University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Asian American college student well-being: racial identity consciousness as model minorities at an elite university

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Asian American college student well-being: racial identity consciousness as model minorities at an elite university

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Content Running head: ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 1

ASIAN AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENT WELL-BEING: RACIAL IDENTITY
CONSCIOUSNESS AS MODEL MINORITIES AT AN ELITE UNIVERSITY

by

Jonathan Y. Wang

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2019

Copyright 2019 Jonathan Wang

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 2
DEDICATION
I dedicate this work to my mom and my family, as they have carried me through this journey and
in life.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 3
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My gratitude for my family are understated through these words. I first, and foremost,
must thank my mother, Wen, for being my biggest supporter in this journey and in life. Her life,
passions, strengths, sacrifices and love have been my foundation. As a single mother raising two
boys, she has taught me everything. This dissertation is entirely shared with her, as she put in just
as much hard work in getting me here. I thank my grandmother, who became my second parent,
and who left our family before I could show her our accomplishment. I give thanks to my
brother, Roger, and my sister-in-law, Sarah, for their ability to be a continuous source of calm
through this entire process. I also thank their pets, Felix and Norbert, for being great companions
to us all. I extend my appreciation to my Wang and Hsin family and ancestors. Lastly, I thank
my father, who left my family entirely too early, but left such a lasting impression on me that I
know I am the person I am today because of him.
I offer my thanks to my community within the Rossier School of Education, USC, and
beyond. First, and foremost, I offer my gratitude to my USC Asian Pacific American Student
Services family. To Sumi, Jade, Jeymi, Mary, and Queena, I thank you for all the grace you have
given me through my journey as a graduate student, new professional, semi-new professional,
and as a graduate student again. A very special thank you to Sumi, who took a chance on a
graduate student and cultivated the inner social justice in me. I appreciate your mentorship and
friendship, and I am so thankful for you. I also want to acknowledge all of the Asian American
and Pacific Islander students that took the brave action of joining the APASS family by
responding to a random email or postcard. You all have fundamentally changed my life.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 4
Thanks to all those in the USC Division of Student Affairs and across campus that have
supported me. Special thanks to the USC Cultural Centers – we have been through thick and
thin, and we are all still fighting.
Thank you to my PASA family for changing my life so long ago. To Marie, Yevy,
Henan, Angie, Elise, Briana, Ben, Mimi, and the countless other PASA classmates, I appreciate
your friendship and all of the faith you have in me. I could not end this paragraph without
specifically thanking Marie, my PASA-bestie, as she can take full credit for making this
friendship happen. I am a better person and professional because of you all.
This journey could not have happened without the unwavering support of my Ed.D.
friends and cohort. To Emily, Divina, and Shireetha, thank you for waiting patiently for me to
finish this and for that long-awaited dinner we will soon have. A special acknowledgement to
Emily for helping me navigate our work lives, student lives, and personal lives together. Your
compassion, support, and friendship have been such an amazing gift since we started our
program.
Thank you to my committee: Dr. Alan Green, Dr. Tracy Poon Tambascia, and Dr.
Guadalupe Garcia Montano. You allowed me to write about my passion, and gave me the
patience to see this through the end. Alan, you have been such an amazing adviser and teacher,
and I cannot thank you enough. Tracy, there are absolutely not enough words to describe my
appreciation for your mentorship. My life as a professional and researcher are directly linked to
you and I thank you for trusting me.
Finally, I thank my friends. To Song, Rex & Frances, Shelton & Jane, Kang, and Terence
& Stephanie. I love you all. To all my friends and colleagues I could not list, I love you all too. A
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 5
very special thank you to Song. You have shown me an immense amount of patience and love,
thank you for accepting me for me. Thank you all for being a part of this journey with me.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 6
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION 2
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3
LIST OF TABLES 8
LIST OF FIGURES 9
ABSTRACT 10
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY 11
Background of the Problem 12
Statement of the Problem 14
Purpose of the Study 16
Significance of the Study 17
Organization of the Study 20
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 22
Neoliberalism and Meritocracy in Higher Education 22
Admissions and Affirmative Action 24
Asian Americans in Higher Education 26
Asian American Student Experiences 29
Asian Americans at Elite and Highly Selective Institutions 30
Asian American Racial Identity Consciousness and Development 31
Asian American College Student Racial Identity Development Models 31
Critical Race Theory 33
Asian Critical Theory 35
Model Minority Myth 37
Psychopolitical Well-being 39
Asian Americans and Well-being 40
Rationale for Study 41
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY 43
Qualitative Methods 44
Sample and Population 45
Site 45
Sampling Method 46
Participant Selection 46
Instrumentation 47
Data Collection 47
Data Analysis 48
Positionality 50
Participant Biographies 51
Conclusion 51
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS 53
Being Asian American at EliteU 55
Diversity at EliteU 60
Racial Identity Consciousness 63
Asian American Consciousness While at EliteU 70
Well-Being at EliteU 80
Personal Well-Being 83
Relational Well-being 87
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 7
Collective Well-being 92
Well-Being and Success as Asian Americans 96
Success 96
Understanding the Model Minority Myth 99
Factors of Well-being and Success at EliteU 104
Conclusion 115
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS 117
Discussion of Findings 118
Peer-to-peer Support Systems 118
Trust in the Institution 120
Dismantling and Deconstructing Asian American Racial Tropes 122
Limitations 124
Implication for Practice 125
Future Research 127
Conclusion 127
References 129

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 8
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Examples of well-being. 20
Table 2: Number and percentage of undergraduate enrollment by race in 2014. 27
Table 3: Degree attainment of Asian Americans and other racial groups by degree. 27
Table 4: Relevant demographic information of participants. 51
Table 5: Research questions, findings, and themes matrix 55

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 9
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Ecology model of a university environment on a student. 18
Figure 2: Model of well-being. 19

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 10
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study is to understand how the well-being of Asian American college
students is formed at a highly selective, elite institution. Prillentensky’s psychopolitical model of
well-being and Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of development, in conjunction with Asian
Critical Theory, were used as frameworks to understand the impact of racial tropes on the well-
being and success of Asian American college students. This interview study explores the
experiences of eight ethnically and gender identity diverse seniors and recently graduated
undergraduate students, focusing on their trust in the institution, the role of peer support, and the
prevalence of racial tropes. The study addresses how culture, climate, and policy can be
constructed to support the well-being of Asian American college students through the
redefinition of merit and success, and disrupt ingrained discriminatory structures.

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 11
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Throughout American lore and mythology, the persistence of Horatio Alger’s stories of
“rags to riches” continue into contemporary socio-cultural and political discourses (Ono &
Pham, 2009). The popularity of Alger’s protagonists as cultural icons has become ingrained in
society’s definition of success and achievement. These ideals feed into a theory of American
exceptionalism, the American Dream, and, ultimately, the ethos of America. Asian Americans,
as seen by society, are shifting through history from antagonistic caricatures to being centered
within national discussions of success and achievement.
In modern American educational discourse, Asian Americans have been lauded for their
embodiment as characters from Alger’s stories. These prized Asian American characteristics
include highly valuing education and attainment, exceptional test scores, enrollment in highly
selective and elite universities, and higher than average graduation rates (Ono & Pham, 2009).
The Pew Research Center’s 2012 report, titled: “The Rise of Asian Americans,” demonstrates
the complicated nature of researching and understanding the complexities of the Asian American
racial group. While the Pew Research Center (2012) disaggregated data on Asian Americans to
showcase important distinctions among various ethnic groups, the report only re-aggregates
Asian Americans by stating “today’s Asian Americans do not feel the sting of racial
discrimination or the burden of culturally imposed “otherness” that was so much a part of the
experience of their predecessors who came in the 19th and early 20th centuries” (p. 12). More
alarming, the Pew Research Center report further stratifies contemporary racial dynamics when
defining success and perceptions of success – creating a narrative that first positions Asian
Americans as perceiving themselves as more successful than other racial groups and, second,
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 12
using the data on Hispanic and Black success as a counterpoint to perceptions of Asian American
success, all the while omitting any reference to White perceptions of their success.
The overall success narrative reinforces the view of Asian Americans as more highly
educated and attaining more merit-worthy jobs in science, technology, engineering, and
mathematics-related industries (Lee & Zhou, 2015). These carefully constructed
characterizations of Asian Americans position the entire group as models for an evolving nation,
embodying the ideals of the American Dream (Lee & Zhou, 2015; Takaki, 1989; Warikoo,
2016). However, what is often overlooked and unrecognized is the impact of such high, and
sometimes unattainable, expectations on Asian Americans – especially those at elite universities.
The portrayal of Asian Americans as uniformly successful has real and measured consequences
on the overall well-being of these students. Asian American college students are not only tasked
with achieving at higher prescribed levels of expectations, but, as research indicates, experience
lower rates of satisfaction (Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pedersen, & Walter, 1998), seek mental
health support at lower levels (Alvarez & Helm, 2001), cite numerous instances of
discrimination (Inkelas, 2003), receive less support and resources (Suzuki, 2002), perceive
campus climate and culture as more hostile (Museus, 2008), and have a lowered sense of well-
being (Abe, 2012).
Background of the Problem
Higher education, as a social institution, privileges those who have the capital to succeed
in a system that perpetuates stratification based on power (Iverson, 2007). The United States
operates in a neoliberal state that lauds the accomplishments of individuals based on their work
ethic and merit (Brown, 2011; Lee, 2009; Liu, 2011; Omi & Winant, 2014; Warikoo, 2016). The
neoliberalization of post-secondary institutions shift attention away from the pursuit of
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 13
knowledge, truth, and research and into a model that prioritizes “market metrics and rationality”
and the business-side of operating a university (Brown, 2011, p. 113). Merit, status, and worth is
placed on programs and research that contribute to more innovative and entrepreneurial-minded
thought, and by extension, merit, status, and worth are ranked higher in admission considerations
(Brown, 2011). The myth of the American Dream, through stories like those written by Horatio
Alger, deify individuals who have overcome adversities through their own accomplishments and
merit (Warikoo, 2016). Accordingly, regardless of an individual’s background or identities,
Americans believe that they can achieve at extraordinary levels through perseverance and grit
(Duckworth, 2016; Tough, 2012). The secondary meaning of the popular Horatio Alger stories is
that one’s lack of success is due to one’s own lack of will and work (Liu, 2011). The stories that
feed into society’s psyche are a tool to reinforce the dominant meritocracy-centered paradigm,
whereby those in power exert their strength over those who are socially, culturally, politically,
ideologically, and racially subordinate (Iverson, 2007).
In the case of Asian Americans, the positioning of the racial group as highly successful
and extremely hard-working is structured to maintain a sense of social harmony (Pendakur &
Pendakur, 2012). Commonly, Asian Americans are used as a point of reference by those in
power, including White-dominant social structures, to motivate other racial groups (e.g.
Black/African Americans, Latinos, Native/Indigenous people, etc.) to attain success at similar
levels of success (Kim, 1999). Further, Asian Americans are consistently portrayed as having a
stronger sense of well-being, face less issues of adjustment, and require less support due to their
overwhelming success (Abe, 2012). Normalization of these hegemonic beliefs begets a more
centralized stratification of differences and distinctions between racial groups and are further
internalized within these subordinated groups (Iverson, 2007; Ladson-Billings, 2000; Ladson-
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 14
Billings, 2005). The pursuit of higher education, within modern society, serves as a marker of
success for historically disenfranchised groups of people (Liu, 2011). To have attained a college
degree, one must have overcome all adversities that traditionally have held others back
(Bensimon, 2007; Kezar, 2011). Ultimately, an Asian American college student at an elite
university is seen as excelling at the highly-prescribed levels of societal expectations through
overcoming cultural, political, and racial hardships (Park & Liu, 2014). However, counter to
these popular beliefs, the stereotypes, racial discrimination, and narrow confinement to these
prescribed social norms creates an oppressive environment that impact individual, relational, and
collective psychopolitical well-being (Fox, Prilleltensky, & Austin, 2009). By seeking to
understand the Asian American college student experience through their well-being, we can
further understand the sources and dynamics of oppression, resistance and liberation within the
sites, signs, sources, and strategies at an elite university.
Statement of the Problem
As introduced above, meritocracy in the United States positions Asian Americans as the
poster children of success and well-being (Lee, 2009; Lee & Zhou, 2015; Zhou & Gatewood,
2007). Asian Americans who choose to succeed at high levels are discounted and thought to be
part of the constructed master narratives of success and well-being due, in part, to meritocracy
(Kumashiro, 2008) and neoliberalism (Liu, 2011). Simultaneously, and running contrary to
popular belief, studies have recounted instances of discrimination against Asian American
college students, such as macroaggressions in the classroom, the use of racialized language to
maintain otherness, and physical attacks based upon appearance (Ancis, Sedlacek, & Mohr,
2000; Cress & Ikeda, 2003; Hurtado et al., 1998; Inkelas, 2003; Museus, 2008; Park, 2009; Poon,
2010; Suzuki, 2002). Asian Americans who attend elite institutions further perpetuate the notions
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 15
of meritocracy (Lee, 2009). The perceived over-representation of Asian Americans in highly
selective and elite institutions is lauded as proof for the neoliberalistic ideals of society and
higher education – a standard rarely applied to White students (Lee, 2009; Tsuang, 1989).
Further, as a minoritized community, the Asian American success narrative contributes to the
idea of Asian American exceptionalism (Lee, 2009), which is used as a prop in supporting the
master narrative of the American Dream, perpetuating the narrative of uniform and unequivocal
Asian American success. However, this overarching perception of success contradicts research
on the effect of discrimination against Asian Americans, demonstrating that personal,
interpersonal, and collective discrimination affect personal, interpersonal, and collective well-
being (Lee, 2003; Prilleltensky, 2003, 2005). These three interconnected spheres of influence on
one’s sense of well-being determine the intensity of discrimination faced by the individual and
the type of response implemented. The interplay between spheres of well-being underpin the
ability for individuals and social groups to promote an overall sense of well-being – as measured
by not only their mental and physical health, but also including various aspects of economic,
psychological, political, physical, and environmental factors.
Within studies of Asian American college students and their success and well-being,
researchers have broadly focused on students across all educational settings (Teranishi, 2010).
Even as data on postsecondary enrollment points to a plurality of Asian American students in
two-year institutions, the overarching notion that there is an overrepresentation of Asian
Americans at elite institutions continues to play into the narrative that there is a plethora of high-
achieving and successful Asian American students. This underpins the dominant understanding
that Asian Americans access resources, such as mental health services, academic advising,
tutoring support, cultural resources, and other institutional systems that support student well-
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 16
being, at lower rates than their racial counterparts (Abe, 2012). Concurrent to research on the
Asian American student experiences, scholarship on Asian American racial identity development
further details a student’s progress towards an identity affirming developmental state within
society (Kim, 2001; Kodama, McEwen, Liang, & Lee, 2002). Studies examining college
students, broadly, and students from minoritized racial backgrounds indicate that they play an
active role, consciously and unconsciously, in the process of their identity development and the
interplay with social discourses (Chickering & Reisser, 1993). More specifically, college
“represents a time when ethnic minority students are able to establish ethnic identities on their
own terms” (Lee & Yoo, 2004, p. 264). This is an opportunity to study Asian American student
identity development at elite institutions and their well-being as influenced by their experiences
within the dominant narratives and discourses in the United States, namely meritocracy.
Purpose of the Study
The experiences of Asian American college students and their well-being at elite
universities has not been as well documented nor critically analyzed. The limited scholarship on
Asian American college student experiences encourages institutions to assess their approach in
supporting Asian American college students in affirming their well-being on campuses (Museus,
2009; Pak, Maramba, & Hernandez, 2014). It is these experiences that this research aims to
explore. The research questions for this study are:
1. How do Asian American college students experience well-being at an elite institution of
higher education?
2. How do Asian American college students at an elite intuition of higher education
understand their racial identity development within the dominant social narratives of the
Model Minority stereotype and well-being?
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 17
3. What behaviors do Asian American college students at an elite institution of higher
education engage in to support personal, relational and collective well-being?
Significance of the Study
This study, through its methodology and selected population, will add to the existing
body of research on how student affairs practitioners advocate and support an understudied
population (Museus, 2009). National dialogue and conversation on campus climate, diversity and
inclusion create an academic environment where scholars, students, and practitioners can
converge to address systemic inequities in higher education (Kezar, 2011). By simultaneously
understanding the use of Asian American college students as props to support meritocracy and
how meritocracy and neoliberalism impact an Asian American student’s individual development
and well-being is a worthwhile exploration of the pervasiveness of racial inequities at
universities. The process of identity development, including racial identity, in college students
has been at the theoretical and practical center of the student affairs profession (Evans, Forney,
Guido, Patton, & Renn, 2009). Researchers have expanded upon identity development
scholarship to form a connection between a strong sense of racial identity and its impact on
personal and community well-being (Lee, 2003; Lee & Yoo, 2004).
Renn’s (2003) adaptation of Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological model of development
can be a useful framework to understand how college student’s form their racial identity within a
“complex, dynamic, interactive web of environments, some of which do not even contain them”
(p. 386). Bronfenbrenner’s original model places students at the center with multiple contexts
arrayed around them (Renn, 2003). Using this model, Renn uses Bronfenbrenner’s labeling
system – Microsystem, Mesosystem, Exosystem, and Macrosystem – to explore the messaging
student’s receive in regards to their identity and identity development (see Figure 1).
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 18

Figure 1. Ecology model of a university environment on a student (Renn, 2003)

Through Renn’s model, meritocracy can be understood as part of the Macrosystem in
which Asian American students operate in. The ecological framework can allow student affairs
practitioners understand the extent of how multiple contexts (systems), at varying distal levels,
impact college student identity development. As macrosystems “are dependent on time, place,
and culture” (Renn, 2003, p. 390), universities can support student development by analyzing
student experiences and their identity development through a more critical lens.
Prilleltensky’s (2005) model of well-being serves as useful method in breaking down the
personal, relational, and collective sites of well-being through their interactions with the signs,
sources, and strategies of well-being. The promotion of well-being creates a multi-layered model
of understanding the conditions for maximizing well-being. Analysis of an individual’s well-
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 19
being is determined through the three interconnected spheres (personal, relational, and
collective) and consists of four areas of analysis (sites, signs, sources, and strategies) (see Figure
2). Table 1 provides examples of the interdependence among these three domains and the four
constituents of well-being.

Figure 2. Model of well-being (Prilleltensky, 2005).

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 20
Table 1
Examples of well-being.
Sites of well-being

Personal Relational Collective
Signs
Personal Control Affirming partners Health and longevity
Relational Satisfying relationships Enduring friendships
Affirmation of diversity
and lack of envy
Collective Sense of community
Norms of mutual
support
Support for poor and
universal healthcare
Sources
Personal
Experiences of self-
efficacy
Developmental needs
met
Personal contribution to
commonwealth
Relational Nurturance
Prior experiences of
respect and affirmation
Appreciation of
interdependence
Collective
High-quality health and
education
Norms that promote
collaboration
Culture that
understands and fosters
interdependence
Strategies
Personal Empowerment
Empathy and social
skills
Collective and political
intelligence
Relational
Voice and choice in
partnership
Conflict resolution and
growth orientation
Social support and
rewards for
participation in social
change
Collective
Participation in political
process
Norms that affirm
mutuality and oppose
competition
Social movements that
fight injustice

Note. Adapted from “Promoting well-being: Time for a paradigm shift in health and human
services,” by I. Prilleltensky, 2005, Scandinavian Journal of Public Health, 33(66), 53-60.
Organization of the Study
Chapter Two will review the key concepts and literature pertaining to Asian American
college students, the connection of their identity development and well-being, and the existence
of meritocracy within elite institutions. Chapter 3 will layout the methodology for the study,
including participant sampling and the use of a qualitative methodology. Chapter 4 presents the
findings from the data analysis of the eight participant interviews. Chapter 5 concludes with the
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 21
themes that emerged from the findings and includes implications for practice, limitations, and
suggestions for further research.

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 22
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
The review of literature presented is focused on the positioning of Asian American
college students and their well-being within the centrality of meritocracy in United States
society. First, the review of literature explores the bodies of scholarship on meritocracy, within
neoliberalism, in higher education. Next, demographics and definitions of Asian Americans in
higher education are presented to set a foundation for this study. Further, scholarship on racial
identity consciousness, Asian American identity development theory, and the lived experiences
of Asian Americans in higher education are presented. The exploration of how meritocracy and
Asian American college students intersect to form lived experiences underpins the theoretical
considerations for this study. Lastly, psychopolitical well-being is defined and discussed as it
applies to Asian Americans and their racial identity development.
Neoliberalism and Meritocracy in Higher Education
The theory of neoliberalism supports individual freedoms, achievement, market
competition, and meritocracy (Harvey, 2005). Through a neoliberal framework, the United States
has perpetuated a master narrative that fair participation in society is dependent on a market that
is free of structural barriers to individual achievement (Kumashiro, 2008). Consequently, race,
within a neoliberal paradigm, is maintained as a structural barrier that undermines an individual’s
ability to achieve their full potential. In a post-1964 Civil Rights Era, much of the United States
of America believes that society operates in a post-racial society that has seen the end to racism
and the need to use race as a defining characteristic of identity (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Harvey,
2005). This marked shift in thought has brought about the notion that our society has transformed
to be truly egalitarian and meritocratic, and that race is no longer a barrier to success. Within this
new meritocratic state, one’s merit is defined as the combination of factors that enables them to
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 23
succeed, including their innate ability, hard work, strong attitude, and possession of a high moral
character (McNamee & Miller Jr., 2004; Warikoo, 2016). In education, it is through merit and
this combination of factors that allows for one to persevere through adversities and to be able to
enter, succeed, and graduate from college. Consequently, educational attainment has become a
defining indicator of social status and merit in the United States (Moore, 2004). The very
foundation of the American Dream rests on the ability for any individual, from any background,
to find universal success through hard work, determination, and grit (Warikoo, 2016). Our notion
of the prospects and opportunities afforded by the American Dream are now so ingrained in the
American psyche that it is viewed as a tool to measure the pursuit of individual freedoms and
success (Takaki, 1989). The valorization of merit implies that any student admitted into an
institution has been admitted because of their own accomplishments, inferring that there is a
standard of merit that can be applied in objectively and consistently (Lipman, 2004; Park & Liu,
2014). However, entry to highly selective and elite institutions, through one’s accumulation of
merit, occurs within a system of scarce resources (Baez, 2006). Historically and presently,
however, admissions policies at elite and highly selective institutions are not as standard or static
as our meritocratic society has deemed it to be (Lipman, 2004; Park & Liu, 2014).
The perpetuation of the idea that Asian Americans have “succeeded” through “hard work
and self-determination” feeds directly into the notion of a racial meritocracy being used by a
White hegemonic society (Kawai, 2005). The historical dominance of White society has created
a system of merit through which many Asian Americans are trying to adhere to the subjective
standards they perceive to be strict rules (Park & Liu, 2014). By showcasing Asian Americans as
the successful minority group to be modeled after, a stratification forms between Asian
Americans and other racial minority groups – namely Black, Latino/a, and Native Americans.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 24
This dichotomy creates a system of oppression in which Asian Americans are used as a tool to
perpetuate racism through the lens of meritocracy. The model minority myth supports White
hegemony by simultaneously socializing Asian Americans to be “honorary Whites” and
oppressing Asian Americans through the positioning against other people of color (Wu, 2002).
This oppression contributes to the marginalization and isolation of Asian Americans from other
groups of color. The use of meritocracy as a system for admissions to higher education continues
to be used if interests continue to converge (i.e. perpetuation of White hegemonic interests).
However, beyond the initial acceptance of Asian Americans, the lack of investment in support
and resources for Asian Americans and their well-being, as demonstrated through hostile campus
climates, points to an interest divergence. (Chang, 1999; Lee, 2009; Cress & Ikeda, 2002;
Museus, 2008; Poon, 2010). Using Asian Americans as a wedge tool props up White hegemony,
oppresses all communities of color, and strengthens the meritocratic, neoliberal state.
Admissions and Affirmative Action
Neoconservatives and neoliberals, alike, have positioned Asian Americans at the center
of the debate over admission practices to universities and colleges. The theory and application of
affirmative action in admissions allows for the acceptance of diverse populations of students
based on race-conscious standards. The growth of postsecondary education as the primary
vehicle for success and upward social mobility coincides with the large-scale use of affirmative
action in higher education (Pak et al., 2014; Warikoo, 2016). The continued use of race-
conscious admissions has been justified and argued through three rationales: equal education,
distributive justice, and corrective justice (Liu, 2011).
Critics of affirmative action often cite the growing presence of Asian American students
at universities as proof of that race-conscious admissions practices are part of an antiquated
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 25
system in a post-racial society. The past half-century of discourse has positioned Asian
Americans as both an example of affirmative action’s success and as part of the reason why
society no longer needs affirmative action in higher education (Nakanishi, 1995). However, this
discourse selectively valorizes Asian American merit as a means to disenfranchise other groups;
often manifesting in the argument that underqualified and underprepared minority students are
taking the spot of a more qualified Asian American students (Kim, 1999; Takagi, 1992). The
effect of these anti-affirmative action’s sentiments has continued to focus on Asian Americans at
elite universities. The most contentious debates over affirmative actions have occurred at elite
institutions accused of previously discriminating against Asian Americans applicants (Kang,
1996; Takagi, 1992). The fundamental function of the university, as an agent of society, is an
argument that defines the meritocratic role of higher education – opponents of affirmative action
view higher education as the pursuit of a more meritocratic and individualistic education,
whereas proponents of affirmative action believe that higher education can be used to help
remedy social injustices for largely disenfranchised populations (Pak et al., 2014).
The conflation of merit and affirmative action produces an admissions system whereby
Asian Americans interpret the objectivity of merit, GPA, and standardized test scores as the rules
of which to attain success (Liu, 2011; Park & Liu, 2014; Warikoo, 2016). The valorization of
merit in admissions standards creates a “zero-sum game” where students believe they deserve
admissions to a university based solely on their accomplishments over a “less deserving” student
who did not reach as high standard of merit (Park & Liu, 2014, p. 42). Arguments against
affirmative action center on the creation of this zero-sum game where a student of color must vie
for the same admission slot as another student of color, further reinforcing a system of standards
defined by White student success. The positioning of Asian Americans as successful navigators
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 26
of merit and meritocracy in admissions reinforces social structures that seek to control how
minority groups should “measure their self-worth” and the belief in their right to accessing
higher education (Rodriquez, 1998, p. 213).
Asian Americans in Higher Education
Asian Americans are, and continue to be, the fastest growing racial population in the
United States (Pew Research Center, 2012). In 2015, of the overall United States demographics,
Asian American represent 5.6% of the population (United States Census Bureau, 2016a). Within
higher education, Asian Americans represent a similar 6% of the post-secondary student
demographic (National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), 2016). Asian Americans attend
institutions of higher education at increasing rates across all ethnicities, institution types, and
degrees (NCES, 2013). Table 2 notes the percentage of Asian American students and students of
other racial groups at all institutional types in 2014. Contrary to public perception, most Asian
American college students enroll in two-year public institutions as opposed to to a four-year
public and private institutions (Teranishi, 2010). Similarly, a large share of Asian American
college students is centralized in only 10 states (Teranishi, 2010).

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 27
Table 2
Number and percentage of undergraduate enrollment by race in 2014.
Race Number % of Total
White 95,815,000 55.4%
Black 24,258,000 14.0%
Hispanic 29,619,000 17.1%
Asian American 10,227,000 5.9%
Pacific Islander 523,000 0.3%
American Indian/Alaska Native 1,386,000 0.8%
Two or more races 5,795,000 3.4%
Nonresident alien 5,304,000 3.1%
Note. Adapted from Digest of Education Statistics (NCES, 2016).

Of those who identify as Asian American and are 25 years old or older, 60.4% of the
group have attained an associate’s degree or higher. The levels of attainment for Asian
Americans eclipse all other racial groups by wide margins. Table 3 compares data collected by
the United States census on educational attainment and race.
Table 3
Degree attainment of Asian Americans and other racial groups by degree

Associate’s degree
or more
Bachelor’s degree or
more
Advanced degree
Asian American 60.4% 53.9% 21.4%
Non-Hispanic White 46.9% 36.2% 13.5%
Black 32.4% 22.5% 8.2%
Hispanic (of any race) 22.7% 15.5% 4.7%
Note. Adapted from Educational Attainment in the United States. (United States Census Bureau,
2016b).

Broadly, Asian Americans in the past 50 years have been recognized by society as
uniquely successful in their pursuit of the American Dream and higher education (Pak et al.,
2014). This sentiment is partially reinforced by the data on educational attainment presented
above. The American Dream narrative has capitulated Asian Americans, as a race, into the
discourse over how other races and population groups can be as successful as Asian Americans.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 28
Society has constructed the view that Asian Americans are attending higher prestige and more
elite institutions, to the point of being perceived as overrepresented at these institutions (Zhou &
Gatewood, 2007). However, as indicated in Table 1, analysis of enrollment trends of Asian
Americans demonstrate that more Asian American students are attending two-year public
institutions than four-year public institutions (Pak et al., 2014). The sentiment that more Asian
Americans are attending elite universities is less about how many students there are but more of
the qualitative issue of where Asian Americans are studying (Pak et al., 2014). Often, the call for
dismantling race-conscious admissions practices and addressing the “overrepresentation” of
Asian Americans in higher education is based on the positioning of Asian Americans as honorary
Whites as a means for cooptation (Kim, 1999). The status of honorary Whiteness placed upon
Asian Americans creates an environment that allows for Whiteness to be victimized through the
notion of “reverse racism” (Kim, 1999).
The term “Asian American” is a politically contested one that is predicated on the context
of the groups’ continued struggle within a White hegemonic society (Umemoto, 1989). Looking
beyond the monolithic label of Asian American, the need for disaggregated data underscores the
complexity of the Asian American population, specifically the diversity in ethnicities,
immigration patterns, language, and other factors between sub-groups (Libby, Nguyen, &
Teranishi, 2013). Broad terms like “Asian American” hide the fact that not all ethnic groups
within this category are gaining access to education and well-paying jobs. This is an important
distinction as these groups can become further marginalized if their need for resources, advocacy
and services remains overshadowed. Research on Asian American students indicates that they
are less satisfied with their overall college experiences and perceive a more hostile campus
climate than White students (Hurtado et al., 1998). The lack of research and acknowledgement of
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 29
the unique challenges facing Asian Americans places these students at a disadvantage when they
are faced with issues of discrimination, marginalization and racism.
Asian American Student Experiences
Asian American college students’ experiences are similar to other marginalized racial
groups (Suzuki, 2002). Further, Asian American students lack the same level of support and
recognition as other students of color (Suzuki, 2002). In a review of campus racial climate
research, Harper and Hurtado (2007) concluded that while Asian Americans were included in the
majority of research on the perceptions of campus climate, few studies explored how Asian
Americans experience racial climates on campus. This lack of support, resources, and research
perpetuates a generally negative perception of campus climate by Asian Americans (Cress &
Ikeda, 2002; Museus, 2008; Poon, 2010). Coupled with the pressures to succeed at higher levels
of achievement and to perform better academically, Asian American students are less likely to
seek institutional support services like counseling services (Alvarez & Helms, 2001) and more
likely to try to cope individually (Chen & Yoo, 2010). Concurrent to increased academic
pressures, Asian American students are more likely to feel like they have experienced racism
from faculty (Ancis et al., 2000; Park, 2009). Inkelas (2003) found that most Asian American
college students expressed a sense of exclusion from campus climate dialogue, stemming mainly
from the adherence to a White-Black racial paradigm when confronting issues of race on
campus. Ultimately, universities often overlook and underserve Asian American students at the
expense of retention, success, and satisfaction, especially as these students already perceive a
lack of institutional support. The increased pressures and stressors by attending elite and high-
selective universities adds an unknown dimension to how Asian Americans perceive their
position as minorities.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 30
Asian Americans at Elite and Highly Selective Institutions
Asian Americans, when analyzed broadly, are perceived to be over-represented at elite
and highly selective institutions (Tsuang, 1989). Astin & Oseguera (2004) note that the
importance of top-ranked institutions for students is significant as these elite institutions
command more resources than other institutions. Further, attendance at these institutions
“confers certain educational and career benefits not available in other institutions” (Astin &
Oseguera, 2004, p. 323) and provide significantly better outcomes for graduates of these
institutions (Park & Liu, 2014).
However, limits on admissions of Asian Americans at highly selective universities have
also been documented (Nakanishi, 1995). Research on admission standards indicate an upper
limit on the number of Asian Americans admitted into some elite institutions as a consequence of
“negative action” practices (Kang, 1996). Negative action, as described by Kang (1996) is rooted
in reinforcing negative admission standards for students of color by using Whites as a basis of
comparison. Asian Americans have experienced documented instances of negative action where
their admission to elite institutions were denied who would have otherwise been admitted if they
were White.
The overrepresentation of Asian Americans at elite institutions as part of the discourse
and conflation between affirmative action and negative action is due in part to higher education
considering intelligence as merit. The use of GPA, SAT/ACT, and Advanced Placement scores
as instruments to measure intelligence (and transitively, merit) serves to reinforce a social policy
– rooted in White supremacy and hegemony – where elite institutions are tasked with producing
intelligent and productive citizens; not rewarding admission based on an individual’s intelligence
(Killgore, 2009; Park & Liu, 2014). Asian Americans have, to an extent, grasped the notion that
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 31
there is a strong positive correlation between test scores and admissions, reinforcing a system of
meritocracy.
Asian American Racial Identity Consciousness and Development
Racial identity development is an important part of understanding the interactions
between the individual and their environment (Chavez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999; McEwen,
Kodama, Alvarez, Lee & Liang, 2002). Asian American racial consciousness and racial meaning
making is informed by college student identity development literature and through the
scholarship of Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Asian Critical Theory (AsianCrit).
Asian American College Student Racial Identity Development Models
Two seminal development models of college student identity development are referenced
within research on Asian Americans college students. Kim’s (1981, 2001) Asian American
Identity Development model and Kodama, McEwen, Liang, and Lee’s (2002) psychosocial
model seek to address racial and ethnic identity through a pan-ethnic Asian American lens.
Kim’s Asian American Identity Development model. Kim’s (1981, 2001) Asian
American Identity Development model focuses on the student as part of a society that they must
integrate into (Evans et al., 2009). The model incorporates three assumptions of Asian
Americans: first, Asian Americans operate within a White hegemonic society; second, Asian
Americans have to consciously unlearn internalized stereotypes; and third, the Asian American
identity is based on the ability to manage and learn from crises (Ching & Agbayani, 2012; Evans
et al., 2009). Each of the five stages of Kim’s model represent a “‘social consciousness’ about
being Asian American” (Ching & Agbayani, 2012, p. 68). The model can be used, in practice, to
understand Asian American college student racial identity development in terms of their position
in relation to a White-dominant society – with earlier stages focused on full assimilation into
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 32
White society; then an active rejection of racial structures; to, finally, an incorporation of a
healthy self-concept of race (Evans et al., 2009).
The limitation of a stage theory model is inherently in its design – a linear progression
between stages. As an Asian American student moves from one stage to the next, it must be done
in order, and without skipping steps in between. Furthermore, the development of a stage model
assumes that identity formation occurs independent from other stages, without overlap (Ching &
Agbayani, 2012; Evans, et al., 2009). Additionally, the model’s third assumption requires
students to experience a point of crisis, but does not allow of the instances when students may
not experience an inflection point but are still able to progress on to the next stage.
The lack of flexibility with the stage model ignores the nuances of Asian Americans and
their multiple identities. For example, students who are multiracial or multiethnic may
experience identity development through separated racial or ethnic identities, allowing for non-
sequential progression through stages. Further, racial identity stage models, such as Kim’s
model, operate on the assumption that individuals enter their exploration of self through a lens of
racial identity first. As Ching and Agbayani (2012) state, “the inherent problem with this
assumption is that it ignores the possibility of someone being a member of multiple oppressed
groups and overlooks the likelihood that one is simultaneously negotiating multiple identity
development processes” (p. 69). While stage progress can be a used as a tool for understanding
the basic idea behind racial identity development, it may oversimplify the process individuals
navigate through when exploring their multiple social identities, including race.
Psychosocial model. Kodama, McEwen, Liang, and Lee’s (2002) psychosocial model of
development for Asian American students incorporates the language and structure of Chickering
and Reisser’s (1993) theoretical framework of student development with the external influences
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 33
affecting Asian American students. Kodama et al. (2002) link identity development with the
process of negotiation for racial minorities in a dominant culture. The development of identity
influences five psychosocial tasks – emotions, competency, interdependence versus
independence; relationships; and integrity – which, if navigated positively, can lead to a greater
sense of “self-efficacy, congruence, and holistic development” (Kodama, et al., 2002, p. 49).
While the psychosocial model for Asian American identity development is more flexible
than linear stage models, the foundation of the model (based off Chickering & Reisser (1993))
can be biased against Asian American students and assumes that Asian American students are
heavily influenced by extrinsic, rather than intrinsic, forces.
Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) serves as a key theoretical and epistemological framework
for understanding race and conducting research on race on college campuses. CRT can be useful
in understanding racial inequities in higher education and serves as a foundation for intervention
strategies. CRT emerged as a critique of Critical Legal Studies during the post-Civil Rights Era
to incorporate race and racism within the study of the legal system (Tate, 1997). The application
of CRT in education seeks to identify how racism operates and creates inequities in institutions
of higher education (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). CRT can be summarized by its five
tenets/elements: the intercentricity of race and racism; the challenge to dominant/hegemonic
ideology; a commitment to social justice; the centrality of experiential knowledge; and its
interdisciplinary perspective (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002).
The intercentricity of race in education reinforces the existence of racism’s
pervasiveness, endemicity, and permanency. This intercentricity is also closely rooted in the
intersectionality of other subordinate identities and oppressions (e.g. class/classism,
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 34
sexuality/sexism, gender identity/genderism, etc.). CRT directly challenges unsubstantiated
hegemonic beliefs in education, such as meritocracy, colorblindness, and equal opportunity,
while at the same time rejecting objective/neutral research philosophies. Social justice and CRT
allows for a transformational agenda towards the elimination of oppression in education and the
empowerment of marginalized groups. CRT recognizes the legitimacy of these marginalized
groups’ knowledge (i.e. people and students of color) as a way to understand, analyze, and teach
about racial subordination. This experiential knowledge challenges traditional research
paradigms and elevates storytelling and narratives as appropriate and legitimate forms of
research and methodology. Finally, CRT’s interdisciplinary approach to the study of students of
color dismantles the authority of uni-disciplinary research and analysis. Race and racism is
placed within historical and contemporary contexts and guided by ethnic studies, gender studies,
history, law, humanities, and other fields of study.
Through a CRT framework, students become subjects, rather than objects, to be studied
(Yosso, 2006). In education research, a student’s experience, perspective, and narrative/counter-
narratives are central to the deconstruction of dominant ideologies. CRT allows for the
understanding of how Asian American students have been simultaneously disregarded and
exploited, as well as underscoring the need for more inclusiveness in research on Asian
Americans (Iverson, 2007; Museus, 2009). Within research on college student experiences and
development, Asian Americans are overlooked because of a dichotomized White and Black
conceptualization of race (Liu, 2011; Museus, 2009). Often, the inclusion of Asian Americans in
college student research is used as a contrast or comparison to other racial minority groups rather
than as a worthy, standalone research point (Ng, Lee, & Pak, 2007).
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 35
Asian Critical Theory
Museus (2009) highlighted how story, theory, and praxis is central to understanding and
analyzing the experiences of Asian American college students. The application of CRT with
Asian American college student experiences, practitioners and researchers can use counter-
narratives to “inform theory and practice, [whereby] theory guides practice, and practice can
excavate stories and utilize theory for positive transformative purposes” (Museus, 2009, p. 27).
Asian Critical Theory (AsianCrit), in conjunction with CRT, emerged as a framework for the
analysis of how Asian Americans have been racialized in the United States. AsianCrit, as a
research framework, has the ability to centralize and validate the experiences of Asian American
students in hostile educational environments (Museus, 2009).
AsianCrit employs seven interconnected tenets rooted in the sociohistorical experiences
of Asian Americans (a) incorporating the themes of the model minority myth; (b) the perpetual
foreigner stereotype; (c) the impact of colonialism and postcolonialism; (d) the social
construction of race; (e) the intersectionality of multiple oppressions; (f) the marginalization of
Asian American voices, stories, and works; and (g) a commitment to social justice (Museus,
2009). The first tenet, referred to as “Asianization,” describes the racialization of Asian
Americans in distinct ways within a White hegemonic society. This racialization is rooted in not
only the model minority stereotype and the perpetual foreigner trope, but also the monolithic
grouping of all Asian Americans, the emasculation of Asian American men, and the
hypersexualization of Asian American women. Asianization becomes the mechanism through
which society oppresses Asian Americans. The racialized experiences of Asian Americans occur
within a transnational context, the second tenet, which examines the impact of historical and
contemporary national and international circumstances. How Asian American experience race
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 36
and racism is informed by the conditions within and connected to the United States, including the
impact of imperialism, orientalism, war, migration, and global and national economics.
The third tenet, construction and reconstruction of history, highlights and emphasizes
how Asian Americans have historically and systemically been excluded from history and how
Asian Americans can include their individual and shared histories. Strategic anti-
essentialism/essentialism, the fourth tenet, describes how the oppressive economic, social, and
political forces racially categorize Asian American in society, while highlighting the affect Asian
Americans have when engaging in these same processes. The fifth tenet of intersectionality
examines how racism and other forms of oppression intersect to form the conditions with which
Asian American exist. Building upon stories, theories, and praxis, the sixth tenet, is important to
understand Asian American experiences and advocacy for Asian American people and
communities. Lastly, the seventh tenet focuses on a commitment to social justice, whereby the
application of AsianCrit is dedicated to ending all forms of oppression, including racism.
The utility of CRT and Asian Critical Theory is in analyzing how race and racism
function to oppress students of color in intuitions of higher education (Delgado & Stefancic,
2012; Museus, 2009; Nasir & Hand, 2006). By using critical frameworks, researchers can seek to
understand how race and racism play a role in a student of color’s experiences; how race
intersects with other identities; and how stories and counter-narratives provide an important tool
in the development of a racial identity (Iverson, 2007; Museus, 2009). CRT and AsianCrit,
within education scholarship, can be used as a tool to dismantle hegemonic, neoliberal
institutional cultures that decentralize the Asian American college student experience.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 37
Model Minority Myth
The trope of the model minority is central to the experiences shared by Asian Americans.
The reconstruction and redefinition of the Asian Americans racial group, through the World War
II, the Cold War, the Civil Rights Movement, and the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Reform
Act, created a new image and narrative of Asian American based, in part, on a hyper-selective
immigrant population with high education levels and in prominent profession (Junn, 2007). This
artificial construction of Asian immigration to the United States contrasts starkly to the Asian
immigrants before 1965 and the 1924 Chinese Exclusion Act. Whereas both groups of
immigrants were predicated on the socio-economic labor needs of the United States, the earlier
immigrant group was categorized as laborers and coolies and the latter group as academically
gifted, hard-working, and willing to assimilate into a White-dominated society (Junn, 2007).
First coined in 1966, the model minority stereotype continues to define the Asian
American population as more educationally and economically successful than other minority
groups in the United States (Alvarez & Helms, 2001). The inaugural use of the term “model
minority” was used to describe groups of Asian Americans, specifically Japanese and Chinese
immigrants, as success stories. Articles in New York Times, US News and World Report, TIME
Magazine, and other publications focused on the “successful assimilation” of these groups “into
mainstream American culture” while contrasting them to the much “louder and more visible civil
rights struggles of African Americans and other groups” (Chen & Yoo, 2010, p. 221). The model
minority myth posits that all Asian Americans are uniformly successful, achieving both financial
and academic success (Ng et al., 2007). Though this narrative aligns with the discourse on the
American success story (i.e. the American Dream) (Takaki, 1980), the model minority myth
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 38
creates unrealistic expectations of academic achievement, financial success, and other markers of
merit.
In colleges and universities, the model minority myth persists both inside and outside of
the classroom. Asian American students report that professors and peers hold a higher level of
expectation for Asian Americans than those of other ethnic groups (Ng et al., 2007). These
stereotypes place undue pressure and stress on Asian Americans to uniformly succeed and meet
these high expectations (Ng et al., 2007). Asian Americans who enter the education system at
varying levels of preparedness are critiqued at the same high standard of achievement, and are
often criticized and scrutinized when these expectations are not met. Failure to meet unfairly
high standards becomes internalized by Asian American students as failure and contributes to
higher levels of stress, anxiety, and mental health issues (Ng et al., 2007)
While some view the model minority myth as a positive stereotype, it can become
detrimental on two levels: when applied to the larger Asian American community and when
applied to individual Asian Americans. The model minority trope “positions [Asian Americans]
as being different from people of other color groups by rendering them as homogeneously
successful” (Pendakur & Pendakur, 2012, p. 43). As a group, Asian Americans are assigned
labels that define how they should act and the role they should play in society. Placing Asian
Americans above other minorities creates tension between groups which unfairly targets Asian
Americans as part of systems of oppression. Further, as the label is broadly applied, Asian
American subgroups are expected to perform at similar levels, regardless of cultural, historical,
or individual differences. These pressures to preform are passed along through generations, as
older generations perpetuate the model minority stereotype, often under the guise of pursuit of
the American Dream through hard work and dedication, with future generations.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 39
Psychopolitical Well-being
Prilleltensky’s (2003, 2005) work focused on understanding the sources and dynamics of
oppression, resistance and liberation as it pertains to well-being. Psychopolitical well-being, as
defined by Prilleltensky, combine psychological and political well-being within oppressed
communities, as the “well-being of individuals depends on psychological health as much as on
political structures” (Prilleltensky, 2005, p. 196). Discrimination and prejudice against oppressed
individuals, including Asian Americans, can affect an individual’s health and well-being (Lee,
2003). An individual’s well-being is determined through the three interconnected spheres
(personal, relational, and collective) and consists of four areas of analysis (sites, signs, sources,
and strategies). For Asian Americans, there is a cyclical feedback loop between discrimination
faced by individuals, the overall racial group, and their well-being at all levels (Dion, 2002; Lee,
2003). Overall, a positive sense of well-being is a contribution to the fulfillment of the personal,
relational, and collective needs of the individual and the community (Prilleltensky, 2003;
Prilleltensky, 2005). Prilleltensky’s holistic definition of well-being subsumes the traditional
markers of well-being, including mental and physical health, while also including various aspects
of economic, psychological, political, physical, and environmental factors (Prilleltensky, 2003;
Prilleltensky, 2005).
The liberation of oppressed communities from social constraints engages in both
psychological and political acts of well-being. Freire described the process of concientizacion as
the personal and social transformation in becoming aware of the realities of their oppression and
manifesting in social justice (Abe, 2012; Freire, 1970). The interconnected, relational aspect of
the spheres of well-being allow for a “flow-on effect” between spheres (Prilleltensky, 2005, p.
197). Social justice can be reinforced through communal mobilization of people and groups of
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 40
people that result in a more equitable distribution of resources, health, and well-being
(Prilleltensky, 2005). Further, through concientizacion, an individual can learn how one’s
personal well-being, through their individualized experiences, fit into larger patterns of
oppression and discrimination against the collective group (Abe, 2012). These psychopolitical
connections underpin the ability for individuals and social groups to promote a better sense of
well-being through social justice, liberation, and acts of anti-oppression.
Asian Americans and Well-being
Prilleltensky’s model for analyzing factors of well-being can uncover linkages between
personal, relational, and collective well-being for Asian Americans. For example, in the field of
psychology and mental health, the underutilization of services by Asian Americans is, in part,
due to the need for both a community approach to social healing, in addition to individual needs
for treatment (Abe, 2012). Asian Americans, as a collective, can benefit from concientizaction as
an act of liberation and well-being by taking opportunities to use various sites, signs, sources,
and strategies to connect the individual to the group. Trauma and distress suffered by individuals
(e.g. refugee experiences after the Vietnam War), are closely linked to communal suffering by
larger groups (e.g. post-war Vietnamese American ethnic enclaves).
The stereotypes, racial discrimination, and narrow confinement to prescribed social
norms, can create an oppressive environment that connects individual, relational, and collective
psychopolitical well-being (Fox et al., 2009). The concientizaction of individual Asian
Americans of the realities of oppression allows for the liberation of both the individual and
group.
Ethnic/racial identity development and well-being. Psychologists studying ethnic
minorities have connected the well-being of college students to their ethnic identity
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 41
development. Utilization of Phinney’s Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure measures the
interaction of ethnic identity and well-being particularly when operating as ethnic minorities
facing discrimination in society (Lee & Yoo, 2004; Phinney, 1992). For Asian Americans,
research indicates that a stronger sense of ethnic identity serves as a protective factor for
individual and collective well-being (Lee, 2003; Lee & Yoo, 2004). The impact of discrimination
faced by Asian Americans on the individual, personal, and community levels are diminished as
students form more positive sense of self. Well-being, as a factor of Prilleltensky’s model, can be
regulated through understanding the psychopolitical nature of intra-racial and inter-racial
communities (Dion, 2002; Dion & Kawakami, 1996; Lee, 2003; Lee & Yoo, 2004). Asian
American college students can build a stronger sense of well-being in two distinct ways: when
understanding how the Asian American racial group faces discrimination, and when finding a
shared understanding of how all other racial groups also face discrimination. The development of
personal, interpersonal, and collective senses of well-being create the opportunity of forming
intra-racial (with other Asian Americans) and inter-racial (with other communities of color)
solidarity and deconstructs the discriminatory social norms that seek to oppress all groups.
Rationale for Study
The review of literature, in aggregate, offers a compelling argument for the study of
meritocracy and the racial identity development of Asian American college students.
Meritocracy and the model minority myth collude to reinforce a system of White racial
supremacy through the marginalization of Asian Americans. Asian American college students
continue to be an understudied group, especially in the domain of critical pedagogy. Whereas
research of Asian American college student identity development indicates a growing
complexity in understanding intersectional social identities, there exists a disconnect in
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 42
understanding how inequitable systems and practices in higher education simultaneously
privilege and oppress Asian American college students. Further, once having graduated from an
elite university, Asian American college students are tasked with entering the workforce that
views them as willing and active participants who support and perpetuate the positioning of
Asian American as model minorities and models of meritocracy.
This study will seek to add to the body of literature and understanding of the idea of
meritocracy and its impact on the racial identity formation and racial consciousness-building of
Asian American college students.

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 43
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
The previous chapters summarized the theoretical framework and previous scholarship
foundational to this study. This chapter will provide an overview of the methodology and method
used to conduct the research and analyze the subsequent data. Semi-structured interviews of
Asian American college students at an elite university were the primary data collected. Through
participant narratives and reflections of their experiences as Asian American college students at
an elite university, this study examined the influence of meritocracy on racial identity formation.
In the review of literature, it was evident that the existing scholarship on Asian Americans is
sparse. Whereas most research studies analyze Asian Americans as a broad racial group, few
studies have specifically researched how Asian American students at particular institutional
types are centered and/or marginalized within societal structures that seek to influence their
experiences.
The research question that framed this study were:
1. What are the experiences of Asian American college students and their well-being at a
highly selective/elite institution of higher education?
2. How do Asian American college students at highly selective/elite intuitions of higher
education understand their positioning within the dominant social narratives of uniform
success and well-being?
3. What behaviors do Asian American college students at highly selective/elite institutions
of higher education engage in to support personal, interpersonal and collective well-
being?

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 44
Qualitative Methods
A qualitative approach to exploring the experiences of Asian American students was best
suited for this study because of the lack of existing data and research on this topic. Qualitative
research is an inductive process that values both the meaning and the process behind an issue or
phenomena (Creswell, 2014). Since little was known about the experiences of this student
population at elite institutions, a qualitative approach allowed for identifying and building
themes from the data rather than starting with theories and hypotheses (Creswell, 2014). A
phenomenological approach yielded rich, detailed data about the lived experiences of these
students as they balanced multiple identities, including their race identity. A phenomenology
focuses on the shared experiences of individuals, identifying “people’s conscious experience of
their life-world, that is, their everyday life and social action” (Merriam, 2009, p. 25). As stated
previously, Asian American students are largely missing from public and academic discourses in
the United States. This qualitative study allowed students to share their narratives in their own
voice.
The purpose of interviewing allows the researcher to “enter into the other person’s
perspective” (Patton, 2002, p. 341). Further, interviewing “is necessary when we cannot observe
behavior, feelings, or how people interpret the world around them…” and “… when we are
interested in past events that are impossible to replicate” (Merriam, 2009, p. 88). For this study, a
semi-structured interview protocol was used to allow for new ideas and concepts to be discussed
based on what the participant has to say about their experiences with race at an elite university.
Because of the semi-structured interview protocol, the researcher was able to use probing
questions to follow up on what the participant had mentioned (Merriam, 2009).
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 45
Critical Race Theory and Asian Critical Theory, as a framework for qualitative inquiry,
guided the development of this research. CRT examines how race and racism shape an Asian
American student’s understanding of self and identity within the environment they interact in
(Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). AsianCrit and CRT centralize the counter narrative stories and
storytelling as a means of analyzing structural inequities by positioning research participants as
subjects, rather than objects (Yosso, 2006). Within this research study, Asian American college
student voices were elevated to contribute to the understanding, and, ultimately, the
deconstruction of inequities at an elite institution.
Sample and Population
Site
The site for this study was at Elite University (a pseudonym). Elite University (EliteU) is
a large, urban private research institution on the West Coast of the United States. EliteU is a
predominately White institution (33.7% of the undergraduate class self-identifies as White) with
some racial diversity. Notably, EliteU’s undergraduate population is 22% Asian American.
EliteU continues to function as an elite and highly selective university. For the Fall 2016
first-time, first year class, EliteU reported an undergraduate admittance rate of 16.6%, with over
54,000 freshman Fall applications. Of the admitted student statistics, EliteU reported the middle
50% un-weighted GPA range of 3.76 – 4.0; the middle 50% SAT composite score range of 2040
– 2270; and the middle 50% ACT composite score range of 31 – 34. EliteU boasts a 96%
retention rate of full-time, first-time freshmen (between Fall 2015 and Fall 2016) and a 92% six-
year graduation rate for 2016. According to Dowd, and reinforced by these statistics, EliteU
functions as an elite institution and acts “as gatekeepers to advanced, graduate, and professional
education and to positions of civic and corporate leadership” (Dowd, 2011). By identifying
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 46
participants at an elite university, this study sought to examine how various mesosystem
structures (Bronfenbrenner, 1978), including meritocracy, influenced racial identity development
at an educationally extreme environment.
Sampling Method
The population for this study was comprised of undergraduate college students who self-
identify as Asian American and were seniors or recently graduated students at EliteU. Utilizing
purposeful sampling techniques facilitated in identifying participants for interviewing (Maxwell,
2013; Merriam, 2009). As a unique participant population, the use of purposeful sampling
yielded greater insights to the experiences of Asian American students at elite universities.
Through purposeful sampling, this study uncovered information-rich findings from participants
of central importance (Patton, 2002). Both convenience sampling and snowball sampling
methods were utilized to maximize participant outreach (Merriam, 2009). Convenience sampling
allowed for participant selection to be made in regards to outreach to Asian American student
organizations at EliteU. Snowball sampling, where a participant refers other participants for the
study, was useful in attaining data redundancy (Merriam, 2009).
Participant Selection
Participants were selected for participation through email solicitation through EliteU’s
Asian American student organizations. The distributed email was sent to the student leaders of
each organization, and contained the required information with regards to participant selection
criteria. Participants were screened before the interview for the following criteria: self-
identification as Asian American; self-identification as a domestic student; self-identification as
an undergraduate student at EliteU, and self-identification as a senior or recently graduated
student of EliteU.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 47
This study interviewed eight students that match the participant selection criteria.
Instrumentation
Participant interviews were conducted with a list of semi-structured interview questions
in an interview guide. An interview guide (or protocol) “provides topics or subject areas within
which the interviewer is free to explore, probe, and as questions that will elucidate and illuminate
that particular subject” (Patton, 2002, p. 343). Further, “the advantage of an interview guide is
that makes sure the interviewer has carefully decided how to best use the limited time available
in an interview situation,” but the interviewer is not constrained by a specific order for the
questions (Patton, 2002, p.343). The interview guide for the study was developed from the
review of literature and cross-referenced with the research questions.
Data Collection
Due to the sensitive nature of a participant’s experiences with their identity, the
researcher asked for permission (through signed consent) to record the interview using a digital
recording device. Participants were told that no identifiable information would be collected, and
also advised of the measures that the researchers took in safeguarding the typed notes, including
password protection and the use of pseudonyms.
Before each interview, a paper survey was given to each participant that asked for their
identification as Asian American, residency, college attendance, and grade level. The survey also
asked each participant to rank their well-being on four scales, as developed by the I COPPE
Scale (Prilleltensky et al., 2015). The survey enabled participants to think about their well-being
as a first-year student at EliteU, currently, and one year into the future.
The interviews occurred at EliteU’s Asian American Cultural Center and in the campus
center– places that participants frequent, and generally felt comfortable in. Further, all the
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 48
interviews were conducted in a private office to ensure as “having others present in an
interview’s setting always affects what can be asked and what will be reported” (Weiss, 1994, p.
144).
Data Analysis
The act of data analysis involves a multi-step approach that includes working to
understand the data, organizing the data points, forming data into manageable units, coding the
data, synthesizing the codes, and searching for meaning (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). The following
section details the data analysis process of the interviews conducted through the constant-
comparative method. Issues with credibility and trustworthiness of the data as well as ethical
considerations when conducting qualitative research are also addressed.
Interview Analysis
Through the use of the analytical tools, as described by Corbin & Strauss (2008), the
constant-comparative method enables researchers to analyze the units of information collected
from the interviews and observations through a three step process. This type of comparison
allows for a hierarchy to form, with each subsequent level being built off the one before
(Lichtman, 2014). Further, the constant-comparison method enables researchers to make
differentiations between different themes and identify specific “properties and dimensions” for
each theme (Corbin & Strauss, 2008, p. 73).
In the constant-comparative method, the first step is to develop open codes. Open codes
are tags of any unit of data that the researcher may deem important (Merriam, 2009). The raw
data being examined begins to develop “names and categories” (Lichtman, 2014, p. 336). The
second step of axial coding is the process of finding relationships between these categories and
“refining a category scheme” (Merriam, 2009, p. 200). Developing selective codes, the third
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 49
stage in the constant-comparative method, allows for the development of a “core category,
propositions, or hypotheses” (Merriam, 2009, p. 200). The researcher makes conscious choices
in the selective coding stage to develop overarching categories that tie together multiple units of
data. The constant-comparative method allows for the uncovering of different dimensions and
properties between multiple sources of data. Through interviewing, “each incident has the
potential to bring out different aspects of the same phenomenon” (Corbin & Strauss, 2008, p.
74).
Credibility and Trustworthiness
By utilizing several research strategies, qualitative studies, such as this study, can
enhance the credibility and trustworthiness to address any concerns (Merriam, 2009). Credibility
addresses how well the research findings match reality and if the findings presented are credible
given the data presented (Merriam, 2009). However, as the definition of reality and truth is
continuously redefined and is inherently relative, credibility can be a difficult task to achieve in
qualitative research (Merriam, 2009). To increase credibility, data triangulation, or the use of
multiple methods, multiple sources, multiple investigators, or multiple theories, were
implemented (Merriam, 2009). In this study, multiple sources/participants and the
implementation of multiple theories supported the triangulation of data. Data was cross-checked
through various methods and participants that allowed for a more holistic analysis of codes and
themes.
Two further strategies were used to promote credibility and trustworthiness – creation of
an audit trail and the utilization of rich, thick descriptions. An audit trail allowed for a thorough
explanation of how the research was conducted and how the findings were developed (Merriam,
2009). “An audit trail in a qualitative study describes in detail how data were collected, how
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 50
categories were derived, and how decisions were made throughout the inquiry” (Merriam, 2009,
p. 223). Using rich, thick description when detailing the findings of the study allowed for others
to adequately understand the context of which the study was conducted in – allowing for a more
robust comprehension of the research.
Ethics
By extension, the credibility and trustworthiness of a study was only as credible and
trustworthy as the researcher conducting the study. By trusting that the study was carried out
ethically and with integrity required the researcher to follow stringent and strict procedures to
protect both participants and process. The act of interviewing may cause unnecessary and/or
unintended harm on participants. In the data collection, data analysis and data presentation
phases, how the researcher conducted themselves was critical for measuring the ethicalness of a
study. As such, several items were considered and implemented during the research process for
the study, including: adequate risk assessment; strict confidentiality (and use of pseudonyms);
detailed explanation of purpose of the study to the participants; and defining boundaries for data
collection.
Positionality
Two main considerations should be conveyed in the researcher’s position for this study.
First, the researcher identified as Asian American. This identity created a subjective reality that
was complex and intertwined the researcher’s own experiences with meritocracy, racial identity
development, and higher education. As the researcher was the primary instrument for the
collection of data (Merriam, 2009) and this study implemented interviewing as its primary
method for data collection, there were clear interactions between the researcher and the subjects
and the researcher and the subject matter.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 51
The second consideration was the researcher’s position at EliteU. The researcher was the
Director for EliteU’s Asian American and Pacific Islander cultural center. There was a high
probability that student participants at EliteU knew of the researcher or have interacted with the
researcher before. The institutional positioning as a staff member could have created a barrier for
participant’s to reveal personal stories and narratives to someone who they may have interacted
with. Conversely, the institutional position of the researcher provided leverage in establishing
credibility and rapport with the Asian American students at EliteU.
Participant Biographies
Participant biographical information is presented in Table 4 below, including each
participant’s self-identified ethnic identity, self-identified sex, and year in school.
Table 4

Relevant demographic information of participants.

Pseudonym Ethnic Identity School Year Sex Pronouns
Andrew Japanese American Graduated Male He/Him/His
Aaron Chinese American Senior Male He/Him/His
Sachi Korean and Japanese American Senior Female She/Her/Hers
Yuji Chinese American Senior Female She/Her/Hers
Lily Japanese and White American Senior Female She/Her/Hers
Steven Chinese American Graduated Male He/Him/His
Ted Cambodian American Senior Male He/Him/His
April Indian American Senior Female She/Her/Hers

Conclusion
This chapter presented the qualitative research methodology and rationale, including site
selection, sampling method, participant selection, data collection, data analysis, researcher
positionality and overview of participant biographies. Chapter 4 conveys the findings extracted
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 52
from the interviews with the eight participants. The final chapter provides an analysis of the
findings, presents three distinct themes that emerged from the study’s findings, and discuss
application for praxis.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 53
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
Prilleltensky’s (2005) psychopolitical model of well-being was implemented to analyze
how the three interconnected spheres of personal, relational, and collective well-being affected
the overall health and well-being of oppressed populations. Additionally, the model of well-
being examined the interactions individuals encounter with the sites, signs, sources, and
strategies that well-being can manifest itself in (Prilleltensky, 2005) by incorporating the
conscious and unconscious interactions within oneself, with others, and within society. Through
this examination and analysis of well-being, and in conjunction with Renn’s (2003) adaptation of
the ecological model of racial identity development and Museus’s (2008) tenets of Asian Critical
Theory, all eight participants, as Asian Americans college students, were positioned in the
racialized formation of well-being at EliteU. Notions of well-being, regardless of where they
occurred, were influenced by the participant’s understanding of their Asian American identity,
within the tenets of AsianCrit theory, and in the context of their participation at a highly
selective, elite university.
This chapter presents data about each participant’s experience as an Asian American
college student and their well-being at an elite university. EliteU was selected as a site for this
study because of its status as an elite and highly selective university with a notable percentage of
undergraduate Asian American population. The purpose of the study was to explore how Asian
American college students form and understand well-being at EliteU, utilizing three research
questions:
1. What are the experiences of Asian American college students and their well-being at a
highly selective/elite institution of higher education?
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 54
2. How do Asian American college students at highly selective/elite intuitions of higher
education understand their positioning within the dominant social narratives of uniform
success and well-being?
3. What behaviors do Asian American college students at highly selective/elite institutions
of higher education engage in to support personal, interpersonal and collective well-
being?
In this chapter, the major findings are first presented to develop an understanding of EliteU’s
reputation and status as an elite and highly selective institution, and how each participant’s racial
consciousness was formed at EliteU. Second, the findings are presented to ground the
experiences and narratives of Asian American college students at EliteU, through the tenets of
AsianCrit and identity development theory. Lastly, the findings are presented to explore the
linkages between well-being and success as Asian Americans within the system of meritocracy
and racial tropes. Additionally, the presentation of findings concludes with a connection to the
implications from the findings. Table 5 summarizes the research questions and associated
findings and themes. Each research question was connected to a major finding and associated
subfinding.

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 55
Table 5
Research questions, findings, and themes matrix.
Research questions Findings and subfindings Themes
How do Asian American
college students experience
well-being at an elite
institution of higher
education?
Well-being at EliteU (Personal,
Relational, and Collective
Wellbeing)
Being Asian American at EliteU
(Diversity at EliteU; Asian
American Consciousness while at
EliteU)
Peer-to-Peer Support
Systems
Trust in the Institution
How do Asian American
college students at an elite
intuition of higher education
understand their racial
identity development within
the dominant social narratives
of the Model Minority
stereotype and well-being?
Well-being and Success as Asian
Americans (Success; Understanding
the Model Minority Myth)
Dismantling and
Deconstructing Asian
American Racial
Tropes
What behaviors do Asian
American college students at
an elite institution of higher
education engage in to
support personal, relational
and collective well-being?
Well-being at EliteU (Personal,
Relational, and Collective
Wellbeing)
Being Asian American at EliteU
(Diversity at EliteU)
Well-being and Success as Asian
Americans (Factors of Well-being
and Success)
Peer-to-Peer Support
Systems
Trust in the Institution

Being Asian American at EliteU
EliteU was described by all eight participants as a prestigious and highly selective
institution – defining markers for being an elite university. Dowd (2011) positioned highly
selective institutions as social gatekeepers for admission to these elite institutions served as a
mechanism for the accumulation of merit, status and capital. This section will present how each
participants’ decision to attend EliteU was due, in part, to the perception that the university’s
reputation, prestige, and inclusion of diverse populations would help them in their success and
post-graduation career attainment. Additionally, participant racial identity consciousness and
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 56
development will be presented, which is then further connected to the environment and climate
at EliteU.
Each participant’s recollection of how they decided with their parents to attend EliteU
began with the belief that EliteU was as a prestigious school, often comparing it to other notable
elite institutions such as the Stanford University, flag-ship state universities (University of
California at Berkeley, University of Texas at Austin), and Ivy League schools. This perception
of prestige was important to the participant’s parents as it was indicative of accumulation of
status and merit. As Sachi was deciding to attend EliteU, she remembered her parents noting that
they “… recognize it as a pretty established university, and it’s definitely one of the top in
California.” For Lily, her parent’s felt like EliteU had a great reputation for academics,
especially for the music performance program Lily was interested in, and had ranked well in
comparison to other universities. Like Sachi, Lily and others, these conversation of status and
prestige were often perceived as ultimately contributing to being more successful after
graduation. Andrew’s father was notably proud of his son to be accepted to EliteU, stating that
“it was something that he could brag about to coworkers and other family members.'' Andrew
grew up near EliteU and had always noted that admission to the university was a highly-touted
accomplishment.
Baez (2006) noted that admission to elite institutions exist in a market of scarce resources
– one that reinforced status, merit, and prestige. Participants perceived that graduating from
EliteU would position them better to pursue their future career interests and gain greater social
and financial capital. Aaron was direct in his considerations in attending EliteU, stating that the
institution “was a good school where I could find a job after.” Steven’s acceptance to EliteU
created an opportunity for him to consider staying to obtain a law degree, as he believed that
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 57
graduating with a bachelors and law degree from EliteU would magnify his success. For both,
there was an understanding that attendance and graduation from EliteU directly contributed to
their overall future success. All eight participants recognized and defined the institution as
“elite,” describing aspects of EliteU that would commonly define a highly selective institution,
including better career prospects, higher potential income, and a larger social network. These
aspects set EliteU apart from other institutions that participants were accepted to – ones they felt
were less prestigious and would not contribute to their future success.
At the same time that the participants felt that attending EliteU was a determining factor
in their future success, they also felt that the university was not a place that was explicitly for
them. The lack of support, resources, and recognition for Asian American at EliteU mirrored the
negative campus climate experienced by Asian Americans across the United States (Cress &
Ikeda, 2002; Museus, 2008; Poon, 2010). Andrew recognized that while he attended an elite
university, he was not inherently considered an elite student. Andrew stated that as he first
entered into EliteU, he knew that his Asian American identity would be a negative factor in his
experiences:
Being an Asian American student is, like in many in predominantly White institutions,
pretty difficult to fit in, especially in regards to the treatment, in regards to resources … I
think that isn’t just reflected in how administrative structures capture that nuance of being
Asian American, but also in terms of the assumptions that are built into the social
hierarchies and the ways that students are or aren’t included in a lot of ways.
Andrew noted that EliteU functioned as a predominately White institution (even while White
students were 33.7% of the overall student demographic), and tended to exclude, rather than
include, racial minorities within the larger campus community.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 58
Sachi was the only participant with parents who also attended EliteU. For Sachi her
decision to attend EliteU was easy, as her parents were proud to continue their EliteU legacy.
However, as Sachi made the decision to attend EliteU, her parents recounted their experiences as
racialized minorities. Sachi started at EliteU understanding that she would have to commit time
and energy in creating experiences that would support her success and inclusion on campus as an
Asian American student. Sachi recalled that this was a determining reason as to why she joined
an Asian American-interest sorority in her first year: “I really liked the history of the [Alphas],
that it came a time when Asian American women couldn't be in a typical sorority, that they
challenged that and made it on their own.” Sachi’s affiliation with her sorority was, in part,
rooted in her belief that her identity as a female Asian American college student would make it
difficult for her to join a non-Asian American sorority. Additionally, even after the 20 years
since her parents graduated from EliteU, Sachi felt that institution fundamentally continued to
function differently for Asian Americans.
The narrative that EliteU operated as a highly selective and competitive institution was
evident in all eight participant’s answers. There was a belief that EliteU created a sense of elitism
that promoted a meritocratic social hierarchy (Kawai, 2005), propagated through the
participant’s racialized experiences as Asian Americans. Andrew made his decision to attend
EliteU based off the university’s reputation as being “one of the best schools,” even if he felt like
he had to “give up a lot and struggle a lot” to make sure he could match the “high expectations
within myself and for what I would encounter” at EliteU.
Similarly, Aaron remembered the “very aggressive marketing materials” that showcased
both the diversity and elite status of the university. However, Aaron noted that in his freshman
year, he felt distinct “tension” that “defined a lot of [his] experiences including choosing a
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 59
double major between engineering and humanities, being Asian American, and tethering [his]
relationship between [his] parents and with [his] own identity.” Aaron’s personal struggles and
tension with parental expectations were a function of internalizing the system of merit that would
allow him to feel like he was a successful Asian American student.
Sachi, Yuji, Steven and Lily all described EliteU as a great academic opportunity for their
chosen field of study, but that, as Lily explained it “there are things that are buried beneath the
surface that some people just don’t see even if they’re a student here.” All three referenced that
while EliteU held a strong academic reputation, the institution was known for its replication of
privilege, oppression, and racism. This observation created an environment where participants
feared that they would not “fit in.” Steven summarized the university’s elite status, reputation,
and inclusion of Asian Americans succinctly:
There’s a culture that’s promoted and the university doesn’t do enough to combat that
image of itself. When you go to EliteU, you feel like you have to be a certain type of
person that doesn’t always match being Asian American.
Looking back and comparing their first year with their last year, all the students described
that their expectations entering EliteU were different than their actual lived experiences. Lily,
Steven, and Yuji recounted feeling much lonelier and described an inability to fit in as Asian
Americans. Similarly, Ted was the only student who shared that he tried to join a traditional,
historically White fraternity, only to quickly stop the pledging process as he felt simultaneously
targeted for being Asian American and as identifying as a gay man. Overall, these conversations
of marginalization and othering are juxtaposed with their initial reasons of why all eight students
decided to attend an elite university, namely the diversity of EliteU.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 60
Diversity at EliteU
A compelling factor for all participants in their decision to attend EliteU was the
opportunity to attend a supportive and diverse student community. Prilleltensky (2005) noted
that seeking positive racial encounters contributed to one’s well-being. The recognition of one’s
personal Asian American racial identity development fit the overall consideration of moving
towards a healthier self-concept of race (Evans et al., 2009; Kim, 2001). Additionally, the
perpetuation of the White-Black racial dichotomy excluded Asian American voices and
experiences on many college campuses (Inkelas, 2003). For several participants, the conscious
decision to be on a campus that supported their Asian American identity was a key factor in their
decision to apply to EliteU. Ted, Lily, and Steven, described the institution’s location in Los
Angeles as an important factor for them, especially compared to their home states of
Pennsylvania, Colorado, and Texas, respectively. They believed that the diversity of people
within the metropolitan area delivered what they most wanted out of their undergraduate
experience – to be accepted for being Asian American. Ted mentioned that “between [EliteU]
and University of Pennsylvania, I think I saw that because it was in California, it had a higher
change of being more inclusive than being in [Pennsylvania]… I felt there would be more
opportunities for me.” When applying to various institutions, Ted was methodical in seeking a
diverse campus:
It’s interesting because when I looked up the university, I looked at the campus climate
index… [EliteU] had a higher score and I went off of that for diversity. I never visited
[EliteU] when I chose to attend the university so I didn’t really have a visual impression
of what the university was going to be like.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 61
Steven noted that he decided to attend EliteU because he “definitely wanted to be in a
place with more Asian Americans” and “of course, [EliteU] had that.” Lily was thoughtful in her
decision to seek a campus community that would support her mixed-race White and Asian
American identities. “My high school had a 95% White population and so I just felt very
different from everyone. I just wanted to be surrounded by people with different backgrounds
here.” The ability to live, work, and study within an environment that was diverse, especially as
Asian Americans, underscored how these three students associated the value of having a diverse
and inclusive location with a greater sense of belonging and well-being.
Andrew, Yuji, Sachi, and April entered EliteU coming from communities and high
schools with larger demographics of Asian Americans. EliteU provided them the opportunity to
seek out a sense of continuity and support from a familiar community. Sachi was direct in her
analysis of her racial experience at EliteU, stating “I don’t really feel any different from being
Asian American. I think back to when I started and I haven’t felt any different.” April described
her first weeks at EliteU as “welcoming” and that because her high school “was predominately
Asian American… I never really felt I needed to branch out because it’s comfortable” once she
arrived. However, only after her participation as a leader in student government did April realize
“the actual scope of how many more White people there are,” especially in her interactions with
those in student government and university administration. Yuji recounted her first year at EliteU
as mostly “positive.” After joining a predominately Asian American student organization, Yuji
felt that she “found a sense of community… especially with people who were very like-minded”
and “… identifying as Asian American.” Yuji noted that she believed that EliteU was “a place
where it is dominated by White wealthy people” and her membership in her Asian American
organization gave her reprieve from feeling out of place. Andrew reflected on his experiences
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 62
being Asian American at EliteU in relation to the overall positioning of Asian American in
society: “Being an Asian American student at a predominately White institution is pretty much
the same as to being Asian American in a broader context… in regards to data… to treatment…
and resources.” For these four participants, even though they came from similarly diverse
communities, they still purposely sought out inclusive spaces that affirmed their Asian American
identities.
All eight participants could describe a “social consciousness” (Kim, 2001) as Asian
Americans within the larger narrative of race in society. As such, none of the students believed
that EliteU was as diverse or as inclusive when compared to the marketing and promotion they
were given during their admissions process. Andrew directly criticized the institution’s lack of
support and recognition of his identity as an Asian American:
I felt like every single semester, every single year was like a fight to stay, a fight to
belong, a fight to be here, and that I was constantly being challenged on that. [EliteU] did
not understand what my situation was, who I am, the different historical force that shaped
me and others who look like me, who are like me… I think it’s a stunning failure.
Like Andrew, Ted felt that EliteU’s dominant student culture was maintained through the
marginalization of minoritized students. Ted’s assessment of diversity at EliteU was influenced
by his unsuccessful attempt to fit in by joining a historically White fraternity in his first semester:
I think I was so stuck on trying to know or fulfill other roles and identities in my
freshman year, that I didn’t really appreciate myself as much and I didn’t that there was
an Asian American community to find support.
Aaron was direct in his analysis that EliteU had “clear racial lines” and that a “great
population of [EliteU] is predominately White and everybody knows it.” After his years
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 63
attending EliteU, he believed that the institution’s “lack of diversity” was evident in the lack of
support and resources available to Asian American students and the relative scarcity of Asian
Americans within positions of power and authority, including faculty.
Participants, such as Steven, sought out institutional diversity beyond the colloquial
admissions brochures, stating that he “definitely wanted to be in a place with more Asian
Americans… of course [EliteU] had that.” Steven’s perception evolved since his first year, and
included a more pluralistic view of diversity and inclusion. Like Steven, each participant shared
a narrative of finding a community at EliteU that supported their racial identity, coinciding with
their own growth and maturity as Asian Americans, or, as Kodama et al. (2002) described,
“holistic development” and part of their collective well-being (Prilleltensky, 2005). As
participants progressed through their final years and looked back at their experiences, their Asian
American identity became one of the determining factors to their success, well-being, and
experiences at EliteU.
Racial Identity Consciousness
Asian Critical Theory and its seven tenets served as a framework for analysis of the
experiences of Asian American racialization in the United States (Museus, 2009). Each
participant shared personal narratives on how they understood their identity as Asian Americans,
including the intersectionality of multiple oppressions, the model minority myth and other racial
tropes, and marginalization in potentially hostile education environments (Museus, 2009).
Andrew, Aaron, and Ted’s racial identity formation and positioning as an Asian American at
EliteU was a conscious, active, and continuous practice of self-exploration – one that related to
society’s construction and deconstruction of race and racism. For others like Lily and Sachi, their
racial consciousness was spurred by the perceptions of how peers, faculty members, and others
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 64
treated them at critical moments of time – a more temporal engagement and understanding of
race and racism. Lastly, April, Yuji, and Steven described instances of racial identity formation
that fell between an active and continuous acknowledgement of their Asian American identity
and a temporal recounting of specific racialized incidents. All eight participants engaged in the
practice of reflection about their Asian American identity that brought about common
experiences of understanding race in their past and at EliteU (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002). The
participants racial identity consciousness was explored before their admission to EliteU through
interactions with family and society, and throughout their experiences while at EliteU.
Early racial identity consciousness. Significant in the histories and backgrounds of the
participants was their formation of identity through high school and transition into EliteU.
Kodama et al.’s (2002) psychosocial model of Asian American identity development centered
one’s racial identity formation within the context of their environments (e.g. local community
and high schools) and external influences (e.g. parental, familial, and social influences).
Participants (Andrew, Aaron, Sachi, Yuji, and April) who grew up in communities with larger
population of Asian Americans generally experienced their racial identity exclusively through
the lens of being Asian American. Alternatively, participants (Lily, Steven, and Ted) who grew
up in predominately in communities with few Asian Americans described their racialized
identity formation as understanding themselves as non-White individuals, rather than exclusively
through the lens of being Asian American. This differentiation of experience and racial
understanding carried with each of them as they entered into EliteU and with each interaction
with their race while at EliteU.
For Ted, Steven and Lily, growing up in Pennsylvania, Texas and Colorado, respectively,
was challenging as they felt like they did not belong to any singular racial identity group. Their
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 65
understanding of race in high school was influenced by the relative lack of other Asian American
peers and closer association with activities that were race-neutral. Prilleltensky’s (2003, 2005)
model of psychopolitical well-being incorporates a stronger racial acceptance with more positive
outcomes of well-being. The inverse of this also holds true, where a weaker racial and social
acceptance can lead to lowered outcomes of well-being (Prilleltensky, 2003). Ted described his
Philadelphia high school as predominately Black and Latino, with few other Asian Americans,
and strictly heteronormative. Self-identifying as a Cambodian-Chinese American gay male, Ted
chose EliteU because of his hope to find a community that contrasted his high school and that
“had a higher chance of being more inclusive.” When thinking about his time in Texas, Steven
described his first year at EliteU as “a stark difference” when compared to his high school.
Looking back, Steven remarked that there was a definite “process of adjustment and getting used
to the environment” at EliteU and how his Texas high school was an “isolating” place for Asian
Americans.
As the only multi-racial participant, Lily’s understanding of race in high school was
complicated by her experiences navigating between two racial cultures (White and Asian
American, specifically Japanese American). Lily describes her Colorado high school as “95%
White” and that she “just felt different from everyone.” In choosing EliteU, Lily mentioned that
she intentionally applied to EliteU because she “just wanted to be surrounded by people with
different backgrounds and belong.” Seeking a community and environment to belong to and feel
included in underscored how Lily, Steven, and Ted referenced their Asian American identity
consciousness in contrasting ways between high school and EliteU, and with hopes that they
could improve their well-being.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 66
The high school experiences of April and Aaron, in contrast to Ted, Steven, and Lily,
were defined by their association with Asian American-only peer groups. Instead of contrasting
her experience as an Asian American with other racial groups, April positioned her experience
between intra-Asian American ethnic groups, namely being a Korean American with her
predominately Taiwanese American friend group.
College is when I think I first accepted that I was Korean American because throughout
high school my best-friends are all Taiwanese American… Even though I was fluent in
Korean it just never really meshed until I came to [EliteU]… I realized it’s easy to relate
to them where I never was able to with my Taiwanese American friends.
After entering EliteU, April realized that her high school experiences with fellow Asian
Americans allowed her to tap into “a strong community where people don’t really put as much
pressure on me… and that really helps.” The dynamic and broader inclusion of a pan-Asian
American community with more intra-racial ethnicities represented at EliteU supported April’s
personal racial identity consciousness as Asian American and built upon the collective well-
being of positively associating with her community (Prilleltensky, 2003).
Aaron’s participation in high school debate, while not an Asian American-centered
activity, encouraged him to explore his racial identity. Aaron attended a majority Asian
American high school, and immersed himself in the Asian American community: “In high
school, I did a lot of debate and a part of that was reading a lot of literature about the Asian
American identity.” Aaron specifically sought out opportunities to explore and utilize his racial
identity within an environment that was generally supportive of Asian Americans. This
intentional immersion in the Asian American community was replicated in Sachi’s high school
experience as well. However, Sachi’s experience contrasted with Aaron’s as she believed that
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 67
there was academic and social expectations and norms of what it meant to be Asian American.
Sachi recalls that “in high school, if you are Asian American it was separated… you were
expected to be in AP and Honors.” Sachi’s high school narrowly defined the Asian American
community as being high-achieving and hard-working which, in turn, became the salient
characteristics that membership into the community coalesced around. These stereotypes of
Asian Americans aligned with the Asianization tenet of AsianCrit theory (Museus, 2009). For
April, Aaron and Sachi, being Asian American was determined by intra-racial extrinsic and
intrinsic forces rather than an existence dependent on non-White or non-Black status (i.e White-
Black racial paradigm) (Inkelas, 2003).
Family and home influences. Regardless of where the participants grew up and the high
schools they attended, all eight of them described how their parents left large impressions on
their racial consciousness as Asian Americans. These impressions linked their involvement in
various activities and communities with what it meant to be Asian American. Both Kim’s (2001)
model of Asian American identity development and Kodama, et al.’s (2002) psychosocial model
positioned early associations with race with the early messages individuals received from their
environments. Growing up in a White hegemonic society, parental influences dominated early
understanding of how race influenced one’s sense of self (Ching & Agbayani, 2012).
Andrew was the most detailed participant when referencing the impact his family had on
his personal development. Andrew’s family had long, historical ties and involvement in the local
Japanese American and Asian American communities, stemming from his grandparents’
interment during World War II. Throughout childhood, high school, and continuing as an EliteU
student, Andrew described how this engagement with various Japanese American and Asian
American activities were formative to his racial consciousness and continued engagement with
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 68
these communities. Andrew decision to attend EliteU was because, as he notes, “I felt a lot of
attachment to my community, my family, this sense of place that I built” and that he wanted to
stay closer to home to continue his involvement with these groups. When he started at EliteU,
Andrew recollected “I already [had] a strong foundation in the Los Angeles Japanese American
community… and I gravitated towards broader Asian American stuff,” demonstrating a
connection to his identities and a broader and developing “social consciousness” (Ching &
Agbayani, 2012). Andrew’s involvement and leadership while at EliteU influenced his
“perception of what being an Asian American is” and how that meaning had been molded by the
sociopolitical positioning of Asian Americans in society (Museus, 2009). In reflecting on his
four years at EliteU, Andrew believed that his consciousness as an Asian American was based on
“the work that I personally did and participated in, the work that my peers did, the things that we
built together, and things that I hope will continue well past my time here.” Andrew’s
involvements included the empowerment and uplifting of other Asian Americans, recognizing
that the narratives and stories were often marginalized at EliteU – embodying the tenets of
AsianCrit theory (Museus, 2009) and psychopolitical collective well-being (Prilleltensky, 2003).
While Andrew grew up surrounded by Japanese American and Asian American
influences, Ted found that while he ascribed to and found support in his Cambodian and Chinese
American identities at home, he lacked a tangible community outside of his family.
Yes, I am half-Chinese and half-Cambodian. I do celebrate both cultures… I grew up in a
Cambodian community, but I didn’t really have a strong Chinese community… Not
knowing the language also separates me from other Chinese American kids.
Ted’s familial history was rooted in the refugee experience of escaping the Cambodian genocide
in the 1980s, which he believed was a contributing influence on his understanding of the
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 69
similarities and difference of race with other Asian Americans. Ted’s experience with his
identity as a Southeast Asian American at home did not immediately transfer over when he
started at EliteU, but upon reflection, he recognized his growth and holistic development
(Kodama, et al., 2008):
I have grown to appreciate my [Asian American] identity more. I think I was so stuck on
trying to know or fulfill other roles and identities that… I didn’t really appreciate myself
as much and I didn’t think to use my Asian American community as a source of support
at the time. I think now, it’s different obviously.
Ted sought out and connected with his Asian American and queer communities after feelings of
ostracism from predominately White (Ching & Agbayani, 2012) and heteronormative spaces at
EliteU. This shift towards his racial and sexual identities supported Ted’s identity development
consciousness while at EliteU in hopes of building a healthier self-concept of himself (Evans et
al., 2009).
Parental understanding of race influenced April’s decision to enroll in EliteU. April’s
parents believed that her decision to attend EliteU would allow her to successfully graduate
prestigious institution, and to be more marketable for a future spouse: “Whenever I think about
my parents I get kind of frustrated because for them going to [EliteU] is actually about me
marrying the right person… it’s very Asian of them.” Her parent’s adherence to racialized
gender roles and norms, specifically being an Asian American woman, was deeply rooted in her
eligibility as a spouse for marriage. These beliefs, upon reflection, shaped April’s perceptions of
being Asian American at EliteU – “This sounds depressing but I think my parents didn't think I
could get into college.” April’s experiences reflected the importance of recognizing how the
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 70
AsianCrit tenet of the intersectionality (Museus, 2009) of her gender identity and racial identity
influenced her understanding of being an Asian American woman at EliteU.
Each participant’s experiences before coming to EliteU shaped their understanding of
themselves once they enrolled. Whether they were like Andrew, Aaron, Yuji, or April – who all
grew up in predominately Asian American communities – or like Sachi, Lily, Steven, or Ted –
who grew up as more racially minoritized in predominately non-Asian American communities –
they all connected their racialized experiences to their racial consciousness while at EliteU. Their
racial development could be analyzed to fit within the Asian American Identity Development
model (Kim, 1982, 2001) or the psychosocial model of development (Kodama et al., 2002), and
there was a notable connection between the interactions of the participants with the environment
of EliteU (Chavez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999). For each of the eight participants, being Asian
American at EliteU created both positive and negative spaces and experiences for identity
exploration and a search for a deeper understanding about themselves.
Asian American Consciousness While at EliteU
From their first to their most recent racialized experiences, each participant’s perception
of EliteU could be an indicator to how students have come to understand their Asian American
identity within the institution. These experiences at EliteU could be seminal to their overall
understanding of their position within societal constructs, including narratives of success, merit,
and hard work (Moore, 2004; McNamee & Miller Jr., 2004), and the influence it had on their
overall well-being (Prilleltensky, 2003). These sentiments were categorized in two different
ways – the broad expectations that were placed on them as Asian Americans at EliteU and how
peer groups at EliteU supported and challenged their racial identity.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 71
Climate and culture at EliteU. Aspects of EliteU’s climate were either categorized as
supportive or detrimental to the development of a positive Asian American identity. Within
EliteU, all eight participants felt that their identity as an Asian American was at least partially
defined by the AsianCrit tenets (Museus, 2009) of the model minority stereotype and by social
and cultural expectations of success (Inkelas, 2003; Suzuki, 2002). Their early interactions with
predominately non –Asian American faculty members and classmates reinforced these pervasive
messages and societal constructs.
Andrew was the most direct in his assessment of EliteU’s racial positioning of Asian
Americans, stating that he felt Asian Americans existed to “reify this idea of the American
dream, meritocracy, even American exceptionalism….” These defining master narratives were
deeply rooted and accepted as part of the mythology of the United States (Ono & Pham, 2009).
Andrew’s analysis aligned with the AsianCrit tenets of Asianization, model minority, the social
construction of race, and the marginalization of Asian American narratives (Museus, 2009).
Being Asian American at EliteU, for Andrew, was being “a wedge tool… meant to put Asian
Americans against other people of color, against other groups that have historically been
disenfranchised and marginalized.” Even as he understood how EliteU reinforced racial
differences, Andrew continued his analysis to be a learning experiences:
Being an Asian American student here, at EliteU, over the totality of the four years was
something that really deepened my appreciation for being an Asian American man. I
think I learned to more actively identify with being Asian American, specifically, and to
understand the context in which that identity exists, how it’s situated and how I can
connect other people through that.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 72
Andrew’s initial negative experiences as a minoritized individual at EliteU helped inform his
understanding of social and racial justice, especially for himself and his chosen peer groups, and
with hopes of supporting a more positive environment of well-being.
Similarly to Andrew, Steven believed that EliteU, as a whole, perpetuated stereotypes
and high levels of expectations and success for Asian American students. In thinking about his
time in classes and connecting it to his understanding of aspects of the model minority myth,
Steven mentioned,
Asian Americans weren’t expected to speak up… the whole stereotype of Asians not
being well spoken… not really outgoing. I felt it affected me in the classroom.
Sometimes I felt judged in the classroom but it wasn’t anything anybody said. It was this
very silent pressure.
According to Steven, these pressures, expectations, and stereotypes continued throughout his
whole career at EliteU, but he also felt that “gradually, I got more used to talking about the
experiences of most Asian American in EliteU.” While the larger institutional climate and
culture reinforced the notions of the model minority myth, Steven found a community of Asian
American peers to deconstruct, discuss, and counter their shared racial experiences. Steven’s
perception of being an Asian American student at EliteU was rooted in his experiences in the
classroom and messages he received from faculty and peers of high expectations – often coupled
with an unwelcomed feeling of added stress.
All eight participants described EliteU as a place where they continue to experience
macroaggressions, discrimination, or being treated differently based on their Asian American
identity. Speaking broadly, Lily mentioned that while EliteU “looks great on the outside…
there’s things that are buried beneath the surface that some people just don’t see… There’s hate
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 73
crimes against students of different races including Asian Americans.” Lily qualified her
statement that in her personal experience she “hasn’t really experience discrimination for
myself… Although I’ve heard some other things, bad things that have happened to other Asian
American students.” Her assessment of the overall campus climate was grounded in the overall
experience for Asian Americans at EliteU, and while she does not believe she had been a target
of overt discrimination, Lily recounted experiences feeling marginalized based on her racial
identity.
Aaron had similar sentiments to Lily’s assessment of EliteU. As a freshman, Aaron felt
that “there was an undercurrent of tension when I was entering college. I think that’s also defined
a lot of my experiences currently at [EliteU] being Asian American.” The tension Aaron refers to
related to a feeling of a negative campus culture and climate towards Asian Americans,
specifically with the policies and practices of EliteU: “EliteU definitely attracts a diversity of
students, but it’s very clear where the racial lines are… being Asian American… you always
kind of feel like you’re separate from the majority of the [EliteU] community.” Aaron’s analysis
of the campus culture reinforced that Asian Americans were positioned as a minoritized group,
even as society continued to minimize feelings of discrimination towards Asian Americans
(Zhou & Gatewood, 2007). Broadly, this sentiment of simultaneous minoritization,
representation, and minimization collectively defined the experiences of all the participants and
impacted their racial consciousness and well-being as racialized individuals.
Ted spoke directly to his intersectional identities (gender identity, sexuality, racial
identity, and ethnic identity) of being a gay Asian American man. His experience as a first year
was uniquely defined by his participation in EliteU’s traditional Greek life. While Sachi made a
conscious decision to join an Asian-interest sorority, Ted made the choice to join a historically
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 74
White fraternity. Ted reflected that his initial experiences with the fraternity was that it was
persistently “not welcoming.” He correlated these feelings to EliteU’s predominately White
culture that tried to “force you to assimilate into the culture really fast and that sometimes that
can be more damaging that helpful to students.” After numerous negative interactions, which he
attributed to a culture of casual homophobia and racism, Ted made the decision to end the
fraternity pledging process. After unsuccessfully trying to “fit in” to EliteU’s dominant culture,
Ted consciously decided to seek environments and communities that supported his Asian
American and gay identities, increasing his psychopolitical well-being outcomes through the
positive affirmation of self (Prilleltensky, 2003).
Seeking out identity-supportive environments and people, including faculty advisors and
administrators, student psychological counseling services, and Asian American organizations,
was an important milestone for each participant’s discovery of their Asian American identity at
EliteU. Sachi and Steven each described specific faculty members who positively impacted their
sense of self, specifically their interactions that supported their identity as Asian Americans.
Sachi recalled a health policy professor that “was just really powerful because she gave us ways
to interact with the Asian American community and specifically the [Department of Health].”
Through actively connecting the curriculum to practice through her racial identity, Sachi felt that
her faculty member was someone who better understood the racial dynamics encountered in her
studies, or, as Museus (2009) posits through AsianCrit theory, the transnational context of the
Asian American experience. Steven noted that there was a notable difference with his faculty
members that sought to create a more inclusive environments, especially as he observed that
“there’s not a lot of Asian Americans in the humanities.” In comparison to his experiences with
the rest of the university, where Steven “felt judged,” he noted that in his major he did not “feel
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 75
like I had to perform better because I was Asian American.” Steven, like Sachi, attributed this to
his few faculty members that allowed him to set aside the pressures and expectations typically
placed on Asian Americans and that allowed him to explore his identities in affirming and
positive ways.
Similarly, participation in an Asian American organization at EliteU was also a positive
factor in developing a stronger sense of racial identity. Seven of eight participants described their
leadership in Asian American student groups as an important part of their overall experience at
EliteU. In their time at EliteU, Andrew and Aaron lead an advocacy-centered Asian American
organization, “Asian Pacific American Coalition for Empowerment (APACE)” (a pseudonym),
and both described a feeling of pride and honor in supporting and advocating for the larger Asian
American community at EliteU. Their efforts in advancing social and racial justice at EliteU
connected directly with an increase in their psychopolitical collective well-being (Prilleltensky,
2003). When he first arrived at EliteU, Andrew wanted to pursue a leadership role to impact
greater recognition, especially in the context of continued minimization of the Asian American
experience (Inkelas, 2003):
I felt that the Asian American community wasn’t as activated at the time… I did a lot of
organizing around getting [EliteU] to recognize that the distinction of Asian Americans
was important and significant and needed to be further articulated… It came up in a lot
more conversations that weren’t just about Asian Americans, but in the larger context of
diversity, equity, and inclusion.
As the president of APACE in his sophomore year, Andrew led the largest Asian American and
Pacific Islander advocacy, social justice and activist organization at EliteU. His ascension into
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 76
this role was something Andrew noted as having been an important part of his racial
consciousness:
[APACE] was uniquely positioned, not just for myself, but for many of my peers… to
capitalize on the different moments to push the community a little bit, to challenge the
community a little bit more and build momentum… I’m seeing Asian American students
and their growing willingness to engage just in the idea of ‘Asian American’ as a whole,
which is encouraging to me in some ways
Andrew formed partnerships and built coalitions with other activist-orientated student
organizations to try to form a stronger Asian American consciousness at EliteU. By doing such,
he strengthened the pipeline for future student leaders to sustain APACE’s engagement with
addressing negative campus racial climate. Following Andrew’s year-long leadership, Aaron
became the president of APACE.
Aaron felt that his role in APACE was similar to Andrew’s before him. Aaron recognized
the need for a stronger Asian American presence at EliteU, especially in forming a more
inclusive Asian American community. Aaron attributed his work with APACE with his personal
racial identity development, as well as his connection to the broader Asian American
community:
I think coming to orgs like [APACE] at [EliteU] has definitely helped make me a little
more accountable in terms of my approach towards the Asian American community and
helped hold me down to make my actions match what I knew. I think [EliteU] was
definitely something that I personally experiences as kind of like a bunch of small
disjoint communities… where I negotiated my Asian American identity.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 77
Aaron, like Andrew, felt like there was a distinct need for Asian American advocacy and
activism at EliteU because of the lack of institutional support and overall negative perceptions of
being Asian American. Specifically, Aaron critiqued EliteU’s racially exclusive climate and
culture:
Even in a campus like this where a lot of organizations are doing really cool work,
[EliteU] could stand to be a lot more inclusive of [Asian American] communities… I
think that the absences of Asian Americans has definitely been very, very obvious.
While he was president of APACE, Aaron made a conscious effort to lead his organization in
creating solidarity-centered spaces to support and accommodate for a more intersectional and
diverse student community. While he simultaneously acknowledged that his attendance at EliteU
had “afforded a lot of privileges” to him, Aaron was also critical that the “structures of power at
[EliteU] are definitely run by White people” which, for him, was “honestly disappointing…
especially as someone who wants to advocate for change in their community.” His analysis of
the institutional structure of power formed a more nuanced understanding of the pervasiveness of
race and racism at EliteU. Andrew and Aaron’s racial consciousness as Asian Americans was, in
part, formed through their leadership of APACE, the direct interactions they had with other their
Asian American peers, and their resistance to what they perceived as a hostile campus climate
and environment.
Peer groups. Along with university expectations and climate, peer groups played a
defining role in helping form a sense of self for participants, countering the common
understanding that Asian Americans often tried to cope individually when seeking support (Chen
& Yoo, 2010). Peer group interactions were a direct method of supporting relational well-being
(Prilleltensky, 2005) through positive social friendships built upon trust and respect. Steven,
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 78
Lily, Ted, Sachi, and April attributed their stronger Asian American racial identity with the peer
groups they formed over their years at EliteU. While Andrew, Yuji, and Aaron did not mention
that it was as strong of a factor in their racial consciousness, they too described that the peer
groups positively contributed to their overall experiences at EliteU.
As mentioned previously, Sachi identified her strongest peer group as her Asian
American interest sorority, especially when she first joined so she could find a “sense of
community” when she first arrived at EliteU. For Sachi, her Asian American sorority sisters
became “a group of 10 super close friends” and the group allowed her to “be more myself.”
More importantly, she noted that her sorority sisters “judge me less for being Asian American”
and that she felt a sense of pride in continuing on the traditions and history of the organization.
Sachi’s participation in her sorority created a peer group network based on a common
understanding of what it meant to be an Asian American woman at EliteU. Sachi’s intentions in
selecting an Asian American sorority versus a historically and predominantly White sorority was
to avoid feelings of further marginalization. Further, Sachi found a greater sense of purpose by
actively participating in her sorority in various leadership positions, in part to strengthen her
connection to her peer group and as an opportunity to “pay my way forward in my community”
and to “find ways for people who love this community to contribute.” Even as she prepared to
graduate, Sachi continued to set aside time to support the newer Asian American women in her
sorority, in hopes of creating the same sense of community that supported her.
April identified her roommates as her most important friend group – all who identified as
Asian American , Christian and as a woman, like her. April described this particular peer group
as a part of her support system, especially with each of her more salient identities. It was
important for April to find a peer group that was “accepting,” “stable,” and “understanding.”
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 79
With her Asian American Christian group, she explored aspects of herself in more “supportive
and meaningful ways” even as members in the group have “different majors and… different
interests.” In her relationship with her roommates, April came to rely on their shared lived
experiences as Asian Americans at EliteU, including navigating macroaggressions and negative
campus climate. This sense of support for each other at EliteU helped April create a stronger
sense of identity and “self-confidence” and higher level of “self-esteem.” As April moved
through EliteU, she credited her peer group as a “consistent community that been with me since
my first year” – one that she had struggled to find in non-Asian American settings at EliteU.
Peer groups, and by extension relational well-being (Prilleltensky, 2003), served as
critical counter spaces to negative racial encounters at EliteU. Six of the eight participants
recounted stories of specifically seeking out other Asian Americans after being the target of
discrimination based on their racial identity. Additionally, these six participants also recounted
instances where their friends relied on their support after an experience of racism. After a
particular discriminatory and high-profile incident against an Asian American student leader in
his second year, Andrew felt that his immediate peer community was an important place of
support for him, recalling,
[Many Asian Americans were] thrust into consciousness a little bit more at [EliteU] after
some violence was encountered by students… I think Asian Americans really had a
strong reaction to it because I think it really and readily made it apparently how little
visibility we had on this campus… how Asian Americans were left out of conversations.
Andrew viewed his immediate peer group of Asian Americans and Asian Americans at EliteU as
“uniquely positioned to capitalize on these different moments to… build momentum and engage
with the idea of being Asian American at [EliteU].” For Andrew, Aaron, Ted, and April, they
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 80
leveraged this incident to become community representatives in discussion spaces with other
students, university administrators and faculty to incorporate the Asian American student voice
in narratives around campus climate. Their support networks of fellow Asian Americans became
important spaces to find empathy, support, and well-being around navigating racial
discrimination.
Well-Being at EliteU
Prilleltensky (2003, 2005) model of well-being centered an individual’s aggregated well-
being within three main realms – personal, relational, and collective well-being. In discussing
their sense of well-being at EliteU, participants described their definition of well-being with
relation to these three realms as well as their ability to support well-being within each realm.
This section will first present findings on how each participant defined well-being. Subsequent
subsections will detail experiences of well-being with each realm, with connections to factors at
EliteU that supported or diminished well-being.
While participants had a variety of ways of defining well-being in the most general sense,
they were all similar in their definition of how they personally achieved a sense of well-being.
All eight of them had similar definitions of well-being that centered predominately on health.
Aaron, Steven, and Ted defined well-being as attending to immediate personal needs. Aaron
used the analogy of a “matrix” to “distinguish between physical, mental, and emotional well-
being.” In his matrix of well-being, Aaron described how supporting his various aspects of
physical, mental, and emotional health allowed him to “take pride in things [I] do and that things
[I] care about” and that “I wake up knowing that I’m comfortable enough to go to class, … be
with my friends,… and to operate things that I enjoy and the responsibilities I have.” Aaron’s
matrix connected to Prilleltensky’s (2003, 2005) model of well-being and was reinforced by
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 81
other participant’s understanding of well-being. Steven defined well-being as “in general, a
healthy lifestyle” focused on “physical, psychological, even spiritual health if you are so
inclined.” Ted echoed Steven’s sentiments and focused on “physical well-being… mental well-
being…. and emotional well-being.”
Lily, Sachi, April, and Yuji were more expansive in their definitions of well-being –
incorporating aspects of having a greater purpose in life and a higher sense of self. Lily’s
description of well-being was similar to Aaron’s matrix analogy, stating that she believed that
her well-being was defined by “being well physically, mentally, and emotionally… and having
the time to take care of yourself.” Lily, additionally, was the only participant who directly
mentioned her Asian American identity and belonging in a community:
That you can turn to and… that you can talk with, that have similar experiences as you…
It’s important to have a community of people that has a certain background, a similar
background as you who might experience the same things and think in similar ways. I
think it’s important to have that. That’s important to someone’s well-being.
Sachi and April defined their well-being in even broader terms than Lily. Sachi thought of her
well-being “as a balance of multiple aspects of my life. I think a big priority in that is pursuing
happiness and what I need to achieve different rounds of my life to remain overall happy.” April
thought of her pursuit of well-being as “just a state of being at peace with yourself… and being
content with what you’re doing and what you have.” Yuji defined well-being beyond immediate
personal needs and focused on self-esteem and worth:
Well-being is a general sense of acceptance of yourself and not setting yourself up to
certain expectations whether that’s career, academics, or social… Just being okay with
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 82
decisions you make and understanding the consequences and being a lot more self-
empathetic.
For all four of these women, they recognized that while their well-being was connected to their
physical, emotional, and mental state, a connection to community, purpose, and to the future also
influenced their well-being.
Of the eight participants, Andrew thought of well-being in more theoretical terms.
Andrew postured the root of his well-being formed within a similar matrix of emotional,
physical, and mental well-being, and also by a deep connection to his upbringing, family, and
more specifically, with his support of his younger brother, who was diagnosed to be on the
autism spectrum:
I think it's a number of things: physical, mental, emotional health. I could even think
about it in terms of just-- Am I being fed? Do I have a place to sleep at night? All that
kind of stuff, and fundamentally, also understanding that when you are a part of the
[EliteU] community, here, especially as an undergrad, this is a bubble, this is its own
world. Within that ecosystem, it's do you have any enfranchisement in shaping that
reality around you? Is it supportive of who you are? Does it acknowledge and accept
you? Or do you have to constantly be role-playing in this theater of normalized behavior?
At multiple points in his college career, Andrew described incidents where he was temporarily
homeless because of difficulties and differences with his parents and their care for his younger
brother. He describes his support of his brother as an important factor in how he had come to
understand his well-being:
I think my definition of well-being also is jointly connected to how I see my capacity for
supporting other people is at in terms of… Having a reduced capacity to accomplish
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those tasks, accomplish those goals, to meet those needs, and all that is often a
consequence of my health and my holistic well-being.
Andrew’s attendance at EliteU, the relationships he maintained in his home life and his duties to
his family were linked together and impacted his well-being at all levels. Andrew described and
detailed his well-being only in reference to his home and family life.
Through these descriptions and definitions of well-being, the participants looked at
various aspects of their lives to make determinations on how they supported their personal,
relational, or collective well-being. A pursuit in attaining a positive well-being was shared
amongst all eight participants, and each of them tried to find opportunities to improve their well-
being. Moreover, a participant’s sense of well-being did not exist in a vacuum nor void of their
multiple and intersectional identities. Analysis of where and how personal, relational, and
collective well-being was determined, through Prilleltensky (2003, 2005) model and AsianCrit
Theory (Museus, 2009), assist in understanding each participant’s development as Asian
Americans at EliteU.
Personal Well-Being
All eight participants recounted that their current and future sense of well-being required
a command of their personal needs. The most common responses to working towards better well-
being included eating healthy, working out, sleeping more, and improving their mental health.
All participants had a nuanced view of where their locus of control over their well-being was
situated, mainly in the realms of physical and psychological personal well-being.
April looked back at her years at EliteU and noted that she felt she achieved well-being
when she found a healthy routine of eating well, running, and going to bed early. She promoted
her personal well-being:
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Exercising is important… when I say exercise, I’m actually only doing 10 minutes in the
morning but just the fact of me getting up and doing that first thing in the morning really
sets the tone for my day… making my bed can be one thing… I actually read every
day… baby steps really help in my well-being.
April described a trial and error approach to well-being practices, mentioning that she “tried
meditation once, but that doesn’t work for me. I didn’t feel the benefits with that so I stopped.”
April’s description of her personal well-being as a more practical approach in finding habits that
contributed to her feeling healthier and happier.
While not always explicitly stated, mental health was a core component for each
participant’s sense of personal well-being. The stigmatization of mental health in Asian
American communities persisted through the participant narratives (Ng et al., 2007). Lily was
most outspoken about her journey with her mental health and its connection to her well-being.
When she first started at EliteU, Lily recounted that she struggled with finding a sense of balance
and often thought of herself as “failing” in college. As a first-year student, Lily described her
experience as being “very enclosed and very isolated.” These thoughts and emotions
immobilized her and she finally sought out the support of EliteU’s counseling center: “I finally
went to a therapist and it has been helping… I always made excuses like ‘I don’t have time or I
shouldn’t go’… I should have gone a long time ago.” Before visiting her therapist, Lily believed
that her mental health and depression were signs that she was “lazy” – a pervasive thought that
she attributed to her Asian American upbringing:
Sometimes I think in a lot of Asian cultures like my mom and me and the rest of my
family, we immigrated here from Japan when I was eight. She still has a lot of the
Japanese culture in her. I think even less so now but especially when we moved and I was
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growing up and whatnot and there’s this culture of perfectionism especially from Japan
and like, ‘This kid learned this piece and it's harder than what you're playing and they're
playing it well.’ It's hard. I think it's that culture of perfectionism. I think that affected
me.
As a piano performance major, her decision to attend EliteU was heavily influenced by her
mother. Lily attributed her major choice to both her internal passions for music and the external
influences of abiding and honoring a “culture of perfectionism” – often at the expense of her own
well-being. Lily further stated,
I think I kept having that negative mental feedback loop and it's like, ‘I'm not good
enough to do this. I need to win all these competitions and be good.’ I think that affected
me and that's the culture instead of being content in the moment. It’s like, ‘Hey, look I
learned this piece.’ But instead, I need to do more and more and more and be better all
the time.
After her school psychologist explained to her that she was experiencing signs of depression,
Lily learned more about how to support her own mental health and shifted her understanding of
well-being to include creating environments that supported and enriched her life. Lily described
her journey in promoting her personal well-being, through her supporting her mental health, as
“redefining what it means to be well for myself,” including understanding how to uncouple the
external influences from her personal passion for music.
For Ted and Aaron, prioritizing both mental and physical health created opportunities for
them to directly improve their overall personal well-being. Their conscious efforts to support
their well-being through improving their mental health developed over their years at EliteU. Ted
began prioritizing his well-being as he came to understand his mental health needs:
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 86
I define well-being in two different aspects. Physical well-being. I am physically in
shape, I'm eating enough, I am getting enough sleep, and my skin isn't breaking out.
There is also the mental well-being aspect where I am not as stressed or I am getting
enough sleep that it doesn't disrupt my mood. When I think of well-being I think of sleep.
I think it just goes to sleep because sleep determines how my body is changing, how well
I study, how focused I am. An emotional well-being like am I stable, emotionally stable,
am I going through my episodes of depression, am I motivated to do the things that I am
doing in class.
After his first year, Ted made a decision to join activities and create routines that supported his
physical and mental well-being. “I have come to figure out well-being for myself over time. It
comes from what I value as more important to me.” Specifically, Ted credited his time as a
captain for EliteU’s dragon boating team as supporting both his physical and mental health.
Similarly, Aaron’s description of his personal well-being “matrix” developed over
multiple years at EliteU:
I think my sophomore year was definitely a low point for me mental health-wise, and I
think my junior year I became better at negotiating, though I very stressed and I always
had to do something I always felt I was slipping behind. I think coming to senior year,
I’m taking a lot of time for myself every day.
During his final year at EliteU, Aaron’s definition of well-being centered on trying to avoid
feeling “a strong sense of failure” and continuous feelings of having “trouble when I’m messing
things up” to feeling “a lot better about approaching failure… Being able to just face [failure]
head-on and being able to see that that’s okay.” Aaron’s reference to his matrix of well-being
helped him structure his new approach to managing his stress and mental well-being.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 87
Prilleltenksy’s (2003, 2005) model of well-being created a next realm of analysis for an
individual’s well-being from their personal health and wellness to include their relationship to
those around them – especially with those who the individual built a meaningful social and
relational connections with.
Relational Well-being
Most often participants spoke about their immediate friend groups as a positive factor in
their well-being. Relational well-being between the participants and their friends (both romantic
and platonic) created social opportunities for trusting, open, and honest relationships
(Prilleltenksy, 2003). Of all participants, only Lily and Yuji spoke about their romantic partners,
and the positive and negative impact their romantic relationships had on their well-being. All of
the participants described in detail the meaningful and enduring friendships that positivity
supported them throughout their time at EliteU.
Looking back at their time at EliteU, Steven and Lily recounted that their experiences in
their first years were lonely and kept them in a constant state of searching for the right friend
group. Growing up out of state, neither had high school friends attend EliteU with them, and
both were in smaller, specialized majors that made them feel more isolated as Asian Americans.
As previously described, Steven was one of few Asian Americans in his classes – “You’re the
only [Asian American] person with other White Americans… I didn’t connect well with them.”
As he moved through his first years and into his upper-division major courses, he continued to
struggle with his well-being, based in part to his lack of a strong friend group. He said,
There were days, freshman year, with the consequences of those miserable years that all I
could do was just go back to my room and just sit there. I couldn't do anything else, I
couldn't cheer myself up, I didn't want to see anybody.
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Steven recognized that his lack of a strong friend and social group exacerbated his well-being:
Freshman and sophomore year are really tough… Even I just cry sometimes. You can't
help it. I remember there was one day in sophomore year, well maybe even junior year,
where I just got really depressed suddenly about some things.
Steven attributed his current friendships and relationships in helping him achieve a better sense
of well-being.
I almost felt it's an accident how it all happened. I mean, a lot of it is you find the right
people too. You get good friends. Despite having a really shit social life in high school,
somehow, I was still able to find really good friends in college and I'm not sure how.
Especially since some of them aren't even the most mentally healthy themselves either.
He further detailed that his improved sense of well-being was because of his friendships: “A lot
of it was finding good friends. Some of them who I'm still friends with today. I think also
exposing yourself to new experiences… it becomes a little bit more manageable.” While Steven
tried to seek out professional support for his mental health, he ultimately believed it was his
relationships who helped him more with his well-being:
I did see a psychologist when I was at EliteU. But I never really found them especially
helpful… One of the factors might have been because I did not have an Asian
psychologist, the cultural things were not quite as pronounced. Like it or not, I just
couldn't connect as well. I'm not going to elaborate on the crises that I had… However, at
EliteU, it's not hard to make friends, but it might be hard to make good friends… Making
good friends is a critical one. Doing stuff you like. I think for most people, a psychologist
is fine. I guess, just in my case, it didn't really work out that well.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 89
The importance of relationships for Steven was critical in supporting his well-being. Steven
described the interconnectedness of relational well-being to finding meaning and identifying
positively as an Asian American student.
As Steven relied on his friendships to buoy his well-being, Lily had similar experiences
navigating social and romantic relationships through her first couple years at EliteU. Lily
described her first year at EliteU as “just very enclosed and very isolated.” When defining her
well-being, she believed it important for her to have a group of friends:
A community of people that you can talk with and that have similar experiences to you…
It’s important to have a community of people that have a certain background, a similar
background as you who might experience the same things and think in similar ways.
Lily, like Steven, relied on EliteU’s counseling services to support her own mental health and
wellness. In seeking out a counselor, Lily’s experiences were better than Steven’s: “I'm still
battling with just people’s perception of me and what I think about that. I finally went to a
therapist this month and it has been helping.” In seeking professional support, Lily purposefully
sought out an Asian American-identifying counselor, someone that she felt would understand
and relate to her background better. In trying to promote a more positive sense of well-being for
herself through building stronger connections with others, Lily worked with her psychologist to
“[redefine] what it means to be well for myself and just trying to reach out more and establish
stronger relationships right now with other people.” Steven, Lily, and others recognized the
importance of having stronger friendships, more positive social interactions, and support from
trusted institutional agents, such as mental health professionals, increased their relational and
overall well-being.
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As a student leader in EliteU’s undergraduate student government, April’s connected her
relational well-being to multiple peer and social groups. April stated that “meeting up with
friends, keeping your close friends actually relevant” as contributing to a positive sense of well-
being. However, April reflected that her involvement in various organizations ultimately did not
lead to a positive sense of well-being:
I was doing nine different clubs and all of these things were great and everything, but I
wasn't really invested in a single group. Whether it be with my time, emotionally or
anything like that and I felt very disconnected. I was tired all the time.
April believed that while she had a large number of friends through various social groups, it was
her relationship with her roommates that she valued the most. With her roommates, April had the
ability to have meaningful discussions that supported her well-being:
The sense of family from… my suitemates, my apartment mates, I would say they're very
supportive, super nice people, and in that case, I've been able to get a lot of support from
them because they encourage me to do different things. We all have different majors, we
all have different interests… I enjoy that they can tell me stories about their respective
activities and extracurriculars and I can tell and we can actually compare and see how
similar they are, but just different topics.
These conversations with her roommates allowed April to feel connected to her friends in more
meaningful ways than with her peers in student government. April attributed this core set of
friends as helping her improve her overall well-being through promoting a strong sense of
relational well-being.
All eight participants spoke of the importance of supporting the well-being of their peers
and friends. Most often, the participants spoke about how their support of others helped them
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 91
support themselves. Yuji found well-being through “building relationships with people in the
community.” Yuji described her relationship with her mother as critically important for her to
have the opportunity to discuss mental health and mental well-being. She stated, “I feel I am
lucky that my mom is a doctor. She’s a lot more understanding of mental health and stuff
because she deals with [others that have] depression….” Her relationship with her mom was a
source of support and understanding regarding her mental well-being. Yuji also used her positive
interaction with her mom to encourage her peers to seek opportunities to improve their well-
being – “I tell friends to relax and take a break and be self-empathetic.” Whether it was with her
family or her friends, Yuji relied on her connection to others to promote well-being for herself
and for her peers.
Andrew connected his personal well-being with the well-being of his friends and family,
which, he understood as “not the most healthy way to frame well-being.” In his description of
well-being, Andrew referred to his autistic brother’s care as a central component to his
definition:
I think I have a lot of friends who struggle with mental health and I've struggled with
mental health too, in some ways, but I think my definition of well-being also is jointly
connected to how I see my capacity for supporting other people is at in terms of-- because
I have people who depend on me; depend on me being functional, depend on me being
healthy, depend on me being able to work, to be mobile, and to do all this other stuff.
Having a reduced capacity to accomplish those tasks, accomplish those goals, to meet
those needs, and all that is often a consequence of my health and my well-being or just
my holistic well-being and all that.
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Andrew, like Yuji, described his support for others as important for his own sense of well-being.
Andrew was the only participant to use “love” in his definition of well-being, categorizing it
broadly as “romantic or… based on friendship.” He further defied his relationships with others as
built on “selflessness and compassion” and recognizing that having positive relationships
supported his priority of “caring for myself and… care for others.” Andrew was also the most
critical in ensuring that he was balancing his capacity for maintaining meaningful relationships
in his life, including “understanding what [his] own social position brings to any given space in
terms of how it can bolster or undermine others.” While familial, peer, and social relationships
were important for Andrew to support his well-being, it was also critical for him to be aware of
the demands from maintaining these relationships can cause a negative toll on overall well-being.
For the participants there was a common understanding that healthy relationships
promoted healthy relational well-being. Prilleltensky (2003, 2005) model of relational well-being
spanned various aspects, including: enduring friendships, experiences of respect and affirmation,
and growth orientation. While it was easy for all eight participants to describe how relational
well-being was important, it was more difficult for the participants to define a healthy sense of
collective well-being – one that allowed them to feel like they were part of a community, EliteU,
and society.
Collective Well-being
Collective well-being carried the opportunity for individuals to find and provide support
to a larger community through meaningful actions. Prilleltensky (2003, 2005) defined collective
well-being that allowed for the analysis of an individual’s contribution to addressing larger
societal issues (e.g. defeating racism/discrimination, promoting social justice, etc.) to supporting
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 93
an immediate community’s needs (e.g. shared values, mutual support of others, promoting a
sense of community, etc.).
When asked how each participant defined the communities/collectives they most
associated with, the answers were varied depending on each participant’s salient identity while at
EliteU. April, Ted, Sachi and Aaron described their participation in student organizations as the
community they found most support in. Steven and Lily understood their community as a
member of EliteU, and not with any particular group. Finally, Andrew and Yuji spoke about the
larger Asian American racial community, referring to their well-being in broad terms and in
relation to social and political factors. As each participant described their community, they noted
how they were beneficiaries of and participants in the collective well-being of their respective
group. Overall, collective well-being was more difficult to define for most of the participants.
Their sense of collective well-being were connected and overlapped with their sense of relational
well-being, and some participants articulated their membership within a community. More often,
participants such as Andrew, Yuji, and Aaron, described the promotion of a social and racial
justice as a means to improving collective well-being.
Andrew was the most detailed in his description of how he promoted collective well-
being. As a student and community activist, supporting and improving the community had been
part of Andrew’s upbringing. Andrew described his membership with the local Japanese
American community and ethnic enclave as important to him:
I have a very strong affection and connection to [the Japanese American Ethnic
Enclave]… I think about its health, I think a lot about it in very practical terms because of
my background in urban planning, so I’m always thinking about it those forms… When I
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 94
think about what my community’s, my abstract community’s, well-being as Japanese
American, I think a lot about, what is it’s sound and what is its future?
These feelings of having a deep connection to a larger collective provided Andrew a
greater purpose in his work and actions. Andrew actively balanced his family’s history with
Japanese internment during World War II and supporting the current Japanese American
community with his own discovery of purpose and meaning. He mentioned,
Getting the community itself to believe in this idea of community, fundamentally, to
recognize it as a community, to have an authentic desire to maintain and reproduce
community because they’ve seen value in it and everything. So, if the well-being in the
community comes from the idea that the community wants to exist, then the community
needs to exist and it’s important that other people are allowed to be in that community.
Andrew’s viewed the Japanese American community’s health and well-being as rooted in racial
and social justice and “fighting injustice” (Prilleltensky, 2005). He described this work as a way
to ensure that he was working towards a more equitable and liberated society for himself, for
those he interacts with, and for his community.
April, Ted, Sachi and Aaron’s experienced with their student organizations shaped their
identities and well-being while at EliteU. For Sachi, her membership and subsequent leadership
roles in her Asian American sorority was an opportunity to create a supportive environment for
Asian American women on campus. Sachi referenced the importance of her sorority’s history at
EliteU – a distinct opportunity to address issues of inclusivity and diversity for Asian American
women.
I try to pay my way forward with any community that I am involved in. If I reap their
resources and use it for my benefit, I try to give back by being in a position where I'm
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 95
confident I could help someone else. At least, access other people to talk to or access new
interest, specifically, in [my Asian American sorority].
Both Aaron and April’s leadership in Asian American student advocacy groups served as an
important marker in how they sought to improve overall collective well-being of the Asian
Americans at EliteU. Aaron prioritized group and collective well-being after “burning out” after
his first two years with the organization:
I think a big thing about this club commitments… is that you tend to feel like kind of
trapped, especially as a freshman or a sophomore when you've been thrown into this
weird position and you don't know what you're doing. We didn't want to create that kind
of environment. That was a huge challenge for us, maintaining the mental health of our
team. I think mental well-being of our group, that's something that honestly, I think we
were pretty good about… Even though there were a lot of projects we had on the table
that we wanted to do, I think we thought that our people were more worth it. As I grow as
a student and as a member of my community, that was something I wanted to take into
account.
For as much as Aaron tried to play an active role in the collective well-being for the Asian
American community, he was cautious of the energy, time, and personal well-being it took away
from him. His experiences as a freshman and sophomore student shaped how he approached
collective well-being in his later years.
Ted and Steven both mentioned that their experiences away from home redefined how
they perceived well-being, especially in a community and collective. Both grew up in family
structures that pressured them to perform with strict gender norms. Ted identified as a gay cis-
gender man and Steven identified as a questioning and queer cis-gender man, and both
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 96
associated their definition of well-being with their belonging in a collective that supported their
sexual identity, gender identity, and racial identity. Steven defined collective well-being in
relation to his struggles to find a community early on: “Finding a role in, I think or not thinking
that it's both good for your well-being and the community well-being, it's looking at the
community as a whole and finding out what role you can play.” Steven recounted his journey to
understanding his sexuality as one that mirrored and influenced his overall connection to a
community – one where he described it as “coming from a really shit situation” to feeling like he
was “really developing really well over my years at [EliteU] to a really comfortable position.”
Steven’s inclusion and promotion of a community that supported his identities helped him
understand his role in “fighting against stereotypes” and promoting more LGBT and mental
health issues.
Well-Being and Success as Asian Americans
The narrative of success was a central component of AsianCrit’s tenets of racial tropes
and Asianization (Museus, 2009) and with the dominant prevalence of meritocracy in society
(Kawai, 2005). This section will first present the participant’s definition of success as measured
by each participant’s view of their future after graduation. Participants also looked to their past
and their present experiences as one part in defining success. Next, findings of how the influence
of racial tropes, like the model minority myth, have impacted the experiences of each participant
while at EliteU. Finally, three specific factors of well-being and success for Asian American
college students at EliteU emerged from the findings.
Success
In explaining how success manifested itself in their personal life, there was a distinction
in a participant’s internal motivations for success and external motivations for success. April,
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 97
Steven, Lily, Yuji, Aaron and Andrew marked their success through their personal life,
relationships with others, and relative satisfaction with life. Ted and Sachi listed their grades,
academics, finances, and positioning for their future careers as how they measured their success.
For participants whose measurement of success was more intrinsically motivated, they
often described feeling happy, content, and having strong relationships in defining their success
currently. Yuji was the most succinct in her definition of success, stating that success for her was
“being happy and content with where you are in life, not setting expectations, and being able to
reach whatever you want to do without any regret.” Likewise, Lily described her goal as “trying
to achieve happiness.” Steven distilled his thoughts to “just having a healthy life.” April wanted
to be “content” and “approach life in a way that’s meaningful.” Andrew and Aaron were more
detailed in their responses, focusing on how they interpreted their personal success against
society’s expectation of success. Aaron tied his personal success to that of his work with the
Asian American community:
Success means being happy with the work that I'm doing, to grow in those areas. I think I
want to make every moment that I have a learning experience. I want to touch as much of
my community as I can and experience I guess their needs and try to make a positive
impact. I think if I'm proud of the impact that I can make in this lifetime, then that's
successful for me.
Aaron described his current work with immigrant rights and immigration as something that was
important to him. He tied his work with how he derived happiness, and by extension success,
from serving a larger cause.
In his response, Andrew was facetious at first when defining success: “making tons of
money every day. [laughs] No, sorry, that was jokes….” In his response afterwards, he critiqued
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 98
what he believed to be EliteU’s upholding an image of a “world-class university” with “the
greatest marching band… the greatest football team…” and the physical “niceness” of the
campus. Taking all of this into account, Andrew described his definition of success as
antithetical to his belief in EliteU’s definition of success:
It's a bit soul-crushing at times. I think defining success, for me, is finding ways to have
well-being outside of that, to still feel whole, to still feel like I'm worth something when I
might not be doing any of those things, I might not be meeting any of those metrics, and
even if I do, not feeling that it was just all external to myself or something, or that I did it
to just feel validated.
While Andrew was the most critical participant in defining success, he was also the only one to
address his perception of a social definition of success as a function of his participation in a
capitalistic, neoliberal, and meritocratic society. That, in Andrew’s assessment, success at EliteU
was part of the culture of EliteU and that its members believed that “There's something in the
water, here, that makes people great.”
While only partially ascribing to the social definitions that Andrew presented in his
definition of success, Ted and Sachi centered their understanding of success as a function of their
current academic pursuits and their future career paths. Attendance at EliteU was an important
contributing factor to both Ted and Sachi’s assessment of what it meant to be successful in
society. Ted described his success, now as a senior looking back over his time at EliteU, as
“grades and… numbers” that ultimately influenced his decisions to allow him to feel like he’s
garnering success through merit and through “supporting [himself] in a smart manner.”
Similarly, Sachi felt like her success was dependent on attaining a high LSAT score “so that I
can end up doing what I love in the future.” Since her first year, Sachi tried to attain a sense of
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 99
success through: “Putting a lot of work to dramatically increase my GPA from the first time I’m
here at [EliteU] and also further utilizing my resource here. I finally feel I’m make my tuition
money worth it.” Sachi summarized her definition of success as one that was more “practical” so
that in the future she can “maintain a good life.” Much like Ted, Sachi quantified her success
through the accumulation of merit (e.g. high test scores and having a “respectable” career
choice).
By attending EliteU, participants understood their definitions and pursuit of success as
tied to their identities as Asian Americans. Participants described a high level of stress due to the
expectation that they have to do well and be successful upon their graduation.
Understanding the Model Minority Myth
All eight participants, to varying degrees, understood the implications of their success as
individuals within the Asian American racial collective, constrained to the stereotype of the
model minority and other racial tropes (Museus, 2009). The impact of the model minority myth
has had a determining factor (both positive and detrimental) on their experiences at EliteU.
Whether they recognized it as an additional positive or negative factor, each participant
described the added pressure and stress the model minority stereotype compounded on to their
academic and personal lives and their well-being. Prilleltensky’s (2003) psychopolitical model of
well-being posits the effect of anti-discrimination and anti-oppression efforts, through racial and
social justice, to increase outcomes of well-being. For Asian American college students,
reducing the impact of racial tropes, including the model minority myth, could decrease feelings
of ostracism and marginalization and increase feelings of inclusion and belonging.
Lily and Sachi described their understanding of the model minority stereotype as having
a negative impact on the Asian American experience, but each struggled to define how the myth
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 100
played a significant role on their experience at EliteU. As a musician and music major, Lily
experienced her racial identity as a model minority, with her peers and faculty stating that Lily’s
success was due to her being “Asian” and because “she works hard.” Lily was frustrated with
these statements because she interpreted the wholesale disregard and devaluation of her skills
and talent as a musician as a corollary of the model minority myth. Similarly, Sachi discussed
her experience in the classroom with a faculty member who made a “comment about it being all
Asian [at EliteU]” who were predominately “honors and AP students.” Sachi presumed the
context of these comments were often in line with the model minority myth and the
misconception that “Asians as a minority group exceptionally do better than other minority
groups.” Sachi and Lily’s observations highlight the use of Asian American exceptionalism as a
stereotype that was maintained at EliteU.
The remaining six participants recognized the impact of their experiences with the model
minority myth not only during their time at EliteU but also before they entered into EliteU,
including how their parents, peers, and others played a factor in their internalization and
socialization of the myth. For Steven, he viewed the model minority myth as being “insidious”
and “dangerous” while simultaneously being “normalized” at EliteU and, more broadly, by
United States society. Steven detailed how his upbringing in Texas influenced and created his
understanding of the myth: “high grades became equated with being Asian. It became a race to
get the highest grade not only to beat anybody else by to prove that I was Asian.” Steven directly
related this extraneous competition and stress to the model minority myth.
Yuji and Ted were specific in detailing how they felt the model minority myth
contributed to negative mental health and well-being. The added stresses from trying to
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 101
academically achieve at higher levels directly affected Ted’s well-being before and through his
first year at EliteU.
My understanding of the model minority myth has some historical context to it and some
has more anecdotal context to it as well. Before I came to this school, I didn’t even know
what model minority myth was.
Ted connected the model minority myth’s negative impact on his mental health to his passive
acceptance of the racial trope as universally true for all Asian Americans.
I just went through it because that's how ingrained it was in to the community and
nationally… I was always told that I had to be good at math and I was always told to be
in a certain career path or I was told that I was always smart that I didn’t have to try in
school and that’s not the case... That every Asian American will and can be successful in
life in any career… It’s a myth that invalidates the experiences of other Asian Americans
who don’t feel that way. It’s a myth that is more destructive to these students rather than
uplift them.
Compounded with his struggle to find a strong social group, and being one of the only gay Asian
American males in his team sport, Ted continuously felt alone in his struggle to seek a sense of
well-being at EliteU.
Definitely pressures are there because if -- it made me put so much pressure on myself to
do well when I wasn't doing well and it makes me question when I was good enough and
maybe became more doubtful if I actually wanted to be in college. It made me go into
depression my freshman year, definitely. It made me drop out a lot of things… I didn't
take care of myself and really do much self-care and so definitely it hurt me mentally
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 102
According to Ted, the struggle to meet EliteU and society’s definition of success as an Asian
American contributed to an overall negative sense of well-being, including impacting his mental
health.
Yuji also struggled to balance her personal and academic lives while at EliteU. She
detailed her experience trying to sustain herself as a pre-medical student while being categorized
under the model minority myth.
A lot of times telling people that I'm pre-med or that I want to be a doctor, they’re almost
like, "Oh yes, that's expected of you cool," like, "Do you actually want to do it or is it
because of your parents?" Or at times people think it's just my parents forcing me to do it
or it's just not as interesting because it's almost what's expected of me as an Asian
American to want to be a doctor… that is very stressful of having that expectation from
other people… My passion for wanting to be a doctor is not recognized and is often
undermined… because of the stereotype.
Yuji believed that, to achieve success in her desired career, she had to recognize how the model
minority myth had affected her perception of herself while simultaneously trying not to let it
affect her overall well-being. Her analysis of her own well-being was correlated with her
attitudes towards her intention to become a doctor, and that the impact of the model minority
myth had made it more difficult for her since she started at EliteU.
There's a lot of things I'm still struggling with mentally. For me, well-being encapsulates
both physical and mental. Both of those are still very much of a struggle especially since-
-I don't know if it's gotten better since freshman year or worse. In some ways, I guess
physically maybe it's gotten better, but then the way that that plays out mentally, I just
feel it's gotten worse.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 103
Yuji’s struggle to maintain herself at such high levels of expectations created an environment
where she continuously navigated how the model minority myth ascribed itself to her and the
challenges of identifying outside of the construct.
As student leaders, both April and Aaron have experiences leading Asian American
student organizations and working with a diverse group of Asian American students. Their
leadership within their respective student organizations gave them the positional authority at
EliteU to create opportunities to discuss and combat campus and societal stereotypes towards
Asian Americans. Under April’s leadership, her organization was able to provide a counter
narrative to the model minority myth at EliteU through dedicated programming, especially in
coalition with other Asian American student organizations. Speaking about Asian American-
centric programs, April described the system she helped create:
Student government here is structured so differently than at my friend's universities. [My
organization] gives money to other Asian American organizations to facilitates a pipeline
of programs… then on top of [us], [student government] has more events… The whole
network, on the student side, at least, I would say it runs pretty well.
April’s experience in leading her student group and as an executive in student government
provided her an opportunity to subvert EliteU’s misconceptions of Asian Americans. Through
programming for the Asian American community, funding for Asian American organizations,
and broader structural changes, April consciously worked to increase diversity within student
government.
Aaron’s leadership with APACE, while a smaller organization than April’s, had the intent
of engaging Asian American students and activism at EliteU. The organization’s activist mission
and goals created spaces and dialogues centering their work on how the Asian American
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 104
experienced racial discrimination at EliteU and in society. Aaron worked to expand the
understanding of the model minority myth’s impact within systems and structures contributing to
the upholding of discrimination against minoritized racial groups. Aaron described his
experiences with APACE as uniquely important to his development as an Asian American and
his well-being:
I needed events I needed to go to so I can just … talk to about specific issues related to
like API identity that I wouldn't be able to talk to when like just walking on the street
with my other friends. I think the stuff that provided a space where I'm comfortable
talking about things that bother me about my identity that definitely would make the rest
of this campus a little more uncomfortable. That's something that I'm definitely really
grateful for.
Aaron attributed his leadership at EliteU as allowing him to learn more about his identity and the
effects of the model minority myth, stating “I think I've definitely been better at recognizing the
very concrete properties that I get from that stereotype, as toxic as it can be sometimes.” Aaron
correlated his expanded understanding of discrimination against Asian Americans through the
model minority myth with his personal, relational, and collective well-being. By understanding
how the model minority myth was used a tool of oppression, Aaron was able to reframe and
combat the stereotype in hopes of enhancing the experiences of Asian Americans at EliteU.
Factors of Well-being and Success at EliteU
The internalization of the mode minority myth and the uniform success narrative have
been demonstrated to negatively impact the mental well-being of Asian Americans (Chen &
Yoo, 2010; Ng et al., 2007). Factors that determined success for participants were widely
variable by their experiences at EliteU, their personal backgrounds, and their interaction with
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 105
race and racism. How well-being and success were related created opportunities to explore the
connection between well-being and success and could be categorized by three major themes –
protective factors that support both, stressors that stem from both, and future outlook and
optimism.
April, Sachi and Lily described personal instances where they believed their racial
identity played a small, but significant, factor in how others understood their personal success as
individuals. Yuji, Ted, Aaron, and Steven articulated how their success was, in part, defined by
the model minority myth and how their success as individuals were racially constructed to
support the stereotypes of Asian Americans. Andrew was far more critical of the success
narrative that was associated with being Asian American, and understood the term to be a tool in
the oppression of other minoritized groups.
Protective factors. Participants noted that having a clear understanding of how success
and well-being were connected, along with an awareness of their Asian American identity,
contributed to a better understanding how to manage expectations of uniform success. Further,
having a good understanding of success supported a positive self-esteem (personal well-being),
stronger peer relationships (relational well-being), and a more meaningful connection to their
community (collective well-being). For April, the development of more meaningful connections
with other Asian Americans helped her navigate negative feelings when comparing herself to her
peers – a habit she believed she inherited from her parents: “as an Asian American you compare
yourself to other Asian Americans, because your parents compare you to other kids….” She
described how her well-being and understanding of success had grown since her first year to be
much more positive. April worked to decouple societal expectations of being Asian American
with her personal definitions of success by tying her Korean American ethnic identity with a
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 106
more positive sense of “self-confidence” and “self-esteem.” April was conscious of the impact of
her parent’s expectation of how Korean American’s should fit a narrow model of success and the
difficulty it had been to unlearn these constraining stereotypes.
Lily believed that her well-being and success are positively correlated with each other. In
describing her mental health and diagnosis of depression, Lily took a more practical
understanding of the connection: “I think if you have a good sense of well-being that’s already a
form of success. If you’re really taking care of yourself and making sure you’re doing all right, I
think that’s a form of success.” Lily expanded that “having a good support group” helped her
with both her relational well-being and success, especially after challenging or stressful times.
Through seeking psychological support at EliteU, Lily came to understand the context in which
she derived her well-being and success through her music performance major:
There’s this culture of perfectionism growing up Japanese… that affected my
psychological wellness with piano and growing… I think I kept having that negative
feedback loop and it's like, ‘I'm not good enough to do this. I need to win all these
competitions and be good...’ I think that affected me and that's the culture instead of
being content in the moment.
Since her first year, Lily attributed her personal reflection and journey to understanding how she
had internalized a high level of expectations and how it drove her to seek mental health
counseling through EliteU. By seeking support, Lily hoped to break the cycle of high
expectations and perfectionism affecting her overall well-being.
Stressors. Trying to achieve a positive sense of well-being and success complicated
some participant’s understanding of their positioning as Asian Americans and model minorities.
The model minority myth posited a narrative of uniform success for all Asian Americans, setting
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 107
an unattainable level of expectation to achieve (Ng et al., 2007). As they progressed through their
years at EliteU, Aaron, Ted, and Yuji recounted numerous instances where they felt that peers,
family, faculty, and, more broadly, society expected them to achieve at high levels while
maintaining a persona of being happy, healthy, and largely without problems. Ted discussed the
juxtaposition of success and well-being within the model minority myth that fixated undue stress
and pressures on him:
I put so much pressure on myself to do well when I wasn’t doing well and it made me
question when I was good enough and maybe became more doubtful if I actually wanted
to be [at EliteU]. It made me go through depression my freshman year… It made me drop
out of a lot of things…. Then just seeing how it affected my grades were… I didn’t take
care of myself… so definitely it hurt me mentally and physically.
Ted believed that there was a direct connection to his rejection from a historically and
predominately White fraternity as a gay, Asian American male and the increased expectation to
perform extraordinarily well academically (as a function of being a model minority) with his
diagnosis of depression and struggle to find a sense of belonging and well-being. He reflected
that his definition of success and well-being as an Asian American had only just begun to shift
into a more positive space in his senior year, stating “I was stuck in my ways until now. Maybe I
don’t know what well-being is for myself. I only was following the definitions to what others
were saying what well-being and success is.” Ng et al. (2007), with Takaki (1980) and Chen and
Yoo (2010), concur with Ted’s description of his conflict between his personal well-being and
ascribing oneself to the stereotypes of the model minority myth.
Yuji related her experiences as an Asian American at EliteU with how she had sought to
discover her personal sense of well-being while aspiring to be a doctor. She believed that being
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 108
Asian American had discounted her experiences as a pre-medical student and more directly the
model minority myth had affected her overall success and well-being:
Success is held to such a higher standard [at EliteU] because of the model minority myth.
Well-being is often overlooked for Asian Americans just because of the lack of
conversation around mental health and taking care of yourself because it's always and a
lot of Asian families just go, go, go. Get to where you want to be. Be successful. There's
not as much of a focus on emotional well-being in general check-ins with one self.
Yuji mentioned that she continuously struggled with distancing herself from the model minority
myth while pursuing a career that had been stereotyped to be part of the Asian American success
narrative. Even while her mother was a doctor and had been more understanding of Yuji’s
struggle with her well-being, mentioning that her mother was “a lot more understanding of
mental health and stuff because she deals with depression and she prescribes a lot of drugs for
certain mental illnesses,” Yuji still was conflicted on how to attain at high levels of “external
success.” According to Yuji, her mother maintained portions of the model minority myth and the
Asian American success narrative, impacting Yuji’s pursuit of finding balance between well-
being and success:
I don’t feel comfortable talking to [my mom] about that stuff either. It’s because of these
constraints that I hold on myself where I don’t want her to see that in me… because that
also would impact her perception of my success.
Yuji attributed her attendance at EliteU as an Asian American had magnified her negative
feelings around success and well-being.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 109
Aaron had also made a clear connection between his racial identity and his interpretations
of success and well-being, reflecting that the latter two “grew out of my Asian American
identity.” He stated,
I think the way I grew up imposed a version of success and well-being that was kind of at
odds with each other. I had to really push myself to get the things that I got or reach the
numbers that my parents wanted. I had to work hard and study really hard and kind of
just put yourself in a lot of really unhealthy scenarios to do that.
While Aaron recognized the struggles that came with having his personal sense of success and
well-being in competition with one another, he reflected on his time at EliteU and the growth he
had undergone to try to align the two with his Asian American identity:
I think nowadays, I define success in terms of like people that I can be with and the
courses that I care about. Also the way I feel about myself has really made me been able
to negotiate these identities in a way that is more healthy for me. I'm definitely really
lucky to have been able to find that point of growth and find people who've been able to
help me achieve that.
Aaron developed a more positive sense of well-being only after strengthening his self-efficacy
(personal well-being), support of and with others (relational well-being), and being in an Asian
American community that prioritized well-being in more positive ways (collective well-being).
However, Aaron realized that his intended career industry and society, at larger, had yet to
dismantle the dangers of the model minority stereotype: “I think that kind of stereotype prevents
[Asian Americans] from being in positions where they can determine what we want…” and that
some Asian Americans “[go] through a lot of struggle to get where they are and [are] being
treated as kind of like workhorses without any real chance or being in a leadership position or a
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 110
position they can choose where they want to work harder.” This positioning of Asian Americans
in society feed into coordinated perpetuation of the White hegemonic state to simultaneously
ostracize and valorize in contract other racial groups (Kim, 1999; Umemoto, 1989).
As discussions of how model minority stereotyping compounded feelings of distress, a
lack of well-being felt by participants, and a sense of minoritization based on their Asian
American racial identity, they spoke of their future outlooks with a greater sense of optimism and
hope. Whether genuinely hopeful or hopefully believing in a better outcome after graduation, all
of the participants rated their well-being higher than where they were as first-years.
Future outlook. While each participant noted that there were added pressures and
stresses they experienced trying to balance their racial and other identities with social and
societal expectations at EliteU, they were overwhelmingly optimistic of their futures after
graduation. Most participants spoke of being gainfully employed or in a graduate program a year
from their graduation. Additionally, participants discussed that their future sense of well-being,
self, and success would be better than their current situation, even as they mentioned potential
anxiety of not finding a job, applying for a graduate program, or added academic stress while in
a graduate program.
Sachi and Yuji were the most direct, and pragmatic, in connecting their current goals for
success with their future success. Sachi mentioned that for her “success is doing things
effectively, right now, so that I can end up doing with I love in the future.” Sachi tied her identity
as an Asian American to her well-being and success: “The fact that career is such a big part in
my life, it’s reinforce by my parents and everything and I grew up to that and to balance things
around that.”
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 111
Like Sachi, Yuji’s decision to be in a pre-medical program of study was the determining
factor in applying to a master’s degree program immediately after graduation to ultimately
pursue her goal of becoming a medical doctor. However, Yuji mentioned that her decision to do
so also meant she may have to compromise her health, happiness, and well-bring:
I’m possibly straying away from my goals… which is a lot of stress. I didn’t feel I would
– It might have been a little bit better from this year from where I am right now… but I’ll
still be in a lot of stress with just taking grad school classes.
Yuji’s current assessment of her personal and collective well-being influenced her reason why
she wanted to become a doctor, where she can “promote well-being” and to be comfortable in
talking with other Asian Americans about their own mental health and well-being.
Like Yuji’s sentiments of balancing well-being with pursing a professional degree,
Steven believed that his decision to attend law school is complicated by his perception that both
his family and society have discounted his passions and career path. The societal and familial
expectations of pursuing a merit-based career have colored Steven’s pursuit of something he
believed he wanted to do: “There’s a lot of pressure to get a respectable career and to proceed
from that to respectable status, respectable position.”
By being cognizant of these societal and familial expectations, the pressures of the model
minority myth, and his personal journey of well-being, Steven sought to balance these seemingly
competing forces while applying to law school. While seeking support from psychologists,
faculty, and advisers at EliteU, Steven was confident in his efforts to seek a future where his
success and well-being were aligned.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 112
Once I finally realized what actual confidence felt like and what actual healthiness feels
like… that’s a feeling I never want to let go again. That plays a large role on what I
consider to be successful but also… my career advancement.
While Steven knew that his next step was law school, he was still trying to figure out how the
anticipated stress would affect his well-being:
What I want is not pure individual will. It’s going to be affected by the expectations of
my family… their expectations… the needs that my future will impose on me. As I move
forward, it definitely happens more often than not that success will accompany well-
being but there will be times when I have to make a tough choice between [the two].
Steven’s journey through EliteU, including being diagnosed with depression and initial struggles
in finding a sense of belonging at the institution, had given him a better understanding of himself
and well-being. His understanding of self was a protective factor in reversing and combating
feelings of minoritization, lack of success, and othering, especially as an Asian American.
Aaron’s positive future outlook on his career and successes were connected to how he
had built a sense of well-being through his active participation in the Asian American
community. Like Steven, Aaron hoped to pursue a career in law and talked of focusing his future
on working in immigrant rights:
I want to be part of it and I think having such a focused way of thought sometimes
impacts my well-being, which is also I think the reason why I do a lot of training in my
community. I’ve worked on some immigration related issues even… when it was super
draining for me.
Aaron credited his personal upbringing and his volunteer work with Asian American immigrant
justice organizations as positively contributing to his development and finding a sense of
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 113
purpose. Aaron utilized his Asian American racial identity, well-being, and notions of success to
influence his decision-making as it related to his future as a lawyer. By looking at his past
struggles with his personal and relational well-being, Aaron optimistically described his future in
law and with his membership in the Asian American community:
I think well-being for me means accepting those choices in all their glory, knowing in all
their mistake… and I guess knowing the impact of what I've done, appreciating the things
I've learned from my mistakes and accepting them and also keep taking into account how
the membership that I've had in my community and the support that I have and
appreciating the support that I've gotten from others is really important for me. I think
that motivates me to, I guess, be more successful…
Through the convergence of his experiences at home and at EliteU with his navigation of the
multiple expectations placed on him, Aaron had reframed how he defined his personal success
through the direct action work he hoped to contribute to the Asian American community. His
commitments to racial and social justice contributed to a better sense of well-being
(Prilleltensky, 2005) and allowed Aaron to create a counter narrative on the dangers of Asian
American exceptionalism.
Andrew, having worked actively in with local community organizations since childhood,
evaluated his experiences at EliteU as ultimately hardening his passions of serving those in his
community. While he simultaneously critiqued and supported various portions of his EliteU
experience, Andrew looked to his future success as being “shaped” by certain aspects and
support structures at EliteU, of “what I made of my education… made it a worthwhile
experience.” He believed that EliteU would categorize his (and all of his peers) success on the
basis of his “value as an investment.”
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 114
We are expected to have such a great, good-old time that by the time you exit, you feel
such a sense of debt, resonance and you want to give back to this place… So, success as
the school defines it… is very much based on, ‘How much money are you making? How
much prestige are you getting? Who's interviewing you? Where are you working?’
Quite simply, Andrew described EliteU as an “engine of neoliberal progress,” a place that
centered free-market ideals at the expense of the marginalized and minoritized voices of the
students that EliteU admitted every year. Even with these viewpoints and experiences, Andrew
noted that his intentions to serve his community had been enhanced with his degree and the
political organizing he accomplished as a student. Andrew understood the irony in receiving a
degree (i.e. accumulation of merit) from EliteU to help elevate and sustain his work in
community-based organizations. He described his passion for his future as “something that's very
grounded to real, physical.” Andrew referred to his connections to the Asian American
community and to his collective well-being as if it was a fellow human and friend – “I think a lot
about, what is its soul? And what is its future?”
In his concluding thoughts on how he found success while at EliteU, Andrew hoped that
he was able to intertwine his future path with his Asian American identity:
I don't think I would have really found any of this if I hadn't come to terms with what
Asian American is for me or even like the ways in which I’m moving away from Asian
American these days too, and understanding that Asian American, as a political project, is
being co-opted to mean something different than what it was originally intended for, but
still holding on to this idea that that process is important. That it's absolutely shaped my
greater consciousness of the world, of other people, of being mindful, of being
compassionate, and feeling a sense of responsibility to others.
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 115
Having had the critical consciousness and experiences to understand his positioning as an Asian
American in the United States, Andrew sought to craft his future successes and well-being to
reject the White-dominant narratives that he had experiences while at EliteU. This rejection of
the racialized tropes against Asian Americans and the active promotion of a responsibility for the
health and well-being of his community created the opportunity to dismantle the political
structures that “civically ostracize” (Kim, C.J., 1999) Asian American.
Conclusion
In analyzing their pasts, reconciling their present, and projecting their futures, each of the
eight participants looked at the linkages between success and their personal, relational, and
collective well-being. In doing so, each of the participants determined that their paths through
EliteU was influenced not only by their Asian American identities and racial consciousness, but
also complicated by larger exosystems, macrosystems, and mesosystems including inferred
expectations, merit, neoliberalism, race, and the model minority myth. The environment at
EliteU contributed both positively and negatively to each participant’s well-being. Students listed
their peer group and the Asian American community as positive contributors to well-being and
supporting their identity, whereas, the overall lack of resources and support, along with overt and
subtle forms of discrimination hindered their development and experience at EliteU. The
findings from the data analysis contributed to answering the three research questions through
elevating the counter narrative storytelling of each participant. The five major findings, and their
associated subfindings, included understanding EliteU’s reputation (lack of institutional support,
and mistrust of the institution), experience as Asian Americans (connection to the Asian
American community), well-being (Positive experiences with peers, mental health, and strong
dependence on peers), success as model minorities (active rejection of racial tropes, passive
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 116
acceptance of racial tropes, and influence of future career choices), and the interconnectedness of
success and well-being (promotion of well-being for others).
Findings of how participants formed positive experiences with peers, addressed mental
health, found connection to the larger Asian American community, and experienced feeling a
lack of support from EliteU connected to Research Question 1. How participants defined and
experienced success as model minorities through both the active rejection and passive acceptance
of the model minority myth, as well as their discussion of their future self in their respective
career fields connected to Research Question 2. Finally, the strong dependence on peers, general
mistrust of the institution, and promotion of well-being for others were connected to Research
Question 3. Chapter Five summarizes and details how each of the five findings develop into
three major themes and subsequent implications to form a more nuanced understanding of Asian
American college students and their well-being at a highly selective and elite university.

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 117
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS
The purpose of this study was to examine the lived experiences of Asian American
college students and their well-being at an elite university. Application of Renn’s (2003)
adaptation of Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological model of development and Prilleltensky’s
(2005) model of well-being highlighted the differences in experiences ofAsian American college
students at an elite university. This study was designed to enhance the limited scholarship on
Asian American college students and to develop praxis for elite institutions to assess their
approach in affirming and supporting the well-being of Asian American college students.
By centralizing counter narrative storytelling (Yosso, 2006), through CRT and AsianCrit,
the study investigated the following research questions:
1. How do Asian American college students experience well-being at an elite institution of
higher education?
2. How do Asian American college students at an elite intuition of higher education
understand their racial identity development within the dominant social narratives of the
Model Minority stereotype and well-being?
3. What behaviors do Asian American college students at an elite institution of higher
education engage in to support personal, relational and collective well-being?
The organization of Chapter Four uncovered how (a) elite status was recognized,
accepted, and impacted racial identity consciousness, (b) well-being exists for each participants,
especially as Asian Americans, and (c) how the success narrative derived from the model
minority myth impacts the well-being of Asian American students. The three central themes of
this study are developed from the five major findings presented at the conclusion of Chapter
Four (understanding EliteU’s reputation, experience as Asian Americans, well-being, success as
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 118
model minorities, and the interconnectedness of success and well-being), Asian Critical Theory
(Museus, 2009) and Asian American Racial Identity development theories (Kim, 1981; Kim,
2001; Kodama, McEwen, Liang & Lee, 2002). The first theme is that Asian American college
students at elite institutions develop peer systems and structures to promote and support well-
being, including mental and emotional health. The second theme is that the construction of trust
with an elite institutions by Asian American students is based on how students perceive how the
institution’s affirms one’s identities or perpetuates negative racial tropes. Lastly, the third theme
is that Asian American college students at elite institutions actively deconstruct and dismantle
institutional biases that bind them to persistent tropes of being model minorities and to redefine
narratives of success and merit.
A discussion of these findings, through answering the three research questions, precede
implications for practice, limitations to the study, and suggestions for future research.
Discussion of Findings
Using a constant-comparative method of analysis (Corbin & Strauss, 2008) of the eight
semi-structured interview transcripts, the following findings and themes emerged as correlated to
the three research questions.
Peer-to-peer Support Systems
Participants spoke most often of their support of their fellow Asian American peers at
EliteU when answering questions about well-being. This engagement of supporting others is
categorized in Prilleltensky’s (2005) model as relational well-being. This relational well-being
domain forms a core part of how individuals can seek and promote empathetic, supportive, and
trusting relationships with others as signs, sources, and strategies of promoting well-being
(Prilleltensky, 2005). Mutual peer support is critical for each participant to combat perceived
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 119
institutional bias on the basis of their shared Asian American identity. Even for Steven and Lily,
who spoke about their initial difficulty finding strong friendships in their first year, found
reprieve with other Asian American students as they navigated EliteU. For all eight participants,
they spoke of supporting fellow Asian American peers because of a common belief that their
peers are more understanding of the expectations, stereotypes, and narratives of exceptionalism
that are broadly placed on Asian American student. With the exception of Asian American-
centered individuals and organization, none of the participants felt that EliteU supported their
identity nor well-being as Asian Americans. While Sachi was the least critical of the university,
none of them could detail how EliteU, through their four years as students, had explicitly
acknowledged, and at times perpetuated, the negative racial tropes that influence their overall
college experience. Participants, like Andrew, Aaron, Ted, and Lily, feeling spurned by EliteU,
details the extent of how they have created and have relied on peer groups to address issues of
mental health, discrimination, and support.
In supporting others in their well-being, promoting others to fulfill basic health needs
(e.g. food, sleep, social interactions, etc.) were mentioned as often as seeking mental health
resources. Alvarez and Helms (2001) found that Asian Americans access mental health support
services at lower rates than other racial groups, and that a stigma still existed in speaking about
and accessing support. According to Aaron, Andrew, and Ted, EliteU had not spent the time nor
resources to destigmatizing mental health access for Asian Americans. In analyzing those who
sought support and those who did not, Lily, Steven, and Ted all described instances of
experiencing critical or severe symptoms of depression before seeking out institutional support
systems. For those who did not, they all detailed instances of need or active acknowledgement of
needing support, but resistance in trusting the institution in being able to help them. This
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 120
resistance to accessing support systems available to all students, is in part related to how these
participants believed that EliteU upholds damaging racial tropes that position Asian Americans
as uniformly successful (Pendakur & Pendakur, 2012). Regardless of whether they sought
support from the university, all eight participants understood that supporting one’s mental health
was important and actively encouraged their peers in seeking help – even if they did not access it
themselves.
Trust in the Institution
Trust in the EliteU community and the administration was low amongst all of the
participants. Of the common reasons why EliteU solicited such sentiments, racially motivated
bias and discrimination was at the root of many of the negative stories they described. Within a
Black-White racial narrative (Inkelas, 2003), most participants felt that their experiences were
largely ignored by other students, administrators, and faculty. Trust in an institution creates
opportunities to seek a sense of belonging and community, ultimately improving student
satisfaction (Harper & Hurtado, 2007). With the exception of the peer-to-peer connections made
with other Asian American college students, very few participants described other individuals or
institutional structures that explicitly supported their experience.
The most common positive interaction that participant’s had was with the Asian
American cultural center. Often participants such as Andrew, Lily, Ted, Yuji, and Sachi,
described the Asian American cultural center as a separate entity from the larger EliteU
structure, even though the center is funded and resourced by EliteU. The Asian American
cultural center was seen as one area of reprieve from the negative campus sentiments that they
often experience at EliteU. The existence of culturally relevant and identity affirming spaces
forms an important part of each participant’s support network. Each participant’s description of
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 121
their distrust and animosity towards EliteU was due, in part, to their experience with unequal
expectations placed on them as Asian American students. Further, students like Ted, Andrew,
Aaron, and Steven, experienced a sense of rejection from predominately White spaces at EliteU,
which, in turn, drove them to seek out and form Asian American affirming spaces and
organizations.
The spectrum of trust and mistrust in EliteU was influenced by how students understood
the ecological systems that impacted their experiences and development. Renn (2003), through
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of development, details that the existence of macrosystems
and exosystems that participant’s may not realize impact their experience and identity
development at EliteU. Participants who described either positive (Steven and Sachi) or negative
(Aaron and Andrew) interactions with faculty did not explicitly name the various exosystems
and mesosystems that influence the faculty recruitment and hiring processes. Sachi and Steven’s
most memorable positive interactions were due to their respective faculty member’s support and
affirmation of their Asian American identity. These positive interactions exist in each student’s
mesosystem but are influenced by the overall ecological framework’s outer systems, specifically
the positive social and cultural expectations of Asian Americans (macrosystems). These
examples of interpersonal experiences promote a more trusting climate for Sachi and Steven.
Aaron and Andrew’s negative interactions with faculty are influenced by the same
ecological systems that influence Steven and Sachi’s interactions. Both participant’s interpreted
their negative interactions as a function of anti-Asian American bias vis-à-vis model minority
stereotyping. Their feelings imprint onto how they view EliteU as a predominately White
institution that upholds White hegemonic beliefs and practices. For Andrew and Aaron, as well
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 122
as others, their interpersonal interactions with faculty, administrators, and other students
negatively impact the trust participants have with the institution.
Dismantling and Deconstructing Asian American Racial Tropes
The racial positioning of Asian Americans in higher education, through the multiple
tenets of Asian Critical Theory (Museus, 2009), incorporates sociopolitical mesosystems that
impact the development and experience of the participants. The eight participants lie on a
spectrum of attitudes in determining how to address racial tropes at EliteU – from dismissing the
existence of discrimination to dismantling these tropes through activism. While all participants
generally accept that these racial tropes have negatively influenced their experiences (thus none
of the participants existed at the far-end of the spectrum of dismissing the discrimination they
experienced) not all participants wanted to be activists within the community. Sachi and Lily
recognized that model minority stereotyping affected their personal well-being but they hesitated
to extended these feelings into being activists on campus Andrew and Aaron were adamant in
their beliefs that EliteU perpetuated anti-Asian American discrimination and that, to improve the
well-being of all, they needed to actively reject and deconstruct systems of oppression. Yuji,
Ted, Steven, and April lied in between these two groups, where they all insisted that EliteU was
complicit in creating a negative campus climate for Asian American based on negative racial
tropes, they also struggled on how their activism existed beyond their support of themselves and
others.
EliteU’s status as a highly selective and predominately White institution produced
ecological systems where participants experienced the impact of “Asianization,” model minority
stereotyping, the trope of being perpetual foreigners, and the forced homogeneity of ethnicities
into the monolithic Asian American racial group (Museus, 2009). The impact of these
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 123
experiences with these racial tropes shift each participant’s understanding of how the localized
environment at EliteU are a corollary for larger social structures. The reticent and hesitant
acceptance of these racial tropes against Asian Americans are indicative of the persistent
internalizations of these same tropes. The existence of the model minority myth from childhood,
high school, admittance into EliteU, and upon graduation at EliteU, creates difficulty in
uncoupling success from merit and the positioning of Asian Americans as uniformly and
absolutely successful. Those participants, such as Andrew and Aaron, who take a critical analysis
of the invasiveness of the model minority myth, as well as other racial tropes, propel them into
being activists for the community. Andrew is the only participant who directly link the myth of
meritocracy with the Asian American success narrative – especially at the expense of other
marginalized racial groups. Active deconstruction of these racial tropes strengthen Andrew’s
resolve in centralizing personal, relational, and collective well-being. A pursuit of racial and
social justice, through activism at EliteU, creates a cycle of positive well-being – where the
active dismantling of oppressive structures creates more positive psychopolitical well-being
which, in turn, furthers the need to pursue a more equitable institution (Prilleltensky, 2003;
2005)..
By centering Prillentensky’s (2003; 2005) psychopolitical framework on the counter-
narratives shared by each participant deconstructs the understanding of well-being at EliteU
through incorporating the influence of political structures on oppressed communities. The
analysis of each participant’s well-being through the three interconnected spheres (personal,
relational, and collective) and four areas (sites, signs, sources, and strategies), produces a broader
deconstruction of dominant ideologies (Yosso, 2006) at EliteU, including the centrality of
racialized tropes against Asian American college students (Museus, 2009). Regardless if
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 124
participants explicitly understood the particular racial trope targeting them, the impact of such
tropes can negatively impact the development and well-being of Asian American college
students (Lee, 2003). The creation of groups, organizations, and communities with other Asian
American peers serves to deconstruct structures of oppression at EliteU and supports overall
well-being through the shared processing of racial discrimination. Andrew’s description of
EliteU as an “engine of neoliberal progress,” in conjunction with the lived experiences of each
participant, underpins the valorization of merit and success to uphold Asian American racial
tropes (Kawai, 2005). The stratification of merit and success along racial lines to perpetuate
narratives of Asian American exceptionalism and high expectations forms the attitude and belief,
by those in power, that Asian Americans at EliteU do not need the support and resources that all
students need, nor validate the struggles of the participants to attain a positive sense of well-
being. From the perspective of each participant, the lack of tangible support for the Asian
Americans is detrimental to the collective well-being of the campus community, whereas a
concerted effort from EliteU to address racial bias and discrimination would support the
collective well-being of Asian Americans.
Limitations
A central limitation for this study was the sample size of eight participants.
Methodologically, the number of participants is not inherently problematic, producing critical,
analytical, and in-depth insight, but instead the challenge is due in part to the diversity of the
pan-ethnic Asian American community. With eight participants, the study does not seek to
represent the totality of all experiences of Asian American college students.
A second limitation of this study is the geographic location of the research site. As a
highly selective institution on the West Coast of the United States of America, there could be
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 125
differences in experiences with other highly selective institutions in other geographic locations,
including elite institutions like the Ivy League schools. Additionally, EliteU had a relatively high
population of Asian American college students (21% of the student demographic), which might
serve as a limitation to the study. EliteU student support services include an Asian American
cultural center, amongst three other cultural centers. This may factor into how Asian American
students at EliteU experience race and well-being differently than at other campuses that do not
have Asian American-specific services or a singular multicultural center, serving all populations
of students of color.
Implication for Practice
Implications of this study could support administrators at institutions of higher education,
especially those categorized as elite or highly selective institutions, who seek in improve the
well-being of Asian American students. This study examined how Asian American college
student well-being is formed at elite universities and how sociopolitical factors shape the well-
being of Asian Americans. Museus (2003) encouraged the use of story, theory, and praxis to
understand and analyze the experiences of Asian American college students. Additionally, both
CRT and AsianCrit can be applied to “inform theory and practice, [whereby] theory guides
practice, and practice can excavate stories and utilize theory for positive transformative
purposes” (Museus, 2009, p. 27). The study and its findings support the use of theories of well-
being and Asian American identity development to centralize and validate the experiences of
Asian American students in hostile educational experiences. Additionally, the findings
demonstrate that positive well-being outcomes can be produced when institutions make the effort
to deconstruct racial tropes and minimize and eliminate racial discrimination on campus.
Participants share that the peer groups they form are due, in part, to counter the hostile campus
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 126
climate they experience. These peer groups and organizations can serve as important points of
access to improve the Asian American college student experience. Direct programming, policy
changes, and outreach to Asian American college students can improve overall trust in the
institution, and improve access and engagement for existing campus resources.
Participants also spoke often and negatively of their interactions with seemingly
intransigent political structures within the elite institution. Administrators at elite universities
should analyze how policies, practices, and culture perpetuate racialized tropes against Asian
Americans and negatively impact well-being. Beyond this deep introspective analysis,
administrators should publicly commit to dismantling and deconstructing racialized policies,
practices, and culture that negatively impact student development, well-being, and success.
Harper and Hurtado’s (2007) study on campus racial climates presented nine themes for
institutional transformation regarding racial climate, including evidence of a consensus that
institutions practice active negligence. Implications from Harper and Hurtado’s (2007) study,
along with findings from this study, indicate that highly selective institutions, like EliteU, are not
engaging with race and racism in ways that support minoritized student populations.
Finally, approaching how institutions define and utilize merit and success can address
well-being outcomes for all students, especially Asian American students. As merit and success
are often used to determine one’s educational attainment and social status (Moore, 2004), elite
universities perpetuate neoliberalistic and meritocratic ideas that race plays a diminishing role in
one’s achievements (Kumashiro, 2008). The racial tropes of the myth of the model minority,
along with the myth of the American Dream and the myth of meritocracy, subjugates Asian
American college students into narrow bands of success, often at the expense of well-being. All
eight participants described struggles achieving and/or escaping from the externalized and
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 127
internalized definitions of success placed upon them. Continual and persistent messaging from
other peers, campus administrators, and faculty members that Asian Americans are highly
successful create a dangerous campus environment for these students to define success for
themselves. Deconstructing merit and success can support the personal, relational, and collective
well-being for all students through the broadening of what success can look like for each
individual person, inclusive of their intersectional and multiple identities.
Future Research
As stated previously, there is a gap in research on Asian American college students.
Theories of well-being could be strengthen by the inclusion of different narratives. The
opportunity to study well-being for Asian American college students at other types of
institutions, including other elite universities, would provide a more complete understanding of
the population. Further, expanding the sample population to other Asian American students,
including other ethnicities, other intersectional identities, transfer students, and other groups, as
well as faculty and administrators would increase the understanding of how well-being is
promulgated at institutions.
Conclusion
The pervasiveness of meritocracy and neoliberalism at elite institutions frames Asian
American college students as the poster children of the American Dream. These stories of
success and attainment are ingrained in the social psyche of Asian American communities,
asking all members of the racial group to meet these unrealistic expectations to be considered
full members of society. Two situations form for Asian American college students – compromise
your well-being to attain success or try to diverge from these social expectations and potentially
face further ostracism as a racially minoritized individual. Acknowledging and accepting the
ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 128
challenges that Asian American college students encounter while existing at an elite university
can have meaningful ramifications for their well-being and sense of worth as individuals. By
providing a space, affirming their identities, and actively deconstructing oppressive social
structures, elite universities can create institutional cultures that are truly transformational and
just.

ASIAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING AT ELITE UNIVERSITIES 129
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Asset Metadata

Creator Wang, Jonathan Y. (author)

Core Title Asian American college student well-being: racial identity consciousness as model minorities at an elite university

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 04/18/2019

Defense Date 03/20/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Asian American,College students,critical race theory,elite university,identity development,meritocracy,OAI-PMH Harvest,Race,well-being,wellness

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Green, Alan Gifford (committee chair), Montano, Guadalupe Garcia (committee member), Tambascia, Tracy Poon (committee member)

Creator Email jyw001@gmail.com,wangjona@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-140440

Unique identifier UC11675673

Identifier etd-WangJonath-7202.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-140440 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-WangJonath-7202.pdf

Dmrecord 140440

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Wang, Jonathan Y.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA