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Implicit bias: an advancement opportunity limiter for African American women in entertainment

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Implicit bias: an advancement opportunity limiter for African American women in entertainment

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Implicit Bias: An Advancement Opportunity Limiter
for African American Women in Entertainment

by

Erika Taylor Page
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of
Doctor of Education

August 2021

© Copyright by Erika Taylor Page 2021
All rights reserved

The Committee for Erika Taylor Page certifies approval of this Dissertation

Helena Seli
Douglas Lynch
Jennifer Phillips, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021

iv

Abstract
Implicit bias is an important topic to address because disparities in both gender and race, which
are not founded in experience, perpetuate the unequal opportunities for African American
women within entertainment industry leadership positions. In the context of this study, implicit
bias is defined as an unconscious bias. This field study explored whether or not implicit bias can
act as a limiter to advancement opportunity for African American women seeking executive
level job opportunities within the entertainment industry. To determine the impact, if any, that
implicit bias has on advancement opportunities for African American women in the
entertainment industry, interviews were conducted with a purposeful sample of African
American women who hold, or have held, executive level positions within the entertainment
industry. Participants shared their lived experiences within the entertainment industry related to
stereotypes, advancement opportunity, and racial and gender bias that have the potential to limit
their advancement opportunity. The interview findings showed that African American women
experience implicit bias in entertainment company operations. The results suggest that African
American women seeking executive level positions within the entertainment industry experience
implicit biases based on stereotypes related to gender, and race that have the potential to limit
advancement opportunity. These biases impact the leadership experience of African American
women executives. For this reason, entertainment companies should consider addressing the
implicit nature of bias within recruiting, hiring, employee retention programs, and ongoing
employee development programs within entertainment industry companies.

v

Acknowledgements
To my mother, Loetta Redd Howard Taylor who from the time I was born loved the gift
that God gave her in her daughter. Thank you for your continued encouragement and providing
access to knowledge through reading. I can never remember a time when our home was not filled
with books, magazines, encyclopedias, and information about the world around us. Information
that encouraged me to seek answers to questions and forge my path which would take me
wherever in the world I desired to go. Thank you for voraciously reading every draft of my
dissertation. Even though some of the paragraphs were unchanged, you re-read each page of my
work as if it was an exciting new chapter in a book that you had been waiting to read. Thank you
for encouraging my academic pursuits and reviewing my work not only with a mother’s love but
with a professor’s academic astuteness. Thank you for challenging me to be the best I can be, for
encouraging me, and letting me know from an early age that I could be anything that I desired to
become. You shared with me the words of Kahlil Gibran as I wrote my sixth grade valedictorian
speech prompting me to believe that “each life has a purpose.” I have a purpose.
To my sister, Loetta Renae Taylor Watkins who has always been more than a sister, you
have been my advocate. Even when I preferred to stay in the background, you pushed me
forward telling others “my sister can do that.” Cheering for me from the stands. Thank you for
being an academic example showing me that I can learn anything if I tried. As a small child I
listened to you speak Spanish and said “I can do that.” I watched you make the keys on a
typewriter sound melodic symphonies and said “I can do that too.” Thank you for taking the time
to encourage my reading as I sounded out consonants and added vowels which eventually
became words. Letting me know that I am capable, I am competent. I am. You breathed life into

vi

my doctoral degree before it even manifested with the countless cards and notes of
encouragement sent to the yet to be conferred Doctor of Education.
To the professional women’s network. Women from different backgrounds and
ethnicities who held my hope in their spirits, who challenged and encouraged me, who believed
in me and carried my success as their own. Who prayed for and with me. Who gave me space to
breathe when I needed it. And who were always there with me on this journey. Your regular
check-ins and support offered the encouragement I needed. Thank you for realizing the
magnitude of the task in front of me and giving me the support and space I needed to bring my
work to completion.
To my family, friends, classmates and colleagues who took the time to share in my
journey offering a call, an email, or a text just to let me know that you were here for me.
Remembering that this educational pursuit was not an easy feat. Taking the time from your busy
lives to ask “how is it going” meant so much to me as I spent countless hours in my home office
in the solitude of piles of articles and books sometimes wondering whether this amalgamation of
information would ever reach an end state.
To my dissertation chair, Dr. Jennifer Phillips and committee, Dr. Helena Seli and Dr.
Douglas Lynch thank you for your guidance throughout this academic and dissertation process. I
had heard horror stories of the challenges of doctoral degree pursuit, of some who had started the
journey but left the final attainment unfinished. Your clear guidance, direction and support were
an invaluable and important component to the successful outcome of this process. You answered
each question using your academic and real life expertise and made the process achievable.
To African American women entertainment executives. Your experience afforded me the
opportunity to highlight the inequities in opportunity experienced by African American women

vii

in the entertainment industry and recommend solutions to ameliorate future experiences. Thank
you for allowing your story to shine through the research for this dissertation. There are many
more powerful women who will follow in your footsteps because of your example.
To those who discouraged me. Told me that I was not ready. With audacious impunity
asked me why are you so angry. Or implored me to not become one of those Black woman who
get a degree and then do nothing with it. I heard your words. I understood their meaning. But I
did not harken to your message. Thank you for being the reality check that showed me that the
challenges I believed I saw and felt during my academic and career pursuits were real. To
everyone who overlooked my skills and capabilities and saw only my outward appearance, race
and gender, and failed to believe that I could. I was never dissuaded by your lack of support or
lack of encouragement but learned that if I believed it. I could do it. With our without your
support. With or without your encouragement. With or without your belief. I breathed life into
the words my mother shared with me as a young child that I could do anything that I desired.
And finally to my husband, Stanley Bernard Page, who has lived every step of this
dissertation journey with me. Through countless days, weeks, months, and years you stood with
me. Who, throughout this academic exploration, shared your love and support during the most
challenging times. Who, not knowing the rigor that would be required to fulfill the degree
requirements, believed in me, encouraged me, and supported me. You sat with me late into the
evening while I typed away furiously trying to finish assignments and gave me the space I
needed to complete this dissertation. Most importantly, you gave me moments to breathe by
taking me away from the work to enjoy God’s beauty as seen on a beach, through a sunset, or
simply looking at the stars in the night sky.

viii

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ........................................................................ Error! Bookmark not defined.
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study ......................................................................................... 1
Context of the Study ....................................................................................................................... 2
Background of the Problem ............................................................................................................ 4
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions .............................................................................. 5
Importance of the Study .................................................................................................................. 6
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology ................................................................ 8
Definitions..................................................................................................................................... 10
Organization of the Dissertation ................................................................................................... 12
Chapter Two: Literature Review ................................................................................................. 13
African American Women in the Entertainment Industry ............................................................ 14
Women in Leadership ................................................................................................................... 17
Factors Contributing to the Marginalization of African American Women ............................. 18
Inadequate Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Initiatives ............................................................. 19
Critical Race Theory ..................................................................................................................... 32
Historical Research and Critical Race Theory .............................................................................. 39
Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................................. 45
Summary of Literature .................................................................................................................. 48
Chapter Three: Qualitative Research Study Design .................................................................... 50
Research Questions ....................................................................................................................... 50
Overview of Methodology ............................................................................................................ 50
Role of the Researcher .................................................................................................................. 52
Data Sources ................................................................................................................................. 52
Method One: Interviews ........................................................................................................... 53
Method Two: Document and Artifact Analysis ....................................................................... 60
Ethics............................................................................................................................................. 62
Summary ....................................................................................................................................... 63
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 64
Participants .................................................................................................................................... 65

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Research Question 1: In What Ways do African American Women Perceive Race-Based
Stereotyping as a Factor in Advancement Opportunities within the Entertainment Industry? . 69
Research Question 2: How do African American Women Experience Bias within
Entertainment Industry Promotion Practices? ........................................................................... 78
Research Question 3: How Does the Imbalance of Racial Power Within the Entertainment
Industry Impact the Experience of African American Women? ............................................... 88
Summary of Findings .................................................................................................................... 93
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................... 94
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations......................................................................... 96
Discussion of Findings .................................................................................................................. 98
How Stereotypical Portrayals of African American Women Impact Advancement ................ 99
Implicit Bias Based on Both Gender and Race ....................................................................... 101
Lack of Representation by African American Women in Executive Leadership Roles ......... 103
Implications for Practice ............................................................................................................. 104
Recommendation 1: Develop and Introduce a “Stereotypes in the Workplace” Program
Initiative .................................................................................................................................. 105
Recommendation 2: Improve Employee Recruiting and Employee Relations Efforts to
Promote Greater Workforce Diversity .................................................................................... 107
Recommendation 3: Increase Visibility to Issues that Promote Unconscious Bias Through a
Developed Program of Multi-Cultural Conversations with Employees ................................. 108
Limitations and Delimitations ..................................................................................................... 109
Recommendations for Future Research ...................................................................................... 111
Implications in the Context of the USC Rossier Mission ........................................................... 113
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 115
References ................................................................................................................................... 117
Appendix A ................................................................................................................................. 142
Appendix B ................................................................................................................................. 144
Appendix C ................................................................................................................................. 145
Appendix D ................................................................................................................................. 149

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List of Tables
Table 1: Overview of Methodology……………………………………………………………..51
Table 2: Participant Demographics…………………………………………………………..….67
Table 3: Stereotypes in the Workplace……………………………………………………..……72
Table 4: Negative Impact of Stereotypes on Advancement Opportunities………………………76
Table 5: Bias Exhibited By Women and Men…………………………………………………...81
Table 6: Impact of Implicit Bias on Advancement Opportunity………………………..……….86
Table 7: Impacts of the Lack of African American Women Entertainment Executives on
Diversity……………………………………………………………...…………………………92

xi

List of Figures
Figure 1: Examination of Role of CRT in Limitations to Advancement………………………..47

1

Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
Although there has been an increase in the number of African American women in
executive leadership positions (Brown, 2004), implicit bias continues to limit advancement
opportunities for African American women. According to Brownstein (2019), Staats et al.
(2017), Staats et al. (2015), and Fiarman (2016), implicit bias refers to the attitudes or
stereotypes that affect understanding, actions, and decisions made unconsciously. Brownstein
(2019) and Mcnutt (2016) noted that implicit bias is, by definition, subconscious and therefore
the subconscious nature of implicit bias can impact perception. Implicit bias is evident in
stereotypical portrayals of a group or person not founded in experience. Implicit bias is described
as an automatic and unconscious prejudice (Brownstein, 2019; Malpas, 2012; Staats et al., 2017;
Staats et al., 2015). Implicit bias is an important topic to address because disparities in both
gender and race, which are not founded in experience, perpetuate the unequal opportunities for
African American women within entertainment industry leadership positions.
Northouse (2019) defined leadership as a process whereby an individual influences a
group of individuals to achieve a common goal. The list of Fortune 500 CEOs includes fewer
than five African Americans; none of whom are African American women (Bell & Nkomo,
2001; Gelles, 2020; Hinchliffe, 2020; Roberts et al., 2018; Sims & Carter, 2019). In addition,
Hinchliffe (2020) noted that only 7.4% of the CEOs listed in the Fortune 500 as of 2020 are
women - none of these women are African American. In 2021 the number of African American
women CEOs on the Fortune 500 will increase by two, with only three African American women
in history holding the position of CEO of a Fortune 500 company (Estrada, 2021). As
highlighted by Matsa and Miller (2011) and Parker (2017) women in general, and more
specifically African American women, have occupied a small percentage of executive leadership
2

roles. Women remain underrepresented in leadership roles (Lyness & Grotto, 2018; Roberts et
al., 2018). Armbrust (2002) noted that women and minorities continue to fall behind in executive
employment within the entertainment industry. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (2018) reported
that only 36% of African American women hold management or professional occupations.
Approximately 53% of African American woman say they experience some form of gender
discrimination in the workplace (Parker, 2017). According to Hewlett and Wingfield (2015),
African American women report that they are passed over frequently for promotion which
further limits leadership opportunities. This study explored the impact of unfair marginalization
of African American women due to implicit biases that do not accurately reflect their ability to
lead. Further, this study considered the impact of implicit bias as a contributing factor to the
marginalization of the African American woman, inclusive of barriers that may limit the
advancement of African American women into executive leadership positions within the
entertainment industry.
Context of the Study
Limitations in advancement opportunities for African American women in the
entertainment industry is an important topic to study. According to Nkomo and Al Ariss (2014),
there are disadvantages in opportunities experienced by racial and ethnic minorities that may
impact leadership opportunities available to the African American woman. Even though African
American women are seen as capable (Parks & Hughey, 2011), their advancement into
leadership opportunities continues to be limited (Sims & Carter, 2019). It is important to
understand what, if any, role implicit bias has in the marginalization and subsequent limitation of
advancement opportunities for African American women. There are gender differences in social
roles and expectations, and women leaders will differ from men in terms of their leadership style
3

and organizational priorities (Glass & Cook, 2018; Parker & ogilvie, 1996; Sims & Carter,
2019). However, according to Desilver (2018), as highlighted in a recent Pew Research Center
survey, women are viewed as stronger in several areas including creating a safe and respectful
workplace and providing fair pay and good benefits. Additionally, Pauker et al. (2010) noted that
race is a meaningful basis for social categorization. However, race-based stereotyping focuses on
assigning individual skills and attributes to a group instead of looking at the overall capability of
the individual. According to Steele (2010) and Steele and Aronson (1995), a stereotype threat
confirms or characterizes a negative stereotype about a particular group of people.
Understanding the factors such as implicit bias that may contribute to limitations in opportunity
and marginalization of African American women in the entertainment industry is an important
problem to address.
According to Vogel (2015), industry is described as a specific branch of business that
involves a division of labor that employs many people in organizations with similar
technological and organizational structures used to provide goods and services. Vogel (2015)
further described entertainment as an activity that is diverting, amusing, or pleasing and that
agreeably occupies the viewer’s time and attention. For this study, entertainment industry is
defined as an economic sector that provides products and services including motion pictures,
television, music, broadcasting, print media, toys, sports, and fine arts for the purpose of pleasing
or agreeably occupying the participants’ time and attention (International Encyclopedia of the
Social Sciences, 2020). The entertainment industry is made up of businesses inclusive of film
studios, theme parks, television, print publications, entertainment marketing, and consumer
products. Each of these businesses operates with the expressed goal of providing products or
services aimed at entertaining the participant. Entertainment industries are widely divergent in
4

their product offerings (Bakker, 2001). Although the entertainment industry is made up of people
from diverse backgrounds, women and minorities continue to lag in executive employment in the
entertainment industry (Armbrust, 2002).
Background of the Problem
There is limited demographic information available on the diversity of entertainment
industry executives broadly. Rubin and Donnelly (2019) highlighted that few entertainment
companies are willing to disclose diversity percentages at senior levels but that diversity remains
elusive. According to Kang et al. (2014), the top leaders of the biggest movie studios in the
United States are Caucasian. According to the World Economic Forum (2020) as highlighted in
the Global Gender Gap Report 2020, even though women are in the labor force, senior roles
preponderantly are still held by men. Since the early 1990s women have taken increased
leadership roles within entertainment industry companies. Rubin and Donnelly (2019)
highlighted the appointment of several female executives within executive leadership of major
entertainment companies. However, according to Beckwith et al. (2016), Kerr et al. (2008), and
Roberts et al. (2018), African Americans remain underrepresented at the highest levels,
indicating the presence of glass ceiling impediments for African Americans.
Limitations in advancement opportunities continue to persist for African American
women. Women in the workplace must overcome the glass ceiling, which is the invisible barrier
that prevents women from career ascension and progression (Gassam, 2019). The glass ceiling
symbolizes different kinds of blocked opportunities for both women and racial minorities (Smith
& Huffman, 2012). Putnam (2003) noted that race shapes different career paths, even adding a
concrete wall, for African American women, to the glass ceiling that White women normally
face in organizational advancement. According to Desilver (2018), women hold between five
5

and 12% of corporate leadership roles. As noted by Rubin and Donnelly (2019), few
entertainment companies disclose diversity figures at senior levels; however, the presence of
African American women in entertainment industry executive leadership is few. Research has
shown that external stakeholders tend to respond less positively to minority leaders and afford
them less favorable treatment than White male leaders (McDonald et al., 2018). This study
attempted to understand how implicit bias, as one of the limiters to advancement opportunities
which contribute to the marginalization of African American women, may have contributed to
stalled advancement opportunities for African American women into leadership roles within the
entertainment industry.
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to understand what role if any, implicit bias has in
marginalization and limiting advancement opportunities for African American women seeking
executive leadership roles within the entertainment industry. For this study, leadership roles are
defined as roles within the entertainment industry where a leader is responsible for both process
and people management. A sampling of leadership roles includes those of chief diversity officer,
executive vice president, senior vice president, vice president, director, executive counsel, and
administration director. The leader is responsible for outlining and executing the vision for the
people and processes under their auspices. In order to better understand what, if any, impacts
there are to African American woman seeking leadership roles in the entertainment industry, it
was important to speak with African American women who are currently or were formerly
employed in executive-level roles within the entertainment industry. The interview process was
aimed at documenting the actual experience of African American women from their perspective.
The research questions informed the interview process. The research questions were designed to
6

guide individual interviews with African American women who hold or have held executive-
level leadership roles in the entertainment industry. The goal of the interviews was to gather
experiential data to better understand the lived experiences of African American women leaders
in the entertainment industry including what barriers, if any, exist in career advancement. The
following questions were used to guide this study:
1. In what ways do African American women perceive race-based stereotyping as a factor
in advancement opportunities within the entertainment industry?
2. How do African American women experience bias within entertainment industry
promotion practices?
3. How does the imbalance of racial power within the entertainment industry impact the
experience of African American women?
Importance of the Study
The issue of implicit bias as one of the limiters to advancement opportunities for African
American women seeking executive leadership roles is an important problem to address because
African American women continue to be marginalized due to inaccurate and negative stereotypes
that do not accurately reflect their leadership capabilities (Parks & Hugley, 2011). Berman
(2018) noted that stereotypes can contribute to misperceptions of the leadership ability of
African American women. When people make judgments about individual members of
stereotyped groups, they may use stereotyped expectation as a standard (Biernat et al., 2009;
Biernat and Kobrynowicz, 1997). This standard is not reflective of how all people should or will
act.
African American women are commonly marginalized by both race and gender
(Beckwith, et al., 2016; Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw, 1991; Roberts, et al., 2018). This
7

marginalization leads to inequities in executive-level opportunities. More companies are
exploring diversity issues. In recent years corporate managers have faced growing pressures to
craft diversity-friendly labor policies and work environments in order to better compete for
skilled labor (Cook & Glass, 2011). Additionally, leading entertainment companies such as
Netflix and The Walt Disney Company continue to explore and expand internal practices related
to diversity and inclusion.
It is important to understand how these diversity practices apply in action to impacted and
potentially marginalized African American women employees. Understanding the role of factors
that can contribute to implicit bias in limiting advancement opportunities is an important area to
consider. In 2017, The Walt Disney Company hired a Chief Diversity Officer to specifically
address the issue of diversity within company operations. As noted in the press release issued at
the time of her hiring, the Chief Diversity Officer is responsible for leading Disney's efforts to
promote workplace diversity and inclusion (Gubagaras, 2017). In 2018, Netflix hired one of the
country’s leading diversity consultants to address diversity and inclusion issues throughout
Netflix company operations. As noted in a 2018 Netflix press release, the diversity officer is
responsible for incorporating cultural diversity, inclusion and equity into Netflix's quickly
growing operations worldwide (Reyner, 2018). In both of these examples, the women hired to
lead diversity efforts were African American women. As referenced by Reyner (2018) and
Gubagaras (2017), each of these leaders was charged with addressing diversity issues, including
uncovering the factors that inhibit opportunity and marginalize any employee, inclusive of
African American woman, in their respective organizations. African American women continue
to be underutilized, undervalued, isolated, and misunderstood in the workplace (Clarke, 2017).
Limitations in opportunity for African American women are still prevalent within the
8

entertainment industry. According to Lyness and Grotto (2018), in male-dominated
organizations, such as the entertainment industry, male leaders hold the power and can influence
the organizational culture and values including the type of employee to acknowledge for
advancement. Understanding the factors that may limit advancement opportunities was an
important problem to address. Limiters including disparities in gender and race, continue to lead
to inequities in opportunity for African American women in corporate leadership positions
(Brown, 2004). By seeing more African American women in executive level leadership
positions, there is an opportunity to leverage the unique perspective of African American women
executives to inform company business practices. According to Glass and Cook (2018), gender
balanced leadership teams implore greater access to information, discuss a broader range of
alternatives, and experience greater openness to novel solutions compared to gender similar
teams. The same opportunity exists for racially balanced teams. The value of having more gender
and race balanced leadership teams is improved diversity of thought and action to inform overall
business operations (Glass & Cook, 2018). This type of diversity can lead to improved
organizational operations.
Overview of Theoretical Framework and Methodology
The paradigm of inquiry framing the purpose of this study is transformative. According
to Mertens (2012), the transformative paradigm of inquiry provides a philosophical framework
with a focus on ethics in terms of cultural responsiveness, recognizing those dimensions of
diversity that are associated with power differences. This paradigm affords the opportunity to
look at the relationship between diversity and power. According to Creswell (2014), the
transformative paradigm encourages pursuit of topics that relate to marginalized individuals with
a focus on improving society. This strategy of inquiry aligns with framing of the study as it
9

offers an opportunity to highlight issues of bias, power and marginalization from the perspective
of African American women. The study was inductive to allow the opportunity for the study to
evolve as a result of responses received from interviews with study participants.
Critical Race Theory (CRT) was used to examine this problem of practice. CRT emerged
from a collection of activists and scholars during the 1970s that were interested in studying race,
racism, and power (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Yao et al., 2019). According to Delgado and
Stefancic (2017), CRT is defined as a progressive legal movement that seeks to transform the
relationship among race, racism, and power. The application of CRT theory is framed in several
core tenants: the permanence and endemic nature of race and racism in US society; the
experiential knowledge and counter-storytelling that people of color experience every day; and
intersectionality, which situates experiences within the context of multiple, interlocking systems
of oppression that are interrelated and shaped by one another (Yao et al., 2019). CRT allowed
further exploration into possible factors that may limit advancement opportunities for the African
American woman seeking leadership roles within the entertainment industry. These factors
include an imbalance of racial power, the effect of stereotypes, and marginalization that stall
advancement for African American women.
This study employed qualitative methods, using interviews as the primary source of data
collection for the basis of the research. Qualitative research is based on the belief that knowledge
is constructed by people as they make meaning of an experience (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). A
qualitative analysis affords the opportunity for an experiential review of the experiences of
stakeholders. The study focused on interviews with stakeholders, defined as women who identify
as African American and who have held executive level (Director or above) positions within the
entertainment industry. The objective of the interview questions, as part of the overall research
10

process, was to gain a better understanding as to whether or not implicit bias has any impact on
marginalization or limitations in advancement opportunities for African American women. The
sampling approach for the stakeholder group was a non-probability, convenience, purposive
sampling in order to identify a representative sample of stakeholders. This study was purposeful
and non-randomized based on convenience and consisted of 10 participants. The interviews
allowed further exploration of the problem of practice through the lens of the theoretical
framework, Critical Race Theory, which guided the research. The qualitative methodological
approach allowed interviewed participants an opportunity to share their experience related to
advancement opportunities for African American women in entertainment company executive
leadership positions. This approach aligned with the purpose of the study and afforded an
opportunity for interviewees to detail what, if any, personal experiences impacted their
advancement opportunities as African American women within the entertainment industry.
Definitions
Included in this section are key terms and definitions that were used in this study. The
following terms and definitions are integral to understanding underlying assumptions outlined as
part of the theoretical framework as well as the methodological approach to the study:
• advancement opportunity: For purposes of this study, is a chance to hold a progressively
responsible, senior level position in an entertainment industry organization.
• angry Black woman stereotype: Typifies African American woman who are
disproportionately upset given the circumstances and easily moved to hostility (Parks &
Hughey, 2011). Presumes African American woman to be irate, irrational, hostile, and
negative (Ashley, 2014). Characteristics of the angry Black woman stereotype include
hostility, rage, aggressiveness, and bitterness which may be reflective of survival skills
11

developed by African American women in the face of social, economic and political
oppression (Ashley, 2014).
• business unit: For purposes of this study, a subgroup within the entertainment company
that functions for the purpose of business development, marketing, or as a creative
resource. The subgroup is responsible for fiscal reporting back to the chief financial
office of the entertainment company in order to support the overall fiscal viability of the
entertainment company.
• entertainment industry: Entertainment as an economic sector includes products and
services such as motion pictures, television, music, broadcasting, print media, toys,
sports, and fine arts marked by the rising productivity of workers for the purpose of
pleasing or agreeably occupying the participants’ time and attention (International
Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 2020).
• entertainment company: For purposes of this study, an organization whether in studio
operations, music management, theme park operations, or other with the express mission
to provide entertainment services to a consumer.
• executive: For purposes of this study, any person within an entertainment company
holding a position of Director level or higher with oversight responsibility for business
operations as well as talent management responsibilities.
• implicit bias: According to Brownstein (2019), Kahn (2018), Staats et al. (2017), Staats
et al. (2015) and Malpas (2012), implicit bias is an automatic and unconscious prejudice.
• intersectionality: The double bind of race and gender, according to Miller (2017) as
highlighted in a 2017 discussion with Kimberle’ Crenshaw.
12

• limiter: For purposes of this study, any activity that has the potential to stall advancement
opportunity.
• stereotype: According to Steele (2010) and Steele & Aronson (1995) a stereotype threat
is defined as being at risk of confirming, as self-characteristic, a negative stereotype
about one’s group.
Organization of the Dissertation
This study is organized in five chapters. The content for each of the chapters followed the
standard five-chapter format as follows: Introduction, Literature Review, Qualitative
Methodology, Research Findings and Conclusions. In Chapter One the problem of practice was
introduced. The background and context as to why this is an important problem to address was
explored. The purpose of the study was defined and proposed research questions that informed
the study were outlined. Chapter Two consists of the literature review, including an explanation
of how the literature supports the discussion of the problem of practice and lays the groundwork
for analysis of the problem of practice through the lens of the theoretical framework to be
explored as part of the study. In Chapter Three, the design of the research study is introduced.
For purposes of this study, a qualitative analysis was used supported by interviews with
stakeholders, defined as women who identify as African American and have held executive level
(Director or above) positions at the corporate level within the entertainment industry. Chapter
Four includes an introduction of the findings as well as the analysis in support of the research. In
addition, summaries of relevant findings as a result of interviews with targeted participants were
analyzed and incorporated into to the research to support further review and future
recommendations. Finally, Chapter Five includes a summary of the findings as a result of the
research, recommendations for future consideration, and a conclusion to the existing study.
13

Chapter Two: Literature Review
The review of the literature supports the discussion of the problem of practice. The
Literature Review lays the groundwork for exploration and analysis of the problem of practice
through the theoretical lens of Critical Race Theory as explored and defined as part of this study.
As highlighted by Rocco and Plakhotnik (2009), the literature review, as well as the conceptual
and theoretical frameworks, builds the foundation, demonstrates how the study advances
knowledge, conceptualizes the study, assesses research design, and provides a reference for the
interpretation of findings. The exploration of the literature review includes key intervening
variables as well as consideration of themes around race, gender, and intersectionality that
support biases that can lead to limitations in advancement opportunity. The review of literature
centers on four areas as they relate to African American women in executive leadership. These
areas include the historical influences of the entertainment industry; diversity, equity and
inclusion initiatives; factors that contribute to the marginalization of African American women
and an application of Critical Race Theory on African American women in leadership positions.
These themes allow for contextualizing the discussion of the problem of practice and lay the
foundation for exploration of the problem of practice. Evidence shows that there is a stigma
attached to stereotypes of African American women in the workplace (Hill, 2016). According to
Byrne (2009), a stigma is a prejudice or negative attitude which is based on stereotypes which
usually lead to discrimination. Link and Phelan (2014) highlight that stigma exists when
elements of labeling, stereotyping, separation, status loss, and discrimination occur together in a
power situation. Stigmas are attributes that discredit individuals and reduce the individual from a
whole person to a discounted one (Goffman, 1963). These stigmas are attributes that negatively
affect the perception of the African American woman. Stigmas do not reside only in an
14

individual person but in a social context (Major & O’Brien, 2006). This social context includes
the environment in which African American women live and reinforces racial hierarchies and
limits opportunities for equitable relationships in the workplace (Tatum, 2017). A stigma can
involve a label and a stereotype, with the label linking the African American woman to a set of
undesirable characteristics that form the basis of the stereotype (Link & Phelan, 2001). These
negative stereotypes do not accurately reflect the African American woman as a group nor do
they define the ability of the African American woman to lead. An almost immediate
consequence of successful negative labeling and stereotyping is a general downward placement
of a person in a status hierarchy (Link & Phelan, 2001). According to Link and Phelan (2014),
when people are interested in keeping other people down, in or away, stigma is a resource that
allows them to obtain ends they desire. This is called stigma power. Stigma is dependent on
social, economic, and political power—it takes power to stigmatize (Link & Phelan, 2014). This
downward placement and use of the power of stigma as a resource can limit advancement
opportunities available to African American women.
African American Women in the Entertainment Industry
Vogel (2015) defined entertainment as that which produces a pleasurable and satisfying
experience. According to the International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (2020), the
entertainment industry is an economic sector that includes products and services such as motion
pictures, television, music, broadcasting, print media, toys, sports, and fine arts marked by the
rising productivity of workers for pleasing or agreeably occupying the participants’ time and
attention. Entertainment companies provide entertainment services to consumers. Books, plays,
and theatrical releases are all forms of entertainment. For more than one hundred years, African
American women have been part of the entertainment industry. African American women have
15

been portrayed in fact and fiction; those portrayals can solidify negative notions of African
American women in professional life (Ladson-Billings, 2009). From the early writings of Phillis
Wheatley, who published the first book of poetry by an African American (Carretta, 2011), to
Hattie McDaniel, the first African American woman to win an Academy Award for her work in
the 1939 motion picture Gone With The Wind, to Diahann Carroll, the first African American
woman to appear in a television series in a non-stereotypical role (Smith, 1994). African
American women have been a fixture in the entertainment industry, albeit behind the scenes
primarily in supporting roles.
As early as the 1800s, African American women were involved in the entertainment
industry. However, it was during the 1900s that African American women began more active
roles within the entertainment industry as entertainers. Early film images of actors such as Hattie
McDaniel and Ethel Waters helped to cement the stereotypical Mammy image into the collective
consciousness (Ladson-Billings, 2009; Smith, 1994). Even in these limited roles, African
American women began to develop careers in the industry. They were featured in night club acts,
began to develop shows, and explore entertainment as a business opportunity rather than just to
serve to entertain an audience.
Even though African American women have been part of the entertainment industry as
performers, talent managers, and actors, their role in broader entertainment business operations
has been limited. In 1913, in an effort to force the vaudeville industry to provide equitable
salaries and conditions for African American performers, Emma and Mabel Griffin created their
own theatrical agency (Scott, 2016). In 1959, Ruth Bowen became the first African American
woman to establish a successful booking and talent agency (Smith, 1994). However, African
American’s remained absent from entertainment company leadership.
16

As noted by Rubin and Donnelly (2019), few entertainment companies disclose diversity
figures at senior levels; however, the presence of African American women in leadership
positions remains limited. As one of Hollywood’s most powerful dealmakers, attorney Nina
Shaw is steadfast in her mission to bring equality to the entertainment industry (Forbes, 2019).
However, top executives within major studios and talent agencies are primarily Caucasian males
(Rubin & Donnelly, 2019). According to Armbrust (2002), the male-dominated system at the top
of the entertainment industry promotes the idea that the entire industry should be male-
dominated. However, Caucasian male-dominated leadership does not reflect the consumers
served by the entertainment industry. To compete effectively, large corporations, including
entertainment companies, must invest considerably to acquire technical knowledge and
experience (Vogel, 2015). That knowledge and experience is also informed by leaders hired
within the entertainment organization.
During the late 20
th
and early 21
st
centuries, opportunities for African American women
began to increase within the entertainment industry. However, many of those opportunities had
been self-directed and not advancement opportunities offered within entertainment industry
company structures. Several African American women, including Oprah Winfrey, Shonda
Rhimes, Ava Duvernay, and Channing Dungey, are leaders within entertainment companies.
However, in most of these examples, the African American woman had to create their own
entertainment industry company to aspire to an executive-level role, demonstrative of their
experience and capabilities. Oprah Winfrey created and is CEO of Harpo Studios; is co-founder
of Oxygen Media (which operates the Oxygen Network); is CEO of the Oprah Winfrey Network
(OWN); and has her own podcast, magazine, and book club (Hecht, 2019). After a successful run
of her own shows under her production company, Shondaland, Shonda Rhimes moved from
17

ABC to Netflix to expand her content production (Koblin, 2018). Ava Duvernay created
ARRAY, a film collective dedicated to the amplification of images of people of color and
women directors (Faughnder, 2019). These examples demonstrate that African American women
executives had to create their own companies to advance into executive leadership within the
entertainment industry. The entertainment industry did not pave the way for advancement
opportunities. Each of these women had to create the opportunities for advancement by operating
within the industry but outside of the confines of the traditional structure of entertainment
company operations. One exception to note is Channing Dungey. Channing Dungey became the
first African American president to lead a major TV network, American Broadcasting Company
(ABC), where 96% of studio executive heads are Caucasian (James & Villareal, 2016).
Following her time as President of ABC’s television network, Dungey became the vice president
of original content for Netflix (Otterson, 2018).
Women in Leadership
Northouse (2019) outlined leadership as a complex process with multiple dimensions.
Leaders are not all the same. Leaders possess a variety of skills and attributes. According to
Collins (2001), effective leaders catalyze commitment to and vigorous pursuit of a clear and
compelling vision, and they stimulate higher performance standards. Commitment and vision are
both characteristics of an effective leader. A leader is not defined by gender or race. Leadership
is defined by an ability to execute a vision successfully. According to Bolman and Deal (2017)
and Bolman and Deal (1994), the leader sets the example for the organization and guides the
choices made within the organization. It is the commitment and pursuit of the organizational
vision that symbolizes the leader.
18

The number of women in executive leadership positions in American companies is
relatively small (Glass & Cook, 2018). At many of America’s major employers, African
American men and women are absent from meaningful leadership roles (Gelles, 2020).
However, according to Robnett (1996), African American women are critical and mobilizing
forces for change. African American women leaders are informed at the intersection of race and
gender by their lived experiences (Roberts, et al., 2018; Sims & Carter, 2019). These experiences
afford the African American women a unique perspective that she can leverage as a leader in any
setting. In addition, African American women have the capability of using their communal
leadership styles the same as their Caucasian counterparts (Parker & ogilvie, 1996). African
American women effectively use the same traits of self-confidence, independence and strong
influence as their Caucasian male counterparts as well as democratic attributes associated with
Caucasian women (Sim & Carter, 2019). Although African American women exhibit these traits
and qualities, opportunities for advancement are elusive. According to Beckwith et al. (2016),
Kerr et al. (2008), and Roberts et al. (2018), African Americans remain underrepresented at the
highest levels, indicating the presence of glass ceiling impediments for African Americans.
Limitations in opportunities in corporate settings have been related to a variety of factors
inclusive of social status, gender, race, and bias. While women are still underrepresented in
executive positions, there has been an increase in the share of women executives over the past
decade (Desilver, 2018; Gino et al., 2015). However, a gap in opportunity continues to exist,
especially for African American women.
Factors Contributing to the Marginalization of African American Women
The gaps in opportunity discussed above limit advancement and marginalize the African
American woman. The following sub-sections incorporate current literature related to gaps in
19

access as well as limitations in advancement opportunities experienced by African American
women, specifically in entertainment industry leadership positions. Additionally, the following
sub-sections allow for consideration of factors that may contribute to limitations in advancement
opportunities for African American women, including the role of implicit bias and stereotypes as
well as the intersection of race and gender unique to African American women.
Inadequate Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Initiatives
Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) can be described as those activities designed to
promote inclusiveness. In addition to promoting inclusiveness, DEI activities are designed to
address concerns that may limit and marginalize African American women. According to
Roberts and Mayo (2019), companies have committed to and invested heavily in diversity
because corporate leaders acknowledge that it makes good business sense. According to Hewlett
et al., (2013) inherently diverse contributors understand the unmet needs in underleveraged
markets. Research has shown that a heterogeneous workforce yields more innovation and better
performance than a homogeneous one (Roberts & Mayo, 2019). DEI initiatives have become
increasingly important to corporations, inclusive of entertainment organizations, because diverse
perspectives support the growth of the organization.
In recent years, there has been a focus on diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives with
the purpose of creating a more diverse and representative workforce. In practice, many DEI
programs are siloed within HR departments, lack C-suite support, or are given to women or
people of color to manage in addition to their day jobs (Roberts & Mayo, 2019). In order to be
effective, DEI initiatives must reflect the priorities of the organization and not be established in
name only. However, according to Roberts and Mayo (2019) African Americans still face
obstacles to advancement that other minorities and Caucasian women do not. Roberts and Mayo
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(2019) further described African American experiences at work as demonstrably worse even than
that of other people of color. However, Caucasian males, are given freedom to deviate from the
status quo because their competence is assumed based on their membership in a high-status
group (Johnson & Hekman, 2016).
As organizations seek to reflect the societies in which they operate, increasing racial and
gender balance is needed (Johnson & Hekman, 2016). According to Ali (2020), the executive in
charge of ABC Television’s diversity and inclusion efforts appeared to have a clear distaste for
DEI efforts and would often develop animus toward employees who championed efforts. This
distaste by the executive in charge of DEI initiatives is in stark contrast to the role that
executives with DEI responsibilities are tasked with displaying within an organization. Through
the expansion of DEI initiatives companies are exercising a demonstrated need for improving
diversity. However, there continue to be limitations in advancement opportunities for both
women and minorities. African American women remain underrepresented in executive
leadership roles. This underrepresentation is in stark contrast to the overarching goal of diversity,
equity and inclusion initiatives which are specifically geared towards increasing diversity within
organizations. Despite antidiscrimination laws and increasing corporate investment in diversity
efforts, race continues to be a major barrier to advancement in the workplace (Roberts & Mayo,
2019). The African American woman continues to experience limitations in advancement.
Lack of Advancement Opportunity
Recruiting and retaining the right talent makes it easier for employees to nurture and fine-
tune their skills and move into senior leadership roles (Young, 2019). Advancement
opportunities allow employees to improve their capabilities and maximize their contribution
within the organization. However, the attainment of organizational diversity is, in large part, a
21

function of hiring practices (Song et al., 2017). African Americans are less likely than their
Caucasian peers to be hired, developed, and promoted (Roberts & Mayo, 2019). According to
Putnam (2003) and Hite (2004), race contributes markedly to different systems of career
advancement for women. According to Young (2019), a diverse workforce equals better hiring
outcomes. Hiring practices should recognize the benefits of diversity and advancement for
different people with different skills and experiences. In a diverse workplace, a wealth of
perspectives and views flourishes, these fresh ideas are valuable assets to companies who are
seeking innovation and long-term organization leadership (Young, 2019). In organizations where
diversity is not recognized or encouraged, minorities remain underrepresented in top leadership
positions (Cook & Glass, 2014; Roberts, et al., 2018). A primary organizational objective
continues to focus on increasing the bottom line. However, fixed focus on financial performance
and not organizational diversity issues may obscure the full range of impacts that women can
have on a company’s policies and practices (Glass & Cook, 2018).
Advancement opportunities is an important intervening variable in the contribution of
minorities and women in the workplace. According to Woolston (2015), adjusting expectations,
increasing perseverance and savoring successes is important to career advancement. However,
perseverance alone is not the answer to career advancement. Organizations undermine
advancement when they advise women to seek leadership roles without addressing the practices
that communicate a mismatch in the experience associated with leadership (Ibarra et al., 2013).
Women continue to be underrepresented in most high-level positions in organizations (Gino et
al., 2015). When employees work hard, there is an expectation that advancement opportunities
will be made available to them. When individuals perceive barriers within the organization that
would hinder their advancement in spite of their efforts, the psychological contract is violated
22

(Briggs et al., 2012). Instead of undervaluing and squandering African American talent,
companies need to recognize the resilience, robust sense of self, and growth mindset that, studies
show, African-American people bring to the table (Roberts & Mayo, 2019).
African American women continue to be marginalized and experience barriers that limit
access to advancement opportunity in the workplace. These barriers to advancement can be both
subtle and overt. During a recent contract negotiation, the co-anchor of Good Morning America,
Robin Roberts, requested an increase in salary. Robin Roberts is an African American woman.
The ABC News senior vice president of talent and business affairs for the news division, Barbara
Fedida, who was involved in the contract negotiation commented, “what more could she
(Roberts) want, it was not as if the network was asking her to pick cotton” (Ali, 2020). This type
of comment referring to Roberts, an African American journalist, in a derogatory manner has the
potential to marginalize the employee and limit advancement opportunity. This type of
marginalization unfairly pigeonholes the individual and attempts to cast doubt on her capability
and worth.
African American women continue to experience marginalization in executive leadership
roles. African American women are marginally represented in the executive levels of
entertainment companies. As of 2020, there were just four African American chief executives
among the 500 largest companies in the country, none of these executives are African American
women (Gelles, 2020). In 2021, the number of African American women CEOs increased by two
(Estrada, 2021). Advancement remains limited. According to Horowitz et al. (2018) women in
general, and more specifically African American women, hold only a small percentage of
corporate leadership positions. Celious and Oyserman (2002), noted that by taking differences
23

more seriously, there is an opportunity to better understand how stereotypical limiters influence
experiences and address barriers that limit advancement for African American women.
Stereotypes
According to Steele (2010) and Steele and Aronson (1995), a stereotype threat is defined
as being at risk of confirming, as self-characteristic, a negative stereotype about one’s group.
Stereotypes are part of American culture and serve an important intervening variable in
interracial contact (Clark & Pearson, 1982). However, sometimes perceptions of other groups are
not based on first-hand knowledge but are based on common beliefs founded in
misunderstanding and stereotypes (Wood & Chesser, 1994). The focus on negative stereotypes in
both scholarship and popular culture is problematic because these stereotypical images are
portrayed as if they represent all African Americans (Celious & Oyserman, 2002). Since
stereotypes are not representative of all people in a defined group, stereotypes can impact how
African American women are portrayed (Frank, 2016).
Stereotypes are one of the major barriers to the advancement of racial minorities in
organizations (Avery, 2011; Zedeck 2011). Underrepresented minority groups often find
themselves having to overcome widely-held stereotypes about their groups (Gassam, 2019).
According to Steele (2010) and Steele and Aronson (1995), a stereotype threat confirms or
characterizes a negative stereotype about a particular group of people. Stereotypes can negatively
influence the perception of capability. Research has shown that stereotypes and in-group
favoritism influence people’s perceptions and evaluations of others (Gorman, 2005). Stereotypes
can lead to discrimination in hiring and employment practices. Discrimination seems to be
pervasive in organizations within the United States, and studies have documented different
patterns and trends in discrimination over time across a variety of job functions (Castilla, 2008).
24

According to Bell (1995), discrimination aimed at skilled or talented African Americans is a
well-understood fact of life in the African American community.
One stereotypical portrayal of African American women is the Sapphire stereotype. The
Sapphire stereotype is based on the perception of African American women as angry as
demonstrated by the 1950’s American television character of the same name (Frank, 2016;
Walley-Jean, 2009). The Sapphire image portrays the African American woman as stubborn,
bossy and hateful (Ladson-Billings, 2009). The Sapphire stereotype appears to be a precursor to
the angry Black woman stereotype and contributes to pervasive denigrating and pejorative
stereotypes of African American women (Ashley, 2014). The angry Black woman stereotype
typifies the African American woman as competent, but hostile (Parks & Hughey, 2011). Many
characteristics of the angry Black woman stereotype, including hostility, rage, aggressiveness,
and bitterness may be reflective of survival skills developed by African American women in the
face of social, economic and political oppression (Ashley, 2014). These stigmas are reflected in
negative stereotypes of African American women. The stereotypical portrayals of African
American women impact how they are viewed (Parks & Hughey, 2011), which can have a
deleterious effect on the upward mobility of African American women into roles of increasing
leadership responsibility. Stereotypes can also act as catalysts to marginalize. According to Hall
and Carlson (2016) marginalization is a process by which persons or groups are socio-politically
peripheralized from dominant, central experiences. Historically, African American women have
been repressed and marginalized (Broussard, 2013; Calderon, 2018). Marginalization is a
complex social and political process whereby individuals experience increased disparities (Hall
& Carlson, 2016). As a result of marginalization, African American women experience
25

limitations in opportunities. This type of marginalization functions as a barrier to career
advancement for many African American women (Lloyd-Jones, 2014).
The angry Black woman stereotype, may be a significant impediment to career
advancement opportunities for African American women. According to Kerwin (2017), the
angry Black woman label is most often used to undercut successful professional African
American women by framing a code for saying she succeeds by being aggressive and rude.
Stereotypes perpetuate a false perception of individuals and lead to a misunderstanding of the
capabilities of the African American woman. This thinking perpetuates the imbalance of racial
control as the African American women’s capability is at question. Solorzano and Yosso (2001)
highlight how racial stereotypes can be used as justification for conduct toward people and how
exaggerated beliefs associated with a category of people can be used to function as a justification
of behavior toward that group of people. These exaggerated beliefs can act as mechanisms for
marginalizing African American woman. The resulting effect of this stereotype shifts the racial
power into the hands of the group in control. African American women are often stifled by the
angry Black woman stereotype, which characterizes Black women as bad-tempered, hostile and
overly aggressive (Gassam, 2019). African American women continue to experience
marginalization. This marginalization is based on the negative perceptions of African American
women portrayed in media and other outlets. These negative portrayals carry over into the
workplace environment within the entertainment industry. According to Collins (1991),
stereotypes of African American women create barriers to success in employment outside of
traditional occupations that are relegated to them.
African American women in leadership positions are often characterized as no-nonsense,
fiery, and unapologetically offensive, although successful, in their careers (Collins, 2000). These
26

attributes of Type A personalities are welcomed by Caucasian male counterparts but noted as
blemishes on the character of African American women. Elliot et al. (2017) further noted the
situational awareness that impacted groups experience while worrying about confirming
stereotypes related to their performance. Accomplished African American women are faced with
this juxtaposition. When Serena Williams was cast as an angry Black woman and fined $17,000
by the U.S. Tennis Association for verbal abuse, observers on the Tennis court noted that male
tennis players had expressed behavior far worse than Williams with no penalty (Schmidt, 2018).
African American women are faced with having to stifle their anger in order to sound less
combative (Schmidt, 2018). Williams’ decision to question the chair umpire on what she
considered an unfair call had been no different than other male tennis players yet she was
penalized and stereotyped as an angry Black woman. African American women continue to be
faced with stereotyping when they display emotion (Allen, 1991; Schmidt, 2018). Even though
male tennis players, such as John McEnroe, expressed their anger on the court, they were seen as
confrontational and aggressive, not angry in a derogatory fashion. The angry Black woman
stereotype is often used as a weapon to put down African American women, who have the
audacity to magnify social inequality, point a spotlight on uncomfortable truths and publicly
advocate for the rights of African American women specifically (Loggins, 2017).
Negative stereotypes continue to call into question the capability of the African American
woman. These stereotypes are present within the entertainment industry. The former first African
American First Lady of the United States of America, Michelle Obama, who holds two degrees
from Ivy League institutions, could not escape the perception of being angry. During Bill
O’Reilly’s commentary, on his talk show The O’Reilly Factor, he used a pejorative stereotype to
define Michelle Obama by saying that she “looks like an angry woman” (O’Reilly et al., 2008).
27

His perception of her looking angry in the face of a serious dialogue overshadowed the content
of her communication. This type of negative stereotyping directly impacts the perception of the
African American woman and carries over into the workplace culture behind the screen. The
public discourse surrounding Michelle Obama’s capability magnifies the continuing connections
between race, gender, and national identity that overshadow African American women’s roles
(Cooper, 2010). The angry Black woman stereotype is used to discredit African American
women’s standpoint, render them invisible in an effort to mute their voice, and dismissively
couch their concerns as tantrums of emasculating emotions (Cooper, 2018; Loggins, 2017).
These perceptions reflect barriers to African American women that are negative, race-based
stereotypes which question the credibility and authority of the African American woman and
demonstrate a lack of institutional support (Brown, 2004).
Stereotype threats raise an individuals’ concerns about being viewed or evaluated in a
negative light (Elliot et al., 2017) and can negatively affect individual performance (Ambrose et
al., 2010). Although the angry Black woman is capable, as in the case of Michelle Obama, she is
also seen as intimidating (Parks & Hughey, 2011). The Michelle Obama example is
demonstrative of the stigma attached to stereotypes of African American women (Hill, 2016).
To limit African American women to this stereotyping fundamentally overlooks the
accomplishments of the African American woman (Parks & Hughey, 2011). Stereotypical
portrayals of African American women continue to impact the perception of their leadership
abilities (Roberts et al., 2018). It is important to note that some of the same negative stereotypes
that are used when referring to African American women actually overlap with the assertiveness
expected of male leaders (Hewlett & Wingfield, 2015). The angry Black woman stereotype
inappropriately labels the African American woman. Steele (2010) and Carr and Steele (2009)
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highlighted that people are faced with stereotypes in the form of identity contingencies,
influences that an individual must deal with because they fit a defined social identity profile,
such as being an African American woman. Raising awareness of how stereotypes form and
influence our perceptions may help to alleviate bias (Chung-Herrera & Lankau, 2005).
Racism
Racism leads to bias and can influence the perception of individuals. According to Tatum
(2017) and Tatum (2000), racism is not only a personal ideology based on racial prejudice but a
system of oppression involving cultural messages and institutional policies and practices as well
as the beliefs and actions of individuals. Racism stifles individual growth and development
(Tatum, 2017). Racism casts doubt on the capability of an individual based solely on the basis of
race and is a limiter to advancement opportunity for African American women. As defined by
Audre Lorde (1992) racism is the belief in the inherent superiority of one race over all others, the
right to dominance. According to Tatum (2017), racial prejudice combined with social power
leads to the institutionalization of racist policies and practices. Harper (2012) further defined the
meaning of racism to include the individual actions, both intentional and unconscious, that
engender marginalization and inflict varying degrees of harm on minoritized persons. These
definitions of racism highlight bias toward a specific group of individuals. Amy Cooper
understood the power of race and privilege when she, a Caucasian female, called the police and
told them that she was being threatened by an African American. The fear in her voice, the
words she chose to describe her encounter were intentional (Blay, 2020). She used race and
privilege to assert herself with the potential for inflicting harm to a minoritized person.
Solorzano and Yosso (2001) note that racism is about institutional power, and people of color in
the United States have never possessed institutional power.
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Media portrayals perpetuate ideas about race and ethnicity that place African American
women at a clear disadvantage (Littlefield, 2008). These inherent institutional structures
influence perceptions and continue to perpetuate racist attitudes towards African American
women. According to Harper (2012), these institutional structures determine and cyclically
remanufacture racial inequity and institutional norms that sustain White privilege and permit the
ongoing subordination of minoritized persons. There is a breadth of stereotypical perceptions of
African American women, some of which are raced based and some which are gender based, that
place them outside the enclave of delicacy, femininity, respectability and virtue (Mgadmi, 2009).
Throughout her career as an actress, Hattie McDaniel was faced with taking one of the only
types of roles available to African American women, the Mammy. According to Frank (2016)
The Mammy, a big-bosomed, jolly mother figure, was written fictitiously into history to make
slavery appear more humane. The illusory existence of the Mammy stereotype suggested that
there could be such a thing as a happy slave (Frank, 2016; Walley-Jean, 2009). This stereotypical
portrayal of African American women, demonstrates a lack of understanding of the complexity
of the African American woman as well as her contribution to the entertainment industry. The
Mammy image is immortalized in the character of ‘Aunt Jemima’, the iconic image of African
American womanhood that perpetually smiles through the pancake box (Ladson-Billings, 2009).
The Mammy is often framed as a sexless, selfless nurturer (Frank, 2016). Although Ms.
McDaniel, was an Academy Award winning actress, the role for which she won her Academy
Award was portraying a servant, the Mammy role. Most of her film and television roles placed
her in roles of servitude. Early entrance of African American women in the corporate setting of
entertainment companies followed the same pattern with many African American women
moving from janitorial roles to serving as secretaries, as part of a secretarial pool or junior level
30

roles in the corporate setting. Stereotypes and false assumptions about the capability of African
American women continue to limit advancement opportunities.
Feminism
Both racism and feminism impact the perception of African American women. Feminism
may also impact advancement opportunities for African American women. According to Easton
(2012), feminism can be described as the struggle for equal rights, and as a political and social
movement. Feminism focuses on the equal treatment of women. However, the discussion of
gender alone is not sufficient to describe the African American woman’s unique position as both
female and African American. African American women continue to experience the double
jeopardy of racism and sexism (Carbado, 2013; Zamani, 2003). According to Cooper (2014),
African American women's concerns have routinely fallen by the wayside in service to
presumably more important and urgent matters. Randolph (2017), noted that Black feminist
thinkers have created a Black feminist interpretive practice that is attentive to the contradictions
and connections between race and other relations of power and difference. According to Bell
(2018), Black feminists have, since at least the 1960s, led social justice efforts to dismantle the
array of social inequalities that women of color face.
During the early 1970s, African American women suffered from the effects of their dual
minority status as both women and African Americans. Zamani (2003) highlights this duality as
a confluence of oppression. This oppression impacts African American women differently. One
differentiation between African American women and Caucasian women was that the Caucasian
women's liberation was basically middle-class and very few of these women suffered the
extreme economic exploitation endured by African American women (Beal, 2008). Although the
women’s movement was very active, a feminine body does not always possess a feminist
31

consciousness (Taylor, 2014). As more women, inclusive of African American women, fought
for equal rights, African American women were often excluded from the feminist discussion.
Shirley Chisholm, the first African American female to run for President of the United States,
did not have the support of one of the nation’s leading feminist thinkers, Gloria Steinem. Instead,
Steinem supported “the best White male candidate”, George McGovern (Lydon, 1972). For
African American women, racism joins with sexism to form an ever-present backdrop within
their environment (Putnam, 2003).
It is important to consider the contradictions and connections between race and power
that an understanding of race and gender brings forward while theorizing about Black feminism,
especially the concept of intersectionality (Randolph, 2017). African American female
professionals are seen as highly competent but not warm or less warm than male professionals
(Hackney, 2005). This contrast in how other professionals are viewed as opposed to how African
American females are perceived aptly captures one feature of the duality described by Beal
(2008). Stereotypical references delegitimize the African American women’s anger in reaction to
intersectional inequality based on their race, class and gender (Loggins, 2017).
Diversity, Marginalization, and Power
Employing a Critical Race Theory (CRT) interest convergence perspective allowed
exploration of the research questions related to diversity, marginalization, and power (Zion &
Blanchett, 2011). In executive leadership roles, African American women do not hold power
currently. In leadership contexts, the idea of leadership centers on the notion of a guiding and
powerful, typically Caucasian male figure in charge; African American women and men and
Caucasian women are not seen as or are not naturally considered to be leaders (Williams, 2020).
This lack of acknowledgment of the capability of the African American woman based solely on
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gender and race hampers advancement opportunities. Horowitz et al. (2019) found that 49% of
African Americans had noted unfair treatment in hiring practices. African American woman’s
opportunities in leadership positions are less than female counterparts of other ethnic
backgrounds. According to Horowitz et al. (2018), only a small percentage of corporate
executives are women, and even fewer are African American women. Although the share of
female CEOs of Fortune 500 companies reached an all-time high of 6.4% in 2017 (Horowitz et
al., 2018), African American women continue to experience marginalization in the workplace.
Approximately 53% of African American woman say they experience some form of gender
discrimination at work (Parker, 2017). Evidence does not suggest these exclusions and unfair
hiring practices are based on lack of capability of the African American woman.
Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) is defined as a set of legal scholarship theories about racial
inequality and how race functions in the society (Ladson-Billings, 2009). CRT names race as the
defining issue that underlies law and public policy and uses the principle of interest convergence
to critique key elements of the civil rights movement and legislation to provide an explanation of
why those on the inside finally invite or allow those on the outside in (Zion & Blanchett, 2011).
CRT challenges the dominant discourse on race and racism as it relates to marginalization of
African American women by examining how bias and stereotypes are used to subordinate
African American women (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001). CRT and the principle of interest
convergence can be used not only to critique the marginalization of African American women,
but also to question, understand, disrupt, and leverage change by uncovering and naming the
tension inherent in the idea of inclusion, who is out and who is in, and thus begin an authentic
33

dialogue about the impact of race on advancement opportunities that may decrease
marginalization, of the African American woman (Zion & Blanchett, 2011).
CRT can help to explain limitations in the representation of African American women in
executive leadership positions within the entertainment industry as a structural problem related to
the broader issue of implicit bias as it relates to marginalization in both employment and hiring
practices (Heilig et al., 2012). CRT allows for the examination of the role of implicit bias and
marginalization in limiting advancement of people of different ethnic backgrounds with an
emphasis on African American women. According to Devine et al. (2012) and Kahn (2018),
implicit bias can contribute to inequities and color the perception of leadership ability. CRT
allowed for analysis of the unconscious biases, based upon both racial differences and inequities,
which do not accurately reflect the capability of African American women to lead.
Critical Race Theory (CRT) was an appropriate theoretical framework to examine this
problem of practice because one of the key components of CRT is the focus on race and power.
According to Zion and Blanchett (2011), the interest convergence focus affords the opportunity
to explore the marginalization of African American women. The intersectionality component
within CRT focuses on the multiple points of connection including race and power that can
impact advancement opportunity (Crenshaw, 2015; Delgado and Stefancic, 2017). CRT provided
a lens for understanding how the imbalance of racial power can stall advancement for African
American women. The intersectionality component of CRT afforded the opportunity to evaluate
the problem of practice using the intersectionality tenant of CRT to focus on the intersections of
race, gender and power. Intersectionality is an analytic sensibility, a way of thinking about
identity and its relationship to power (Crenshaw, 2015). Through this theoretical lens we were
able to consider those factors, if any, that may limit advancement opportunities for African
34

American women. Although a tenant of CRT, intersectionality is rooted in Black feminism and
acts as a method, a disposition, and an analytic tool to explore CRT (Carbado et al., 2013).
Intersectionality offers the opportunity to highlight the multiple avenues through which racial
and gender oppression are experienced so that identified problems can be discussed and
understood (Crenshaw, 2015; Miller, 2017). CRT provides a basis for media studies to challenge
binaries, including the intersection of race and gender, going forward (Bell, 2018). Through
exploration using CRT, there was an opportunity to understand current challenges and consider
future outcomes in order to propose concrete change to improve the availability of opportunities
for African American women leaders.
Critical Race Theory and African American Women
Critical Race Theory (CRT) contains an activist dimension and attempts to not only
understand social constructs but to change those constructs (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). The
socially constructed experiences of African American women can be considered through the
theoretical lens of CRT. Unconscious bias, marginalization and stereotypes all impact the
experiences of African American women. CRT focuses on identifying problems and forming
solutions that will benefit society as a whole. One central argument of CRT is that racism is
normal and endemic to U.S. social institutions (Anderson & Herr, 2007; Harper, 2012). There is
a primacy of race and examining equality, specifically as this examination relates to African
American women (Landson-Billings, 2009). With a focus on interest conversion, story-telling
material determinism, and racial realism (Delgado & Stefancic 2017) there is an opportunity to
better understand the lived experiences of African American women. African American women
are situated at the juncture of these CRT tenants. When the roles of African American women
continually fall into limited and stereotypical characterizations, they become re-inscribed in
35

public consciousness, into perceptions and actions (Landson-Billings, 2009). African American
women continue to face marginalization in the workplace. CRT is a powerful heuristic for
explaining the persistence and the way that race continues to define life chances (Ladson-
Billings, 2009). Through the application of CRT on the lived experiences of African American
women there was an opportunity to explore how intersectionality, implicit bias and structural
racism impact advancement opportunity for African American women.
Intersectionality
Intersectionality highlights the multiple avenues through which racial and gender
oppression are experienced so that problems of race and gender are easier to discuss and
understand (Crenshaw, 2015; Miller, 2017). According to Delgado and Stefancic (2017),
intersectionality is defined as the predicament of women of color and others who sit at the
intersection of two or more marginalized categories. Media scholars continue to deploy
intersectional approaches to explain how people navigate their minoritized identities through the
media (Bell, 2018). An understanding of the unique intersection of race and gender, as related to
advancement opportunities for African American women in the entertainment industry, provided
context for the discussion of the problem of practice. The African American woman is a member
of two historically marginalized groups that are treated differently from either Black men or
White women and that have been deemed inferior (Mgadmi, 2009). For purposes of this
dissertation, intersectionality focused on challenges associated with being both African
American and female.
The African American woman is faced with the challenge of being at the crossroads of
being both female and African American. This crossroads complicates the availability of
opportunity for African American women and contributes to their marginalization. African
36

American women experience multiple effects of what is called a dual minority status; being both
female and African American (Beal, 1970; Beal, 2008). Beal (2008) suggests African American
women are faced with dealing with all of the concerns associated with limitations in opportunity
due to both gender and race. The effects of this duality ostracize and further isolates the African
American woman. African American women are commonly marginalized by both race and
gender (Carbado & Harris, 2019; Crenshaw, 1991). Women of color and African American
women in particular figure prominently in intersectionality based on the view that they
experience the double jeopardy of racism and sexism (Carbado, 2013; Miller, 2017). When the
African American woman is marginalized and does not have access to the same opportunities as
other colleagues, the organization does not benefit from the unique experience and knowledge
that the African American woman brings to the workplace. Collins (1998) wrote about the
African American women’s positionality as one in which African American women are outsiders
within as a means of describing the location of persons who find themselves in the border space
between groups of unequal power. This positionality creates instances of inequity even when
people deemed to have met certain credential and educational requirements are not granted the
full rights and benefits afforded one typically in that social position (Williams, 2020). This
marginalization uniquely impacts the African American woman. Oppression, marginalization,
discrimination and invisibility can be intensified when social identity categories overlap
(Steinfield et al., 2019). The overlap or intersection of these race and gender social identity
categories further complicates the African American women’s opportunity for advancement. As
a key tenant of CRT, intersectionality is equally concerned with race’s power to determine a
complex assemblage of social identity categories (Randolph, 2017). These social identity
37

categories influence the perception of African American women and can impact their
advancement opportunities.
Implicit Bias
Implicit bias is described as an automatic and unconscious bias (Brownstein, 2019; Staats
et al., 2017; Staats et al., 2015; Malpas, 2012). Unconscious (or implicit) biases are learned
stereotypes that are automatic, unintentional, deeply engrained, universal, and able to influence
behavior (Fiarman, 2016 & Backhus et al., 2019). Awkward social interactions, embarrassing
slips of the tongue, unchecked assumptions, stereotypic judgments, and spontaneous neglect all
exemplify the mundane automaticity of bias, which creates a subtly hostile environment for out-
group (people outside of one’s circle of influence) members (Fiske, 2002). According to Devine
et al. (2012), implicit bias can contribute to these inequities and color the perception of
leadership ability. Racial stereotyping has been linked to a variety of social attitudes including
implicit prejudice and social dominance orientation (Collier et al., 2017). Out-group members
are often marginalized. One example that out-group members are by-products of the out-group
biases is perpetuated by White male top managers (McDonald et al., 2018). However, these
biases are not limited to Caucasian males. China Fortson-Washington, a member of the National
Organization for Women (NOW), was dismissed by other female members as “angry” (referring
to the angry Black woman stereotype) during her 2017 run for president of the organization
(Shugerman, 2017). African American women are routinely debased and denigrated; this
debasing and denigration helps to construct a perception of African American women as unfit
and unworthy (Ladson-Billings, 2009).
These subtle biases underlie discrimination and lead to increased comfort with and
reliance on one’s own in-group while excluding, avoiding and thereby marginalizing out-groups
38

(Fiske, 2002). Another example of bias perpetuated by White females against African Americans
is when Amy Cooper, a White female, contacted the police to inform them that she was being
harassed in Central Park New York by an African American (Blay, 2020). These biases can
result from an internal conflict between cultural ideals and cultural biases (Fiske, 2002). Bias is
thus a narrow, potentially erroneous reaction, compared with individuated impressions formed
from personal experience (Fiske, 2002). According to Hall and Carlson (2016), implicit biases
can be absorbed from culture in nuanced ways and result in automatic discriminatory practices.
Implicit bias continues to color the perception of African American women.
Personal experience and cultural norms impact how individuals react to other individuals
and in differing situations. Culture determines acceptable levels of expressed bias, from subtle to
overt, and differs in norms for describing perceived differences between social categories (Fiske,
2000). According to Brownstein (2019) and Moule (2009), biases are rooted in stereotypes and
prejudices. Implicit bias, however, is subconscious, which makes implicit bias easy to overlook
and difficult to address (Brownstein, 2019 & McNutt, 2016). The unconscious nature of implicit
bias continues to influence career advancement opportunities for African American women in
the entertainment industry.
Institutional and Structural Racism
According to Vaught and Castagno (2008), racism is a vast system that structures our
institutions and relationships. It is the institution of racism itself that invokes limitations to an
individual. Feminist media studies have been informed by the insistence on the everyday nature
of racism in the United States and its obscuration through the ongoing embeddedness of racism
in institutions at all levels of society (Bell, 2018). Structural racism plays a formative role in
limiting advancement opportunities for African American women in the entertainment industry.
39

Like structural racism, social and political institutions perpetuate institutional racism and have
the power to negatively affect the majority of people belonging to a racial group (Nittle, 2020).
Head (2019) described institutional racism as societal patterns and structures that impose
oppressive or otherwise negative conditions on identifiable groups on the basis of race or
ethnicity. Societal patterns and structural forces impact African American women. Structural
forces, as in structural racism, frequently prevent individuals from achieving stated goals or even
from being heard (Bunyasi, 2018; Hatch, 2019), as in the case of the African American woman.
Stereotypes of African American women as Mammies and Sapphires originated in American
slavery and continue in the postmodern era (Ladson-Billings, 2009). These race-based
stereotypes, which originated during the institution of American slavery, continue to have an
impact on the advancement of African American women today. The Mammy and Sapphire
stereotypes are both intersectional, as they apply only to African American women, and are
pervasive enough to mold the subconscious of decisions-makers (Schiffer, 2014). Racism adapts
to socio-cultural changes by altering its expression, but it never diminishes or disappears (Vaught
& Castagno, 2008). As noted by Harper (2012) and Nkomo and Al Ariss (2014), institutional
structures can determine racial inequity and institutional norms that sustain White privilege.
According to Tatum (2017), unchallenged personal, cultural, and institutional racism results in
the loss of human potential, lowered productivity, and a rising tide of fear and violence in our
society. Without a single source to identify, correct, or punish, institutional racism is difficult to
correct (Hatch, 2019).
Historical Research and Critical Race Theory
Understanding the historical research related to Critical Race Theory (CRT) as well as
how the implications of the historical research impacts the exploration of implicit bias and
40

limitations for advancement for African American women is an important component of the
study. According to Heilig et al. (2012), CRT helps to explain the limited representation of
histories of groups of color as a structural problem related to the broader issue of racism. CRT
was an appropriate framework to guide this study as CRT focuses on the study and
transformation of the relationship between race, racism, and power (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017).
According to Crenshaw (1995), there is a history perpetuated by racialized privilege and racial
exclusion. Heilig et al. (2012) highlighted the work of W.E.B. Dubois and Ida Wells, reform
leaders, who sought to redress repressive conditions facing African Americans and their work to
eradicate racism. During the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, African American
women demonstrated leadership by acting as both critical and mobilizing forces for change
(Robnett, 1996). Leadership demonstrated in the mid-20
th
century translated into a continued
desire by African American women to advance in the workplace, including the entertainment
industry. The historical study as defined by Delgado and Stefancic (2017) allows for the
exploration and transformation of relationships directly related to the research questions and
supported informing the research related to those factors that may pose limitations for African
American women. As noted by Delgado and Stefancic (2017), CRT is an outpouring of the need
to combat subtler forms of racism. These subtler forms of racism have the potential to impact the
lived experiences of African American women through stereotyping, imbalance of racial power
and unconscious bias.
The historical significance of race-based stereotyping lies in the ability of stereotyping to
marginalize groups of individuals. According to Steele (2010) and Carr and Steele (2009),
stereotypes are things that one must deal with because stereotypes are tied to a social identity,
such as being African American. That social identity is a way of categorizing people into groups.
41

Race-based stereotyping perpetuates ideas about a group of people which does not accurately
reflect the capabilities of the group. According to Biernat and Kobrynowicz (1997), Biernat et al.
(2009), and Nkomo and Al Ariss (2014), members of stereotyped groups tend to be judged
relative to group-specific standards. These stereotypes have the potential to marginalize
individuals within stereotyped groups. The marginalization, resulting from race-based
stereotypes, can diminish the perceived capability of individuals and limit opportunity.
Limitations in opportunity can be perpetuated by an imbalance of power. According to
Morrissey (2018), the problem of an imbalance of power is framed in terms of existing power
structures, in which gender and identity are situated and constituted, that marginalize and silence
women. Link & Phelan (2014) and Phelan, et al. (2008) highlight how keeping individuals down,
when one group dominates another, can limit other individuals’ abilities to obtain their desires.
The imbalance of power historically impacts women. However, the imbalance of racial power
impacts African American women as a culture. African American women experience this
imbalance of racial power as a member of two minoritized groups: African Americans and
women. African American women have not historically held the power. Within the entertainment
industry, power is held primarily by Caucasian male leaders.
According to Brownstein (2019), Staats et al. (2017), Staats et al. (2015) and Malpas
(2012), unconscious bias is defined as automatic and unconscious prejudice. Historically
unconscious or implicit bias has impacted African American women in leadership roles in subtle
and overt forms. Subtle forms of implicit bias are experienced in the form of microaggressions.
African American women are likely to experience more microaggressions due to their dual status
(Sims & Carter, 2019). African American women leaders experience microaggressions such as
colleagues questioning their authority despite holding senior positions in their companies, feeling
42

the desire to be perfect in their work performance as a reaction to stereotype threat, and the
microaggression of invisibility (Williams, 2020). According to Walters (2018), microaggressions
can challenge knowledge or authority and may form bias against African American women in
the workplace. According to Moule (2009) biases are rooted in stereotypes and prejudices. The
unconscious nature of bias impacts the perception of African American women.
Influences
According to Mertens (2012), the transformative approach provides a framework that
focuses on ethics and recognizing dimensions of diversity that are associated with power
differences with a focus on increasing social justice. The purpose of the research was to identify
and evaluate the outcomes posited by the research questions on experiences for African
American women in the entertainment industry. An evaluation of the research questions guiding
this study through the lens of the transformative paradigm afforded an opportunity to evaluate
the impact of cultural norms, beliefs, and the relationship between power and privilege that may
impact advancement opportunities for African American women. The understanding of these
norms and beliefs laid the foundation to challenge identified assumptions and propose
recommendations that may improve outcomes for African American women in executive
leadership positions.
An exploration of the axiology, ontology, and epistemology related to implicit bias,
including stereotypes and power dynamics, allowed for an analysis of the cultural influences and
how those influences potentially impact the power dynamics for African American women in
executive leadership roles. Understanding what, if any, impact these influences have on
advancement opportunities for African American women was important to explore as part of the
examination of the problem of practice. The transformative paradigm of inquiry allowed for
43

consideration of the ethical implications of race-based stereotypes, imbalance of racial power,
and unconscious bias on the lived work experiences of African American women.
Romm (2018) notes that axiology is a requirement for researchers to actively pursue
social justice as part of their research. The axiology affords the opportunity to focus on the
historical conditions of life experiences (Hart, 1971). The axiology or historical influences that
framed this study were to explore the credibility of assumptions made about African American
women resulting from race-based stereotypes. It was important to better understand how
historical influences, that may not accurately reflect capability, impact perceptions of African
American women executives today. Further exploration allowed for consideration of any cultural
influences that may potentially limit advancement opportunities for African American women in
executive leadership roles within the entertainment industry.
The ontology or beliefs uncovered as part of this study explored the impact of implicit
bias on advancement opportunities for African American women in executive leadership roles.
According to Mertens (2012) and Romm (2018), ontology refers to the focus on beliefs about
nature and reality. Mertens (2012), further noted that ontology is a system of belief that reflects
an interpretation by an individual about what constitutes reality in an effort to further social
justice. The ontology or beliefs framed in this study were based on biases towards African
American women that are not founded in fact but are implicit and unconscious. Understanding
what, if any, impact beliefs supporting implicit bias have on advancement opportunities for
African American women in the entertainment industry informed the research in this study.
The epistemology that framed this study focused on the power dynamics, who has the
power and who does not, related to African American women in executive leadership roles
within entertainment companies. According to Mertens (2012) epistemology refers to the
44

relationship between power and privilege. An exploration of privilege based both on race and
gender allowed for further consideration of the impact of power dynamics on advancement
opportunities for African American women holding executive-level roles within the
entertainment industry. The epistemology or relationship between power and privilege framed in
this study assisted in gaining a better understanding of the impact of stereotypes and perceptions
that are not based on demonstrated capability.
It is important to consider the role of axiology, ontology and epistemology on
understanding what, if any, limitations in advancement opportunity exist from the perspective of
the African American women. The perspective of African American woman is an important
consideration because African American women experience marginalization and may experience
limitations in advancement opportunities that can be linked to implicit bias. It is the African
American women’s experience that lays the groundwork for understanding the impacts, if any, of
implicit bias more clearly. Data described in this study included the low percentage of African
American women holding corporate leadership roles as compared to women of other races
holding the same or similar roles (Horowitz et al., 2018). Exploration of this problem of practice
through the transformative lens, using Critical Race Theory as the methodology, afforded the
ability to address the research questions and better understand the influences impacting African
American women in executive leadership roles. The consideration and discussion of the cultural
norms, beliefs, and power dynamics related to advancement opportunities for African American
women in the entertainment industry was important to address to better understand what, if any
factors, pose limitations in advancement opportunity and explore recommendations for
improvement.
45

Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework of this research brings together Critical Race Theory and the
transformative paradigm of inquiry. CRT seeks to transform the relationship between race,
racism and power (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). According to Mertens (2010), the transformative
paradigm of inquiry provides a philosophical framework with a focus on ethics. This paradigm
afforded the opportunity to look at the relationship between diversity and power as it relates to
ethics in terms of power differences (Mertens, 2012). In critical inquiry the goal in the findings
or results of the study is to critique and challenge, to transform, and to analyze power relations
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The research focused on inequities based on race and gender that
impact power dynamics, who has power and who does not, in the workplace. The transformative
paradigm of inquiry afforded an opportunity to consider social justice issues as well as unequal
power relationships (Mertens, 2009; Mertens, 2012). Through the transformative lens, there was
an opportunity to evaluate and understand the impacts of these issues and relationships as
experienced by African American women in executive leadership roles within the entertainment
industry. According to Creswell (2014), the transformative worldview is a basic set of beliefs
that guide action. Research through the lens of the transformative worldview, provided
information that has the potential to raise consciousness as well as advance an agenda for change
(Creswell, 2014) for African American women in executive leadership within the entertainment
industry. Research through the transformative worldview provides a voice for and focuses on
diverse groups that have traditionally been marginalized (Creswell, 2014). The research included
a review of the axiology (cultural history and norms in interactions), ontology (beliefs), and
epistemology (relationship between power and privilege) (Mertens, 2012). The transformative
paradigm of inquiry provided an opportunity to critique the raised awareness and evaluate
46

critically the impact of stereotypes, imbalance of racial power and unconscious bias on
advancement opportunities for African American women seeking executive leadership roles
within the entertainment industry.
47

Figure 1
Examination of Role of CRT in Limitations to Advancement

48

Summary of Literature
Understanding factors such as implicit bias that may limit advancement opportunities for
African American women is an important problem to address. The review of the literature
demonstrates the complexity of the nature of the problem. The factors discussed include implicit
bias, race-based stereotypes, and power dynamics that have the potential to limit advancement
opportunities for African American women seeking executive leadership roles. For African
American leaders and intellectuals, the politics of respectability first emerged as a way to counter
negative stereotypes of African Americans (Mgadmi, 2009). Although more African American
women are holding roles within the entertainment industry, advancement opportunities at the
executive level remain limited. Abramovitz and Blitz (2015) highlighted how seeking more
equitable operations can influence organizational change inclusive of change within the
entertainment industry. There are benefits to a more diverse and inclusive organizations and
African American women are valuable contributors in the workplace. African American women
from all walks of life and class positions are and can be leaders (Dotson, 2015). However,
negative stereotyping, implicit bias and power dynamics continue to contribute to limitations in
advancement opportunities for African American women seeking executive leadership roles in
the entertainment industry. Stereotypes may prove useful in explaining the differential effects on
performance appraisal and subsequent career success (Luksyte et al., 2013) for African American
women.
Change is an important aspect of organizational growth. The most important ingredient in
sustaining organization change is the process of dealing with unanticipated, unforeseen
consequences of initiatives and interventions (Burke, 2018). Organizational models can reveal
why change occurs, how change will occur, and what outcomes will occur as a result of the
49

change and assist in understanding different aspects of change (Kezar, 2001). Malloy (2011)
appropriately stated that stakeholders must be motivated to engage. Through an exploration of
the cultural norms, beliefs, and power dynamics that frame this study, there was an opportunity
to understand the historical impact that implicit bias, including stereotypes, has had on limiting
advancement opportunities for African American women.

50

Chapter Three: Qualitative Research Study Design
The purpose of this study was to review factors, specifically implicit bias, that may
contribute to the marginalization of African American women inclusive of barriers that may limit
their advancement into executive leadership positions within the entertainment industry. The
study explored the lived experiences of African American women executives in the
entertainment industry to understand what, if any, impact implicit bias had in limiting
advancement opportunities into executive leadership roles. The study was a qualitative study
focusing on interviews of African American women who hold or have held executive-level
positions in the entertainment industry.
Research Questions
The following research questions focused on the lived experiences of African American women
in entertainment industry leadership roles and were used to guide this study:
1. In what ways do African American women perceive race-based stereotyping as a factor
in advancement opportunities within the entertainment industry?
2. How do African American women experience bias within entertainment industry
promotion practices?
3. How does the imbalance of racial power within the entertainment industry impact the
experience of African American women?
Overview of Methodology
According to Creswell (2014), qualitative research is an approach for exploring and
understanding the meaning individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human problem. A
qualitative approach affords the opportunity to gather data and better understand the lived
experiences of African American women in entertainment industry executive leadership roles.
51

The qualitative study supported addressing specific questions related to race-based stereotyping,
imbalance of racial power, and implicit bias experienced by African American women in
entertainment industry executive leadership roles through the lens of Critical Race Theory.
Qualitative research is valuable because it potentially generates knowledge about unexpected,
organization-specific job demand and job resources that may be overlooked in highly
standardized approaches (Bakker & Demerouti, 2007).
The research design of this qualitative study focused on interviews with participants to
gather their individual lived experiences. According to Creswell (2014), the qualitative approach
through a transformative worldview allows the researcher to examine experiences related to
oppression of the individual. These experiences, gathered via the interview process, formed the
basis of the data collection process. The research questions were designed to gather narrative
information about the experience of each individual participant.

Table 1
Overview of Methodology
Research question Interview
Document
analysis

In what ways do African American women perceive race-based
stereotyping as a factor in advancement opportunities within the
entertainment industry?

X
How do African American women experience bias within
entertainment industry promotion practices?

X X
How does the imbalance of racial power within the entertainment
industry impact the experience of African American women?

X

52

Role of the Researcher
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), qualitative researchers are interested in
understanding how people interpret their experience and what meaning they attribute to their
experiences. The primary role of the researcher is to produce valid and reliable findings
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The researcher is responsible for developing or identifying
appropriate data collection protocols, collecting data in an ethical and responsible manner,
analyzing results of the data collected, and proposing recommendations. It is important that the
researcher understand their positionality. As an African American woman who has held an
executive level position within an entertainment company, it was important that my positionality
not interfere with my role in conducting this study. It was important that I ensured that my
observation captured what I actually saw and did not infer to superimpose my personal
experience in the research process. My role was to capture the lived experiences of study
participants. My responsibility was to objectively gather the data, analyze the results and propose
recommendations as an outcome of the data analysis process.
Data Sources
Interviews were the primary means of data collection. There was minimal document and
artifact analysis. Participants referenced external locations, such as websites, where documents
are maintained. In addition, one participant shared press releases announcing her new role within
an organization as part of her interview process. Focusing on interviews as the primary means of
data collection allowed for collection of experiential information related to the experiences of
African American women in executive leadership roles within the entertainment industry.
Interviews also supported gaining greater insight into the lived experiences of each individual
participant. Interview findings afforded an opportunity to analyze the collected collective
53

responses to determine what, if any, similarities exist in the experiences of African American
women in entertainment industry executive leadership roles. No data was collected prior to the
University of Southern California (USC) Institutional Review Board approval.
Method One: Interviews
The interview questions covered the experience of the African American female
executive with a focus on the following four broad areas of concentration: advancement
opportunity (RQ1), imbalance of racial power (RQ3), race-based stereotyping (RQ1), and
unconscious or implicit bias (RQ2). The interview questions were designed to gather information
from the participants regarding their unique experiences within the entertainment industry with a
focus on understanding their experiences related to the problem of practice as defined in the
study. The purpose of the interview questions as a means of guiding the research was to
understand what, if any, experience the purposeful sample of African American female
executives have had related to the areas of concentration. In addition, the aim of the study was to
understand if any of the participants’ lived experiences have impacted advancement opportunity,
involved experiences related to the imbalance of racial power, or the effects, if any, of
unconscious bias or race-based stereotyping on their lived work experience.
Participating Stakeholders
Study participants are defined as African American women who have held or hold
executive level, defined as director or above, positions within the entertainment industry. Study
participants were selected based on their ethnicity and current or previous roles at an executive
level within the entertainment industry. Participants were asked if they would like to participate
in the study. Requests for study participation were recruited via LinkedIn, and invitations for
participation along with a demographic survey to confirm eligibility were emailed to 25 potential
54

stakeholders. Potential stakeholders were preliminarily identified based on the assumption that
the potential participant identified as an African American women who has held an executive
level position within an entertainment company. The goal of this research was to conduct
interviews with at least 10 but no more than 15 participants. Ten individuals did agree to
participate in the interviews from the initial 25 solicitations, therefore there was not a need to
extend invitations in increments of 10 as the minimum number of desired interviews was met.
Consent for participation was provided to study participants with the understanding that study
participants could opt out of the study at any time. Study participants were sent a small gift, less
than $25.00 value, in the form of a book of poems written by African American female poet and
author Maya Angelou.
A demographic survey was sent to potential participants to collect relevant data regarding
the racial and gender make-up of the potential participants as well as the type of experience in
executive level entertainment industry leadership roles. The purpose of the demographic survey
was to ensure that participants are members of the research group intended for the study. The
demographic survey allowed for confirmation of assumptions made about the proposed
participants based on their LinkedIn profiles. The demographic survey was used as a self-
identification survey where participants were able to confirm that they are members of the
intended target population for purposes of the research study and identify their willingness to
participate in an interview. No research questions were addressed through the demographic
survey.
Instrumentation
The interview was the primary method of data collection for this study. Questions for the
study were designed to address the research questions and to gather experiential data on the
55

experiences of African American women who have held or hold executive leadership roles
within the entertainment industry. The process for designing the interview protocol was based on
the problem of practice and gathering data that would inform the research questions related to
stereotypes, unconscious bias, and power dynamics within the entertainment industry. The
questions are open-ended and developed in an effort to probe into the lived experiences of the
participants. The open-ended nature of the questions allowed the participant to share a range of
information related to their experience and where appropriate expand on their experience in
order to share information that supported the research and data collection process.
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), getting good data in an interview is dependent
on asking well-chosen open-ended questions. Open-ended questions allowed the participant to
share the narrative of their lived experience. The interview protocol consisted of 12 questions.
The interview questions were designed to understand the experience of the participant while
working in an executive role within the entertainment industry. In addition, optional probing
questions were asked, as needed, in order to better understand participant responses or gain
additional information related to the participant’s lived experience.
The interview approach was a semi-structured open-ended interview. The open-ended
questions allowed the participant to relate relevant details of their experience. The semi-
structured approach allowed for comparison of responses amongst the questions while leaving
room for more thoughtful responses. According to Patton (2009) the quality of the information
obtained during the interview rests largely on the interviewer. The ability to expand an interview
with a probing question was a useful complement to the data collection process. Probing
questions also allowed for further exploration of participant responses during the interview
process. Probing questions were used to inform the research and better understand, whether or
56

not race-based stereotypes, racial power and unconscious bias played a role in advancement
opportunities for African American women seeking corporate entertainment industry positions.
Data Collection Procedure
The data collection process included the following components; invitation to participant,
demographic survey, interviews with stakeholders, document and artifact analysis, and
transcription of interview results to support analysis of responses from participants. The data
collection process involved an invitation to participate in the study sent via email or LinkedIn to
potential study participants. Once potential participants were identified, a demographic survey
was sent to participants to gather specific demographic data to confirm that participant meets the
criteria for study participation; African American, female, and executive leadership in the
entertainment industry. Once the participants were confirmed, interviews with stakeholders were
scheduled via Zoom meeting.
The interview tool was designed to promote collection of a consistent catalogue of
responses from participants. The data collected as part of the recorded interviews was the
primary basis for data collection. All participants consented to a recorded interview and were
advised that the recording was to be used only for purposes of the study. Participants were
advised that they could have access to the recorded interview if they desired. Participants were
provided an overview of the purpose of the study and advised that the study would be
confidential in nature. Participants were advised that no information gathered as part of the study
would include any identifiers that connect them to the study.
Participants were given an Information Sheet for Exempt Research (Appendix A). This
information sheet outlined specific information related to the purpose of the study. In addition,
the information sheet contained contact information if the participant has any questions or
57

concerns related to the study. Study participants were given the option of receiving the study
results, in the form of the completed dissertation, at the conclusion of the study once the results
are published in the dissertation in accordance with University of Southern California
dissertation guidelines.
Once the recorded interviews were completed, they were transcribed. All data collected
as part of the interview process was confidential and used only for purposes of conducting the
study. The study posed minimal risk to the participants and did not pose any physical or
psychological harm to any of the participants beyond effects experienced in normal daily
activities or routine test administration. This study involved human subjects and complied with
the United States Department of Health and Human Services Code of Federal Regulations
requirements. The documents that were used as part of this study to gather and analyze data
included the following items which are included in the Appendix of this dissertation:
Appendix A: Information Sheet for Exempt Research
Appendix B: Demographic Survey Protocol
Appendix C: Interview Protocol – Process and Questions
Appendix D: Research Design Matrix
Data Analysis
Data collected during the interview process included field notes, transcription of recorded
interviews, and gathering of any relevant documents and artifacts. Field notes taken included a
non-recognizable identifier or pseudonym for each participant. Field notes were collected during
the interview process and summarized following the interview. Recordings were authorized by
the participants and were transcribed by the interviewer. Once the interviews were transcribed,
the interviews were analyzed and the results were coded and charted for comparison. Once
58

results of all interviews were transcribed and coded, the results were analyzed to determine
commonalities and differences between the transcribed recordings and the verbal responses from
participants. The coding process included development and application of codes that explained
how the data is being categorized and compared. The categorization and comparison process
supported the identification of trends in the data collected and this information was used to
complete a summary of all collected data. The results of the data analysis were recorded for use
in the discussion as part of the results of the study findings. The process for reviewing
documents and artifacts uncovered as part of the interview process is covered under method two
– document and artifact analysis.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), credibility and trustworthiness of the data is
highly dependent on the researcher. Whether or not the data is credible (credibility) or ethical
(trustworthy) are important aspects of the research process. It was important to ensure that all
research was conducted thoughtfully and credibly. The study research had to be conducted in a
credible manner to the highest ethical standards. As part of the study, the intent of the research
was shared with participants. Participants were assured confidentiality by ensuring that
participants understood that none of their individual responses, that could potentially identify the
participant, would be shared and that collective findings would be presented in the final study
report. Participants were advised that if at any time they feel uncomfortable they could end the
process. No participants opted to end the process. All interviews were conducted and completed
in their entirety. Member checking or respondent validation was an important component of the
data collection process. This validation or ability to solicit feedback on the emerging findings
59

(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) served as a check and balance to help ensure the integrity of the
research and that none of the research findings were misinterpreted.
Triangulation. Triangulation enables the use of two or three measurement points to
enable conversion on a site (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Through conversation on multiple points,
triangulation afforded an opportunity to support the internal validity of the findings by
comparing data such as collected interview responses from participants, review of website
references as well as document and artifact analysis where available. Triangulation allowed for
validation of the methodology used by considering the results of the study from multiple
perspectives. Interviewing a cross section of African American female executives in the
entertainment industry along with review of external reference material and document and
artifact analysis comparison supported the data collection process and enhanced credibility of the
findings as part of the overall study.
Reflexivity. According to Cumming-Potvin (2013), reflexivity is a tool for validating
qualitative research methods. Reflexivity is an invaluable tool to promote understanding of the
phenomenon under study as well as the researcher’s role (Jootun et al., 2009). Reflexivity, as a
concept, is designed to facilitate the researcher’s understanding of their positionality to ensure
that the researcher’s influences do not impact the outcomes of the study. Although both the
participant and the researcher work or have worked in the entertainment industry there were no
identified interpersonal relationships with participants. The participant is identified as an African
American woman who holds or has held executive level positions in an entertainment company.
The researcher is also identified as an African American woman who has held an executive level
position in an entertainment company. As a qualitative insider/outsider researcher, reflexivity
was applied without controlling or eliminating social factors, but to identify the impact of these
60

factors (Cumming-Potvin, 2013). The ability to identify the impacts supports the credibility of
the research process.
Pilot Test. According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), internal validity deals with the
question of how research findings match reality. In order to confirm internal validity of the
qualitative study design, a pilot test of the proposed interview protocol was conducted. The pilot
test consisted of interviews with two former executives within the entertainment industry.
Neither of these executives were African American women but both were women of color. The
purpose of the pilot test was to ensure that the survey questions were clear, the survey process
understandable, and that results could be collected and analyzed for purposes of informing the
research. The goal of the pilot test was to gauge whether or not the interview protocol was
designed to effectively capture data required to address the problem of practice. Through the
pilot test, the interview instrument was tested to ensure that the tool was both clear and
unambiguous. Results of the pilot test revealed that the survey tool was clear and minor
modifications were needed to several questions to support the data collection process. Through
the pilot test, necessary modifications to the interview protocol were made and the interview tool
was updated to reflect a more robust interview tool.
Method Two: Document and Artifact Analysis
The document and artifact analysis included a request to study participants to provide any
organizational or institutional documents the participant deemed appropriate in support of the
research process. According to Bowen (2009), organizational and institutional documents are a
staple of qualitative research. Documents and artifacts may have included both written and
electronic organizational or institutional documents that outline practices related to advancement
opportunity within the organization. These documents may have included: excerpts from policy
61

and procedure manuals, career advancement guidelines, press releases, or other relevant
materials. A minimum number of documents were provided by participants.
Only one stakeholder provided copies of employment press releases. Although, three
stakeholders referenced the availability of information available online and through company
websites, no participant elected to disclose any organizational or institutional documents that are
relevant to the study research during the interview process. However, stakeholders did reference
the availability of online training materials. Press releases were provided by one study participant
for review. In addition, company websites were available to review information related to
available training. These documents were reviewed as part of the overall research process. The
purpose of the request for information as part of document and artifact analysis was to gather
relevant organizational and institutional documents that may further inform the research and
support triangulation to uphold internal validity of the research.
Data Collection Procedures
Participating stakeholders were asked whether or not there are any relevant
organizational or institutional documents that they wanted to share that would be beneficial to
underscore the barriers discussed as part of the interview process. Only press releases were
obtained from one participant in electronic form as provided by the study participant. Any
documents that participants elected to disclose were kept in confidence and used only for
purposes of conducting the research as part of this study.
Data Analysis
Documents, such as press releases, disclosed by the study participants during the
interview process were collected in written form as directed by the study participant. Any
relevant documents were analyzed, including online reference materials on external websites,
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uncovered as part of the interview process and compared documents with responses received
from participating stakeholders. According to Bowen (2009), the qualitative researcher is
expected to draw upon multiple sources of evidence; that is, to seek convergence and
corroboration through the use of different data sources and methods. All responses were coded
and the data was charted along with any information gathered as part of the interview process.
Ethics
According to Glesne (2011), informed consent neither precludes the abuse of research
findings nor creates a symmetrical relationship between the researcher and participant and can
contribute to empowering participants. The primary ethical principles for conducting research
with human subjects is respect for persons, beneficence, and justice (Roberts & Hyatt, 2019).
The study followed the ethical guidelines as outlined by the National Commission for Protection
of Human subjects and as required by the University of Southern California Institutional Review
Board. All data collected via the interview process is being reported collectively and no
individual participant has been named in the study. Narrative data from interviews with
participants has been recorded with the permission of the participant. The data collected as part
of the interview process was transcribed and those transcribed records were reviewed only for
summarization and inclusion in the final study report. As part of the study, evaluation of all
narratives, collating responses and including findings in the final report in support of the study
was completed. All study participation was voluntary and study participants were told that they
may opt of the study at any time. No participants opted out of the study. Interviews conducted
with study participants were confidential.
The study posed minimal risk to participants pertaining to experimental treatment or
exposure to physical or psychological harm. Participants were made aware of the purpose of the
63

study, given a full understanding of the nature of the study, and were provided an explanation
regarding the voluntary nature of participation in the study. The confidentiality of data as
described in this study was maintained at all times. Identification of study participants was not
available during nor will it be available after conclusion of the study. Recordings of interviews
were not be shared. No data was gathered in support of this study prior to Institutional Review
Board approval.
Summary
According to Creswell (2014), qualitative research is an approach for exploring and
understanding the meaning individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human problem.
Exploration of the impact of implicit bias on advancement opportunities for African American
women in executive leadership roles within the entertainment industry was explored through the
qualitative design of the research. The research design provided the basis for collection of
narrative data based on the experiential experience of African American women in entertainment
industry executive leadership roles. The use of interviews as well as document analysis were the
primary sources of data collection and allowed for a comprehensive research process. The
research design included an introduction of the findings, protocols that would be used to guide
the study, and analysis to support the research. The analysis included findings as a result of
interviews with participants that were analyzed and incorporated into the final research document
and supported development of future recommendations for consideration.
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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this qualitative field study was to understand the role, if any, that implicit
bias has had in marginalization and limiting advancement opportunities for African American
women seeking executive leadership roles within the entertainment industry. For purposes of this
study, implicit bias was defined as an automatic and unconscious prejudice (Brownstein, 2019;
Kahn, 2018; Malpas, 2012; Staats et al., 2017; Staats et al., 2015). The entertainment industry
companies represented as part of this study include; international entertainment companies which
focus on movies, television, and direct to video or live stream releases. The entertainment
companies also include those international entertainment companies which operate theme parks,
and print media including magazines and online subscription services. Also represented as part
of this study were sports entertainment companies that focused on national men and women’s
sports including; national race car companies, national baseball, and women’s basketball.
Advancement opportunity as defined for purposes of this study is a chance to hold a
progressively responsible, senior level position in an entertainment industry organization. A
purposeful sample of African American women executives, defined as African American women
who have held or hold Director-level or above positions within the entertainment industry, were
identified via a demographic survey. Twenty-five African American women executives were
initially identified to participate in the study. From the initial targeted list of executives, 15
executives agreed to participate in the study. Four executives did not follow through with their
desire to participate in the study, and one executive did not meet the criteria outlined in the
demographic survey. The demographic survey allowed participants to confirm their membership
in the intended target population for purposes of the research study and to confirm their
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willingness to participate in the study via an interview. The remaining 10 executives were
confirmed as study participants
Interviews were conducted with 10 participants to gather data about their lived
experiences and to document their actual entertainment industry experience from their personal
perspective. The interviews allowed an opportunity to gather experiential data to better
understand the lived experiences of African American women executive leaders in the
entertainment industry including what barriers, if any, existed in career advancement. The
following three research questions were used to guide the interviews:
1. In what ways do African American women perceive race-based stereotyping as a factor
in advancement opportunities within the entertainment industry?
2. How do African American women experience bias within entertainment industry
promotion practices?
3. How does the imbalance of racial power within the entertainment industry impact the
experience of African American women?
Participants
Ten individuals participated in this field study. The participants, identified as
Stakeholders 1 through 10, included a cross section of African American women executives from
various sectors of the entertainment industry. The entertainment industry, according to the
International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (2020) is an economic sector that includes
products and services such as motion pictures, television, music, broadcasting, print media, toys,
sports, and fine arts marked by the rising productivity of workers for the purpose of pleasing or
agreeably occupying the participants’ time and attention. Participants who have had experience
in various entertainment industry business segments, including Animation, Business Affairs,
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Consulting, Consumer Products, Communications, Finance, Information Technology,
International, Legal, Marketing, Real Estate, Studio Operations, and Television, participated in
the study. As noted in Chapter Three of this dissertation, all interviews were conducted via Zoom
to comply with the Institutional Review Board (IRB) COVID 19 research requirements.
Each of the 10 participants in this purposeful sample were African American women who
hold or have held executive level positions, director level or above, within an entertainment
industry company. As highlighted in Table 2, the participants have more than 125 years of
collective entertainment industry experience, with an average of 12.5 years’ experience per
participant. All of the participants have at least one undergraduate university degree. Eighty
percent of the participants have advanced degrees; including Master of Business Administration,
(five of 10 participants), and Juris Doctor (four of 10 participants). Seventy percent of the
participants have held or hold Vice President (VP) level or above positions in their entertainment
company experience. Seventy percent of the participants continue to work within the
entertainment industry. The participants come from a variety of undergraduate educational
backgrounds including; Business, Communications, East Asian Studies, Economics, Education,
English, History, Law, Liberal Arts, and Organizational Development. Ninety percent of the
interviewed participants have held more than one executive level position within the
entertainment industry. In addition, ninety percent of participants have worked for more than one
entertainment company during their entertainment industry careers.

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Table 2
Participant Demographics

Participant

Years of
entertainment
company
experience

Current
entertainment
company
experience

Advanced
degrees

Hold or held VP
level or above
position

Stakeholder 1

10+ Yes Yes Yes
Stakeholder 2

10+ No Yes No
Stakeholder 3

10+ No Yes Yes
Stakeholder 4

20+ Yes Yes Yes
Stakeholder 5

20+ Yes No Yes
Stakeholder 6

10+ Yes Yes No
Stakeholder 7

5+ Yes Yes Yes
Stakeholder 8

10+ No Yes Yes
Stakeholder 9

10+ Yes No No
Stakeholder 10

20+ Yes Yes Yes

Study participants were asked to share any relevant documents or artifacts that would support
an understanding of their organization’s advancement practices related to their experience in the
entertainment industry. Participants mainly verbally referenced promotion practices of their
entertainment company employers. Three participants referenced online information provided by
their employers such as internally developed training documents, online course offerings and
LinkedIn training models. Minimal documents and artifacts were provided for analysis.
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Although three participants referenced the availability of materials or trainings available
internally, only one participant directly shared copies of press releases highlighting her
advancement opportunities. Participants did note that they leveraged their academic learnings
and conversations with peers to support ongoing development and growth in their career
pursuits.
Interviews with participants were the first step in data collection. During the interviews,
participants shared any additional data or information that could be followed up either online or
given directly as a part of the interview process. Any data that was collected during interviews
was followed by review of any documents or relevant websites referred by participants. Since
this study consisted of a purposeful sample of African American women executives, themes were
developed not solely on the number of times an issue was addressed but also as that issue
directly related to the literature reviewed as part of the study development. For example,
stakeholders may not have directly identified an issue as a stereotypical response, however, it
was determined through the research whether or not the information provided by participants fit
into a stereotypical classification based on the prior study research as discussed in Chapter Two.
The significance of the findings was based on the picture created by the participant
through her explanation of the issue being discussed, the outcome of the issue as it related to her
career experience, and the analysis of the issue as it aligned with study research. In some
instances, the narrative data was a simple word or phrase. However, the weight of that word or
phrase was magnified as a result of what the research has shown. Because the interviews were
experiential and captured lived experiences, not every stakeholder categorized information in the
same way. Following the data collection, the responses were collated in order to frame the
discussion for meaningful analysis and communication.
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Research Question 1: In What Ways do African American Women Perceive Race-Based
Stereotyping as a Factor in Advancement Opportunities within the Entertainment
Industry?
Research question one focuses on the perceptions of African American women related to
race-based stereotyping, specifically whether or not race-based stereotyping impacted
participants’ advancement opportunities within the entertainment industry as demonstrated in
their lived experiences. The two themes that were identified from the research include the
following 1) how stereotype traits of African American women manifest in the workplace, and 2)
how stereotypes negatively impact advancement opportunities for African American women
seeking leadership roles. Each participant was asked to share their lived experience related to
stereotypes in the workplace. In addition, each participant was asked to share impacts, if any,
that stereotypes may have had on their career advancement within the entertainment industry.
Theme 1: How Stereotype Traits of African American Women Manifest in the Workplace
The first theme that was identified resulting from perceptions of participants as
documented during interviews with participants was how stereotype traits of African American
women manifest in the workplace. Eight out of 10 participants mentioned that they had some
experience with stereotypes traits in their entertainment industry experience. Participants noted
that they experienced being assigned several types of stereotypes traits that are often associated
with African American women: angry, attitudes, assertive, othering, overly confident, and
underestimated. In addition, participants experienced being assigned stereotype traits based on
their appearance. There was a negative perception associated with the stereotype traits described
by the participants. Although some of these traits when exhibited by non-African Americans can
be viewed as positive, for the African American women participants interviewed, the perception
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of being assigned these stereotype traits was negative. Table 3 highlights references to these
stereotype traits as expressed by participants during interviews.
Stakeholder 1 stated that “I always have an air of confidence even when I’m failing.”
This confidence exhibited by Stakeholder 1 was perceived by others within her organization as
too strong and set her apart from her peers in the organization as overly confident. According to
Stakeholder 1, when she, as an African American women, expressed or exhibited confidence, it
was viewed negatively. Stakeholder 2 referenced a common stereotype used to describe African
American women, the Angry Black woman stereotype. According to Stakeholder 2, she was told
“don’t be so angry.” This common stereotype is oftentimes used when African American women
exhibit strong or confident behaviors or do not reflect the same “happy” or jovial demeanor as
expressed by their non-African American counterparts.
Participants described that African American women are often set apart as different,
which was also referred to as “other” or “othering.” As highlighted by Stakeholder 3, “the
challenges of being a Black woman in a professional environment…even though you’re doing a
good job you can still be perceived as other.” Stakeholder 3 highlighted how even when she was
contributing, this sense of “otherness” can isolate the African American woman leader and set
her apart from the team. She highlighted how traits commonly associated with effective
leadership are sometimes negatively attributed to African American women in the workplace.
Stakeholder 3 noted that “if I was someone who asked for what I wanted, what I needed that was
deemed as negative towards some people by me asking for what I want being assertive that did
not always bode well.” Some of the same skills that are demonstrative of good leadership
attributes when used by these African American women leaders were perceived negatively and
hindered their work relationships with individuals within their organizations.
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Stakeholder 6 discussed the difficulties of being the first African American woman in her
role in her organization. She highlighted how “being first is good, but you don’t want to be first
and only for a long time.” She also shared how being first can subject you to questioning about
capability and “being underestimated regarding my abilities.” As the first African American
women leader in her organization, she was subject to critique and criticism by other counterparts
in her organization and had to prove her worth as she was often underestimated in her ability to
get the job done. Stakeholder 8 shared that she and other African American women within her
organization, had been told “to work on our attitudes.” She perceived this non-specific and
unclear personal development request as subject to interpretation and providing no direct
guidance for correction leading to potential failure if the stated behavior was not corrected in a
way suitable to her leadership. Finally, Stakeholder 10 shared that during an interview she was
asked whether she was going to “come in one day with your hair yellow.” She felt this
questioning about her physical appearance was inappropriate and would likely not have been
asked of other non-African American female candidates. In fact, following her interview
Stakeholder 10 pondered “did you ask that of your White candidates? Or, did you just ask it of
me?”
Although the lived experiences of participants related to stereotype traits were generally
negative, two participants did reference how stereotypes created positive opportunities.
Stakeholder 7 shared a stereotypical encounter that positively impacted her advancement. She
stated there were occasions when the leadership she “…was working with just told me explicitly
I’d really like you to do this because you are Black or because you’re a Black woman.” Although
this experience provided a positive outcome by affording access to an opportunity that may not
have been available otherwise, a reference to the racial and gender makeup of the African
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American women, which is not based on either skills or ability, was still present. Stakeholder 5
shared an experience in an entertainment company where she was one of only four African
Americans in the entire company. In order for the company to show a potential client that they
could respect the African American experience and had African American team members, “they
wanted as much Black representation as they could get in the room, so they had all four of us
come in.” In this example, being an African American woman did afford her the opportunity to
work on the project as well as expand her experience. However, as Stakeholder 5 noted, the only
reason the opportunity was available was because the company wanted to win the project and
used these four team members as examples of the depth of their African American team talent.

Table 3
Stereotypes in the Workplace

Stereotype
trait

No. of
references

Key quote

Angry 2 “Besides, do what they tell me to do (Laughter), and ummm.
Don’t be so angry.”

Confidence 3 “Like I walk with my head up. I always have an air of
confidence even when I’m failing.”

“So I think the fact that even my physical presence may have
factored into an unwillingness or a fear of wanting to help me.”

Appearance
(Positive)

2 “the reason I even got my next job with (Actor) is that when
he…came to the building to meet even about potentially being a
client of the agency they wanted as much Black representation
as they could get in the room so they had all four of us come in
but then only one would get assigned to a team”

But, ummm I was fine with the fact that at times it appeared
obvious but sometimes the supervisor that I was working with
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just told me explicitly (laughter) I’d really like you to do this
because you are Black or because you’re a Black woman. Fine
with me, I’m getting the opportunity.”

Assertive 2 “And then if I was someone who asked for what I wanted, what I
needed ummm that was deemed as ummm negative towards
some people by me asking for what I want being assertive
ummm that did not always bode well.”

Othering 2 “I think that the challenges of being a Black woman in a
professional environment ummm and this is in entertainment and
also out of entertainment. But it’s that, even though you’re doing
a good job you can still be perceived as other…”

Under-
estimation
3 “Being underestimated. Being the only Black female in the
room. Ummm, being the first. Being first is good, but you don’t
want to be first and only for a long time. Ummm and then
always ummm being underestimated regarding my abilities. And
then people are saying, why is she here? You know, people are
saying ummm how come I didn’t get the promotion?”

Attitude 1 “…so you know talking to her and about her experience and
other women, like when you get with other Black women around
the company who are in completely different departments with
completely different managers and all of us have kind of similar
commentary on our performance plans, it starts to be like, so is
this the…so what are they trying to say about us. Cause, we’re
completely different people with completely different
approaches. But yet, we all have to work on our attitudes.”

Appearance
(Negative)
2 “And I went to this company and had the first round interview
and was going through the second round the interview with the
hiring manager and I thought like, it was going well…. And the
guy asked me. He goes, well you’re not going to like, come in
one day with your hair yellow, are you? And, he goes, and I was
like, no. Then he goes, yeah, I had a person who came in when
their hair was yellow. And, I’m like OK. And I thought to
myself after that interview, one I knew for sure I wasn’t getting
the job, right. I just knew it. But, number two, I was like, is that
a standard question that you ask. Like did you ask that of your
White candidates? Or, did you just ask it of me?”

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Eight of 10 participants interviewed noted some experience with stereotyping based on
their gender and/or race at some time during their career experience. The stereotypical references
highlighted in Table 3 summarize some of the experiences of interviewed participants.
Stereotypes are often reflected in physical appearance or traits that are attributed to groups of
people. The stereotype traits highlighted can be associated with those experienced by African
American women in general and more specifically with African American women in leadership
positions.
Theme 2: How Stereotypes Negatively Impact Advancement Opportunities for African
American Women Seeking Leadership Roles
In the interviews with participants regarding how stereotypes impacted advancement
opportunities, participants shared their lived experiences related to the negative impact of
stereotypes on their advancement opportunity into leadership roles. Seven of 10 participants
mentioned that they were subject to stereotypes that had negatively impacted their career
experiences. Participants noted several references made by leadership in their workplace that
denote outcomes of stereotypes that are often associated with African American women
including not being happy, having an inadequate skill set, feeling like an outsider, having to
work harder, being uncooperative or combative, facing roadblocks, challenging authority or
experiencing blocked opportunities. Table 4 highlights some of the negative impacts of
stereotypes to career advancement as shared by participants during interviews. These negative
impacts are demonstrative of the lived experiences of the African American women interviewed.
These impacts are also demonstrative of the advancement limiting effects that stereotypes have
had as described by interviewed participants.
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Stakeholder 3 highlighted how she was set apart from personal discussions with peers.
She noted that “when people are talking about their personal life I think that if you’re ‘othered’
then you may not be included in those kinds of conversations ….” Building and maintaining
relationships is a critical part of working in the entertainment industry. By being “othered,”
African American women can be excluded from potential career advancing conversations and
thereby limit advancement opportunity.
Stakeholder 6 shared how she had to make sure that stereotypical impressions of African
American women did not color her work experience. She felt that she “had to work harder. Make
sure I stand out. Meaning I would always make sure that I was the first person in the office….”
“I made sure that I was always visible.” Her actions were employed to counter negative
impressions that people in the workforce may have about African Americans such as always
being late or not being engaged in workplace activities. Stakeholder 6 highlighted the added
pressure on African American women leaders to show that they are not reflective of the
stereotypical perceptions that others may have of them. African American women have to “work
harder” to show that they fit in. Stakeholder 8 noted that she was “being painted in a certain light
of being uncooperative….even at times combative or road block” as a means of silencing her and
curtailing her contribution to the organization. This stereotypical reference was intended to paint
her in a negative light by her peers and demonstrate to senior leadership that she was not capable
of the job that she had been assigned.
Stakeholder 9 shared her challenges with not being promoted as a result of roadblocks.
She shared her frustration with not being “promoted as soon as you would like to or if you’re
hitting a certain roadblock not … always having mentors or allies that you can go to to share
those experiences or help you get through those experiences.” Stakeholder 9 experienced being
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ostracized and did not have access to mentors or allies to assist in developing and enhancing
leadership skills. Stakeholder 2 shared her experience with “assumptions that maybe I wasn’t
capable or couldn’t do it or didn’t have the skill set….not given opportunities because they felt
that I wasn’t.” These assumptions negatively impacted her career experience. In addition,
Stakeholder 2 spoke of the challenges of navigating the “political waters and attitudes and
behaviors and feelings of others.” These challenges caused Stakeholder 2 to evaluate her
contributions and subsequently leave her role within the entertainment company. The departure
limited her career advancement opportunity at her current employer and did not afford the
entertainment company an opportunity to receive the full value of her contribution to the
organization.

Table 4
Negative Impact of Stereotypes on Advancement Opportunities

Participant
perception

References

Key quotes conveying negative impact

Not happy /
Angry
3 “I, as I walk, I don’t know if that, like I can’t stamp hey I’m
happy on the top of my forehead and as a human, I am not
always happy necessarily.”

Inadequate skills 2 “You know, just assumptions that maybe I wasn’t capable
or couldn’t do it or didn’t have the skill set. Ummm not
given opportunities because they felt that I wasn’t.”

Excluded 2 “and so when people are talking about their personal life I
think that if you’re ‘othered’ then you may not be included
in those kinds of conversations …”

Work harder 6 “I’ve had to work harder. Make sure I stand out. Meaning I
would always make sure that I was the first person in the
office. I was, I made sure that I was always visible.”

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Uncooperative,
Combative
1 “Right, I think it was one of the first times, well not the
first, maybe not the first time. But one of the times it was
most obvious that I was being painted in a certain light of
being uncooperative. Ummm, even at times combative or
road block which I can honestly say is not my, it’s not the
way I operate. Ummm, but I understand why that narrative
might have needed to be said so that person could gain the
leverage that they wanted. Ummm, it was always interesting
that it never held true, like it just didn’t fit but there was still
a lot of effort to make it fit. So, in that circumstance, I did
get feedback that I needed to be more collaborative. That I
needed to, you know, work with these individuals more. “

Roadblocks 4 “so that’s been challenging and then, ummm of course like
being an African American woman in those environments
you don’t see a lot of people that look like you so, that’s
oftentimes challenging and then that comes with, you know
a variety of, you know, different obstacles. Like, you know,
not being promoted as soon as you would like to or if you’re
hitting a certain roadblock not having, always having
ummm mentors or allies that you can go to to share those
experiences or help you get through those experiences.”

Glass Ceiling 1 “I’m like huh? Have the women, and all of the women are
(in senior executive roles). So, I’m like are we hitting, you
know, the glass ceiling that I didn’t see was there?”

Challenging
Authority
2 “A lot of people challenging the fact that I was now their
manager so my, my new direct reports…at least one was
like not happy that I was her manager...so that can be
difficult.” “She was White. I was the only Black person.”

Blocked
Opportunity
3 “I was ummm the first communications person working on
Diversity and Inclusion for the entire company and that role
was challenging as well I could see first-hand all of the
ways that people of color and Black people in particular
were blocked from promotions and not afforded an
opportunity”

Left Out 3 “But when he transitioned over…he acknowledged that
maybe I was having some challenges integrating with the
team....I was the only African American. Every other was
like White women or men. He’s like, you’re just sort of
struggling…. And I was like yeah…He’s like why don’t
you reach out to them and stuff. And, I’m like OK. I’ll do
so. So I reached out, or whatever. A couple of months later
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he’s like, you know, how’s things going. I’m like, it’s OK.
And, he goes, well what more can you do?”

Seven of 10 participants noted negative experiences as a result of stereotypical traits that
impacted their entertainment industry experience. The resulting outcome of perceptions related
to these stereotypes has the potential to limit advancement opportunities for African American
women. As highlighted by stakeholders during interviews, African American women who are
seen as unhappy, having inadequate skills, uncooperative, combative, and challenging authority
are perceived negatively by their peers and leaders. These African American women perceived
that they must work harder, often experience roadblocks, are left out of discussions, and face
blocked opportunity in their pursuit of advancement opportunity.
Research Question 2: How do African American Women Experience Bias within
Entertainment Industry Promotion Practices?
Research question two focuses on how African American women perceive and
experience bias in their career experience within the entertainment industry. The two themes that
were identified through the interview process were how bias is exhibited in the workplace and
how implicit bias impacts advancement opportunity. Each participant was asked to share her
experience with perceived unconscious or implicit bias as part of her entertainment industry
experience. Each participant provided a general overview of her career experience, including
both positive and negative aspects, if any. In addition, participants shared information related to
resources available in their organization to support their advancement and development
including sharing details related to the types of resources available to support their ongoing
performance. Participants noted a variety of resources either made available, developed or
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solicited to support their ongoing development including; access to executive coaches
(Stakeholder 5, Stakeholder 9 and Stakeholder 10), continuing education (Stakeholder 3),
leadership classes (Stakeholder 4) executive leadership training (Stakeholder 6) as well as
training programs designed to improve communication and leadership skills (Stakeholder 7).
Theme 3: How Bias is Exhibited in the Workplace
During the interviews, participants shared their experiences with perceived implicit bias
during their entertainment industry career experience. Nine of 10 stakeholders shared that they
had experienced some form of perceived implicit or unconscious bias during their career
experience. Table 5 provides examples of bias based on participants lived experiences as shared
during interviews.
Nine stakeholders shared their experiences with bias within their entertainment industry
experience. These experiences with bias impacted their work experience within the entertainment
industry. Stakeholder 1 noted a contrast in her work experience when working for male and non-
Caucasian female leaders compared to Caucasian female leaders. Stakeholder 1 stated that the
work experience was different with Caucasian female leaders, when “my boss was a White
female, and it was not necessarily the best relationship, I think that just personality wise there
was just way more judgement.” Stakeholder 1 noted how the atmosphere of judgement impacted
her working relationship with her Caucasian female supervisor whereas her working relationship
with non-Caucasian females and male leaders was more productive. Stakeholder 5 shared how
race and gender biases impacted how her work was viewed. She stated, “I do think that my race
and gender made it easier for people to feel that my work wasn’t as distinct maybe and that it
was easy to kind of cross from (one department) and suddenly be an expert at (another
department).” Stakeholder 10 expressed the difficulty that biases had on her personally as she
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never felt that she was speaking of her experience but the experience of all minoritized
communities. She noted that “…I think that you have to be the voice all the time and it gets to be
exhausting being the voice all the time for minority groups and leadership and executives.”
Stakeholder 10 shared the difficulty associated with not focusing solely on her own career path.
She stated that “you always feel like you’re speaking for your community instead of speaking for
yourself.”
Four participants also shared their experiences with biases and perceptions of coworkers
that were founded based on both physical appearance and gender specific experiences.
Stakeholder 4 shared how “the higher you get, the harder it is because it is frankly easier to find
affinities and build strong sponsorship relationships with people who ideally look like you and
come from your culture but at least understand your culture.” Stakeholder 4 highlighted how not
having people who “look like you” and “understand your culture” can impact your work
experience in executive leadership roles. Stakeholder 6 provided background on an experience
that she had with a coworker who was looking for supplies. There were only two African
American women in the department at the time. After having been asked the location of supplies
a number of times by different individuals in her department, she finally said, “you don’t want
me, you want the other Black woman. There are two of us here….if you ask her she’ll tell you
where it is…I’m not an Admin.” Stakeholder 6 had to differentiate herself from the other African
woman in the department as she was being shown bias based on her physical appearance.
Stakeholder 8 shared how the interaction with Caucasian males in her company impacted her
career. She shared that “…White guys hang out, they go to golf, they have beers, they go to bars,
they do this stuff. I don’t do that…and I’m not getting invited to do it either. They’re not inviting
me to their golf outing.” These gender specific experiences of White male leaders left her as a
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leader outside what were normal interactions with leaders which can have a deleterious impact
on her career experience. Stakeholder 10 shared “I sum it up to that, like, as African Americans,
I think it’s not just African Americans, its minorities. We’ve been taught…keep your head down,
and work hard, and you’re expected to work hard and sort of take orders.” Stakeholder 10 further
commented that “I think that my White counterparts were, are taught you work hard, you ask for
promotions, you receive promotions. Or, you work hard, people recognize that you work hard
and promote you up.” Stakeholder 10 shared the difference in expectations experienced by
individuals of different races which can color the perception of ability and limit engagement with
other leaders which can potentially limit advancement opportunity.
One participant noted that she experienced same race and same gender bias. Stakeholder
10 shared when she sought opportunities for improvement the response from African American
peers was not always positive. She stated that “all my bosses but were always White women that
were like, yes, you should do this. And, encouraged me to do that. I wasn’t necessarily getting
that same sentiment from other African American women.” This lack of support from other
African American women further set her apart in her career experience as an outsider.

Table 5
Bias Exhibited by Women and Men

Racial bias

Gender bias

Key quotes by participant

X X “It was often an Asian male or female or Black female or Black
male that really gave me an opportunity to shine and then others
were able to see my talent and wanted to work with me.”

X “So anytime I tried to stick up for myself, you know, it was
always, I hate to use always, I hate to use those phrases, but a lot
of the time there was pushback or, or the side was taken of the
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lesser person that was under me but they were of a different race
as opposed to sticking up for me or being on my side.”

X X “I didn’t have an issue with advancement but what I will say that
happened to me there but it could be part of me is like is it my
race, is it my gender or is it me and do I not… but I feel like I
never got the support that other people got so when I would ask
for…like support staff help or… I felt like I got more pushback
than other people did. I felt like my, my read on it was that the
expectation was sort of like you can handle it, you can do it.”

X X “…I did feel like the support that I could get was limited and I
felt like ummm other people got more support without having to
beg for it even though I did beg for it I still didn’t get it”

X “I think, I think the higher you get, the harder it is because ummm
it is frankly easier to find affinities and build strong sponsorship
relationships with people who ideally look like you and come
from your culture but at least understand your culture. The higher
you go the more trying to find those affinities and build those
strong relationships get harder.”

X X “I do think that my race and gender ummm made it easier for
people to feel that my work wasn’t as distinct maybe and that it
was easy to kind of cross from marketing and suddenly be an
expert (in other areas) and take pieces of that away.”

X “And I just looked at them and said excuse me, you don’t want
me, you want the other Black woman. There are two of us here.
So, you know, she sits up there, we look nothing alike, if you ask
her she’ll tell you where it is but I’m an analyst I’m not an
Admin.”

X X “All entertainment, it’s an industry of relationships. Right? And
these relationships are built via working with each other,
networking introductions, but more so, social interaction. Right,
so, where White guys hang out, they go to golf, they have beers,
they go to bars, they do this stuff. I don’t do that. So, I’m…not
getting invited to do it either. They’re not inviting me to their golf
outing.”

X “Very dismissive….they all learned their lesson in short later
however, (laughter) the attempt was there. The attempt was there.
It’s just the idea that like they should be able to talk to a woman
and, you know, put her in her place so to speak. That’s always
fun.”
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X X “Not really. I mean, I’ve had. I had an executive, the executive
that actually promoted me that last time ummm asked me to work
on my executive presence. So, and so that was interesting because
I honestly didn’t know exactly what she meant by that?”

X “I got promoted over ummm a White woman who had been my
peer prior to that and, and I felt as though the new VP and my
direct report had kind of aligned with one another and they were
actively working to undermine me once I got promoted.”

X X “If you’re kind of tapped, you’re on that list of high achieving,
high performers you get access to these kinds of things and so, I
had access to those things…which made it even more perplexing
when I was faced with the challenges towards the end of my
career there that I just felt like abandoned, like I didn’t have
anyone to help me when I had been like a high performer all the
years prior to that that I was there.”

X “I sum it up to that, like, as African Americans, I think it’s not
just African Americans, its minorities. We’ve been taught that,
sort of keep your head down, and work hard, and you’re expected
to work hard and sort of take orders. Where I think that, I think
that my White counterparts were, are taught you work hard, you
ask for promotions, you receive promotions. Or, you work hard,
people recognize that you work hard and promote you up.”

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Nine of 10 stakeholders experienced unconscious bias in their entertainment industry
career experience. These stakeholders shared how bias negatively impacted career experience
and limited opportunities for individuals. The examples of the impacts of bias as highlighted in
the career experiences of stakeholders overshadowed their skills, experience, and capabilities and
colored the perception of the individual’s abilities, which impacted their advancement
opportunities.
Theme 4: How Implicit Bias Impacts Advancement Opportunity
During interviews, participants shared their lived experiences related to implicit bias. Six
of 10 participants experienced the impacts of implicit bias related to their career advancement. In
four instances, participants shared how implicit bias limited their opportunities within the
entertainment industry. However, two participants shared instances where implicit bias, although
negative, actually provided an advancement opportunity. Table 6 shows impacts of implicit bias
on advancement opportunities of interviewed participants.
Four stakeholders shared how implicit bias negatively impacted their advancement
opportunities. Stakeholder 1 shared, “I do not find women, no matter the race, in those roles,
they are very limited in those roles and I believe that it has to do with the need actually to be
physically aggressive looking….” Stakeholder 1 highlighted the focus on how the appearance of
an individual can supersede the perceived capability of the individual. She mentioned how the
perception of a “…stern White man versus a woman of any race” was more acceptable.
Stakeholder 1 further highlighted how the physical appearance of a person can sometimes be
used as an indicator of ability. Stakeholder 8 expressed her perceptions on working with
individuals that do not see familiar physical traits in you. She stated that she “didn’t realize it at
the time, but…the idea that some people were like taken under their wing or seen like a little
85

sister, or whatever, I was never seen like that because I mean, why would I be.” As an African
American woman, Stakeholder 8 shared her concerns with the disconnect that occurs when
someone is not seen like others in their organization, she stated that “(you) don’t get that extra
vote of confidence, you don’t get that idea of like I see something in you that I already like. I can
see my sister in you…. They can’t see it.” As highlighted by Stakeholder 1 and Stakeholder 8,
physical appearance can negatively impact perceptions and limit career opportunity. Each of the
represented stakeholders highlighted how bias negatively impacted their individual advancement
opportunity.
According to Stakeholder 9 there is a distinction between race-based and gender-based
biases. She stated that “I think that being Black probably was a greater obstacle than being a
woman to getting promoted. I don’t feel that my gender played as much a factor as my race did.”
In her experience, race-based biases were a greater obstacle to advancement. Stakeholder 10
shared a direct example of where bias impacted the pursuit of her academic endeavors. She said
that she “…thought it was very interesting that you know, that I knew a White male got the
opportunity, you know to have (an MBA Program) fully, you know, covered, where I didn’t have
the same opportunity.”
Although stakeholders primarily revealed negative impacts of implicit bias, there were
two instances where bias actually provided opportunity. Stakeholder 7 shared an example where
being an African American woman was actually advantageous to the company. Stakeholder 7
highlighted how her gender and race was perceived as creating an advantage for the company,
the company used her gender and race to further their business objectives. Stakeholder 7 noted
that “I was their ideal in terms of having gone to really good schools…it’s like if we’re going to
have a Black person or Black woman it’s going to be her or someone like her. I made it easy for
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them....” The observation raised by Stakeholder 7 did not negate her capability. She still needed
to have the right qualifications for the role in order to be considered even though leadership used
racial and gender bias to select her for the opportunity. Finally, Stakeholder 5 noted that she was
“quite clear that they were looking for someone of color if they could find it, for this role. And
so, I think it helped me.” In this example, the company consciously decided to seek out diverse
candidates for the role that they were endeavoring to fill.

Table 6
Impact of Implicit Bias on Advancement Opportunity

Impact of bias

Stakeholder
references

Key quotes

Lack of
Representation
10 “I do not find women, no matter the race, in those roles, they
are very limited in those roles and I believe that it has to do
with the need actually to be physically aggressive
looking…. So a stern White man vs. a woman of any race.”

Questioning
Capability
2 “You know, just assumptions that maybe I wasn’t capable or
couldn’t do it or didn’t have the skill set. Not given
opportunities because they felt that I wasn’t.”

“I was told by my boss that I wasn’t ready….That they
ended up giving that role to someone else…. I remember
trying to pursue my MBA and ummm the company would
give you know discounts and pay for part of it. My boss
would not give me permission to take any classes.”

Advancement
Limitation
3 “I mean I tried for many years to be promoted. Ummm or
get a new job or …It was always between me and someone
else. And the someone else always got it. Most of the time a
White male….I was always number two.”

“I think that the entertainment industry is an industry that I
loved. But it definitely were, was a place of double
standards and contradictions and a place where you didn’t
get the same opportunities or if you did get an opportunity,
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you had to work twice as hard you had to be very cognizant
and I didn’t really last long I believe in the entertainment
business because I wasn’t really wasn’t good at the politics.”

“So for our leaders for example, it can’t just be relying on
our talent acquisition team uhhh it’s them being more
proactive about reaching out to their networks and explicitly
saying I’d love to have a person of color in this role. Really
partnering with our talent acquisition team to take a hard
look at people of color in particular rather than just going
with someone they might already know or just going with a
friend of a friend.”

“I think that being Black probably was a greater obstacle
than being a woman to getting promoted. I don’t feel that
my gender played as much a factor as my race did.”

“But I thought it was very interesting that…I knew a White
male got the opportunity…to have an MBA Program fully,
you know, covered, where I didn’t have the same
opportunity.

Advancement
Opportunity
3 “I actually think that my race in particular but perhaps also
my gender has actually been an asset. Because I grew up in
my, I’ve been growing up in my career in an era during
which ummm diversity and inclusion has been a hot topic
and has been something that …. companies are at least
saying, that they are aspiring to be better in.”

“I feel like I was their ideal in terms of having gone to really
good schools ummm I’m bright, I’m personable. And, So,
it’s like if we’re going to have a Black person or Black
woman it’s going to be her or someone like her. I made it
easy for them uhhh to slot me into roles.”

“I’m seeing certain White male executives who are actively
seeking people of color in particular.”

“But I can see how race might have been a factor or ummm
kind of the icing on the cake. If she already said yeah she’d
be a supreme candidate and she’s Black awesome.”

Lack of
Mentoring
6 “… while most people were very accepting, and I didn’t
realize it at the time, but, you know, the idea that some
people were like taken under their wing or seen like a little
sister, or whatever, I was never seen like that because I
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mean, why would I be. Ummm, so you don’t get that extra
vote of confidence, you don’t get that idea of like I see
something in you that I already like. I can see my sister in
you. I can see my, you know, whoever is close to me in you.
They can’t see it.”

Six of 10 stakeholders noted some negative experience with bias in their entertainment
industry careers. Although stakeholders primarily revealed negative impacts of bias. There were
two instances where implicit bias actually worked in the favor of the participant and afforded an
advancement opportunity. In these instances, the fact that the participant was an African
American woman was used to the advantage of the organization in order to drive desired changes
within organizational operations or to solidify and improve relationships with clients. However,
the existence of any form of bias raises concerns. Implicit bias continues to be an issue that needs
to be addressed as the impacts of bias can negatively impact career advancement opportunities
by contributing to inequities and coloring the perception of leadership ability (Devine et al.,
2012).
Research Question 3: How Does the Imbalance of Racial Power Within the Entertainment
Industry Impact the Experience of African American Women?
Research question three focuses on understanding the racial make-up within
entertainment companies, whether or not there was an imbalance of racial power, and if that
imbalance of racial power impacted the experience for African American women leaders.
Participants shared their work experience related to their roles within the entertainment industry
as well as an understanding of the racial make-up of the company, business groups, and
departments in which the participants worked. There was one theme identified during the
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interviews, impacts of the lack of African American women entertainment executives on
diversity within business operations. This theme provided insight into which ethnic groups hold
the most power and influence within entertainment organizations and how that power translates
to African American women in the entertainment industry. Each participant was asked to share
details of any advancement opportunities, including whether or not they had been promoted,
during their entertainment industry experience. In addition, participants were asked to share their
promotion experience, if any, and any challenges they may have experienced as a result of their
promotional opportunity. Participants were asked in what ways, if any, has race or gender
impacted their entertainment industry experience and whether they believed that gender or race
was a determining factor in their promotion experience. Participants shared general information
about the gender and ethnic makeup of leadership within their organization, including identifying
the gender and ethnic groups most represented in leadership positions. Participants also shared
how the lack of racial and gender power impacted their advancement opportunity.
Theme 5: Impacts of the Lack of African American Women Entertainment Executives on
Diversity within Business Operations
During the interviews, stakeholders shared details related to the racial and gender make-
up of leadership within their organizations. All 10 participants noted the absence of African
American women in leadership roles within their entertainment company leadership structure. In
some instances, the participant was the only African American woman in a leadership role within
her organization. Many entertainment companies do not publish their diversity numbers. Table 7
provides insight into the racial and gender make-up of executive leadership within participant
organizations and demonstrates the lack of racial and gender diversity within executive
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leadership. Eighty percent of participants noted the lack of both gender and racial diversity while
20% of participants noted the lack of racial diversity only.
Stakeholder 1 shared that “there were no African Americans,” male or female, in
leadership positions within her organization. Stakeholder 4 also noted that the leadership in her
“…division is very heavily White male skewed.” There is very limited racial or gender diversity
within her organization. According to Stakeholder 6, “less than 1%, and I do mean less than 1%,
probably .0 something Black, Blacks who are in executive positions.” Stakeholder 2 noted that
there was greater gender diversity within her organization but noted that the racial make-up was
“90, maybe 95% White…and the gender make-up was maybe 60/40 White male to White
female.” Stakeholder 9 noted that other than her role in leadership “I can’t think of any other
senior level Black women in our division.” Additionally, Stakeholder 3 shared that the racial
diversity in leadership fell short of the gender diversity. The racial make-up of leadership within
her organization was not very diverse. She noted that the “more senior you got the Whiter for
sure. Although there were some women in senior leadership. Actually, White women were fairly
well represented.”
Beyond the numerical limitations of racial and gender diversity, participants shared how
limitations in diversity impacted their experience. Stakeholders expressed these limitations as
described in “otherness” as well as in describing their experiences with limitations in
advancement opportunity. Stakeholder 2 noted that advancement opportunity was limited even
when there were no issues with performance. She noted that she worked at one entertainment
company, “for four years. I wasn’t promoted not once. And that’s why I left, I quit.” Stakeholder
9 highlighted the difficulty of “not seeing other leaders who look like you” when she stated that
“…I think it’s just it affects you in that you’re not seeing yourself and you’re working in an
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environment where you’re not seeing yourself so that’s difficult.” The lack of other African
American female executives had a negative impact on her career experience. Stakeholder 9
further highlighted the challenge of not seeing African American women reflected in the
entertainment company leadership structure. She said that “not seeing yourself reflected in the
leadership or the workforce is also just like a double reinforcement that…they pay lip
service…but it didn’t…feel like it (diversity) was a true priority for the company.” Stakeholder 5
shared her experience of being the only African American woman in meetings. She explained the
sense of aloneness that some African American executives experience when she said that “you’re
often by yourself in terms of being a Black woman. I’m definitely the only one in the room most
of the time and the only one at my level most of the time.” According to Stakeholder 7, there is
limited diversity in top leadership roles within her organization. She noted that, “just based on
meetings that I’m in which are often with a lot of the top leaders in our company across the
company it’s a lot of White men as you would expect unfortunately.”
The lack of diversity can impact the perception of the leadership capability of African
American women. Stakeholder 8 shared an encounter where during her first day in her new role,
she walked into a meeting with her direct report and it was assumed that she was an intern. She
stated that “…they bring in, you know, people of color to intern….that’s the context in which
they were accustomed to seeing, you know, people of color, so the assumption was… I must be
the intern.” Stakeholder 10 noted that “…as you got up higher in the rank at these corporations, I
didn’t see a lot of brown skin and Asian skin or anything of that nature. She further shared that in
her experience she “never thought I would ever be offered the opportunity to be (a C Suite
executive) of a large corporation…because I didn’t look like them.”
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All 10 participants noted the lack of African American executives within their
entertainment industry experience. In addition, participants shared how the lack of diversity
impacted their entertainment industry experience. Impacts included not seeing oneself reflected
in leadership and limitations in the perception of advancement opportunities. Diversity within
higher ranks of entertainment organizations is allusive. Participants shared that although there is
some representation in senior roles by African American women, the vast majority of leaders are
Caucasian and men.

Table 7
Impacts of the Lack of African American Women Entertainment Executives on Diversity

Lack of gender
diversity

Lack of racial
diversity

Key quotes by participant

X X Stakeholder 1: “There were no African Americans (in
leadership positions). There were other (African
American) assistants ummm but no Black males.”

X X Stakeholder 2: “So I would say it (racial make-up) was
90% maybe 95% White and then the (gender) make-up
was maybe 60 / 40 White Male to White Female.”

X Stakeholder 3: “One but, there weren’t a lot if you’re
looking at racial diversity. The more senior you got the
whiter for sure. Yeah (and male). Oh yeah, for sure.
Although there were some women in senior leadership.
Actually, White women were fairly well represented.”

X X Stakeholder 3: “I think that it’s kind of what I touched
upon earlier which is that because there aren’t many of us,
I had a feeling of otherness.”

X X

Stakeholder 4: “My division is very heavily White male
skewed”

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X X Stakeholder 5: “I think that it that you’re often by yourself
in terms of being a Black woman. I’m definitely the only
one in the room most of the time and ummm the only one
at my level most of the time”

X X Stakeholder 6: “less than 1% and I do mean less than 1%
probably .0 something uhhh Black, Blacks who are in
executive positions”

X X Stakeholder 7: “I will say that just based on meetings that
I’m in which are often with a lot of the top leaders in our
company across the company it’s a lot of White men. As
you would expect unfortunately.”

X X Stakeholder 8: “Where they bring in, you know, ummm
people of color to intern. And, my first day, and like I can
say this, coming in as a Director level, my…there was a
press release, there was a photo distributed with said press
release. All this stuff, it’s my first day, I’m with this
woman who reports to me. We walk into a meeting,
gentleman walks up, he’s like, “Hey Cindy.” Cindy’s like,
“Hi” And he’s like, “Oh, is this your intern”? Hmmm,
interesting. Actually, no. (laughter) But, that’s the context
in which they were accustomed to seeing, you know,
people of color, so the assumption was I must be, right. I
must be the intern.”

X Stakeholder 9: “So on my team…I am the only Black
woman. The rest of them are White women…. In our
division, ummm you know I don’t know the exact number
we definitely need to work on diversity. In the division, I
don’t. I’m trying to think if there are other Black
women….But, I can’t think of any other senior level
Black women in our division.”

X X Stakeholder 10: “And, I can tell you, we are 98%
female… 8% Black, African American.”

Summary of Findings
Three research questions were used to guide the interviews as part of this study. The
research questions used to guide the study revealed five themes based on the responses from
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participants. The first research question focused on issues related to race and racism. From the
analysis of data of the first research question, two themes emerged: (1) How stereotype traits of
African American women manifest in the workplace and (2) How stereotypes negatively impact
advancement opportunities for African American women seeking leadership roles. The second
research question focused on issues related to unconscious or implicit bias. From the analysis
related to the second research question, two themes emerged: How bias is exhibited in the
workplace and (2) How implicit bias impacts advancement opportunity for African American
women. The third research question focused on issues related to power. From the analysis of data
related to the second research question, one theme emerged: the impact of the lack of African
American women entertainment executives on diversity in business operations.
The interview findings related to each theme revealed that stereotypes can have an impact
on advancement opportunity, African American women do experience the effects of unconscious
bias in their entertainment industry career experience, and that there is an imbalance of racial
power as there is limited representation by African American women in executive leadership
roles within the entertainment industry. As shown through the participant interviews, stereotypes
and the implicit nature of bias does impact career experience for African American women in the
entertainment industry. Implicit bias, as a limiter in advancement opportunity, was perceived by
African American women executives in their lived experiences within the entertainment
industry.
Conclusion
This field study afforded the opportunity to explore the impacts of implicit bias as a
potential advancement opportunity limiter for African American women executives in the
entertainment industry. The five themes identified during the study revealed the impact of
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stereotypes, instances of perceived unconscious or implicit bias and the resulting impacts on
career advancement, and the lack of African American woman executives within entertainment
business operations. The exploration of the lived experiences of African American women
executives afforded an opportunity to better understand how these factors impacted their careers,
including advancement limitations, within the entertainment industry. Through interviews with
participants there is a better understanding of the experiences of the African American woman
executive. The findings revealed that implicit bias is a factor in limiting advancement
opportunity. There is an opportunity for entertainment companies to address the implicit nature
of bias in organizational operations to ensure that advancement opportunities are afforded more
equitably.

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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
The purpose of this qualitative field study was to understand whether or not implicit bias
has an impact, if any, on advancement opportunities for African American women in the
entertainment industry. The conceptual framework of this study focused on Critical Race Theory
(CRT) and the transformative paradigm of inquiry. The transformative paradigm of inquiry,
according to Creswell (2014), encourages pursuit of topics that relate to marginalized individuals
with a focus on improving society. Critical Race Theory seeks to transform the relationship
between race, racism, and power (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017 and Yao et al., 2019). Framing the
study using this conceptual framework afforded the opportunity to expose issues of bias, power,
and marginalization related to executive level career advancement within the entertainment
industry from the perspective of African American women.
This field study consisted of interviews with 10 African American women executives,
who hold or have held, executive level positions within the entertainment industry. Each of the
participants has a minimum of five years and an average of 12.5 years’ experience within
entertainment industry company business operations. The field study was designed to understand
their lived experiences within the entertainment industry and interpret what, if any, impact
implicit bias has had on their advancement opportunity. The following research questions were
used to guide this qualitative field study:
1. In what ways do African American women perceive race-based stereotyping as a factor
in advancement opportunities within the entertainment industry?
2. How do African American women experience bias within entertainment industry
promotion practices?
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3. How does the imbalance of racial power within the entertainment industry impact the
experience of African American women?
Following the interviews with participants, the following five themes were identified:
1. How Stereotype Traits of African American Women Manifest in the Workplace
2. How Stereotypes Negatively Impact Advancement Opportunities for African American
Women Seeking Leadership Roles
3. How Bias is Exhibited in the Workplace
4. How Implicit Bias Impacts Advancement Opportunity for African American Women
5. Impacts of the Lack of African American Women Entertainment Executives on Diversity
Within Business Operations
The themes uncovered during the interviews focused on stereotypical portrayals of
African American women, implicit bias based on both gender and race, and the lack of
representation by African American women in executive leadership roles. These themes afforded
an opportunity to address the research questions as seen through the lived experiences of African
American women executives including understanding the impact of bias on their career
advancement within the entertainment industry. The findings are supported by study research
and demonstrate some of the ways in which African American women are marginalized
(Beckwith, et al., 2016; Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw, 1991; Roberts et al., 2018). The themes
demonstrate ways in which African American women in the entertainment industry are
marginalized and experience bias that limits their advancement opportunity. The identified
themes highlight the messages and underpinnings that stereotypes and unconscious bias have had
on African American women in executive leadership roles within entertainment company
settings. In addition, the themes underscore the shift that is needed within the entertainment
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industry to focus more holistically on workplace programs, inclusive of diversity, equity, and
inclusion initiatives, which take into consideration leveraging the skills of the whole person.
The conceptual framework used to guide this study afforded the opportunity to bring
together Critical Race Theory (CRT) and the transformative paradigm of inquiry. The view of
the research through this lens allowed an exploration of the impact of implicit bias in the
marginalization of African American women in the entertainment industry. Through the lens of
CRT which seeks to transform the relationship between race, racism and power (Delgado &
Stefancic, 2017) as well as the transformative paradigm of inquiry which provides a
philosophical framework with a focus on ethics (Mertens, 2010) there was an opportunity to
explore the dynamic relationship of race, power and ethics on advancement opportunities of
African American women in the entertainment industry.
Discussion of Findings
African American women continue to seek executive level opportunities and demonstrate
astute leadership abilities within their roles in entertainment companies. All of the African
American women interviewed as part of the study confirmed the lack of African American
female representation in the executive levels of the entertainment companies in which they were
or are employed. The experience of interviewed participants is supported by the study research
which highlights the lack of representation by African American women in executive leadership
roles (Kerr et al., 2008; Roberts et al., 2018). The study findings also revealed that African
American women seeking executive leadership roles within the entertainment industry
experienced the resultant effects of implicit bias in the form of stereotyping and marginalization,
due to unconscious biases, in their entertainment industry career experience. This finding is
supported by the study research from Calderon (2018) who discussed how African American
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women have been repressed and marginalized and Lloyd-Jones (2014) who showed how
marginalization functions as a barrier to career advancement for many African American
women.
Participants also shared their direct experiences with stereotypes and bias that have
impacted their entertainment industry career experiences. As highlighted by Brownstein (2019),
Staats et al. (2017), Staats et al. (2015) and Fiarman (2016), implicit bias refers to the attitudes or
stereotypes that unconsciously impact understanding, actions, and decisions. Participants shared
how these biases had a deleterious effect on their career experiences, impacted career
advancement opportunities, and stalled their ability, as African American women, to contribute
fully within their respective entertainment organizations.
How Stereotypical Portrayals of African American Women Impact Advancement
During interviews nine of 10 stakeholders revealed their experience with stereotypes and
the effects of those stereotypes on career advancement opportunities. According to Steele (2010)
and Steele and Aronson (1995), a stereotype threat is defined as being at risk of confirming, as
self-characteristic, a negative stereotype about one’s group. Stereotypes are not founded in
experience but based on negative assertions made against a group of individuals. The
stereotypical discrimination aimed at skilled or talented African Americans as described by Bell
(1995) was also demonstrated in the lived experiences of the African American women study
participants. The study participants hold at least one university degree, have held or hold
executive level positions in an entertainment company, and have achieved some level of success,
based on positions held or individual advancement in their entertainment industry career
endeavors. However, African American women executives continue to experience
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marginalization even though their demonstrated talent and capability is equal to their male and
female counterparts within the entertainment industry.
Marginalization functions as a barrier to career advancement for many African American
women (Lloyd-Jones, 2014). One stakeholder also questioned the possible existence of a glass
ceiling that could stall her further advancement within the executive level ranks of an
organization. This realization underscores the potential limitation of opportunity and aligns with
the literature. According to Beckwith et al. (2016), Kerr et al. (2008), and Roberts et al. (2018),
African Americans remain underrepresented at the highest levels, indicating the presence of
glass ceiling impediments for African Americans.
Participants shared examples of how the following stereotype traits show up in the
workplace: angry, attitudes, assertive, othering, overly confident, and underestimating. In
addition, stakeholders shared outcomes associated with stereotyping, such as not being happy,
inadequate skill set, feeling like an outsider, having to work harder, being uncooperative or
combative, facing roadblocks, challenging authority, or experiencing blocked opportunities.
There is a direct relationship between the stereotype trait and outcome that has a limiting impact
on advancement opportunity. One specific stereotype trait highlighted was the angry Black
woman stereotype. This stereotype trait was mentioned specifically by one of the participants.
This stereotype, according to Ashley (2014) and Parks and Hughey (2011), presumes that
African American women are hostile and negative. The stereotype’s effect is to cast a shadow of
doubt on the ability of the African American woman to perform her job as required. In addition,
African American women in this study who exhibited strong behaviors were seen as overly
confident. A much-desired leadership trait however when attributed to the African American
women was cast as negative.
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Four examples of stereotyping shared by stakeholders based on appearance, although
negative, resulted in positive outcomes and afforded opportunities for participants. However,
stereotypical perceptions based on appearance in general cast a negative shadow on how the
African American woman would present her image in the work setting according to the
participants. There is a need to raise awareness of how stereotypes form and influence
perceptions in order to help alleviate bias (Chung-Herrera & Lankau, 2005). This assumption
that the African American woman may not “fit” into the mold of the organization based on her
appearance cast doubt on her capability even though there was no reason to believe that she
lacked the ability to perform the duties required of her role.
Implicit Bias Based on Both Gender and Race
Nine of 10 stakeholders experienced implicit bias based on gender or race during some
time in their entertainment industry career experience. Implicit bias is an automatic and
unconscious prejudice (Brownstein, 2019; Staats et al., 2017; Staats et al., 2015; and Malpas,
2012). Participants shared ways in which biases were exhibited in the workplace as well as how
bias showed up in their experiences with promotion practices within the entertainment industry.
According to Mcnutt (2016), implicit bias is, by definition, subconscious and therefore the
subconscious nature of implicit bias can impact perception. African American women are seen as
capable (Parks & Hughey, 2011). However, the unconscious nature of these biases was not
grounded in the ability of the African American woman.
The study findings revealed that implicit bias had an impact on the career experiences of
interviewed stakeholders. According to Kalev et al. (2006), unconscious bias is endemic, and
likely contributes to workplace inequality. The examples of the impacts of unconscious bias as
highlighted in the career experiences by stakeholders overshadowed their skills, experience, and
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capabilities and colored the perception of their abilities which impacted their advancement
opportunities. It is the perception associated with bias that has the ability to impact advancement
opportunity.
In addition, six of 10 stakeholders shared negative experiences with implicit bias in their
entertainment industry careers. Although the majority of shared experiences related to implicit
bias were negative impacts, there were two instances where implicit bias actually worked in the
favor of the participant and afforded an advancement opportunity. In these instances, the fact that
the participant was an African American woman was used to the advantage of the organization in
order to drive desired changes within organizational operations or to solidify and improve
relationships with clients. However, the existence of any form of bias raises concerns.
Ninety percent of the participants noted some experience with implicit bias during their
entertainment industry career experience. According to Brownstein (2019), Staats et al. (2017),
Staats et al. (2015) and Fiarman (2016), implicit bias refers to the attitudes or stereotypes that
affect understanding, actions, and decisions made unconsciously. Examples of unconscious bias
include not having the support afforded to other team members and limitations in engagement
with other leaders within the organization. The impacts of unconscious bias can overshadow
skills, experience, and capabilities and color the perception of the individual’s abilities which has
the potential to impact advancement opportunities. According to Devine et al. (2012), implicit
bias can contribute to inequities and color the perception of leadership ability. Although implicit
bias is negative as described in this study, participants did note instances where bias afforded an
advancement opportunity. In one instance an African American woman was used to solidify
relationships with a client who was seeking African American representation. Although the
desire of the client proved advantageous, bias not founded in experience was the reason for the
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opportunity. Even if bias proves beneficial temporarily, the long-term impacts of bias may have a
deleterious impact on future advancement opportunities and should be addressed.
Lack of Representation by African American Women in Executive Leadership Roles
During interviews, all 10 of the study participants noted a lack of African American
women leaders in their entertainment industry experience. Specifically, the lack of African
American women in executive leadership roles was clearly noted. Rubin and Donnelly (2019)
highlighted that top executive positions within major entertainment studios and talent agencies
are primarily filled by Caucasian males. In addition, Kerr et al. (2008) and Roberts et al. (2018)
noted that African Americans are underrepresented at the highest leadership levels, indicating the
presence of glass ceiling impediments for African Americans. Although each of the participants
have achieved an executive position within an entertainment organization, in many cases, the
participant is the only African American female executive at that executive level within their
organization. In addition, participants noted that moving past their current executive level role
becomes increasingly more challenging.
During the interviews participants shared the ethnic and gender make-up of the leadership
of entertainment industry companies for which they worked. Ninety percent of the interviewed
participants noted that the ethnic and gender make-up of leadership was predominately
Caucasian and male. This finding is consistent with the research by Rubin and Donnelly (2019)
regarding the top executive positions within major entertainment studies and talent agencies
being held by Caucasian males. Although stakeholders highlighted the lack of racial and gender
diversity in their organizations, one stakeholder did note that the imbalance of power was
Caucasian and female. In this instance the primary ethnic and gender make-up of her
organization was not Caucasian and male but rather Caucasian and female. In either case,
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African American women are not adequately represented in the most senior level roles within the
entertainment industry. The lack of African American female representation at executive levels
of an organization can have a negative impact on the perception of African American leaders in
an organization. This lack of representation falsely paints a picture that the African American
woman lacks the capability to handle executive level roles and has the potential to negatively
impact advancement opportunity.
Implications for Practice
This study informs an understanding of the impacts of implicit bias on advancement
opportunities for African American women within the context of the entertainment industry.
African American women are commonly marginalized by both race and gender (Beckwith, et al.,
2016; Crenshaw, 1989; Crenshaw, 1991; Roberts et al., 2018). African American women
continue to experience marginalization resulting from stereotypes and bias in the workplace.
This marginalization has the potential to negatively impact business operations. According to
Kalev et al. (2006), two initiatives can help address stereotyping; diversity training and diversity
initiatives. The aforementioned training and initiatives can support improved workplace
operations.
All professionals, and specifically business leaders to include those responsible for,
diversity initiatives, human resources, talent acquisition, recruiting and employee relations
within the entertainment industry, can leverage the findings of this study to inform workplace
practices. There is an opportunity to use these findings to inform or establish initiatives and
develop workplace practices, policies and procedures to better inform business operations
inclusive of diversity initiatives, human resources, talent acquisition, employee relations and
employee development programs. According to Ducheck et al. (2017) diverse organizations,
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those organizations with greater diversity of people as well as greater diversity of thought, have
the potential for better organizational alignment as well as the potential to adapt in crises
situations. This potential can lead to an increase in capability of the organization from a total
operations perspective. An organization’s diversity is its strength (Roberts et al., 2018).
Addressing issues related to stereotyping, improving workforce diversity, and combating
unconscious bias has the potential to improve organizational operations (Kalev et al., 2006). This
study’s findings present opportunities for three recommendations.
Recommendation 1: Develop and Introduce a “Stereotypes in the Workplace” Program
Initiative
During interviews, ninety percent of study participants revealed that they had experiences
with stereotypes as part of their entertainment industry experience. These stereotypes were both
negative and also resulted in positive outcomes. The study findings revealed the existence of
stereotypes as a factor in perceptions of African American women in the entertainment industry.
These stereotypical portrayals of African Americans in the workplace are not reflective of their
capabilities. According to Parks and Hugley (2011), African American women are marginalized
as a result of inaccurate and negative stereotypes that do not accurately reflect their leadership
capabilities. These stereotypes paint a false picture of leadership capability that does not
accurately describe the leadership abilities of African American women leaders.
Although organizations may implement implicit bias training, Warner and King (2017)
noted that a simple program of teaching inclusion can have little hope in the face of conformity.
Information alone will not address the use of stereotypes. According to Kalev et al. (2006), two
initiatives can help address stereotyping: diversity training and diversity initiatives. More direct
engagement with employees in the workforce to underscore the importance of eliminating bias
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and providing an opportunity to address stereotypes that have the potential to limit opportunity is
important.
In order to address the existence of and need to eliminate stereotypes in the entertainment
industry workplace, there is an opportunity to develop a “stereotypes in the workplace” program
initiative for all employees. According to Kalev et al. (2006), diversity programs can specifically
assist African American women in their managerial aspirations. The stereotypes in the workplace
program would be a diversity program targeted at understanding what stereotypes are, addressing
the existence of stereotypes, and developing activities to address stereotypes as they appear in
formal and informal organizational practices. The stereotypes in the workplace program initiative
would be for all levels of employees within the organization. In order to level set with all
employees, the program would include an understanding of what stereotypes are and how they
manifest in the workplace. The purpose of the stereotypes in the workplace program initiative is
to allow employees, including people leaders, to see how common actions and phrases manifest
into stereotypical portrayals of individuals and to provide tools for addressing the use of
stereotypes in ongoing organizational practices.
The stereotypes in the workplace program initiative would be aimed at creating a directed
diversity workplace program initiative that would include training and actionable outcomes to
help explain to employees what stereotypes are and how they show up in the workplace. In
addition, the stereotypes in the workplace program initiative would be designed to provide
guidance to all employees to help employees understand what stereotypes are and how they show
up in the workplace. The program would provide guidance that would assist employees in
improving working conditions in an effort to eliminate stereotypical practices. According to
Dobbin et al. (2011), diversity mentoring programs are designed to ensure that women and
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minorities find executives who can help them to achieve their career goals. Key aspects of the
stereotypes in the workplace program should focus on developing diversity task forces, affinity
networks, and mentoring programs in addition to ongoing diversity training (Dobbin et al.,
2011). The diversity training portion of the program would include three elements; an
exploration of what stereotypes are, tools to help employees identify the existence of stereotypes
in the workplace, and guidance on effective ways to eliminate stereotypical practices. In
addition, the development of task forces and affinity networks provides an opportunity to create
and support open conversations to better understand and address stereotypical practices
experienced by employees in the workplace. Finally, mentoring programs would afford the
opportunity for employees of similar backgrounds to meet and or discuss diversity issues to
identify and propose solutions for addressing stereotypical representations of individuals within
the workforce.
Recommendation 2: Improve Employee Recruiting and Employee Relations Efforts to
Promote Greater Workforce Diversity
During interviews, stakeholders shared their experiences with limitations in advancement
opportunity related to lack of understanding of cultural differences, limitations in diversity, and
lack of access to support networks. The study findings revealed the lack of diversity in
entertainment company executive leadership roles as well as the resultant effects of stereotypes
and implicit bias. According to Dobbin et al. (2011), the lack of diversity does not motivate firms
to create diversity programs. There must be a concerted effort to establish and implement
programs that can improve diverse organizational operations. Ducheck et al. (2017) noted that
diverse organizations have the potential for better organizational alignment. Implementing
improved recruiting and employee relations efforts that recognize the opportunities afforded by a
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diverse organization in order to better articulate the diverse needs of the organization offers the
opportunity to include a wealth of diverse perspectives. These diverse perspectives have the
opportunity to better inform business operations and improve overall organizational operations.
Through creation of an improved recruiting strategy that targets a more diverse group of
colleges, majors, and candidates there is an opportunity to improve workforce diversity. In
addition, improving recruiting efforts by creating a formalized recruiting program promotes
greater workforce diversity, not just gender and racial diversity but diversity of thought that has
the potential to improve overall organizational operations.
Young (2019) highlighted that a diverse workforce equals better hiring outcomes.
Creating workforce diversity includes expanding and improving recruiting and employee
development efforts to include a diverse range candidates and opportunities for development.
This can also include expanding on campus recruiting at colleges and universities to include a
more diverse group of colleges, majors, and disciplines to afford the opportunity to introduce
more diverse candidates and expand diversity of thought to business practices and operations. In
addition to recruiting for new employees, expanded employee development and relations
programs offer the opportunity to improve employee awareness to organization specific diversity
issues.
Recommendation 3: Increase Visibility to Issues that Promote Unconscious Bias Through a
Developed Program of Multi-Cultural Conversations with Employees
Interviewees shared their experience with unconscious bias and the impact of bias on
both the perception of their capability as well as advancement opportunities within the
entertainment industry. According to Brownstein (2019) and Mcnutt (2016) implicit bias is, by
definition, subconscious and therefore the subconscious nature of implicit bias can impact
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perception. The study revealed that African American women in the entertainment industry
experience bias based on both gender and race. These biases are formed with exception to the
capability of the individual. African American women are seen as capable (Parks & Hughey,
2011). However, as highlighted by Sims and Carter (2019), their advancement into leadership
opportunities is limited. These limitations can be seen through the lens of unconscious bias as
discussed by stakeholders during interviews. As highlighted by Brownstein (2019), Fiarman
(2016), Staats et al. (2017), and Staats et al. (2015) implicit bias refers to the attitudes or
stereotypes that affect understanding, actions, and decisions made unconsciously.
Organizations need to focus on including increasing transparency to DEI data, inclusive of data
related to unconscious bias, and promoting regular conversations with business leaders and
communicating consistent messages to all employees (Fan, 2019). There needs to be a specific
open communication with employees and leadership regarding multi-cultural diversity in order
to discuss and highlight those issues that promote positive organizational changes (Stevens, et
al., 2008) inclusive of addressing unconscious bias. Greater competency is needed to understand
how common language can translate into unconscious bias experienced by employees in the
workplace. This includes creating a clear action plan for promoting inclusivity in the workplace.
Multi-cultural conversations should be an open discussion for all employees aimed at
understanding those issues that unconsciously lead to bias. Every culture is unique. Creating an
environment where culture differences are not only recognized and celebrated but respected is an
important step.
Limitations and Delimitations
Each study has certain limitations and delimitations. The limitations and delimitations of
this study provided additional context related to those things within the control and outside of the
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control of the research design. Certain factors of the study were in the control of the research
study design and other factors were outside of the control of the research study design. The
limitations of the study included those variables that are outside of the control of the intended
research. These limitations are study specific elements over which there was limited control.
Limitations to this study included the number of participants that elected to complete the
interview process, the number of participants that elected to participate in the study, and the
number of participants who responded truthfully to questions asked during the interview process.
These limitations are not controlled by the research design. Although none of the participants
opted out of the interview process, there is no way to determine whether or not participants
responded truthfully to all questions asked during the interview.
The delimitations of the study are those decisions that were made as part of the research
design and which were within the control of the research by design. According to Roberts and
Hyatt (2019), delimitations clarify the boundaries of the study. Delimitations for purpose of this
study included the following: the entertainment industry as the field of focus, aspects of the
problem of practice, and stakeholder focus group. In lieu of a single organization, the study
focused on the entertainment industry broadly. The focus on the entertainment industry instead
of a single company allowed for collection of a cross section of experiences of African American
women leaders in the entertainment industry and provided more data to support research related
to the problem of practice. The stakeholder focus group, for purposes of this study, consisted of
African American women who hold or have held executive level positions in the entertainment
industry. Specific aspects of the problem of practice discussed as part of the delimitations are
stereotypes, implicit bias and power dynamics. These delimitations provide additional
clarification as to the boundaries of the research to be included and analyzed as part of this study.
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The delimitations of the study afforded the opportunity for focused interviews with
African American women executives to understand their lived experiences in the entertainment
industry. The delimitations of the study are aligned with the use of Critical Race Theory (CRT)
and the transformative paradigm of inquiry to better understand the intersections of race and
power for a marginalized population, African American women entertainment executives. The
qualitative interview process focusing on questions relating to stereotypes, balance of power, and
bias afforded the opportunity to gain an understanding of the participants’ lived experiences
while working within the entertainment industry. The lens of the theoretical framework, CRT,
afforded an opportunity to look at issues of race and power while the lens of the transformative
paradigm afforded an opportunity to consider issues of diversity and power. The theoretical and
conceptual frameworks’ collective focus on ethics aligned with the intended research to better
understand the lived experiences of African American women in executive leadership roles
within the entertainment industry.
The limitations and delimitations of the study are aligned with use of Critical Race
Theory (CRT) and the transformative paradigm of inquiry. The lens of the theoretical
framework, CRT, affords an opportunity to look at issues of race and power. The lens of the
transformative paradigm affords the opportunity to consider issues of diversity and power. The
theoretical and conceptual frameworks collective focus on ethics aligns with the intended
research to better understand the lived experiences of African American women in executive
leadership roles within the entertainment industry.
Recommendations for Future Research
As of 2020, considerable attention is being placed on diversity, equity, and inclusion
(DEI) initiatives by corporations based in the United States. Organizational leaders are beginning
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to understand both the need and advantage of having and maintaining diversity within
organizational operations. Diversity is not simply employing different people from different
backgrounds but the permanence of diversity of thought throughout organizational operations.
According to Ducheck et al. (2017), diverse organizations have the potential to better align
organizational operations. The need to build organizations that are receptive to diversity should
be a priority (Stevens et al., 2008). By improving diversity, there is an opportunity to improve
overall operational efficiencies.
This research study focused on exploring the experiences of African American women
executives to understand whether or not implicit bias is a limiter to advancement opportunity for
African American women in the entertainment industry. The study findings revealed that
participants experienced stereotypical portrayals of African American women, lack of
representation of African American women in executive leadership roles, and implicit bias based
on both gender and race. In order to address the underlying issues related to each of the findings
and establish processes that can improve organizational viability, recommendations for change
were discussed. These recommendations included developing a stereotypes in the workplace
program initiative, improving employee recruiting as well as employee retention efforts, and
directed multicultural conversations. These recommendations have implications for future
research. The purpose of these recommendations is not only to address the issues uncovered as
part of this study but to begin a process of thoughtful directed conversations with individuals at
all levels within organizations that can be leveraged into ideas with the potential for impacting
long term sustainable organizational change. Change that can lead to more diverse and inclusive
organizational operations.
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In addition to considering the impacts of implicit bias on African American women
alone, there is an opportunity to explore the resultant effect of implicit bias at its core and better
understand how the negative impacts of implicit bias impact both individuals and organizational
operations. To consider the impact of bias not solely based on race or gender but to look at bias
at its core, as unconscious prejudice (Brownstein, 2019; Malpas, 2012; Staats et al., 2017; Staats
et al., 2015) that has the potential to impede organizational advancement. However, the
recommendations for future research cannot end with developing an in-house program initiative,
a conversation about stereotypes, a training, or the introduction of DEI programming. There are
fundamental issues that must be considered to improve workplace equity and inform
recommendations for creating more robust programming to support equitable employee
advancement opportunity holistically for all employees. As part of the adoption of any change,
organizations need to consider what the right approaches are for their specific organizational
operations. These approaches include evaluating the needs of the organization to determine
which approaches would benefit organizational advancement. Some of the approaches may
include development of equal opportunity and diversity programs as suggested by Dobbin et al.
(2011). Most importantly, it is vital to uncover what approaches are best suited for the
organization, whether or not these approaches are sustainable, and whether these approaches
truly support long term changes that will be built and sustained within the culture of the
organization.
Implications in the Context of the USC Rossier Mission
The implications of this dissertation in relation to equity are clearly aligned with the USC
Rossier Mission. This study found that although African American women demonstrate
leadership in entertainment company operations, they continue to experience limitations in
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advancement opportunity at the executive level. Calderon (2018) highlighted how African
American women have been repressed and marginalized. This limitation in advancement is not
due to lack of skill but rather marginalization that impacts the perception of their ability and
contribution to an organization.
Part of the USC Rossier mission is to “address disparities that affect historically
marginalized groups.” There is an opportunity to increase visibility, through education, to both
issues impacting the historically marginalized group of African American women in the
entertainment industry as well as their ability to advance into executive level roles within the
entertainment industry. As with any discussion related to implicit bias, the unconscious nature of
bias cannot be ignored. There is a fundamental need to address implicit bias as highlighted by
African American women seeking executive leadership roles within the entertainment industry at
its core. In order to address these disparities, there first has to be knowledge of and an
understanding that the disparity exists by creating a platform to better understand biases, how
biases are formed, and how biases are perpetuated in our academic institutions and corporate
settings.
Preparing businesses as well as institutes of higher learning for the future means adopting
and incorporating societal change so that the culture of the organization is reflective of the
communities that they desire to serve. In addition, these same preparations are necessary in
corporate settings to address directly the perpetuating cycles that lack of inclusion cause within
an organization that can stifle both the growth of the individual as well as overall organizational
development.
115

Conclusion
This qualitative field study revealed three key issues that have the potential to impact
advancement opportunity and marginalize African American women seeking executive
leadership roles within the entertainment industry. These issues include the stereotypical
portrayals of African American women, the impacts implicit bias has on career and advancement
opportunity for African American women, and the lack of representation of African American
women in senior leadership roles. Through this qualitative study, there was an opportunity to
better understand how implicit bias acts as a limiter to advancement opportunity for African
American women executives in the entertainment industry. The interviews with participants
revealed that stereotypical portrayals of African American women, the lack of representation of
African American women in executive leadership roles, and implicit and unconscious biases
based on gender and race contribute to the limitations in advancement opportunity described in
this study. The information shared during interviews demonstrated how stereotypes and bias,
which are not founded in experience or capability negatively impact the African American
woman executive. This research study afforded the opportunity to explore the lived experiences
of African American women executives within the entertainment industry. Through the
interviews, discussion and review of study research there is a clearer understanding of the
challenges faced by African American women in executive leadership roles within the
entertainment industry.
According to Devine et al. (2012), implicit bias can contribute to inequities and color the
perception of leadership ability. Through this study participants demonstrated the impacts that
implicit bias can have on advancement opportunity. Understanding that implicit bias is a limiter
to advancement is the first step in addressing the problem. Through the research conducted as
116

part of this field study, there is work to be done to improve the understanding of implicit bias and
how implicit biases impacts perceptions. A concerted effort is needed to increase understanding
of the negative aspects that implicit bias can have not only on advancement opportunities for
African American women leaders but to increase efficiency within entertainment industry
organizational operations.
117

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142

Appendix A
Information Sheet for Exempt Research

INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH
STUDY TITLE: Implicit Bias as a Limiter to Advancement Opportunities for African
American Women in the Entertainment Industry: A Field Study
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Erika Taylor Page
FACULTY ADVISOR: Jennifer Phillips, D.L.S.
You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document
explains information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to
you.
PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to understand factors that impact the advancement opportunity for
African American women in the entertainment industry. You are invited as a possible participant
because you have self-identified as an African American woman who has held or holds and
executive level (director or above) position in the entertainment industry.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
Participants will be asked to take part in an interview to share their experiences working in an
executive level role within the entertainment industry. The interview will take approximately one
(1) hour. Participants will be asked to allow audio recording in order to support the data
collection process. Participants may decline being recorded and continue with their participation
in the study.
If you decide to take part, you will be asked to: complete a demographic survey, participate in an
interview to share your experiences in the entertainment industry, confirm whether or not your
will allow an audio transcript of the interview.
CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California Institutional
Review Board (IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
Data collected will be stored on a password protected computer. Each participant will be
assigned a pseudonym. All data stored on the password protected computer will be stored by
pseudonym. The corresponding list of participant pseudonyms will be stored in a locked file
cabinet.
143

Data will be maintained for a period of one year following publication of the dissertation in the
university library. At the expiration of the one-year period all data, related to the interview,
including any audio recordings will be destroyed.
Study participants have the right to review the audio recording or transcripts. Only the researcher
and transcription service will have access to the recordings. The recordings will be destroyed one
year following publication of the dissertation in the university library. Data communicated as
part of the dissertation will be communicated based on collective findings and individual
participants will not be named in the study.
Information will be released only for purpose of transcription and for no other reason.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Erika Taylor Page, entaylor@usc.edu,
and / or 323-328-5117.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email
irb@usc.edu.

144

Appendix B
Demographic Survey Protocol

The purpose of the demographic survey is to understand whether or not you, as a potential study
participant, meet the criteria for study participant as defined in the study. Please respond to the
following questions:

1. Do you define your ethnicity as African American?

2. Do you define your gender as female / woman?

3. Have you held or currently hold an executive level (director or above) position within an
entertainment company?

Your responses will be kept confidential and will be used only for purposes of determining
eligibility to participate in the study.
145

Appendix C
Interview Protocol – Process and Questions
Thank you for agreeing to meet with me to discuss your experience in the entertainment industry.
This study is part of my dissertation in support of my doctoral pursuit at USC Rossier. The
purpose of the study is to understand the role implicit bias may play in limiting advancement
opportunities for African American women seeking corporate entertainment industry leadership
roles.
My name is Erika Taylor Page and I am a doctoral student at USC Rossier studying
Organizational Change and Leadership. All discussions and responses during this interview are
confidential. The responses, as part of this data collection, are to be used in support of my
research only. Your name will be kept in confidence and will not appear as part of any of the
research or notes. Your responses will be used for research purposes only to inform this study.
Any information gathered as part of this interview process will be collected and summarized for
all interview participants. No one individual will be named as part of this study.
The interview will take approximately one hour. I plan to record the interview to support my
note taking and to ensure that I have an accurate account of our conversation. The recording will
be transcribed as part of my research and any information that can identify you, as an individual,
will be removed before any of the audio is placed in storage. The recording will be secured on a
password protected personal computer. Audio recordings will be maintained for a period of one
year following publication of the dissertation. Following the one year period, all audio files will
be deleted.
146

As a reminder, your participation in this interview process is voluntary. You do not have to
answer any questions that you do not want to answer. If you have no concerns, I will begin the
recording.
BEGIN RECORDING
(Note to interviewer: Skip any questions that do not support the interview protocol.
Acknowledge when the respondent has answered a future question and thank them for their
candor.)
Do you have any questions before we begin?
1. Tell me a little about your career experience. (RQ3, Unconscious Bias)
• How did you decide to work in the entertainment industry?
• Have you always worked in your current department?
• What led to your decision to take your current job assignment?
• Probes: What are some positive aspects of your career? Name some negative
aspects, if any, of your career experience.
2. What advancement opportunities have you experienced during your employment in the
entertainment industry? If any? (RQ2, Power)
3. Have you ever been promoted at your current employer? (RQ2, Power)
4. Tell me about your promotion experience? (RQ2, Power)
• Did you encounter any unique experiences related to your promotion?
• Were there any modifications to your leadership approach discussed as part of the
promotion?
147

5. What challenges, if any, have you faced with regards to your advancement? (RQ1, Race and
Racism)
• Has intersectionality, the connection between race, gender and power, had any impact
in your career advancement?
• What impacts, if any, have you experienced?
6. Are developmental resources available for recently promoted individuals? (RQ3,
Unconscious Bias)
• What type of resources are available?
• Do you feel the resources were appropriate to support your development needs and
continued growth in your new role?
• For what reasons do you think the resources were appropriate.
• For what reasons do you think the resources were not appropriate.
7. If available, what type of development, including training, did you participate in? (RQ3,
Unconscious Bias)
a. Was the development resource useful for your career advancement?
b. How did you benefit, if at all, from the development resource?
c. Did you request any development resources? If so, what was the reason for your
request?
d. Did your supervisor suggest development resources? If so, what was the reason for
their request?
 Probes: Would you make changes to the developmental resources made available to
you? What are some of the changes you would make to the resources?
148

8. Can you give me a general idea of the ethnic make-up of leadership within your
organization? (RQ2, Power)
9. Can you give me a general idea of the gender make-up of your organization? (RQ2, Power)
10. To what degree do you think gender was a determining factor in your promotion, if at all?
(RQ2, Power)
11. To what degree do you think race was a determining factor in your promotion, if at all?
(RQ2, Power)
12. In what ways, if any, has race or gender impacted your entertainment industry experience?
(RQ1, Race and Racism)
• Follow-up questions: How has this experience impacted you? Does the company
provide resources to support you? Are there any company documents that would be
beneficial to underscore the barriers we have discussed?
• Probes: What are impacts, if any, that race or gender has had on your entertainment
industry experience? Walk me through that experience.
Thank you for taking the time to meet with me. I have concluded my planned questions. Are
there any other things that you would like to share with me about your entertainment company
experiences? I appreciate your time and willingness to discuss your experiences in the
entertainment industry. (Give participant small gift). Please let me know if you have questions,
would like to share any additional information (Give contact information).
149

Appendix D
Research Design Matrix
RESEARCH
QUESTIONS
OVERALL APPROACH
PARTICIPANTS
AND SETTINGS
DATA COLLECTION
METHODS
What are the
research questions?
What do I need/want
to know? (Use one
row per RQ)
What overall
methodological approach
do I think is appropriate
for this research question
and why? Quantitative,
Qualitative, or Mixed?
Why is this choice
appropriate?

Who (what kind
of person) and
where (what
site(s)/setting(s))
specifically do I
think I will
sample for this
research
question?
Who has the
answer to my
research question?
Where will I find
them? Why are
these the right
stakeholders to
include?
What specific methods
do I think I will use at
this time to answer this
research question?
What methods will I use
to collect data? How will
I get the answer to this
research question?
In what ways do
African American
women perceive
race-based
stereotyping as a
factor in
advancement
opportunities within
the entertainment
industry?
Qualitative: Interviews
will be conducted to better
understand African
American female leaders’
advancement experiences.
A purposeful
sample of 10 – 15
African American
female leaders
(Director level or
above) in
corporate
entertainment
industry positions.
An interview that
includes questions about
advancement
opportunities, how
leaders are chosen.
How does the
imbalance of racial
power within the
entertainment
industry impact the
experience of
African American
women?
Qualitative: Interviews
will be conducted to better
understand African
American female leaders’
experiences in the
workplace.
A purposeful
sample of 10 – 15
African American
female leaders
(Director level or
above) in
corporate
entertainment
industry positions.
An interview that
includes questions about
treatment of leaders, and
individual experiences.
How do African
American women
experience
Qualitative: Interviews
will be conducted to better
understand how African
A purposeful
sample of 10 – 15
African American
An interview that
includes questions about
resources available to
150

unconscious bias
within entertainment
industry promotion
practices?

American women believe
they are treated, related to
advancement opportunities,
within the entertainment
industry.
female leaders
(Director level or
above) in
corporate
entertainment
industry positions.
individuals seeking
advanced opportunities.
Including limitations in
resources and
opportunities for
resource improvements,
if any.

Abstract (if available)

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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Taylor Page, Erika Nicholle (author)

Core Title Implicit bias: an advancement opportunity limiter for African American women in entertainment

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2021-08

Publication Date 06/07/2021

Defense Date 05/10/2021

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag advancement limiter,African American women entertainment executives,implicit bias,unconscious bias

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Phillips, Jennifer (committee chair), Lynch, Douglas (committee member), Seli, Helena (committee member)

Creator Email entaylor@usc.edu,entaylor2000@aol.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC13012653

Unique identifier UC13012653

Identifier etd-TaylorPage-9646.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-TaylorPage-9646

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Taylor Page, Erika Nicholle

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20210611-usctheses-batch-839 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu