentioned above, FGCS felt positively about their
resilience and persistence they developed as a result of having to overcome obstacles.
Social Capital and Faculty-Student Interactions
One of the most underestimated potential benefits of being a student on a college campus
is the access to different kinds of social capital, human resources, and relationships available
through the environment of faculty, student support staff, and peers. However, this can be
viewed as a non-essential byproduct taking the backseat to the seemingly more important
components such as classroom education, assignments, and academic support systems. Social
capital resources help people obtain employment, obtain training (Parks-Yancy, DiTomaso, &
Post, 2006), and receive better-paying and/or more prestigious jobs than they already have.
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The following section will outline the importance of student interactions with faculty and staff,
particularly for populations such as first-generation college students.
Informal Relationships and Mentoring
From a national representative sample investigating the effects of social group
membership and social capital resources on career choice and occupational attainment, Parks-
Yancey found that social capital increases over time for men and whites while decreasing over
time for women and blacks (Parks-Yancey, 2005). This evidence indicates the disparity in social
capital resources between different groups taking gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and
other factors into consideration. First-generation college students prove to benefit most from
informal relationships with institutional agents but access these social networks less than their
continuing generation student counterparts (Guiffrida, 2005; Parks-Yancey, 2005; Owens,
Lacey, Rawls, & Holbert-Quince, 2010; Rosenbaum, et al., 1999). Students who lack this kind of
social capital are less likely to receive information about job availability, less likely to have help
in the hiring process, and less likely to be hired by those who were a social capital resource to
them (Parks-Yancey, 2005). Interestingly, one study found that Black students who graduated
from an Historically Black College or University received much higher social capital toward
career decision making than did Black students who attended predominantly White institutions
(Palmer & Gasman, 2008).
In a quantitative, longitudinal study analyzing the short-and long-term effects of personal
institutional ties on pathways into work, evidence suggests the common phrase, “it’s not what
you know but who you know”, turns out to be true (Rosenbaum, et al., 1999). Although there
were not clear results in the immediate future, social contacts led to jobs that had higher
prospects for advancement and led to higher earnings over time. The demographics that relied
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heavily on early contacts that led to higher earnings over time were Blacks and females
(Rosenbaum, et al., 1999).
Advising and Counseling
In a qualitative, grounded theory study with 58 young adults, participants reported that
they appreciated when others nudged them and collaborated with them in their career decision
processing (Phillips, et al., 2001). In fact, Guiffrida furthers this notion through findings that
indicated Black college students wanted faculty and staff who were not afraid to cross certain
personal boundaries by being intrusive enough to care about the holistic well-being of students
(Guiffrida, 2005). This familial approach to mentorship that Guiffrida calls “othermothering”
highlights the role of institutional agents in creating accessible and welcoming spaces for
students who would otherwise miss this crucial aspect of the college experience (Palmer &
Gasman, 2008). A larger body of research interchangeably calls this brand of support ‘intrusive
advising’ and ‘proactive advising’ (Garing, 1993; Rendón, 1992; Vander Schee, 2007; Varney,
2007) and have seen the benefits with at-risk students, students on probation, and with first-
generation college students.
In a quantitative study at a large public university, 437 incoming first-generation
freshmen were monitored in order to analyze the relationship between academic advising and
second year retention (Swecker, Fifolt, & Searby, 2013). This study found that the odds of
retention increased by 13 percent for every meeting a student had with their advisor. The study
also found that advising appointments may be one of the only ways some students maintain
consistent interaction with university personnel. Komarraju, Musulkin, and Bhattacharya (2010)
studied the role of student-faculty interactions in developing students’ academic self-concept,
motivation, and achievement and found that knowing just one faculty member increased
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student’s self-concept and aspirations to advance in their career. According to their study,
faculty-student interactions had both a cognitive and emotional benefit for students which
bolsters the idea that faculty serve as role models for their students. Students were found to
primarily value time their professors spent with them outside of the classroom as well as any
advice they received about career development.
Innovative Approaches to Increase Faculty-Student Interactions
The Puente project was introduced in California Community Colleges to specifically
address the achievement and persistence gaps for Hispanic community college students (Laden,
1999). The project was multifaceted in that it addressed three primary aspects of the students’
community college experience and skill development, namely; English writing and reading
proficiency, academic counseling, and mentorship. This three-pronged approach proved to be
successful in that it resulted in a record-shattering 97 percent retention rate with 48 percent of all
students who complete the Puente program transferring to a 4-year institution within 3 years. The
program was built to integrate all three components so that the academic component of language
development is practiced by having students write their reflections that would be then shared
with their mentors and discussed with their advisors as well. Additionally, the mentor selected is
a first-generation college graduate who may be in the field the student is interested in entering.
This example demonstrates the potential for improving achievement for underrepresented and
underserved groups through interventions and systematic engagement of faculty and staff. The
program creatively addressed three primary needs simultaneously in a fashion that has proven to
be successful.

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Conceptual Framework
The process by which first-generation college students identify and choose career paths
involves internal and external factors which need to be examined. Existing research and
paradigms inform the conceptual framework of this study for understanding student’s self-
perceptions of their career exploration process. First, it is significant to recognize the systemic
influences surrounding marginalized students, whether they are aware or unaware of these
influences placing different kinds of societal pressure on them as individuals or as a part of a
larger group. Critical race theory (counternarrative) is utilized to listen to the unique perspectives
and experiences of FGCS by acknowledging the presence and dominance of White middle-upper
class perspectives, experiences, and values and how those shape the experiences of people of
color, first-generation college students, and lower income students (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002).
Students do not make career decisions in a vacuum but are enveloped by conditions which may
be visible or invisible to them.
Two components which also exert influence on students’ career exploration process are
access to social capital (Guiffrida, 2005; Laden, 1999; Owens, Lacey, Rawls, & Holbert-Quince,
2010; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Parks-Yancy, 2005; Parks-Yancy, DiTomaso, & Post, 2006;
Rosenbaum, et al., 1999) and prior experiences (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994), which should
also be examined through a critical race theoretical lens. Prior experiences can be related to
access to various kinds of resources (e.g. increased academic preparation, specialized private
educational services, summer immersive programs, etc.) and are usually connected to social
capital resources.
These factors iteratively interact with the internal mechanisms of social cognitive theory
(self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and actions) to form the motivational impetus to select and
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pursue academic majors en route to preferred career outcomes (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994).
The fluidity and strength of following a path from exposure to career possibilities, developing
the self-efficacy to identify goals, and the persistence to attainment is mitigated through social
environmental conditions and social capital which either create smooth and stable pathways or
insert hindrances and obstacles.
Summary
This section began with a discussion of the theoretical framework through which the
existing literature is understood. The two underlying theories for the study are social cognitive
career theory (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994) and critical race theory (Solorzano, Ceja & Yosso,
2000). The literature review spans five topics pertinent to the purpose of this study:
characteristics and first-generation college students, college major choice, labor market
outcomes, career-decision making, and student interactions with faculty and staff. Where
possible, the review covered literature that overlapped with the experiences of first-generation
college students but when there was not enough material directly applicable to both aspects some
research was utilized that studied college students in general (i.e. the section on labor market
outcomes addresses outcomes for first-generation students and students in general). Lastly, a
conceptual framework was presented that holds together a confluence of social cognitive career
theory themes and elements of critical race theory to form a system through which first-
generation college student’s experiences, thoughts, beliefs, and choices can be examined.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
This study utilized counterstorytelling as a methodology in order to examine the stories
of students who are often overlooked. The aspects of their stories that were explored in-depth
were evidenced in their responses to the two driving research questions: 1) How do first-
generation college students at Hill City University identify and pursue vocational goals? and 2)
How do colleges like HCU support first-generation college students in their vocational
exploration and preparation? Solorzano and Yosso (2002) define counterstorytelling as a method
that examines, critiques, and counters majoritarian stories composed about people of color.
Rather than engaging in practices that have become embedded as unchanging norms or utilizing
general approaches to helping students navigate vocational decisions derived through
examinations of ‘best practices’, universities need to listen to and understand the unique
experiences that all students bring to the college environment as well as the experiences they
have while on campus as college students. Counterstorytelling rejects the dominant narrative as
the only lens through which to see the world. Counterstorytelling aims to hear the perspectives of
those who are often silenced and not given an opportunity to share their version of things. This
study focused on the experiences of students and shed much needed light on their interpretation
of their own vocational development.
This study examined the experiences of college students through a critical race theoretical
lens and used themes drawn from social cognitive career theory to help understand students’
perceptions of their own career development growth. Part of that included challenging an
efficiency-oriented model of matriculation (Ayala & Striplen, 2002) and graduation as the
primary lenses for defining student success without taking institutional responsibility for
preparing students for successful transitions to career and post-college outcomes.
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Counternarrative, as a methodological construct, recognizes the need for indigenous or
marginalized voices to be heard and incorporated into research and public discourse. Bang and
Vougsini (2016) discuss the concept of theoretical heteroglossia as a way to describe the
necessity of multiple voices and perspectives shaping educational research. Decolonizing
educational research holds at the center a commitment to wresting the theoretical monopoly of
white settler domination by democratizing frameworks which include more than representational
diversity.
Counterstorytelling stems from critical race theory since capturing the stories of those
who are often overlooked supports the larger notion that societal and systemic injustices must be
analyzed through a critical lens, questioning the dynamics of power and the unequal distribution
of resources (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002). Additionally, counterstorytelling provided the setting to
investigate students’ metacognitive reflections on their perceptions of their career development
trajectory. This study utilized social cognitive career theory as a framework for making sense of
students’ responses.
Since the purpose of the study was to listen to the experiences of first-generation college
students as they identify and pursue vocational goals, counterstorytelling created the opportunity
to hear a version of the college journey that may have often been overlooked and unheard. The
experiences of FGCS through counterstorytelling illuminated an untapped resource of helping
institutions learn how to be more attentive to the experiences of marginalized students in order to
best determine programming, curriculum, and resource allocation.
According to Tuck (2009), one dimensional stories of marginalized and minoritized
groups ultimately serve to harm them as well as those who disempower them by offering an
unbalanced caricature of people—overhighlighting deficiencies at the exclusion of their
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contributions through their experiences and abilities. My theory of change, consistent with
Tuck’s, is that it is possible to immerse ourselves into research about and with first-generation
college students which paints a full and balanced picture of students and groups of students—
identifying struggles along with positive elements of their story. A commitment to faithfully
portraying students and their experiences benefits students and those who aim to support them.
As more of these stories are told and heard, university representatives are able to embark on a
self-examination of practices, beliefs, biases, and systems that are not helpful to students,
particularly first-generation college students.
A theory of change for my study sees first-generation college students as gifted
pathmakers and barrier-breakers who possess and have developed a unique set of cultural skills. I
envision this study changing the mindsets and practices of university stakeholders as they take
institutional responsibility for assisting students, particularly first-generation college students,
with hands-on approaches to career development. The counternarratives that have emerged
through this study serve as tools and guides for faculty and staff to take inventory and assess the
effectiveness of current practices related to helping students succeed in vocational discernment.
Context
I chose to examine the career exploration processes of first-generation college students at
Hill City University because it is a private faith-based institution that has seen rapid growth in
the first-generation college student population. Colleges such as these need to place significant
focus on the experiences and outcomes of all students, particularly those who have otherwise not
been a specific population of focus. For this reason, I chose to narrow the research focus to those
FGCS who have not transferred from another university and who have completed two-full years
at HCU.
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Setting
Hill City University is a mid-sized private faith-based liberal arts university in the
southwest region of the United States. While it is still a predominantly White institution, the
diversity pendulum continues to swing toward increasing students of color (59 percent) with the
majority of that growth in the Hispanic population. Thirty four percent of undergraduate students
are considered first-generation college students.
The geographic region of Hill City University is an area which is now predominantly
Hispanic. The historical roots of the institution have always been closely connected with an
urban center and a global perspective. However, much of that history has been shaped by a
white dominant culture missionary perspective which has in recent years been critiqued by
people inside and outside the Christian faith who have identified the colonizing tendencies of
many Christian organizations, schools, and churches (Comaroff & Comaroff, 1986; Gallego &
Woodberry, 2010; Porter, 1997). As it pertains to Christian higher education the school is meant
to prepare those from the dominant culture to engage in the mission field which is often
characterized by “other” cultures. One of the assumptions that comes with this mindset is that all
members of the institution share the same set of cultural values, beliefs, experiences, and
language.
Much of the first part of HCU’s existence has been as an overwhelmingly predominantly
White institution and has in recent years experienced massive growth in enrolling students of
color. In just the last 11 years, HCU has drastically increased ethnic minority undergraduate
enrollment by 35.3%. This also means the White undergraduate student population has shifted
from 78.3% in 2006 to just 41% in 2017. As a Christian college, most faith-based private
institutions are less ethnically diverse than public and non-faith-based institutions, especially
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those public institutions which are located near urban centers. Although Hill City University may
be considered substantially more ethnically diverse than most other private Christian universities
the power distribution at highest levels of leadership continue to be dominated by White majority
culture. The historical and demographic context of the region and school helps to explain the
challenge faced by a traditional college as it aims to adjust to the rapid growth in the presence of
students who come from diverse backgrounds, ethnicities, and experiences.
Connected to the focus of this study which is exploring the career preparation and
development process for first-generation college students, HCU is located just 30 miles east of a
major U.S. metropolitan city--providing access to centers of business and opportunities for
internships, jobs, and experiences for students and graduates. Although this geographic feature
is frequently utilized to provide educational and vocational experiences for students at HCU, this
study suggests ways in which this locale might be further explored in order to best serve students
in their future plans and career trajectories.
Students coming from families where there is little or no higher education experience
typically have lower socioeconomic status (Horn & Carroll, 1996). Access to higher education
can be seen as one of the primary gateways for lower income students and families to do
something about the massive disparity in income and wages earned between wealthier white
persons and people of color. The shifting demographics of higher education institutions in the
U.S. has brought challenges to the institutions themselves as well as to these students who are
learning to navigate a new world and culture in order to pursue a goal that has been presented to
them as something that will help prepare them for a thriving and fruitful life (Engle & Tinto,
2008). However, the systems in place and forms of pedagogy at many of these institutions have
not been built for this specific demographic of students. Schools that are wise will reassess their
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readiness to educate first-generation and other students by monitoring student progress both as
current students but also into their post-collegiate outcomes.
As the geographic, historical, and demographic context of HCU is examined and
understood it allows university representatives and personnel to self-examine their own
assumptions and practices which may be intentionally or unintentionally hindering the growth of
all students, particularly those who are from a non-White culture and those who have less
experience navigating the college educated middle class culture. A colorblind racial system
which insists that race is unimportant and therefore ignores inherent differences and unique
experiences of various people groups dismisses systemic and personal challenges that
particularly affect people of color (Gallagher, 2003). As I examined the career development
experiences of first-generation college students (many of whom, though not all, are also students
of color and lower income) it was vital to this study to acknowledge that each student brings a
different set of resources, experiences, beliefs, and knowledge regarding college and career
readiness.
Participants
I chose to implement a purposive sampling method by identifying students who meet a
set of three criteria (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). These three sampling criteria were 1) Students
must be first-generation college students; 2) Students must enter HCU as a first-time freshman;
and 3) Students must have completed at least two full years of study at HCU. This study
examined the stories of eight first-generation college students at Hill City University. In order to
protect the confidential information of students, I drafted an email invitation that my colleagues
sent to their database of first-generation college students. In that email I included my list of
sampling criteria and my contact information for interested students to respond. I followed up
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with students who contacted me to ensure that they fit my research criteria. I received 13
responses from eligible potential participants and chose eight students utilizing maximum
variation sampling methodology (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Only two of the thirteen
respondents were males so I decided to accept them. I chose the other six by aiming for academic
major diversity in the remaining eleven female prospective participants.
Participants came from homes where neither parent completed a bachelor’s degree. This
is one of the working definitions of first-generation college students and is the one that I used
throughout this study (Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak, & Terenzini, 2004; Terenzini, Springer,
Yaeger, Pascarella, & Nora, 1996; Vuong, Brown-Welty, & Tracz, 2010). Lastly, in order to
examine the university’s role in helping students navigate their career development I selected
students who started college at HCU and therefore have completed at least two years at the
institution. This gives ample time to relate their career exploration and development with their
experience at this institution. Although there is much work to be done in examining the
intersectionality of various identities, including the experience of transfer students, I chose to
restrict my focus to non-transfers. Also, rather than choosing to narrow the research focus to a
particular demographic subset of first-generation college students (i.e. First-generation and
Hispanic, lower socioeconomic, female or male) I intentionally chose to leave the criteria open to
see if any themes emerged as commonalities or differences across these different demographic
groups.
I chose to study the experiences of first-generation college students because by definition
they come from households where they do not have direct familial access to advice, support, and
resources that help students navigate college and post-college settings. Lastly, I examined the
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experiences of those who have spent at least two years at HCU in order to listen for ways the
institution has had a direct impact on the student’s trajectory and development.
Once I narrowed the participant pool to eight students I proceeded to explain, in full
detail, my intentions in terms of the purpose of my study and the research questions I pursued. I
utilized google calendar, since this is the compatible scheduling software universally used at
HCU, to schedule each hour-long interview. I gathered written and signed copies of the
students’ agreement to participate in the study. The document I used to demonstrate their
willingness to be a participant served as their final confirmation after they had a chance to hear
about the purpose of the study and know that their participation is supporting my doctoral
dissertation.
Participant Descriptions
I have included brief descriptions of each student to provide context for their responses. It
also serves as a brief overview of some of their responses since most of this information was
gathered through in-depth interviews.
Martha is a Hispanic student from a lower income background. She entered college
hoping to pursuing a career in Nursing and has since shifted to Social Work. Her primary
motivating factor to change her major was that Nursing required too much science. She has not
developed any personal relationships with faculty or staff. She is also undecided and fearful
about transitioning out of college into the workplace.
Brittany is a White student from a middle-class family. She has two older siblings who
have completed college degrees—one in Business and one in Kinesiology. She started college
hoping to become a physical therapist and has since switched majors and trajectories to pursue a
career in business. Her parents are unsupportive of her decision to pursue a private 4-year
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education and wished she would have either gone to community college or started working after
high school.
Daniel was born in Vietnam and raised in the U.S. in a working-class family. Financial
challenges were a consistent reality in his home. He was significantly influenced by leaders from
his church and felt a desire to pursue Christian ministry so he decided to attend the same
university that his youth pastor attended. He had a general idea of what he wanted to study but
gained clarity through a great conversation with an admissions counselor the summer before he
began classes and has continued with a Christian Ministries major.
Natalie is mixed race, half Middle-Eastern and half White-American and comes from a
complex family background. She spent the first part of her childhood with both parents, living an
affluent lifestyle, attending the best schools, and enjoying all the comforts of their financial
situation. After her parents divorced everything changed for Natalie, her sister, and her mother.
They were able to maintain a few luxuries such as continuing to live in an affluent neighborhood
and attend good schools but otherwise experienced what life was like without having access to
whatever she wanted or needed. Her educational preparation and access to quality mentorship in
high school helped her establish a vision for her future including the dream of becoming a
lawyer. She is still on track to pursue this vocational outcome as she is making excellent progress
toward finishing her bachelor’s degree a year early with a double major in Political Science and
Criminal Justice.
Lacey is an Asian-American student and entered college hoping to pursue a career as a
respiratory therapist. She started her university experience majoring in Allied Health but later
decided to switch to Communication Studies. She initially decided to change majors because she
was not enjoying her science classes as much, lost interest in the field, and felt that respiratory
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52
therapy was not aligned with her personality and interests. She did, however, find enjoyment in
her on-campus work experience as an Admissions intern and developed a new vocational goal to
work in the field of Admissions after graduation.
Thuy and her family came to the U.S. from Vietnam when she was a young child.
Through traumatic home experiences as a child she developed an idea of wanting to be a social
worker to be part of the healing process for other children who may also be experiencing family
trauma. She felt out of place at HCU during her first year and started to feel a sense of belonging
after she experienced a study abroad semester in South America. Through a combination of this
study abroad experience and consistent mentorship she realized that she was not as interested in
Social Work as she initially thought she was. She changed her major to Business Management
and now wants to launch a study abroad site in Vietnam for college students from the U.S.
Ricardo is from a working-class Mexican-American family and has a dream to be a
successful business executive. He has an uncle in Mexico who has been very successful in
business which inspired him to pursue the field of Business in college. He has since refined that
vision by clarifying his specific goal to become a chief executive of a company in the hospitality
or entertainment industry.
Melanie comes from a lower-income Hispanic family and decided to attend HCU because
it was closer than the other schools she was interested in and was accepted into. She wanted to
go out of state for college but felt that her family needed her close by because of her mother’s
health problems. She is majoring in Social Work and wants to either become a social worker or
continue to law school with hopes of shaping public policy. She first thought of becoming a
social worker when her grandfather was sick and received excellent support from his social
worker.
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Data Collection and Interview Protocol
Qualitative research was the most appropriate form of research for this study since the
focus was to understand the processes of how first-generation college students navigate career
direction choices (Maxwell, 2013). The epistemological foundation was that students make sense
of their experiences, interactions, and career decision-making self-efficacy in very unique ways
and no two students have identical experiences. As a result, the information gathered through this
qualitative approach is enlightening to many higher education professionals (Parks-Yancy,
2012). The desire was to explain students’ choices by understanding and making meaning of the
on-campus experiences and settings that provided direction, support, and encouragement for
them to navigate their career exploration process.
The most effective way to gather information about student’s experiences and processes
was to conduct in-depth semi-structured interviews asking about the nature of their on-campus
interactions and investigating their career exploration process. This would not be as rich if it
were only collected through surveys, questionnaires, or observations because of the inability to
further probe responses as students discussed the way in which their unique on-campus
interactions have contributed to their career exploration process. Additionally, the purpose of the
study is to understand the ways in which these students make meaning of their interactions and to
explore their feelings about how they are progressing toward successful career opportunities. I
chose to conduct these interviews in my on-campus office in order to create an accessible, safe,
and comfortable setting that protects students’ privacy. It was also important to meet with these
students in my office because it created an opportunity for these students, who typically have less
formal and informal interactions with on-campus university personnel, to become more
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comfortable engaging with university representatives and thus, removes one potential barrier to
providing these students with the invaluable experiences of interacting with faculty and staff.
Qualitative In-Depth Interviews
I used a semi-structured interview protocol in an effort to create enough consistency and
specificity in my questions while also leaving room for exploring and probing student responses
that I could not have anticipated going into each interview (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The
protocol allowed me to track students’ on-campus experiences, choices, and influences as they
pertain to their career decision-making process. Some questions are open-ended in order to give
participants an opportunity to further explain something that I could not have initially anticipated
them sharing. I designed the interview protocol and research approach to build rapport and trust
with the participants in a way that would allow them to transparently share about their feelings
and beliefs regarding their own career exploration process and ways in which the campus
environment has contributed to that development.
My interview protocol contained interview questions that were aimed to build on one
another by moving back and forth from open-ended questions that can provide information for
either research question along with specific questions that engaged participants in such a way
that elicited data which informed that particular research question. A table of the semi-structured
interview protocol can be found in Appendix B with a list of questions along with a description
of how each question aligns with the research questions and framework. I intentionally placed
them in sequence in a way that gets more personal as the interview transpired. I wanted to hear
about how the participants understood their career development process and how campus life and
interactions with university personnel prepared them for the transition into the world of work.
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The question sequence was ordered in a way that allowed them to feel comfortable enough to
talk honestly and freely about their experiences.
The interview protocol included questions such as “why did you decide to pursue a
college degree?” This question was designed to hear any potential career-oriented thoughts
connected to their overall desire to be a college student. Additionally, it provided an opportunity
to listen to student’s expectations about what they hope to achieve through and as a result of their
college journey. Another question was, “at what point did you decide on your current major?
Please describe that process.” Including this question in the protocol presented participants with
a chance to connect their major choice with how they are anticipating making a connection
between their academic major and their career interests. This third example provided a chance to
learn about how the participants’ on-campus experiences have shaped their career exploration:
“As you think about your own career exploration, how would you describe HCU’s impact on
your decisions or process? This and other questions specifically investigated participants’
reflections on their interactions with faculty and staff which have been developmentally
instigative for them.
Data Analysis
First, I started by combing through the transcribed interviews to look for keywords,
phrases, and concepts that were either recurring or powerful enough to make note of. I utilized
constant comparative analysis by fragmenting and connecting ideas and concepts that emerged
over the course of data collection (Boeije, H. (2002). This happened through comparing within
single interviews by distinguishing key themes that emerged while also comparing across other
interviews to identify similar patterns of responses.
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I also consulted my interviewer’s notes to be reminded of the things that caught my
attention in the context of the interview. In the initial phase of analysis, I created a codebook that
allowed me to see all the pertinent items that occurred throughout all three interviews. I looked
for themes and larger categories of data through axial coding (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) in
connection with the original research questions and developed categories and subheadings for
research which were pertinent to the study and either bore consistency throughout all eight
students’ experiences or were salient enough to be remarkable.
I tentatively used a priori codes as an initial guide to collecting data but did not place too
much importance on those codes as I was open to emerging themes or insights that may not have
been on my initial list of codes (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). I borrowed terms from both social
cognitive career theory as well as critical race theory to help funnel responses where applicable.
Some of those themes included major choice, career development interventions, career decision
making self-efficacy, outcome expectations, career goals, career preference, career choice,
mentoring, advising, role model effect, systemic barriers, internalized racism, and other terms
that fit within either construct.
Limitations and Delimitations
Since the study participants were selected purposively rather than randomly and since the
population size was intentionally small and regionally-bound, and therefore not representative,
the data collected, analyzed, and presented is not intended to be generalizable for all first-
generation college students or even first-generation students at the selected institution.
Additionally, data was self-reported and the interview protocol was designed to listen to student
self-narratives, self-perceptions, and their anticipated projections of their career development
trajectory. The data informed and interfaced with existing qualitative or quantitative studies
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aimed at exploring the career exploration and development process of first-generation college
students.
Additionally, since this study focused on students who started as first-time freshmen at
the select institution, the data does not represent the experiences of a large number of first-
generation college students who have transferred from other institutions—community college or
otherwise. This further limits the scope of the study and any conclusions should be considered
with that factor in mind.
Positionality
Positionality is how one is situated in the context of their world and is useful in
communicating the relationship between the researcher, research, participants, and all that
surrounds the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2013). Being aware of positionality in research is
significant because it provides a space for a recognition of personal experiences and
characteristics which transparently convey personal worldviews and biases at play within a larger
set of belief systems and philosophies (Merriam & Tisdell, 2013). Reflecting on the
appropriateness and usefulness of a study creates a multidimensional interrogation of purpose
and intent, researcher’s positionality, contemporary issues, and methodology. A clear and honest
statement of positionality allows for a more thorough and honest assessment of the responsibility
and potential of research to positively or negatively impact those being studied (Patel, 2015).
Bang and Vougsini (2016) discuss the need for ‘heterogeneity’ in education research and
conclude that the interconnectedness of relationships between people, people with systems,
society and individuals, etc. will ultimately create new ways of thinking and understanding that
include more voices. As I enter into research with first-generation college students I am
reminded of the ways in which I, as the researcher, am deeply connected to this population. As
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much as I am not a first-generation college student, I do come from a family of first-generation
college students and am married to one as well. In fact, these relationships have motivated my
interests not just in research but in my day-to-day work by causing me to have a keen focus on
first-generation students by helping to ensure an equitable experience, to the best of my ability.
Both my father and mother were first-generation college students. My father and both his sisters
learned to navigate college individually as their parents only spoke Spanish. Their parents were
supportive of education but had no way of providing directional support with regard to
applications, which schools to research and apply to, how to declare a major, how to make the
transition from education to career, etc. Additionally, they received no parental financial support
as they were poor with very little financial resources. All three have shared stories of attending
predominantly White schools, keeping their Spanish at home, and learning how to work around
the system to find success.
As Tuck (2009) has eloquently stated, no individual or group of individuals can be easily
caricatured into one-dimensional representations, either highlighting positive or negative
elements only. One thing my father and both his siblings had as a rich resource was a strong faith
upbringing being raised by pastors of a small Spanish speaking church in Los Angeles. They
were taught messages that encouraged them to dream big, believe in God’s ability to give them
what they needed to succeed, to not give up, to put their family and community first, and to
always help others. This led each of them to complete their degree and in the case of my father,
to pursue a Master’s degree from Harvard University and then a Ph.D. from a reputable
theological seminary in Los Angeles, CA. Over their careers they have been successful in three
significant fields: Ministry, education, and medical. As much as there is plenty to be said about
their development of resilience and grit through having a lifetime of disadvantages and
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challenges, it would be absurd to posit that society should not aim to eliminate inherent
challenges as a means to remove developmentally instigative processes that may have helped
them develop acquired skills and mindsets.
My wife is also a first-generation college student. We got married before her final year of
undergraduate education and I was able to see first-hand what she had to do to be successful as a
college student. Because of coming into college with less preparation she spent about one full
year taking remedial courses to help her demonstrate enough academic competence to succeed in
higher level coursework. She had no financial support from her family and paid for college by
herself. She worked two jobs all throughout her college experience to make this possible—as a
barista at an on-campus coffee shop in the early morning and as a teacher’s assistant at an after-
school program. She was supported by my family and our church environment which helped
surround her with a network of mentors and people who could help her navigate major choice,
career trajectory, and other important decisions. After graduating from college and pursuing two
different opportunities in childhood education she decided to start her own school which now
serves over fifty 2-5 year old students with over twelve staff and provides an excellent quality
preschool education for families in our community—many of whom are lower income and ethnic
minority.
Through this process I gained new inquiry skills which can be utilized throughout my
career as a higher education professional. This includes being a critical consumer of information,
identifying problems or challenges in higher education, maintaining an ethical and meaningful
contribution to the field, developing a study, gathering data, and interpreting the data in ways
that are fair and useful. Additionally, this process has taught me to ask the right questions going
forward—whether in further research or day-to-day work and experiences. I gained a deeper
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knowledge of the first-generation college student experience and the ways in which colleges are
prepared (or unprepared) to serve this population well. As much as I have personally benefited in
my leadership by understanding these issues, the effort poured into this process will lead to
opportunities to share my research within my own institution and in other settings where there is
a desire to learn more about this population and ways in which colleges might be better equipped
to serve them. Lastly, the research framework I selected is useful to understand the experiences
of other under resourced groups as I devote my career to helping institutions understand students
better and make institutional change that pursues equity.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
As Maxwell (2013) states, “validity is never something that can be proved or taken for
granted. Validity is also relative: It has to be assessed in relationship to the purposes and
circumstances of the research, rather than being a context-independent property of methods or
conclusions (p. 121).” The research questions, methods, purpose, and sampling of this study
have been connected to a desire, on my part as the researcher, to analyze the experiences of first-
generation college students on a university campus as they pertain to their career exploration
process. As much as I would like to posit that my approach was blind, objective and without
personal interest I must transparently state that I have a particular interest in learning about these
student’s experiences because I believe that first-generation college students at institutions like
HCU do not receive enough faculty/staff support in preparing them for their career exploration
process. Additionally, I believe in the promise that this population of students have in shaping
our education systems and world. As their presence and contributions on college campus
continues to grow, there is a unique opportunity to partner with them in changing our structures,
practices, and goals for higher education.
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As a convenience sample, this population was first-generation college students from the
same institution. I have also included additional criteria for selection which means this sample is
not intended to be representative of all first-generation college students in general or at this
institution, particularly. Data is not meant to be generalized since the sample is both small and
not representative. However, the qualitative essence of the study provides data that is important
and helps to paint a clearer picture of student experiences in vocational development which is
useful for practitioners hoping to learn about their students.
Ethics
Research has the capacity to pose questions to existing programs and policies and it is
gives higher education professionals the ability to make more informed decisions (Tuck, 2009).
In this particular research study, the data gathered and the interpretation of the data make a
difference by having the capacity to generate discussion across departments and across
institutions. I, as the researcher, plan to partner with these stakeholders to discuss findings and
propose provocative questions for leaders to consider as they aim to improve service to first-
generation college students. I crafted interview questions and subjected them to critique and
feedback of colleagues who have experience with this population or expertise in one of the key
areas of interest in the study (i.e. retention, academic success, advising, career development, and
first-generation student programming).
Data was gathered through interviews with student-participants and I personally analyzed
the data. Research participants and their stories should never be displayed in a way that
perpetuates a single narrative which ultimately does more damage than good (Tuck, 2009).
Framing the research in a way that allows for a robust and complex expression and interpretation
of data allows for an ethical study of human subjects.
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The long-term benefits of the research on the community is that institutions would be
better equipped to serve first-generation college students; first-generation college students would
be better equipped to reciprocate their experience and give back to their communities;
institutions would be motivated to continue asking similar questions of other populations and
other scenarios in order to continue moving toward more just practices and environments. It
could lead to additional resources invested in programming, more research on the experiences of
first-generation college students and the ways in which they interact with higher education
institutions, and hopefully better educational outcomes for this population of students.
The short-term benefit is that the students participating in the study had the chance to
share their story and be part of the research process. Some of them are unaware of the systemic
and historical challenges that envelope their current experience as first-generation college
students. Participating in this research study caused them to be more aware of these inequities so
that they can also take part in the process of identifying systemic injustice within education and
in society. Additionally, student-participants were exposed to the questions and dialogue that
ensued in the interview process which is, on its own, a form of education as these students were
led into a process of analyzing their own vocational identity and journey. To be asked these
questions and to be asked to reflect deeply on their feelings, choices, abilities, hopes, and dreams
is something this population of students needs more of. This research project was beneficial for
students just as their participation in the study was beneficial to the researcher, institutions, and
academia. The ethical dimensions of this study can be narrowed down to fiduciary responsibility.
Higher education institutions are being supported by tuition dollars paid from or on behalf of
first-generation college students. Considering the amount of average debt students are
shouldering along with dismal persistence and graduation rates it is a travesty that requires
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attention to the ways in which students are benefiting from the risk they are taking to pursue
success in higher education. When campuses do not demonstrate a tangible interest in helping all
students find success beyond graduation, particularly students with less career development
resources and social capital, the high achieving students who do make it to the finish line of
graduation day will find themselves wondering whether their financial, emotional, physical, and
mental investment to graduate from college was worth it. Students’ ability to succeed beyond
graduation directly impacts wages earned which is a clear indicator of the disparity between first-
generation and continuing generation college students.
The process of creating the design was an iterative process involving informal direct and
indirect feedback from students and colleagues about the proposed methodology. A beta test of
the interview protocols provided opportunities for the design to be examined in a real-life setting.
The sampling methodology of this study involved conversations with colleagues to collaborate
by sending out email invitations to students who may fit the research participant criteria. Not
only did this inevitably lead to dialogue about the research questions and purpose but invariably
encouraged each person to continue operating as relational influences in the lives of these
students. One relational outcome was that the campus has become more unified around the
concept of supporting first-generation college students by asking pertinent and challenging
questions about how we are currently doing as student developers. The appreciative inquiry
implemented in this study will, no doubt, continue to spark questions about how the institution
can engage in self-examination in order to understand how to better serve all students.
Additionally, students felt a sense of empowerment by being able to share their experience and
recognize that they have value and validity as full owners of this process.
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This study provided student participants with the opportunity to reflect on their identity
as first-generation college students. Orbe (2004) found that some first-generation college
students either have never or do not frequently think of their first-generation identity as
something salient to them. It was my hope that this process would lead student participants to
understand this aspect of their identity that motivates them and allows them to conceptualize the
way in which their achievement could be a tremendous resource for other first-generation college
students. If students are unaware of or choose to neglect this significant aspect of their identity
they are less likely to see their progress as something that can have impact on their communities
or among those who may have a similar set of life experiences.
Additionally, this study ultimately helped to strengthen the relational ties between first-
generation college students and their home institutions. According to a study from University of
Helsinki, Engestrom and Sannino (2010) examined over 90 doctoral dissertations from the cradle
of the theory of expansive learning and found that the heteroglossia (many voices) of dialectic
thinking creates a synergistic environment that expands subject and object in pursuit of new
knowledge. In fact, even oppositional voices and dissenting opinions are salvaged into the
construction of knowledge which expands the cognitive capacity of the subject while enlarging
the knowable components of objects. This framework lends itself to a disposition of
interconnectedness—recognizing that each new component or voice added into the conversation
makes learning richer.

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CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS

My two primary research questions were: 1) How do first-generation college students at
Hill City University identify and pursue vocational goals? and 2) How do colleges like HCU
support first-generation college students in their vocational exploration and preparation? After
combing through the data, there were eleven clear themes that emerged which were either
consistent enough across the sample or significant enough within one or more students’ stories.
All of these themes interplayed with students’ career development in various ways. The themes
included first-generation college student characteristics; the role of family on student’s career
development; student motivations for college; the impact of academic success and major choice
on student’s career development; pre-college experiences that impacted student’s career
development; campus environment and student involvement; financial challenges; student
resilience; the role of spirituality in career development; and engagement with career services.
Nine of the eleven themes were consistent with the review of existing literature and included
findings that corroborated existing research on first-generation college students. The two themes
that emerged in this study which were not in existing research (or at least not prominently
present) were the role of spirituality on career development for FGCS and the impact of pre-
college experiences on first-generation college students’ career development.
First-Generation College Student Characteristics
All but one of my participants (seven out of eight) were students of color. My research
design and sampling criteria did not specify a need to recruit students of particular ethnic
backgrounds. It is interesting, then, that the students who ended up accepting an invitation to
participate in my study were mostly students of color. This supports Choy’s research (2001)
which states first-generation college students are more likely to be students of color.
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Additionally, and related to Choy’s study, there were other factors that emerged in my study as
supporting the general research on first-generation college student characteristics such as
academic preparedness for college; the benefit of college preparatory experiences; and a
misalignment with institutional goals (Gibbons & Shoffner, 2004).
Interestingly, the one White student I interviewed defied many of the general
characteristics of first-generation college students. She had experienced an affluent lifestyle as a
young child, attended the best schools in her area, and entered college with a high degree of
academic preparation and clarity about her vocational future. However, she also shared common
experiences with other first-generation college students in that she experienced family hardships,
less financial resources, and situations that made her realize that she did not have as much family
support to pursue her dreams. Having lived both realities shaped her perspective in unique ways.
A common theme I noticed was that these students entered college with lower levels of
academic preparedness. To most of these students, this is something that was surprising to them
since most of them had positive academic self-perceptions—which is possibly related to their
relative academic success at their respective high schools. Nevertheless, each of them described
a moment in their collegiate journey where they felt significantly underprepared to succeed in a
particular course, major, or as a college student in general. In about half of the cases, students
made a decision to change their major due to the strain, stress, and challenge of coursework—
often times coming from a single course. This is a topic that I address in detail in a later section.
For now, it will suffice to say the sample of students I interviewed carried many characteristics
that were consistent with general research on the characteristics and experiences of first-
generation college students. Another theme that emerged was that the majority of the students in
my study frequently referenced financial challenges as a constant reality that had impacted
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everything from their decisions to attend college, which college to attend, which major to pursue,
whether to pursue graduate school or not. This too, will be a topic that I will explore further in
this chapter. Lastly, the role of family in these students’ college experiences was important—
whether implicitly or explicitly—through example, guidance, or general encouragement.
Family
The role of family was significant—whether as supporters, encouragers, and advocates
(usually in a general rather than specific sense) or intrinsically through demonstrating resilience
in the face of challenges, living lives of sacrifice and serving as motivation for their students.
Half of my participants felt that attending college was a way for them to convey their
appreciation to their parents who were not able to attend college but worked hard for them to be
able to have the opportunity. Families did not give specific academic or career related advice—
however, their influence on their children’s college experience was felt in mostly positive ways.
In one case, Brittany’s parents were opposed to her decision to pursue a 4-year college
degree—especially at a private institution primarily because of the cost associated with the
degree. Reflecting on her tense college-related conversations with her parents, Brittany
explained, “it was definitely difficult because it’s always made me question whether or not I am
here for the right reasons. Should I really be spending all this money to go here? My parents
would say, ‘maybe you shouldn't be doing that—you can always drop out and you can always go
do this and you don't necessarily have to go back!’ It's made me actually think for myself, ‘why
am I really here? Is it worth it?’ Yes—I should be here—it is worth it!” Interestingly, as much as
it would seem that this lack of family support would be a barrier for Brittany, it actually served
as a motivator that instigated deep reflection and strong resolve for her. In fact, her explanation
for why she is in college was the most thoughtful and deliberate response of all participants. Her
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approach to this hardship built resilience and persistence because every action and decision she
made was more carefully weighed than many of her peers who did not necessarily feel pressured
to have thorough explanations for their choices.
Other than Brittany, the other seven students referenced their parents’ inability to attend
college as a motivating factor for their decision to pursue a bachelor’s degree. In some instances,
their parents directly encouraged them to get a college degree because they did not have the
opportunity when they were younger due to various life circumstances. Two participants chose to
pursue college because they watched their parents struggle through low-paying, unstable
working conditions in order to provide for their families and felt that a college degree would
provide upward social mobility. Daniel’s parents emigrated to the U.S. from Vietnam with very
little financial resources. They would still be considered low-income but have worked tirelessly
to provide for their children and make sure they have access to education. Daniel’s family’s work
ethic and financial struggles served to make him the kind of college student he is. He takes
nothing for granted, works hard, is appreciative of opportunities, and is driven to achieve his
goals.
Other students reflected on their family’s values and morals as being influential in their
process of character development and formation. Ricardo specifically referenced wisdom he had
received from his father: “the seeds that you plant now is what you’re going to harvest later in
life.” Ricardo interpreted his father’s advice in the context of a college student: “You plant good
seeds like studying for your tests, like going to internships or talking to faculty or having them
connect you to other mentors, that’s going to bring you success later. You plant bad seeds like
procrastinating, not studying for tests, homework, going to parties, or just irresponsible things
that college students are tempted with—don’t be surprised when it’s time to harvest and your
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crops aren’t good crops!” This is fitting advice and imagery for a young man who was raised in
an agricultural town in a working class family.
Motivations for College
Seventy-five percent of my participants stated that one of their primary reasons for
choosing to pursue a college degree was to have a better life than their parents were able to have.
A better life to them meant financial gain and social mobility. Daniel described his motivation in
this way, “as I got older I became more open with my parents and began understanding their
story of their sacrifice coming from Vietnam to America. My dad works an eight-to-eight job
and my mom regularly works over-time. They put in hard work so I can get an education…I
want to honor what my parents did as well—the sacrifice they made for me.” He continued to
explain how his father weaved in and out of four very distinct industries for work (car sales,
furniture, insurance, and the phone company) because of being laid off multiple times and
needing to find some way to provide for his family. Daniel believes that his college degree will
give him the ability to achieve more job permanence and stability than his parents had.
Interestingly, seventy-five percent of my participants (not necessarily the same
interviewees as stated above) stated that since starting college, they see other outcomes as more
important than the prospects of financial gain. Daniel, one of those students who mentioned that
their initial motivation to pursue a college degree was to be financially successful, began to
understand the inherent value of higher education and the privilege to be developed holistically
as a person. He described it this way, “I'm in college and I get to go to class and read these
books. I get professors to teach me about things and my appreciation has grown more and now
it's me leaning into my own framework for my future.” Another student also commented on the
newfound value of whole-person transformation they received as a student at HCU, “having all
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these experiences (at HCU) genuinely shaped what kind of future worker I want to be.” This
student was specifically referencing the character development that occurred through their
collegiate journey in contrast to a transactional experience that merely transmits skills and
creates pathways for career attainment. By in large, students were overall interested in achieving
a better life (understood in terms of financial gain and job satisfaction) while also learning to
appreciate, usually later in their collegiate experience, the personal development that comes
along with their college experience and preparation.
Academic Success and Major Choice
Seven out of eight of my participants maintained a high academic self-concept. This was
mostly attributed to pre-college academic success and, in some cases, served as intrinsic
affirmation for their decision to pursue a college degree. This was a highly motivated participant
pool with no mention of ever being in jeopardy of not passing classes or matriculating at an
appropriate pace. However, my data demonstrate that these students possessed other forms of
low academic self-efficacy which surfaced in their academic major-selection process. Sixty-three
percent of my participants changed their major at least once. Their rationale for these changes
varied across my sample. Some felt they were incapable and unqualified to continue in a
particular major and others reported losing interest. I found a correlation with Beggs, Bantham,
and Taylor’s (2008) research which found that most college students chose majors with highest
weight given to match with interests as opposed to aptitude in the field or potential for higher
earnings.
A specific trend that emerged was students moving away from STEM-related fields—
whether they entered college with interest in a STEM major or had actually declared a STEM-
oriented major. There were three participants who had at one point declared a STEM-related
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major and another student who had mentioned that he hoped to be a physical therapist all through
high school before enrolling at HCU. All three of the previously mentioned students who
declared a STEM-related major changed to social sciences and humanities within their first two
years of college. I saw a correlation with Chonwerawong’s (2006) research which criticizes
higher education systems for being ‘sorting engines’ to perpetuate cycles of wealth and poverty
by consistently granting access to wealthier students to succeed in lucrative majors/careers and
funneling lower-income (less academically prepared and college-ready) students to majors that
often lead to lower paying fields. Granted, though there may not be a nefarious plan to
disadvantage certain students at HCU, and acknowledging that there is a certain degree of
personal choice in their major-related decisions it was nevertheless interesting that the only
STEM-oriented students in my study chose to leave those fields within their first two years of
college. My study cannot provide a full answer as to why these students chose to abandon their
STEM-related goals. However, it is evident that my participants are no exception to the pattern
that historically disadvantaged students such as first-generation college students have difficulty
successfully completing STEM-related degrees (Chonwerawong, 2006).
Olson (2014) was curious about this very problem and decided to study the paths not
taken by first-generation college students and concluded that many students would have been
better off persisting in these majors with added supports and clarity surrounding misinformation
that distorted their decision-making process. My participants cited discouraging remarks from
professors, lack of advisement that challenged their thoughts to leave the major, and divine
intervention (I will revisit this further in a later section) as reasons for leaving the major. In one
case, Lacey’s Biology professor began the semester by announcing that their performance in this
class would dictate whether or not they are cut out to be an Allied Health major. This professor
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took pride in striking fear in the students and serving as a gateway to success in that academic
discipline. This same student remarked on her decision to leave Allied Health for
Communication Studies, “I don't want to go back to science! I'm sure no one likes labs but I'm
not even excited for lecture! That’s when he (the professor) said, ‘maybe we should look at that!’
After that we just talked about what I want to do in the future…” Another student reflected on
her fear of the sciences by explaining, “I landed in the psychology/social work field because I
like helping people and all the other ways to help people just required too much science and I
was not down for that, at all.” At least three students referenced their fear or dislike of science as
a motivator for staying away from or leaving a science-related field.
One research participant, Natalie, who faced an academic crossroads where rigor and lack
of interest intersected, decided to persist and complete her initial goal of being a double major in
Political Science and Criminal Justice. Two factors that separated Natalie from the remainder of
my sample population were that she had been raised in the finest schools of an affluent area of
San Francisco and that she had excellent career-oriented mentoring since she was in high school.
This supports the research of Montmarquette, Cannings, and Mahseredjian (2002) who state that
wealthier students typically pursue majors and fields that are more lucrative. Natalie described
encountering the moment she realized she had a lack of interest in Political Science, found the
workload taxing, and the content difficult to grasp. She made the decision to remain in the major
because it fit within her long-term goals. The difference between the way she handled this
crossroads and the way her peers handled it was that she was able to think about the long-term
benefit of persisting through the current challenges. She did not make academic major and career
decisions based on level of difficulty or level of interest. Instead, she chose to hold onto the
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image of seeing herself as a lawyer and decided to push through the classes that seemed boring
and burdensome because of a larger goal.
A few of my interviewees referenced the significance of introductory level courses (100
level) as being helpful to either solidify an existing interest or expose them to ideas and
possibilities that they had not yet previously entertained. Monica spoke of her Introduction to
Social Work class in this way, “that’s when I realized how many options I really have to work
with kids and to be a social worker, so I’m leaning now towards being a social worker in a
school setting or social work in hospital setting, like pediatric care.” Along the lines of
exploration, and without being specifically asked to comment on major and career exploration,
three out of eight participants expressed that they wished HCU encouraged them to spend more
time truly exploring and investigating their options for choosing an academic major. Thuy
critiqued her student experience by sharing, “once you declare a major, people automatically
assume you’re good—you’re taking care of—you’re not undeclared… I really wish someone
would’ve asked me ‘do you like your major?’” Ayala and Striplen (2002) comment that
institutions often revert to implementing efficient systems instead of engaging in productive
inquiry with respect to guiding students to appropriate majors. My participants felt that sense of
being rushed into decision making coupled with a lack of in-depth probative guidance toward
academic major and career-oriented choices.
Prior Experiences
The impact of prior experiences (pre-college) on participant’s decision-making about
major-selection and career trajectory was expressed by each of the eight participants. The two
primary sources from which these experiences emerged were at school and at home. In one case,
it was a student’s involvement at church that shaped his interests. These prior experiences serve
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as knowledge and experience banks from which students are able to project possible futures by
utilizing the information they currently have. In some cases, my participants maintained their
interests and career trajectory whereas other students have since pivoted toward other majors and
careers based on new knowledge or experiences while in college.
Both Martha and Lacey were in high schools that required them to get field experience in
areas that interested them. Martha was required to complete volunteer hours and decided to
fulfill those through a hospital internship. This led her to aspire to becoming a nurse and she
subsequently entered HCU as a Nursing major. She ultimately decided to switch majors from
Nursing to Psychology because she still wanted to help people without having too many science-
oriented classes. Lacey’s high school required each student to enter into a specific vocational
program track. She chose to enter the medical track largely due to the fact that her grandfather
had a respiratory disease and she felt she wanted to help others like him. Her initial career goal
was to become a respiratory therapist. She entered HCU with an Allied Health major. Lacey, too,
was discouraged by her lack of interest in the sciences and difficulty managing the rigor and
stress that these classes brought. She changed her major to Communication Studies.
Natalie and Melanie mined their high school experience for inspiration to pursue a
particular major and career field in college. Natalie was fortunate to be a student at an affluent
high school which took her development seriously and provided ongoing and consistent
individual guidance and support. Through her own ideation and exploration as well as their
coaching and support, Natalie had a clear path in mind to pursue Political Science and Criminal
Justice with the intention of going to Law School and becoming a lawyer. She is graduating early
(3 instead of 4 years), double-majoring in the aforementioned fields, and still planning to pursue
Law School in the near future. Melanie’s decision process involved paying attention to her
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academic aptitude and prior success in high school. As she pondered choosing an academic
major in college she reflected on the fact that she particularly enjoyed and succeeded in her
Advanced Placement (college-level) Psychology class and scored a 5 out of 5 on the National
Advanced Placement exam—leading her to realize her strength in studying psychology. She
ultimately decided on pursuing Social Work as a major and career trajectory because of its’
rootedness in psychological theory and connectedness to direct application with addressing
social concerns. Although she has not specifically identified a subfield of social work she is
planning to enter into, she has maintained a strong commitment to the field as a whole. Much of
that is due to the fact that she carried her academic interest and success from high school into her
college experience.
Thuy, Ricardo, and Brittany relied on prior home experiences that shaped their interests,
major selection, and career trajectory. Thuy entered HCU as a Social Work major because she
wanted to help children who have experienced abuse. Being a survivor of physical and sexual
abuse, she initially wanted to pursue a career that would allow her to work with children and
families where abuse and neglect are prevalent. In her case, it was through college experiences
such as a study abroad trip and consistent mentorship that allowed her to entertain other
possibilities and ultimately decide on a very different career trajectory. Ricardo was impacted by
the disparity between his parent’s financial struggles and his uncle’s financial success. He
noticed how difficult it was for his parents to survive on a lower income while watching the life
his cousins were able to have because of his uncle’s success in business. He was very motivated
to be a successful business person and took advantage of many opportunities at HCU to prepare
for success beyond college. Brittany has two older siblings who both completed college degrees.
One of her older siblings was a physical therapist and enjoyed his career. She initially decided to
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major in Allied Health in hopes of also becoming a physical therapist. Interestingly, the moment
that caused her to reflect and change her major came after working in an internship at her
brother’s practice through which she realized she did not have as much interest in that line of
work as she thought she might. She changed her major to Psychology with hopes of pursuing a
career that blends Psychology and Business.
Daniel was influenced by the youth pastor of his church. His youth pastor was an
alumnus of HCU and studied Christian Ministries. Daniel came in with clear intentions to study
Youth and Family Ministry and go into the field of church ministry upon graduation. He stayed
aligned with those hopes and continued to prepare for ministry although his most recent thinking
has led him to consider diverse ways of accomplishing the same outcome—such as teaching or
coaching sports in a high school.
Social Capital
A general theme across my sample was that students were significantly impacted by
having access to various kinds of social capital at HCU. Some took advantage of this access
more than others. Additionally, seven out of eight students referenced multiple people playing a
vital role in helping them develop academically and vocationally. Those students who had access
to mentors and advisors within their major (professors or major-specific academic advisors) were
more likely to receive direct guidance with their career-oriented questions and decisions.
Melanie articulated her appreciation for the support she has received from her faculty/advisor by
saying, “That’s been one of the most influential parts of my undergraduate [experience] because
I’ve noticed that other departments don’t do that. If you get assigned an advisor your freshman
year and you meet with them every semester about how you’re doing in the classes you’re taking
and it is the same person, so they know you, they know where you are. They’re also a professor,
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so they know the coursework. I think that’s been really helpful just to be able to discuss what
would be the best fit for me in terms of taking courses that I should take and when I should take
them. I’ve really enjoyed being able to connect with one person in the department that really
knows who I am.”
Seven out of eight participants referenced the positive effect of faculty and coursework
on their career development. Of all other factors, this seemed to have had the most consistent
impact on their career decision-making process, overall. Six out of eight reported having a
personal relationship with faculty and staff (not necessarily in their academic major) that
impacted their career development. One student reflected on the impact of her advisor in this
way, “she encourages me because she knows--she just pushes me and she knows that I can. She’s
seen how well I can do, so she pushes me.” The role-model effect (Komarraju, Musulkin, and
Bhattacharya, 2010) was also prevalent with my study participants as they found agency,
confidence, and identity through relating with their mentors. The accomplishments of their
mentors created motivational pathways for them to see themselves succeeding in a particular
field or position. Six out of eight students referenced someone playing a role similar to that for
them and half of those were role-models from HCU.
Various forms of advising, informal and formal, played a significant role in the
development of my participants as college students. For Daniel, this process began early through
conversations with his admissions counselor as she helped him think through his decision to
attend HCU and pick an academic major. He explained, “she asked what I wanted to do and
where I was going and I explained to her my heart for wanting to raise up the younger generation
and doing ministry in different areas and then she asked, ‘Did you ever think about doing
Christian Ministries?’ I said, ‘I don't know what that is—I’ve never heard about that!’ She
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explained Christian ministries to me and in that moment at Starbucks I changed to Christian
Ministries and I’ve never looked back!” This was an example of how a seemingly casual
conversation over coffee had a tremendous impact on the life of a student, particularly those who
do not have as much access to people, resources, and information to help them navigate college
and career decisions. Although admissions counselors do have a relative understanding of the
academic majors offered at HCU, they are by no means expected to be experts in all fields.
However, in the case of Daniel, this admissions counselor proved to exceed expectations by
being willing to enter into conversation about Daniel’s future and provide a very insightful
suggestion.
For Lacey, a similar vocational revelation came through an informal conversation with a
professor during her time as a study abroad student. She spent an entire semester at this
particular location and before she left, the professor asked her, “why do you want to be in the
medical field?” After having a hard time finding an answer to his question she took time to think
about it and ultimately determined that she did not really have an interest in the medical field
after all. That conversation led her to change her major and develop new ideas about her career
trajectory.
Thuy conveyed the unexpected benefit of developing a personal relationship with an
administrator who helped her stay in school. This particular administrator had been a mentor to
one of her mentors from her home church. Her mentor told her that she had to track him down
and meet him. Once they had the opportunity to meet, the administrator and his wife invited
Thuy and her roommates over their house for dinner. She reported feeling appreciative of being
invited to share a meal with someone as influential as this administrator. Through casual
conversation, and only after being asked questions about her college experience, Thuy was able
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to share that she owed a few thousand dollars to HCU before she would be allowed to register for
classes for the following semester. A few days later she received an email that this administrator
was able to secure enough funds from an anonymous donor to cover her outstanding balance and
allow her to register for classes
Not all students experienced the full benefit of social capital at HCU. Martha regrets not
taking more time to seek out advising. She stated, “A big struggle for me is not being able to ask
for help because I had grown up thinking you do it in your own or make it on your own—It’s
your life!” Unfortunately, out of my eight research participants, Martha spent the least amount of
time on campus and had not developed any personal relationships with HCU faculty or staff. As
a result, her thoughts about her vocational future and level of preparedness were also the least
developed compared to the other seven students.
Students also felt they had gained career-oriented social capital through their experience
at HCU. Six out of eight students stated that someone at HCU has helped or can help them with
job opportunities in their field. Daniel received an internship opportunity through one of his
friends. He described it this way: “One of my [small group] guys that I led my sophomore
year…he was a freshman and he is from Connecticut—his youth pastor reached out to him and
he asked if he knew anybody that would fit for doing this summer internship and he
recommended me…”. Ricardo gave a presentation in a Business class and an executive from a
renowned aeronautical and space research and technology organization was present. After the
presentation, the executive approached Ricardo and told him that when he graduates from HCU,
he wanted to hire him. Lacey started as a student worker in the Admissions department of the
university. Over her three years at HCU she has elevated to two subsequent leadership positions
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in the office. Her career goal at this point is to work in college admissions and she felt that she
may have an opportunity to work in the office after graduation.
Campus Environment and Student Involvement
Being at a small Christian college was significant for these students as it allowed them to
feel known by professors and others. The faith-based setting helped create an atmosphere of
hospitality and contributed to their sense of belonging. This in turn led to student-involvement
which proved to be significant for my research participants. Three out of the eight students in my
study had been connected to TRiO support services—a program developed to support first-
generation college students. This holistic model, as reported by my participants, helped them
develop friendships; supported them academically through advising, tutoring, and organized
study sessions; fostered a sense of belonging and shared experience through meetings and off-
campus outings; and provided mentorship.
Others found support through their on-campus jobs, internships, and student leadership
positions. Lacey felt particularly supported by two of her supervisors (both recent college
graduates) in the Admissions office. They demonstrated interest in her future through the
questions they asked and mentorship they provided. Thuy found a similar type of support
through her supervisors in the Study Abroad office. Melanie, who otherwise never thought she
would apply for student leadership because she could not see herself in those roles, was
encouraged by friends in the TRiO program to apply because they saw her as someone who
could be a great Resident Assistant (RA)—a highly selective and coveted leadership position.
She applied and was accepted into the Residence Life program which provided opportunities for
her that she did not foresee, such as the chance to meet weekly with her staff supervisor who
mentored and supported her in ways she had never experienced before. Those who experienced
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internships and student leadership saw them as a source of career development, skill building,
and confidence toward transitioning from college to career.
A few unhelpful aspects of the campus environment that students noted were information
overload, feeling like an outsider, and not enough attention to college academic readiness or
thinking about their future. The first year was the most difficult for many of my participants.
Entering college was a challenging experience and many felt bombarded with information,
opportunities to get involved, and trying to adjust to a new culture. A few students felt that
instead of the onslaught of information at the beginning, HCU should consider trickling
information over time and replace the deluge of information with formative opportunities such as
focusing on college readiness (i.e. time-management, study skills, etc.) and vocational
discernment. Daniel, an Asian-American student, came from a high school which was majority
Hispanic and Black. He discussed finding it difficult to adjust to HCU because of the majority
White culture he experienced for the first time in his life. He felt the pressure to assimilate to the
cultural expectations and did not feel comfortable accepting his own non-White cultural identity
until the summer after his second year of college. Three other participants also referenced feeling
the culture shock of transitioning into HCU as a freshman in ways that suggested something
more than just the typical learning curve of trying to survive as a college student. They did not
reference any specific egregious moments of racism or discrimination but did recognize that they
felt as if they fit in less than many other students—particularly those who were middle/upper-
income White students.
Financial Challenges and Student Loan Debt
Lent, Brown, and Hackett (1994) mentioned background distal influences such as
financial resources as significant for student growth, self-confidence, and decision-making. The
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model derived from social cognitive career theory (Lent, Brown, and Hackett, 1994) is primarily
concerned with the three factors of self-efficacy (beliefs), goal-setting behaviors (plans), and
risk-taking (actions) behaviors. Participants’ concerns about their financial circumstances
impacted each of the three aspects of the SCCT model—namely, their beliefs about their
capacity, their thoughts and hopes for their futures, and their risk-taking behaviors were all
impacted by their financial situation or their anticipated financial situation. I did not factor in
socioeconomic status into my sampling or personal data, so I have not specifically taken family
income into consideration as a criterion for selection or an explicit factor in my study. However,
there were frequent references to financial resources as a significant factor in their decision
making about college, major, and career choices. Some felt more pressure as a result of these
financial challenges while others felt their options were limited due to financial challenges and
student loan debt.
Martha’s fears about the interrelationship between her financial resources and her future
were evident in one of her responses to a question about how confidently she felt about her
career future: “on the financial side of things, trying to get the money to go get my masters and
paying off the debt that I have here and just not being overwhelmed by all the financial burdens
that will come onto me and ‘will I get a job as a social worker?’ or ‘will it be a good paying job
once I get that job?’…so that’s what scares me—and not knowing if I need to take a year off just
to get my financials in order to go to grad school. That scares me a little bit because I know that
if I take that year off, I’m more likely to not go back to school.” In this one response, Martha’s
concern about the effect of her student loan debt from her undergraduate studies was evident
along with concerns about how that impacts her decisions about future graduate school studies,
her uncertainty about employment, her uncertainty about expected wage earnings, and her
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concern about not being able to continue toward her future educational goals because of a
potential need to forego furthering her education in order to work immediately after college.
Natalie demonstrated doubts and some regret about her decision to pursue a college
degree because she saw others who decided not to attend college making a great living. She was
very active in getting jobs and internships as a college student and interacted with many talented
and competent people who decided not to pursue or complete a college degree. This caused her
to question her decision to take on the student loan debt that she accumulated to pursue a college
degree and wondered whether she would have been better off not going to college and entering
into the workforce after high school. What she did not consider is the opportunities, such as jobs
and internships, that were made available to her because of the fact that she was currently a
college student, even though she did not currently have a college degree. Natalie also discussed
cycles of wealth preservation and cycles of poverty as she reflected on finances. She was the
student who experienced an affluent lifestyle in her early childhood but more recently faced
lower-income realities because of her parents’ divorce. She reflected, “I realize that if you have
money you get the best opportunity and that's how the world is! I have to work 35 hours a week
and that inhibits so many different opportunities. I read an article once about unpaid internships
and how there is such a push to do unpaid internships but people who are lower-income can’t do
an unpaid internship full-time and work full-time to support yourself.” For Natalie, this
conversation was particularly important since she wanted to go to Law School and become a
lawyer. It confirmed the commonly spoken phrase, ‘it takes money to make money.’ Through
this lens, lower income students naturally take less risks than higher income students because
they cannot afford to in the short-term, even if the benefits may make sense in the long term.
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Careers in law and medicine, both perceived as lucrative, often require more time and money in
order to complete the education needed to attain jobs.
Working a part-time job as a way to offset educational costs proved to be beneficial for
my participants. As a result of working, my participants gained valuable skills, access to
mentorship through their supervisors, and saw their job experience as preparing them for career
success beyond college. Two out of eight students gained clarity about pursuing a career in a
field related to their on-campus job or internship. One of them applied for and accepted an on-
campus job without initially thinking she wanted to enter into that field beyond graduation and
over time found that she enjoyed the work and felt affirmed in her ability to thrive in that setting.
The other student applied for the position because she started to get a sense that she might want
to pursue a career in a related field and thought part-time work as a college student would
prepare her for her career beyond college. Many of my participants also saw the need to work as
normal and expected—possibly oblivious to the fact that many of their wealthier classmates have
never thought of working while in college. In the case of my participants, their work experience
as college students was beneficial to their career development.
Lastly, there were two students who discussed feeling that their financial situation
hindered their ability to receive the full experience as an HCU student. Melanie explained how
she applied for and was accepted to a leadership position to lead an international service trip.
Given her major (Social Work) and interests this would have been a wonderful opportunity to
supplement her college experience, build her resumé, and forge friendships with the cohort of
students she would have traveled and served with. She ultimately decided to forego the
opportunity because she was intimidated by the amount it cost to participate. Although every
student had the option to raise funds with their families, friends, and networks to cover their
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expenses, she was not confident that her community would be able to cover the thousands of
dollars this trip cost. Another student noticed the very different lifestyles of classmates who were
able to buy nice things, enjoy certain experiences off-campus, have nice cars, and generally not
have to worry about not having enough finances to stay enrolled or afford the additional
expenses that come along with being a college student.
Resilience
My participants were each driven, diligent, goal-oriented, and proud of their
accomplishments. None of them were in jeopardy of falling out of academic eligibility because
they took their role as students seriously and achieved a great deal of success, collectively. They
also each demonstrated a measure of resilience in their own way—whether that resilience was
staying in a particular major or remaining committed to finishing a college degree. Brittany’s
initial response to my “why college?” question was one of the most thoughtful responses I have
ever heard from a college student. As she described her journey to arriving at that response, it
made complete sense. She spent hours, days, weeks, and months thinking about this very
question because of the opposition she received from her unsupportive parents who have
continued to disagree with her decision to attend a private four-year university. Every semester
that she enrolled in class and every day she woke up, she reminded herself of her purpose for
being a college student. The motivation she gathered changed the complexion of every decision
she made because she had clear intentions for her entire college experience. A similar kind of
purposefulness was found in Thuy. Her demeanor and language reflected someone who never
expected anything to be handed to her easily—she felt she had to work for everything she
wanted. As a result, her level of appreciation for HCU, the individuals who took interest in her,
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and God—to whom she attributed all her blessings, was evident as she shared about her time as a
college student at HCU.
Ricardo’s family upbringing helped instill in him a confidence which prepared him to
state clear and articulated goals. Confidence and clarity lead to resilience because higher clarity
and resolve about one’s trajectory can lead to higher self-efficacy and therefore, higher
resilience. This higher self-efficacy, resolve, and resilience led him to take greater risks and build
a strong social network (professors, corporate professionals, colleagues, etc.) while in college
that prepared him for post-graduation opportunities. For Ricardo, it was clear that his work ethic,
motivation, and resilience were a direct result of coming from a hard-working, humble family
where these values were instilled at an early age and reinforced throughout life.
Spirituality
All of my participants chose to attend HCU because it is a Christian university and the
faith component of the education and experience was significant to them. Ricardo was able to
articulate how he was able to integrate his faith formation through his coursework, social
experiences, and spiritual programing in ways that shaped him. He anticipated being the kind of
businessman who wants to make a positive difference at his future organization and in the
broader society. Each of my participants, at one point or another during the interview, referenced
feeling that God was guiding them into their futures and into their careers (majors). Daniel wants
to be a youth pastor and has majored in a subject (Christian Ministries) that would directly
prepare him for that future. He saw his education, formation, and preparation holistically as he
not only gained knowledge about topics that apply to ministry but also experienced deep
personal transformation in the process.
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Some saw their trajectory, experiences, and career-related decisions through the lens of
spirituality and hearing from God. They saw God as active in this process with them. For those
students who decided to change their major (and career trajectory) during their time at HCU they
interpreted those events as God revealing the error in their first choice and actively revising a
new direction—using events, experiences, and people to clarify that. An example of this can be
found in Lacey’s comments about her direction, “maybe that's why I wasn't called to a [research
state school] because there it’s purely preparing me for med school in the future! Even within
less than a year I decided to change my major. I think it's just cool how God works in path
shaping!” She attributed her decision to be at HCU and pursue a completely different career
(from the medical field to college admissions) to God—who may have prevented her from
choosing a different university in order to align her with her current choice. In fact, a common
theme in my research was that my participants saw God as the active agent in shaping their
future and career development while their job was to listen well to what God might be saying
and make sure to be obedient when his voice is clearly calling them in a particular direction.
One participant, Martha, had done the least amount of preparation and thinking about her
career and life beyond college than the rest of my participants. She expressed some nervousness
about her future but seemed to be calmed by her trust in God. She explained it by saying, “I’m a
little scared for what the future has to offer but I know that God has it in his hands and that’s
what I lean into a lot because I don’t have a futuristic view of my life.” It was difficult to
ascertain whether or not she was truly at peace because of trust in God’s plan or if that is what
allowed her to cope with her fear and inactivity toward future planning.

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Career Development Interventions
Half of my participants wished that HCU exposed them to different kinds of potential
careers early in their college experience. They entered college with a vague idea of what they
might want to pursue but had hoped that certain experiences, courses, or individuals might help
them work through their career ideas. Even with some of these doubts, sixty-two percent of my
participants were still committed to the general career field they entered college to pursue. This
was surprising given the fact that many of them expressed experiencing career indecision before
and during their time as a college student. Seventy-five percent of my study participants reported
feeling ready to graduate from college and hopeful about their transition into their careers. Five
out of eight students felt very confidently about their college to career transition; two felt fairly
confidently; and one felt unconfidently about their transition into their career. Lacey reflected on
being afraid of leaving college by saying, “the world outside of HCU is a scary place because
here it's so easy to have someone who’s going to welcome you. Once I graduate, I'm going to
have to get used to the world and it seems like a very scary place—not a welcoming place—how
do you get used to that?”
Natalie was grateful for the way she felt prepared for her future career in law and politics.
She described, “in political science we have a congress class and she makes you write actual
policy briefs and she will grade them as if she were a Senator getting your policy brief. People
who have graduated come back and talk to us current students and say that was a huge help
because there are people on the job who have never written these things before and they don't
know what to do.” This particular professor helped Natalie feel ready to transition from college
because she was assigning real-life work that will benefit her in her future. Ricardo’s experience
in Finance class was similar to Natalie’s as he explained, “my [finance management professor]
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doesn’t say, ‘good morning students’ or ‘good afternoon students.’ She says, ‘good afternoon
managers!’ She says, ‘in this class we’re going to be managers. So everyday I expect you to
come to work prepared, that you put in the effort outside of work to study for this job so that we
can all help each other and collaborate. We’re a team. When I call on you and you don’t know
the answer, ask a friend, ask a coworker, you’re here, we’re all doing the same job!” These two
student narratives demonstrate the ways in which professors provided them with assignments and
experiences that help them to envision themselves as successful working professionals.
Interestingly, none of my eight participants mentioned formal career development
interventions as pertinent to their career development trajectory. One of the questions from the
interview protocol is “Since you’ve been at HCU, please describe any experiences or interactions
you have had that have shaped your vocational direction.” I expected that there would be some
mention of interfacing with the career services office from one or more of my participants as a
response to this question. It was striking that there was no mention of the career services office
or programs that are offered through the office.

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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION

Summary

The aim of this study was to understand the career exploration processes of eight first-
generation college students at Hill City University. As of 2002, half of all college students in the
U.S. were first-generation college students and FGCS comprise 34 percent of all 4-year college
students (Engle & Tinto, 2008). National graduation rates for FGCS were less than half of those
for continuing generation college students (Chen & Carroll, 2005) and FGCS were more likely to
default on their student loans (Horn & Carroll, 1996). FGCS experienced more difficulty
transitioning into successful careers (Rosenbaum et al., 1999) and were less likely to take
advantage of on-campus services and programs which aim to prepare them for career success
(Tate, Caperton, Kaiser, Pruitt, White, & Hall, 2015). The purpose of my study was to examine
the career exploration experiences, beliefs, and choices of first-generation college students in
order to help shape a vision for how higher education institutions can improve how they support
this population. The study revolved around two primary research questions: 1) How do first-
generation college students at Hill City University identify and pursue vocational goals? and 2)
How do colleges like HCU support first-generation college students in their vocational
exploration and preparation?
This chapter includes the researcher’s interpretation of the findings utilizing a lens shaped
by the conceptual framework. As much as the primary theories (i.e. Critical race theory and
social cognitive career theory) guided the entire research project, this section directly correlates
the findings with concepts that are central to the guiding theories. Additionally, this chapter
includes a discussion of eight of the primary themes that emerged in the findings along with
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concise responses to the two primary research questions. As a result, I developed seven
recommendations for practice which are delineated and explained below.
Interpretation of Findings through Conceptual Framework
I utilized a critical race theoretical lens (counternarrative) to hear the perspectives and
experiences of FGCS by acknowledging the presence and dominance of White middle-upper
class perspectives, experiences, and values and how those shape the experiences of people of
color, first-generation college students, and lower-income students (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002).
Although I did not control for socioeconomic status in my study, I did find that six out of eight of
my participants came from a lower-income family. Additionally, seven out of eight of my
participants were students of color—again, a category that I did not necessarily control for. Also,
given the fact that they, by definition, came from homes where neither parent held a bachelor’s
degree, there were certain challenges that came from this reality which impacted their academic
achievement and career development. I utilized this lens to listen to their stories.
Every category of findings in my study can be interpreted using critical race theory but for
the sake of space I will reflect on five key areas. My participants felt rushed into making
decisions about their academic major and felt very little support or direction from the institution
as they navigated this important moment. Many of them discussed not knowing how to talk with
their families about this decision which meant that they relied heavily on the institution to guide
them. As students encountered coursework that was especially challenging they did not have the
resources to help them properly evaluate their experience and develop a plan to persist through
difficulties. In a few instances, FGCS were discouraged rather than encouraged by faculty to
persist in a specific major. They also relied on the institution to help generate career development
social capital—individuals and networks who might be able to help these students find good
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jobs. Six out of eight students stated having access to jobs through someone they have met at
HCU and none of them referenced having someone outside of HCU who was able to help them
find a job in their field of interest. Related to this, seven out of eight students found mentors at
HCU. Although this figure has a positive reflection on the institution, six out of seven of those
students found their mentors accidentally—meaning, many different circumstances and events
had to happen before these students met their would-be mentors. One student was paired with an
academic advisor who was also a professor in her department. This mentorship delivered
significant positive results for this student. These findings intersect with critical race theory
because they highlight the heavier reliance that first-generation college students have on their
institutions to help them navigate career decision-making, to process life, and to network toward
potential jobs.
Stereotype threat may have contributed to three of the participants’ low academic self-
efficacy in STEM fields (Steele, Spencer & Aronson, 2002). These students demonstrated
success in math and science as high school students but internalized a self-belief that they were
incapable or ill-equipped to succeed in higher level math and science courses in college.
Stereotype threat may have been related to their race or first-generation college status. They
interpreted this challenge as evidence that they should be in a different field and ultimately
decided to leave STEM majors for other non-STEM majors. Steele, Spencer, and Aronson’s
(2002) research suggests that students can overcome stereotype threat with the support of guides
and mentors who reinforce their abilities and encourage them to persist through difficulties by
developing a mindset that visualizes themselves succeeding.
The next finding to reflect on from a race critical lens was that students had low financial
resources and low financial literacy. Students were largely unaware of the amount of student
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loan debt they were graduating with, average or projected compensation from jobs they would
hope to enter, and unsure about the possibility of graduate school because of undergraduate
student loan debt. Another intersection between the data and critical race theory was that these
first-generation college students did not report seeking out support or services through the career
services office although the evidence indicated they were in need of such resources. This could
indicate a flaw in the university’s strategic approach to career development which negatively
impacted those who rely most on the institution for these services and guidance.
Processing the data through a social cognitive career theoretical lens (Lent, Brown, &
Hackett, 1994) pointed attention to three motivational mechanisms within each student—self-
efficacy, outcome expectations (goals), and goal representations (actions). The innerworkings of
this framework track the development (or triadic reciprocality) of these three factors with one
another as students spiral upwardly toward higher goals, downwardly toward lower goals, or
stagnate somewhere between. The theory suggests that as students develop higher self-efficacy
they will subsequently set higher goals for themselves. As they set higher goals and find success
they will in turn develop higher self-efficacy, continue to set higher goals, and continue to build
a resumé of positive outcomes—so on and so forth. Conversely, the theory also suggests that
students who have lower self-efficacy will set lower goals and likely achieve lower outcomes—
which, as in the positive example above, will reinforce lower self-efficacy and continue the
downward spiral.
My participants demonstrated evidence of a high level of general self-efficacy as college
students while displaying lower forms of particularized self-efficacy—such as low science self-
efficacy. They believed in themselves up to the point of knowing they will graduate from
college. Many carried that self-efficacy with them as they thought about their career attainment
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projections. Half of the sample entertained the possibility of entering a STEM-related field after
college and three of those four initially chose majors that reflected this desire. All three
eventually changed their major and cited either fear of or disinterest in science as their primary
motivating factor for leaving the major. The data also demonstrated the development of self-
efficacy in those students who had access to consistent mentorship, work opportunities, and
leadership development.
Related to self-efficacy, students’ goal-setting behaviors were linked to a combination of
their self-beliefs and the instigation of mentors who encouraged them and gave them new
possibilities to consider. Those students who had clearly defined goals also demonstrated higher
self-confidence and greater capacity for resilience. Additionally, students with clearly defined
goals seemed to attract prospective mentors and wider social capital as they openly and boldly
stated their intentions. Students reported a goal-setting trajectory over their time in college that
oscillated from refinement and higher specificity to broadening and softening goals. This was
often connected to new information and experiences they gained through academic coursework,
work experience, and relationships with mentors.
All but one student in my sample took significant action toward their vocational goals as
college students both inside and outside of the classroom. One student solely invested in her
academic journey and saw that as preparing her for her career. Another student constantly
exceeded expectations and was far ahead of most of her peers in acquiring very specific
internships, networking with professionals in the field, and talking with potential employers. The
other six students have committed to a combination of investing in their academic life as
preparing them for their field and co-curricular involvement such as student organizations,
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volunteer work, summer internships, and leadership positions—all of which have correlations
with what they hope to pursue beyond college.
Examining students’ pre-college experiences also served as a backdrop for understanding
their internal motivational processes (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994). Prior experiences can be
related to access to various kinds of resources (e.g. increased academic preparation, specialized
private educational services, summer immersive programs, etc.) and are usually connected to
social capital resources. It is possible to trace linkages from students’ current career
development trajectory to events and experiences that happened before college. For a few
students that process was very overt, such as Natalie’s clarified plan to become a lawyer which
she attributed to great advising and counseling at her high school. It could also be that those
students who chose to stop pursuing STEM-related fields were less prepared to succeed in the
sciences as college students. This was not confirmed but remains a suspicion of mine as I
understand the relationship between students’ choices and the prior experiences that impact those
decisions. Positively, the character and determination that these students possessed was
frequently credited to their parents, home values, and the way their families modeled
commitments such as great work ethic, selflessness, and resilience.
The conceptual framework that I utilized incorporated a social component in addition to
the personal processes that were discussed above. Research on first-generation students and
students of color discusses the significance of generating and having access to various kinds of
social capital resources (Guiffrida, 2005; Laden, 1999; Owens, Lacey, Rawls, & Holbert-Quince,
2010; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Parks-Yancy, 2005; Parks-Yancy, DiTomaso, & Post, 2006;
Rosenbaum, et al., 1999). The majority of the social capital that contributed to students’ career
CAREER EXPLORATION FOR FIRST GENERATION STUDENTS

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development came from HCU. This was especially true when considering how that social capital
was leveraged to help students refine their career ideas and look for work opportunities.
Discussion

In this section I will discuss my own interpretations of the findings that emerged through
the data I collected with first-generation college students at HCU. Due to the limitation of space
to thoroughly engage each set of findings I chose to focus on eight of the eleven themes that
were presented in chapter 4. I chose to focus on sharing my interpretations related to the
following themes because of the significance of the findings: First-generation college student
characteristics, the role of family, motivations for college, academic success and major choice,
social capital, financial challenges, resilience, and spirituality. I chose not to include a further
exploration of the following categories because they did not carry as much significance in my
study as the above themes: Pre-college experiences, campus environment and student
involvement, and career services.
First-Generation College Student Characteristics

Seven out of eight of my participants characteristically fit many of the generalizations
posited by researchers such as having a higher likelihood of being ethnic minority and lower
income (Horn & Carroll, 1996), having low academic preparedness for college; demonstrating an
evident benefit from college preparatory experiences; and maintaining career-oriented
motivations that are misaligned with institutional goals (Gibbons & Shoffner, 2004). HCU
should pay attention to national statistics and the research recommending programing approaches
to best serve FGCS since this small sample reflects parity with national trends.

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Family

Students were motivated by their families in various ways. Most often students wanted to
pursue a better life than their parents which they defined as having a good paying job doing what
they love. Seven out of eight participants received emotional support and encouragement from
their families to succeed in college. Most parents were unable to provide direct or specific
support to their students as they navigated decisions about academic majors and career
possibilities. This is why it was extremely significant for these students to find proxy ‘parents’ or
mentors who were able to provide guidance and direction as they made important decisions
about their future trajectory. All but one participant were able to identify others to play this role
for them, many of whom were employees of HCU. Unfortunately, that one student who failed to
establish connections with any faculty or staff was the student with the most fears and doubts
about her post-college success.
Motivations for College

Students unanimously stated that their primary desire to gain a college degree was to
achieve a better life for themselves and their families. This was connected to the kind of job they
would get after college and the compensation that accompanied such positions. In most cases,
students found that HCU was not as interested in helping students achieve adequate employment
beyond college as much as it was focused on whole-person development. Students appreciated
the holistic approach but also felt that not enough attention was given to their career exploration
or preparation process. If this is a consistent feature for students, especially those hoping to gain
social mobility for themselves and their families, institutions must do a better job of listening to
the needs and desires of their students in order to help them negotiate alignment between their
personal goals for college and the institution’s goals for education and preparation.
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Academic Success and Major Choice

The sample of first-generation college students I interviewed needed more support than
what they received navigating their major and career related decisions. About half of them were
discouraged from staying in a particular major because of one or two difficult courses.
Unfortunately, I did see parallels with Chonwerawong’s (2006) research that critiqued higher
education by calling it a sorting engine for both wealth preservation and perpetuation of poverty
cycles. Students from wealthier and more educated backgrounds are more likely to take higher
academic risks and strive for majors which may be perceived as more academically rigorous but
can also lead to lucrative careers. Students from lower income and less educated families are
more likely to be funneled toward particular majors and fields that lead to lower paying jobs.
From an educational justice perspective and stemming from the themes of critical race
theory (Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000), the students in my study were not supported or
encouraged to pursue their true vocational goals. Instead, when they ran into challenges and
moments of confusion about their academic direction and vocational interest, they questioned
their self-efficacy and redirected their goals to majors and careers that seemed more feasible. The
end result is that students often chose the path of least resistance and the institution did not
challenge that or intervene. Advising, encouraging, tutoring, and helping students develop a
long-view perspective could have helped three or four of my participants stay with their original
major (representing higher risks) as opposed to changing and redirecting.
Social Capital

Academic faculty played a major role in the acquisition of social capital for FGCS. Some
students were fortunate to gain additional social capital through campus involvement, student
leadership, and campus jobs. These mentoring moments created opportunities for faculty and
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staff to ask the right life questions at the right time. These relationships also provided added
confidence to students as they navigate career-oriented decisions. Many of them also reported
acquiring access to jobs in their field of interest through the relationships they have built at HCU.
These findings highlight the importance of FGCS developing key relationships (formal and
informal) with institutional representatives.
Financial Challenges and Student Loan Debt

The student’s financial situation impacted everything from their home life, prior
experiences, academic readiness for college, ability to focus on academics, and their plans
beyond college. As much as this topic was pervasive for all students it was surprising to hear
about how little they knew about their current or future financial realities. Many were unaware of
the amount of their student loan debt and their compensation prospects in respective fields. Even
without specific knowledge about their current and future financial situations they were still
driven by fear and doubt with respect to finances. As students make such large financial
commitments to their college education and have high hopes for how that education will provide
them with opportunities for financial gain beyond college, it seems only fair for the institution to
take an interest in students’ financial literacy as they make important decisions about their
futures as college students.
Resilience

My sample of students demonstrated high resilience to remain college students, graduate
from college, and receive the maximum benefit from the experience. They expressed
appreciation for the chance to study in college and saw it as a privilege. They were highly
motivated and driven, even if there were moments of confusion about what they were pursuing.
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This signifies the high potential and capacity of this group—they could be challenged to go
further and dream bigger if others would help them see possibilities.
Spirituality

As a Christian institution, all of my participants referenced the faith-component of the
experience at HCU to be significant in their decision making about which college to attend. As
students discussed their career trajectory and choices it was interesting to note the ways in which
they often referred to God as the active agent which, by default, placed the student in a passive
recipient role. One effect of this phenomenon is that students felt there was a larger narrative and
a bigger purpose for their lives contributing to a sense of meaning as they decided to pursue their
majors and career interests. Another effect is that students unknowingly removed responsibility
from themselves by placing both blame and credit on God for deciding their futures for them.
Their role in the equation was to do their best to hear God’s plan and not be ignorant of or
disobedient to his divine direction. It is important to note how difficult it is to disagree with or
contend with a student’s decision when they are certain that God has orchestrated the chain of
events that has led to their choices to accept his nudges. Lacey saw her move from planning to be
a respiratory therapist to becoming a communication studies major as responding to God’s active
role in prompting her to make the shift. A related meaning that arises from the same finding is
that since it is perceived that God plays such an active role in building their futures, some
students responded with inactivity and stalling in career decision-making because they were
convinced that God is in control and will work things out. Although faith played a strong and
helpful role in the lives of these students there were ways in which misguided understandings of
God’s role and their own role in preparing for their future led to moments, decisions, and
indecision that negatively affected student development.
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Research Questions
I started my research study with two primary research questions: 1) How do first-
generation college students make career-related decisions in college? and 2) How did HCU
impact the career development process of FGCS? In this section I will utilize my data to provide
succinct responses to each research question.
Research Question 1
My first research question was “How do first-generation college students at Hill City
University make career related decisions in college?” One of the primary motivators for my
participants for pursuing a college degree was to create a better life than what their parents were
able to provide for them. This often included finding jobs that paid well and provided social
mobility. As their time in college progressed, they added values to their goals that reflected
wanting to find something they enjoyed doing that would make a positive difference in the
world. Students made initial career-oriented decisions in college without much conversation and
consultation with older adults or HCU professionals. A few were fortunate enough to develop
relationships with HCU faculty and staff who helped them refine their career goals. All except
one participant made their career-oriented decisions thinking about their current interests rather
than thinking about how those may evolve over time. This caused them to shy away from
challenging courses, majors, and careers that did not generate immediate positive feelings.
Research Question 2
My second research question was “How did Hill City University impact and support the
career development process of first-generation college students?” There was evidence of an
institutional culture where personnel genuinely wanted to help and provide holistic support for
their students. This was most often naturally manifested in academic support or support related
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to navigating current life circumstances rather than focusing on future-oriented conversations.
There did not seem to be a strategic or cohesive approach to support the career exploration
process of students. However, seven out of eight participants found someone at HCU who helped
them navigate future-oriented questions.
Recommendations for Practice

My study confirmed trends in research on first-generation college students and at certain
places added new insight, particularly for how this scholarship interfaces with Christian higher
education. As a result, I am proposing seven recommendations for practice for Christian higher
education institutions. The recommendations are specifically addressed to professionals in
academic affairs, career development, faculty, student affairs, diversity initiatives, and campus
ministry. Most of the recommendations specifically address the needs and outcomes of first-
generation college students while some impact all students. The following is a list of seven
recommendations for practice:
• Implement mandatory career workshops for first-generation college students in their first
year.
• Implement a tracking mechanism that reports student demographics across academic
disciplines and majors to ensure an equitable representation of various demographic
subsets of students such as gender, ethnicity, race, FGCS, and socioeconomic status
across the major spectrum.
• Identify gateway courses in rigorous academic majors, implement trainings to help
faculty gain an equity mindset, and provide additional tutoring and support resources for
less academically prepared students to succeed and persist in those majors.
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• Create a culture of mentorship (formal and informal) where first-generation college
students are paired with faculty, staff, or older students to spend time outside the
classroom in conversation about their college experience and future life plans.
• Increase FGCS financial literacy by embedding modules about financial aid, student loan
debt, and projected wage earnings into a first-year seminar course.
• Implement a mandatory internship or work experience expectation into the curriculum to
ensure student learning and development toward career competency.
• Design and embed faith and work education into various university courses, first-year
seminar, career development services, and spiritual formation programing to teach
students how to responsibly incorporate their faith in their vocational development.
Mandatory Career Workshops
Findings from this study suggest that third-year first-generation college students wanted
more career exploration and development early in their college experience. However, they were
not aware as freshmen that they desired or needed that kind of support. An experience of this
type should expose students to multiple career pathways which can help them either affirm or
challenge their initial ideas about which academic major to choose. Additionally, for students
who are undecided about their major or career interest these experiences would give them a
tangible starting point to help them develop ideas. This can be initiated by the career services
office in conjunction with the Provost and academic majors.
Demographic Tracking across Academic Majors
This is a process that should be driven by a Chief Academic Officer (Provost) in
collaboration with offices such as Academic Success, Retention, and Office of Diversity. A
proactive and intentional approach such as this would keep the institution accountable for
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preventing systems that funnel wealthier, more academically prepared students toward degrees in
STEM and other lucrative fields while funneling lower-income, less academically prepared
students to degrees and careers that are historically less lucrative. First-generation college
students would be encouraged to persist in challenging academic majors and institutions would
spend more energy, attention, and resources on achieving equity in distributed representation of
historically underrepresented student groups across all majors.
Bolstering Support for FGCS in Gateway Courses
This too would be a proactive data-driven approach that tracks trends in student academic
success relative to trends in students exiting specific majors. The same stakeholders mentioned
above should be the drivers of this strategy (i.e. Provost, Retention/Academic Success, and
Diversity). Once courses have been identified as consistently generating lower achievement,
attention should be paid to making sure there are equitable instructional practices to support
those students who may need different kinds of supports to help them succeed. This may involve
monitoring particular faculty members whose courses generate consistent lower academic
achievement, an early alert system, additional study tools, and faculty training to shift a potential
‘gateway course’ mindset.
Culture of Mentorship
This should be a collaborative effort that is driven by Student Affairs personnel, the
Provost, and Academic Deans, in order to develop systems and approaches that ensure that
students, particularly first-generation college students, have access to university personnel
outside of the classroom for life development. The traditional ‘office hour’ approach is not
ultimately beneficial for those students who are unaware of the benefit and necessity of these
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kinds of meetings until it is too late. It should be embedded into their experience in one way or
another.
Financial Literacy
Because financial concerns and realities were prevalent in every one of my participant’s
stories it is clear that more education and support is needed to help them make sound financial
decisions. It is for this reason that I recommend implementing modules that include financial
literacy particularly in terms of student loan debt and estimation of projected wage earnings in a
particular field. This effort can be a collaboration between personnel in student financial services
and career services and implemented in creative ways as students navigate their first two years of
college. This may help students determine which major to pursue and can inform their decisions
about life after college—whether to enter the workforce or continue in graduate school
immediately after college. Additionally, it could help students generate a cost-benefit analysis
about whether or not certain academic/vocational risks are worth taking.
Mandatory Internship or Work Experience
The findings in my study suggest that students had a positive benefit of working while in
college as it helped them to develop clarity about their interests, gain important skills, develop
self-confidence, provide access to mentorship (especially for on-campus jobs), and of course,
provide a small financial benefit. This finding was so evident that I would recommend colleges
and universities implement a mandatory expectation that students gain work or internship
experiences prior to graduating. This can be a Provost decision that is implemented into
curriculum by Academic Deans in respective majors.

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Faith and Work Education
In collaboration with campus ministry personnel, career services personnel, and practical
theology faculty, Christian higher education institutions should develop a concise curriculum and
training to help all university faculty, student affairs, student services, and campus ministry staff
learn how to support students as they navigate the relationship between faith and discerning
direction for their vocational future. This can help students learn to identify appropriate and
inappropriate faith constructs and theologies of vocation as they think about their future and
engage spiritual disciplines during their time in college.
Conclusions

The students in my study exhibited resilient characteristics, positive attitudes, and
behaviors that came as a result of being first-generation college students. Their families,
particularly their hardworking parents, modeled work ethic and a sense of appreciation for
educational opportunities. These students carried these gifts with them as college students and
viewed their college experience and success through the lens of these inherited perspectives. The
challenges associated with being first-generation college students largely stemmed from low
academic preparation, lack of information about how to navigate college and jobs, and
inconsistent mentorship. Their motivations for attending college shifted as they matriculated
through college—starting with a primary desire to gain financial stability and moving toward
finding something that is fulfilling and makes a positive difference. They did not remove the
desire to make a good living as a priority but added to it by recognizing other significant values
that may not have been on their radar toward the beginning of their collegiate journey. Financial
challenges will continue to be a hinderance for many first-generation college students—
impeding both their ability to thrive as undergraduate students and their plans for the future.
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Implications for Practice

My study demonstrates the readiness of campus personnel at HCU to be supportive of
first-generation college students while also signaling a lack of strategic and comprehensive
vision for the overall support and development of first-generation college students, especially as
it pertains to their long-term post-college outcomes. Eighty-eight percent of my study
participants said they found someone at HCU who was like a mentor to them over their first
three years. The social capital that is generated through time spent on the college campus
produces an immeasurable amount of opportunities for first-generation college students as they
have personal relationships, access to information, mentorship, care, encouragement, access to
larger networks, and job opportunities. There is an opportunity at HCU and other faith-based
higher education institutions to capture the general supportive ethos and ethic of care and provide
a strategic vision to guide the goodwill of campus personnel toward more effective practice and
better outcomes in supporting first-generation college students.
As higher education institutions like HCU distribute focus to both academic and
vocational outcomes for first-generation college students, they will be addressing major concerns
that first-generation college students have—namely, career attainment and financial stability. In
the process, institutions will also be challenged to operate from an equity mindset that tracks,
addresses, and supports the equitable representational distribution of demographic subgroups
across academic disciplines. In fact, it could be that refocusing energy on preparing students for
post-college outcomes would reinforce their success as college students since their goals would
be stretched beyond graduation day.
The study also demonstrates that students’ pre-college experiences and achievement is
significant to their success as college students. Their level of academic preparation and access to
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mentors and advisors influenced their career exploration as college students. There is an
opportunity for those in the K-12 system to prepare their students to succeed as college students
by exposing them to a rigorous curriculum and providing personal coaching and guidance.
Lastly, as significant as the role of spirituality is for all students, particularly for first-
generation college students, it is vital that students utilize healthy theological frameworks for
understanding their vocational development. Students’ understanding of their personal agency,
capacity, and sense of responsibility were negatively affected by their beliefs about God’s role in
their development. HCU and other institutions must not assume that all forms of spirituality and
all theological beliefs support student development. This is an indication that campus ministry
personnel and faculty of religion and theology at Christian higher education institutions can
provide helpful frameworks for the university to support the vocational development of students.

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Appendix A: Conceptual Framework
Utilizing Critical Race Theory and Social Cognitive Career Theory to Examine the Career
Decision-Making Experiences of First-Generation College Students

CAREER EXPLORATION FOR FIRST GENERATION STUDENTS

121
Appendix B: Research Questions and Interview Protocol

Research Questions
1) How do first-generation college students at HCU identify & pursue vocational goals?

2) How do colleges like HCU support first generation college students in their vocational
exploration and preparation?

Interview Protocol
Interview Questions Relation to Framework
1 Please explain why you decided you
wanted to attend college.
(RQ1) Understanding the motives of
students for attending college
2 If applicable, how has that changed
over the last 2 years? How do you now
hope this degree/experience will impact
your future?
(RQ1) Understanding the motives of
students for attending college and
starting to hear their anticipated post-
college outcomes.
3 Why did you choose HCU? (RQ2) Related to the above questions but
specifically gauging their hopes for their
experience at this specific institution.
CAREER EXPLORATION FOR FIRST GENERATION STUDENTS

122
4 What was your major when you first
entered college? How did you decide
that?
(RQ1) Understanding students’ initial
thoughts about their projected major.
This may or may not be directly linked
to their initial vocational exploration.
5 (If applicable) At what point did you
decide to no longer pursue ______?
Please explain.
(RQ1) Understanding the decision-
making process of pivoting to a different
degree/career-path (if applicable).
6 Who, if anyone, helped you with that
decision? Can you describe that
experience?
(RQ1 & RQ2) Starting to get a sense of
how students utilize social capital to
make career-related (major-related)
decisions.
7 Before you started college what
profession(s) did you want to pursue?
Please describe.
(RQ1) Continuing to add detail to above
questions by investigating students’
thoughts about vocation (pre-college
projections).
8 How has that changed since you’ve
been in college? Is that what you still
want to do or have you changed your
mind about what career you want to
pursue?
(RQ1 & RQ2) Examining any pivots
made about vocational direction after
some experience in the college context.
CAREER EXPLORATION FOR FIRST GENERATION STUDENTS

123
9 What action steps have you taken
toward pursuing your profession(s) of
interest? Why?
(RQ1) Examining the goal-orientation
and actions of students.
10 As you think about your own
vocational exploration, how would you
describe HCU’s impact on your
decisions or process?
(RQ2) Examining the students’
perceptions of the institution’s role in
cultivating vocational development for
first-generation college students.
11 Since you’ve been at HCU, please
describe any experiences or interactions
you’ve had that have shaped your
vocational direction.
(RQ2 & RQ1) This question will
examine other factors & experiences
(other than key relationships) that may
have helped students in their vocational
development.
12 What have been the most meaningful
interactions you have had with faculty
and staff at HCU? Can you describe
those?
(RQ2) This question will help provide
greater context for the kinds of
interactions students have had with
university personnel.
13 How do you feel your experience at
HCU has prepared you for career
attainment and success after college?
(RQ2 & RQ1) This question is aligned
with the second research question—
understanding the students’ perceptions
of the relationship between the
institution and their career readiness.
CAREER EXPLORATION FOR FIRST GENERATION STUDENTS

124
14 As it pertains to your own career
development, are there any things you
wish HCU would have done for you as
a student?
(RQ2) This question is connected to the
question above but begins to seek
perceived gaps between what students
had hoped for and what they received in
terms of preparation for career success.
15 Related to what you now know about
your major choice and career ideas,
what do you wish you knew as an
incoming freshman?
(RQ1) This question is particularly
important for first-generation college
students since it may highlight
knowledge gaps and provide information
as to how institutions may consider
orientation, support programs, and
curriculum.
16 Knowing what you now know, what
would you have done differently over
the last 2-3 years in preparation for
your vocational future?
(RQ1 &RQ2) This is an action-oriented
question that builds on the knowledge-
oriented question above.
17 How confidently do you feel about
achieving your desired career goals in a
timely manner after college?
(RQ1) This is a self-efficacy question in
order to determine students’ self-
perceptions of their ability and likelihood
of having career success after college.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Canales, Jacob (author)

Core Title Beyond persistence and graduation rates: examining the career exploration processes of first-generation college students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 11/06/2019

Defense Date 06/24/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag academic major choice,advising,career decision-making self-efficacy,career development,career exploration,critical race theory,first-generation college students,mentorship,OAI-PMH Harvest,social capital,social cognitive career theory,student development,vocational exploration

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hinga, Briana (committee chair), Barron, Edgar (committee member), Mora Flores, Eugenia (committee member)

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