University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Ready but restricted: an examination of the challenges of college access and financial aid for college-ready undocumented immigrant students in the U.S.

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Ready but restricted: an examination of the challenges of college access and financial aid for college-ready undocumented immigrant students in the U.S.

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Content READY BUT RESTRICTED: AN EXAMINATION OF THE

CHALLENGES OF COLLEGE ACCESS AND FINANCIAL

AID FOR COLLEGE-READY UNDOCUMENTED

STUDENTS IN THE U.S.

by

Paz Maya Olivérez

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(EDUCATION)

December 2006

Copyrighted 2006 Paz Maya Olivérez
ii
DEDICATION

To my parents, Juan and Patricia Olivérez for instilling in me the passion for
social justice and the value of education.
To my students, for sharing their stories which continue to inspire and
humble me more than they will ever know.
To my friends and colleagues, for being steadfast allies and providing love
and support every step of the way.

iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION....................................................................................................... ii

LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................. iv

ABSTRACT........................................................................................................... v

CHAPTER 1: UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS, PUBLIC POLICY, AND
COLLEGE ACCESS................................................................ 1

CHAPTER 2: INFLUENCES ON UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’
COLLEGE ASPIRATIONS AND CHOICES....................... 26

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHOD: INTERVIEW
AND OBSERVATION............................................................. 68

CHAPTER 4: DATA PRESENTATION: COLLEGE ASPIRATIONS,
CHOICES, AND THE ROLE OF SOCIAL NETWORKS.. 98

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION.......................................................................... 204

REFERENCES....................................................................................................... 247

APPENDICES ....................................................................................................... 260
APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL............................................. 260
APPENDIX B: STUDENT RECRUITMENT FLIER ............................. 264
APPENDIX C: CONSENT AND ASSENT FORMS .............................. 265

iv
LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: School Characteristics............................................................................. 89
Table 2: Student Profile Data ................................................................................ 136
Table 3: Common Characteristics of Undocumented Students During
12
th
Grade................................................................................................ 142
Table 4: The Students’ Daily Schedules ............................................................... 149
Table 5: College and Career Aspirations .............................................................. 168
Table 6: College Choices ...................................................................................... 177
Table 7: Scholarship Awards ................................................................................ 187

v
ABSTRACT

Using the methodologies of individual interviews and participant observation,
this dissertation examines the experiences of 10 college-ready undocumented
students who aimed to pursue higher education. A social capital framework is used
to shed light on the various challenges to college access and financial aid that low-
income, first generation undocumented students encounter along the path to college.
Given the dearth of literature that focuses on the experiences of undocumented
students, this study aimed to provide new insight into the practical, procedural, and
policy-related difficulties faced by college-ready undocumented students as they
prepare for, apply to, seek funding for, and make decisions about where to attend
college.
Previous research that looks at the role of social capital as it relates to college
access for low-income first generation college-goers provides a lens through which
to view the experiences of undocumented students. By showing how the college-
related information, support, and guidance students do or do not have access to at
home and at school shapes their access to higher education, this literature
demonstrates the significant role of students’ social networks in providing college-
related social capital. For undocumented students who often believe that college is
inaccessible due to residency-related issues and limited financial means, timely and
accurate information about their postsecondary options is especially important.

1
CHAPTER 1

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS, PUBLIC POLICY,
AND COLLEGE ACCESS

Just two months after submitting her university applications, Flor arrives at
our regularly scheduled meeting time, sits down, and says solemnly,
I decided that I’m going to community college. My dad was laid off
temporarily and I’m afraid that the scholarships I’m applying for won’t cover
everything. I’ll transfer to a university later. I know I will because nothing is
going to stop me from achieving my dream.

Flor lives with her two parents and three younger siblings in a one-bedroom
apartment in downtown Los Angeles. She is 18 and has lived in the U. S. for 14
years; she attended elementary, middle, and high school in Los Angeles. Just 4
months away from her high school graduation, unlike most seniors who are worried
about what they’ll wear to the prom and which college they’ll attend, Flor’s biggest
concerns include helping her family make ends meet and figuring out how to pay for
college. She has already been admitted to two universities. However, the $1,400 per
month her father earns, as a cook at a fast food restaurant is unlikely to support her
for 4 years. Since 10
th
grade Flor has worked 16 hours every weekend at a shoe store
where she is paid $110 in cash each week and has saved about $2,000. Clearly
upset, she explains, “I was hoping to use the money for college, but I may need to
use it to help my family until my dad starts working again.”
The U. S. Census Bureau estimates that in the year 2000 approximately 2.5
million undocumented youth under age 18 were living in the United States. The
United States Citizenship and Immigration Service (formerly known as the INS)

2
estimates that over 40% of the undocumented immigrant population in the country
resides in California. Of this 40%, each year nearly 7,000 are undocumented
students who are academically eligible to attend college (Bartindale, 2001).
Moreover, 47% of the population of Los Angeles is Latino, 41% of whom are
foreign born. Of the foreign-born population, 27% have yet to become naturalized
citizens. This portion of the population surely includes thousands of school-aged
children. These numbers indicate that California, and specifically Los Angeles, are
important sites for exploration of the various factors that influence undocumented
students’ access to higher education.
With thousands of college-ready undocumented students graduating from
high schools each year in California and elsewhere, educational practitioners and
policymakers ought to consider how many of these students eventually go on to
college. This study aims to begin answering this question and to shed light on the
challenges these students experience along the path to college. For undocumented
immigrant students like Flor, getting to college is a complex and arduous process.
Their undocumented status places these students in a particularly precarious position
where they are subject to numerous restrictions. The students’ experiences with and
understanding of these restrictions strongly influence their perceptions about the
educational and professional opportunities available to them.
When undocumented students develop perceptions that college may be a
possibility, they begin to see themselves as potential college-goers (Oliverez, 2006).
These perceptions shape the decisions they make about preparing for and attending

3
college. In addition to perceiving themselves as college-goers, the students’ family
income and education levels, and the types of information and guidance they have
access to regarding college and financial aid are a few of the elements that influence
a student’s college preparation, aspirations, and decisions about where to attend.
College aspirations and choices are further complicated for undocumented
students by policies that make them ineligible for government-sponsored financial
aid. For students eligible for need-based financial aid for college, assistance is being
offered to them more often in the form of loans. And as the amount of gift aid (e.g.,
grants and scholarships) offered decreases, tuition rates to attend institutions of
higher education are steadily increasing (Kinzie, Hayek, Soler, Jacob, & Cummings,
2004). These factors have led to a growing debate about who ought to be eligible to
pay in-state resident tuition and receive government-sponsored assistance (Olivas,
2004).
The policies that have resulted from this debate have left undocumented
students existing as both insiders and outsiders in the United States. They are
insiders because many have lived in the U. S. most of their lives and have
experiences similar to American-born students; they often identify as “American.”
They are outsiders because they have lived with restricted access to basic resources
and institutions that many would deem essential for survival and success. These
include health insurance, driver’s licenses, the opportunity for legal employment, and
financial aid for college. Many undocumented immigrants have no choice but to
seek health care solely in emergency rooms, drive without a license, either be paid in

4
cash or use fraudulent documentation to gain employment, and seek only private
scholarships to help fund their college educations. Most of these practices require
taking risks that documented citizens would never consider. Consequently, many
undocumented immigrants live in hiding as they and their families are in constant
fear of being discovered and subsequently deported back to their countries of origin–
countries many have not set foot in for a decade or longer.
College-ready undocumented students realize that with higher education
comes the possibility of upward mobility. A college degree and the type of job it
could afford these students would mean a future outside the confines of poverty;
educational opportunities can also provide them and their families with greater
access to the resources and institutions discussed above. Some undocumented
students also believe that a college education might afford them the possibility to
establish residency. Although legislation that would make undocumented college
students eligible to apply for residency is currently being considered, the potential
for such a law to go into effect any time soon is questionable due to the nation’s
current political climate. Many undocumented students know that this type of policy
would be the only way that they might ultimately become U. S. citizens. Therefore,
despite their low incomes and ineligibility for financial aid, many undocumented
students persevere through the educational pipeline because of the opportunities that
they believe may be awaiting them on the other side (Oliverez, 2004).
Each year, larger numbers of undocumented students fulfill the admissions
requirements for 4-year colleges and universities. Across the nation, thousands are

5
admitted (Passel, 2001). Some undocumented students are able to find financial
assistance through scholarships, though most private scholarships require proof of
U.S. citizenship. The few open to undocumented students are often sought by
numerous students, making them more competitive and difficult to attain. While
some states have policies in place that allow these students to pay in-state tuition,
many undocumented families still lack the funds to pay in-state rates (Badger &
Yale-Loehr, 2002). The typical undocumented adult earns under $8,500 a year
(Government Accounting Office, 2000).
In this introductory chapter, I define key terms that will be used throughout
my discussion. I then describe the undocumented student population in the U. S. and
the evolution of state and federal policies that have shaped their access to higher
education, with close attention paid to policies in California and Texas. I go on to
explain the problem that this dissertation aims to address and argue why a study of
this kind is of particular relevance to policymakers and the field of higher education.
In doing so, I also describe the purpose of the investigation. Finally, I provide the
research questions and conceptual framework that guided this study.
Definition of Terms
Throughout the course of this and the remaining chapters I use terms that,
although seemingly obvious, take on a different significance when applied to the
experiences of undocumented students. As such, prior to beginning my discussion, I
provide the following definitions of key terms.

6
Undocumented Students
Undocumented students are foreign nationals who: (a) entered the United
States without inspection or with fraudulent documents; or (b) entered legally as a
nonimmigrant, but then violated the terms of his or her status and remained in the
United States without authorization (Badger & Yale-Loehr, 2006). Most
undocumented students are the children of rural agricultural workers; others are
children of urban service and manufacturing workers (Green, 2003). In this study, I
examine the experiences of those undocumented students of Latino decent.
Latino Students
Latino students encompass a diverse population. The Latino students
discussed here hail from Mexico and a variety of Central and South American
countries including Guatemala, El Salvador, Peru, and Colombia.
College Access
College access means having access to the necessary forms of social capital,
such as information, resources, opportunities, and relationships (Stanton-Salazar,
2001) that facilitate college-going. Beyond that, college access will be discussed as
access to institutions of higher education through meeting eligibility requirements,
being admitted, and being financially able to attend a college or university.
Financial Aid
Financial aid is typically discussed as state, federal, and institutional grants,
loans, work-study, and scholarships. As the students discussed here are ineligible for
state and federal aid and most institutional aid, private scholarships are the primary

7
form of financial aid that undocumented students have access to and the primary
form of financial aid that will be discussed here.
College Support Networks
College support networks are made up of individuals and relationships that
facilitate college-going. These networks have also been described as social networks
and typically include families, teachers, counselors, peers, and often community
members who provide students with information and resources that help them
navigate the college preparation and application processes. Further explanation of
the role of college support networks will be provided later in the chapter and in detail
in chapter 2.
Undocumented Students in the U. S.
Given that many undocumented students have lived in the United States for
most of their lives and are graduating from our nation’s high schools in larger
numbers each year, they are clearly a population that warrants attention. Many of
these young people had no say in whether or not they came to this country, but their
desire to attend college demonstrates that they aspire to build lives here and
contribute to society (McCray, 2006). In order to do so, undocumented students
need to have financial access to higher education. If not, thousands of college-ready
undocumented students, who are among the best their communities have to offer,
will continue to be shut out of a system that is virtually their only means of upward
mobility (Bartindale, 2001). Some of the primary obstacles that college-ready

8
undocumented students face in accessing higher education are the result of restrictive
policies that will be discussed in the next section.
Policies Targeting Undocumented Students
American sentiment toward immigrants has varied greatly over our country’s
history (Santa Ana, 2004). Currently, state and federal policies restrict the rights of
undocumented immigrants to everything from higher education to social services. In
the case of educational policies targeting undocumented students, the last 25 years
have been particularly tumultuous. Federal and state laws have fluctuated over this
period, beginning in 1982 with Plyler v. Doe, which made it illegal for a state to
deny school-aged undocumented students the right to a free public education. In this
decision, the court noted that the children of undocumented parents should be taken
as future members of society and granted benefits befitting of such a status (Perry,
2004).
With regard to higher education, despite the fact that federal laws do not
prohibit them from enrolling in public colleges and universities, in most states,
undocumented students are charged out-of-state tuition costs regardless of their
length of residence in a particular state. Due to their undocumented status, these
students are also ineligible for the state and federally sponsored financial aid that
would provide them the financial support they need to attend any of our nation’s
institutions of higher education.

9
Undocumented students’ ineligibility for government-sponsored financial aid
was established by Section 505 of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant
Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996 (Title 8, Chapter 14, Sec. 1623), which states:
. . . an alien who is not lawfully present in the United States shall not be
eligible on the basis of residence within a State . . . for any postsecondary
education benefit unless a citizen or national of the United States is eligible
for such a benefit (in no less an amount, duration, and scope) without regard
to whether the citizen or national is such a resident.

According to the IIRIRA, any state that provides monetary benefits to undocumented
immigrants must grant the same rights to all U. S. citizens, including out-of-state
residents. In addition, the forms necessary to apply for and receive state and federal
financial aid require U. S. citizenship or legal residency and a social security
number, which makes acquiring this aid impossible for undocumented students.
The federal policies that have resulted from Plyler v. Doe and the IIRIRA
offer juxtaposing positions on who should be eligible for in-state tuition benefits and
frame the current debate around undocumented students’ access to institutions of
higher education and financial aid. In addition, the equal protection provisions of the
14
th
amendment have been used by both sides to defend their positions. Conse-
quently, policies have been put forward that both limit and expand undocumented
students’ financial access to institutions of higher education. For example, in 2004,
Virginia passed House Bill 156, which forbids the enrollment of undocumented
students at Virginia’s public colleges and universities. Still, several states, including
California, Illinois, Kansas, Nebraska, New Mexico, New York, Oklahoma, Texas,
Utah, and Washington have recently made it easier for undocumented students to

10
attend public institutions of higher education by providing them the right to pay in-
state tuition if they meet certain criteria.
Because federal policies do not prohibit individual states from passing laws
that would provide the growing number of undocumented students with greater
access to higher education, access to institutions of higher education for
undocumented students has, in recent decades, clearly become a divisive issue on the
state and national levels. As California is the context for this study and has taken
steps to provide undocumented students with greater financial access to higher
education, I will present some background on policies in the state.
In 1986, the State of California passed an injunction, named for the plaintiff,
Leticia A., which applied to both the University of California (UC) and California
State University (CSU) systems and allowed undocumented students to qualify as
residents for tuition purposes and receive state-sponsored aid if they had lived in the
state for at least one year and a day. As a result, between 1986-1991 in the UC and
1986-1995 in the CSU system, students who met state residency requirements were
able to pay in-state tuition and receive in-state financial aid.
In 1990, however, a University of California registrar employee named
Bradford sued the UC system in an employment action, claiming the university
policy resulting from the Leticia A. case directly violated federal laws regulating
immigration. Bradford won an injunction against the UC system, forcing the system
to begin implementing what was known as the Bradford order in fall of 1991. By
the spring of 1995, all three systems of public higher education in California–UC,

11
CSU, and community colleges–were implementing the Bradford order.
Accordingly, newly enrolled undocumented students were classified as nonresidents
and no longer eligible for state aid. However, as I explain in the following section,
in recent years, the state of California and several others have taken steps to make
attending college more affordable for undocumented students.
In-state tuition eligibility for undocumented students in states such as
California and Texas is based on state residency rather than U. S. citizenship.
Students are eligible if they have resided in the state and attended high school there
for 3 years or more. In June 2001, Texas passed House Bill 1403, enabling
immigrant students to qualify as state residents for in-state tuition and to receive
state-sponsored financial aid if they graduated from and attended high school in
Texas for at least 3 years prior to graduation. Similarly, in October 2001, California
passed Assembly Bill 540, making undocumented students meeting comparable
criteria to that established in Texas exempt from paying out-of-state tuition costs. As
stated previously, undocumented students in ten states are currently eligible to pay
in-state tuition fees. Texas and Oklahoma, however, are the only states in the
country where undocumented students are also eligible for state-sponsored financial
aid.
In recent years, states like California and New York--where in-state tuition
policies exist to help make college more affordable for undocumented students--have
faced a barrage of proposed legislation that would repeal such laws. Like Virginia,
legislators in Arizona, Kentucky, and Tennessee have attempted to enact legislation

12
that would prohibit undocumented students from accessing higher education by
restricting their eligibility to attend postsecondary institutions and for in-state tuition
benefits and financial aid (National Immigration Law Center, 2006). So far, only
Virginia has been successful in doing so. Georgia recently passed sweeping
legislation that severely restricts the rights of undocumented immigrants in the state,
but implications with respect to their access to higher education remain to be seen.
Similarly, lawsuits have been filed in California and Kansas by out-of-state
residents attending public institutions of higher education who assert that existing in-
state tuition policies for undocumented students violate federal law. The Kansas
Board of Regents contends, “We all benefit when the most talented and eager among
us–those who have grown up in our communities and graduated from our high
schools–enjoy broad opportunities to further their education” (Kansas Board of
Regents, 2004). Operating on this premise, the Kansas Board of Regents and the
governing bodies of California’s three public systems of higher education have
chosen to uphold existing in-state tuition policies.
New federal legislation called the D.R.E.A.M. (Development, Relief, and
Education for Alien Minors) Act
1
, which would repeal the federal provisions in the
IIRIRA that discourage states from providing financial assistance to undocumented
immigrants and aims to provide students with an easier path toward legalization, is
currently under consideration in Congress. If signed into law, the DREAM Act

1
In order for students to be entitled to the rights outlined in the DREAM Act (S. 2075, H.R.
5131), they must meet the following criteria: Students must have lived in the U. S. for 5 years or
more; entered the U. S. before the age of 16; have “good moral” conduct.

13
would grant undocumented immigrant students the opportunity to obtain temporary
legal status during a 6-year period, while they complete 2 years of college or military
service, after which they would be eligible to apply for legal permanent residency.
Unfortunately, the DREAM Act has been temporarily set aside to make way
for the current debate over H.R. 4437, also known as the Sensenbrenner Bill. If
passed, H.R. 4437 “would criminalize undocumented immigrants and anyone who
‘assists them’.” Among other things, it would also strengthen or broaden current
immigration policies that aim to curb illegal immigration. The discourse around how
to address the country’s growing population of undocumented immigrants has
resulted in the proposal and enactment of policies that show simultaneous signs of
progress and regress. The lived reality of the nation’s 11 million undocumented
immigrants is complex and strongly shaped by public policy. The potential college-
goers among this population are the focus of this dissertation. In the section to
follow, I contextualize who these students are.
Problem Statement
The previous discussion shows that undocumented students experience a
unique set of policy-related challenges that impact their access to higher education.
Unfortunately, few empirical studies focus on specific barriers to higher education
faced by undocumented students and their families. Particularly troubling is that
every year in the United States nearly 60,000-80,000 undocumented students who
have lived in the country for at least 5 years graduate from high school, and an
additional 65,000 appear to be currently enrolled in college (Passel, 2001). Given

14
the number of states that have already passed legislation to help undocumented
students get to college, it is clear that they are a growing population and deserve
attention. An important consideration is the portion of these students that are eligible
and financially able to attend 4-year colleges and universities. Although Plyler v.
Doe mandates that public schools must serve all students regardless of their
citizenship status, with regard to higher education, policies shaping undocumented
students’ eligibility to pay in-state tuition and for state and federal financial aid
remain contentious.
Despite recent gains on the state-level, federal policies have left undocu-
mented students with few options for financing their college education. The message
sent to these students is that despite their hard work and perseverance they will be
denied financial access to institutions of higher education. Consequently, many start
at a community college and work to save up enough money to pay for a university
education. In order to work, these students will often use false documentation
(because undocumented individuals cannot legally gain employment), or lie about
their citizenship status and hope not to get caught. With few alternatives, many
undocumented students may choose to take one of these more precarious routes to
higher education.
Purpose of the Study
This study is significant for a number of reasons. First, it is of relevance to
policymakers as it aims to shed light on the unique challenges that undocumented
students face as they prepare for, apply to, seek funding for, and make choices about

15
where to attend college. As mentioned previously, undocumented students in the
United States currently have minimal financial access to college because despite
policies on their behalf, higher education still remains financially out-of-reach.
Although policies have been put in place largely based on the numbers of
undocumented students in particular states, they are not informed by empirical
research involving this population of students. This study examines the college
access and financial aid-related issues of undocumented students that result from
policies such as the IIRIRA and AB540 and seeks to illuminate the voices of students
who have been silenced by fear and disillusionment.
Second, the study is of methodological and theoretical relevance to
educational researchers who seek to understand issues of college access for
underrepresented populations. Despite the wealth of empirical work on college
access and financial aid, little of it looks specifically at the experiences of
undocumented students. This reality may exist in part because scholars have failed
to recognize the large number of college-ready undocumented students that graduate
from our nation’s high schools each year. Many of these students are admitted to
some of our nation’s most prestigious universities but do not attend due to their
inability to pay. The number of college-ready undocumented students is likely to
increase and as it does, educational practitioners, researchers and policymakers alike
will be charged with determining how best to support these students’ educational
endeavors.

16
As such, the study’s relevance to educational researchers is two-fold as it also
aims to provide valuable insight into the methods most useful to employ in future
studies of this kind. A possible reason for the lack of research in this area is that
undocumented individuals in the United States are clearly subject to policies that
limit their access to a variety of resources and institutions. Consequently,
researchers may feel that the reality of the undocumented student is far too complex
to address adequately. They may also fear the challenge of finding subjects willing
to tell their stories given that many of the undocumented would prefer to remain
invisible. I argue that this complexity and the need to bring this population out of
hiding are the impetus for this study. Indeed, the methods utilized here and the
insight gleaned will inform future studies of this kind.
Research Questions and Conceptual Framework
I now turn to a discussion of the research questions and conceptual
foundations that guided this study. The questions I aimed to answer cover three
primary areas of inquiry: (a) undocumented students’ navigation of the college
preparation, college application, and scholarship application processes; (b) the role
of policies in shaping undocumented students’ college aspirations and choices; and
(c) the role of college support networks in providing undocumented students with
college-related resources and information that facilitate college-going.
Main Research Questions
As such, the proposed study seeks to answer the following research
questions:

17
1. What factors shape the educational pathways and access to higher
education of undocumented students?
2. In what ways do policies limiting undocumented students’ access to
college and financial aid shape their aspirations to attend college and their choices
about where to attend?
3. From whom do undocumented students acquire college and financial
aid information and what kinds of support do they receive? (i.e., do students have a
college support network in place that facilitates college-going?)
The focus of this query is threefold. First, there is an emphasis on gaining a
greater understanding of the relationship between the students’ access to information
about their postsecondary options and their preparation for college. Second, this
study focuses on a population of students who have been little studied, but whose
stories have recently become more prevalent in discussions of college access. This
research question calls for a detailed investigation of the practices employed by
schools to disseminate financial aid-related information to students, with particular
attention paid to how undocumented students access and utilize this information.
Third, the findings from the study will serve to inform policy makers of the first-
hand impact of educational policies on undocumented students. My aim is that the
study will also serve as a starting point for the development of future policies to
provide undocumented students with greater financial access to higher education.

18
Conceptual Framework
There are three primary fields of research that when brought together,
conceptually guide this study. This work provides a lens to view how factors like
policy, college information, and financial considerations impact college access for
undocumented students. In order to understand the complex process these students
engage in as they pursue higher education, it is important to focus on key factors like
quality information and financial considerations that simultaneously influence their
perceptions and choices all along the path to college.
First, are the studies looking at the relationship between actual and perceived
eligibility for financial aid and college aspirations; and second, studies looking at the
relationships between actual and perceived eligibility for financial aid and how these
perceptions impact college choice. Third, the area of educational research that
examines the role of social support networks is also relevant as I sought to illuminate
the important role of college support networks in providing undocumented students
with crucial college and financial aid information that directly influences college
aspirations and choices. In the following section I discuss these three fields of
research and how they apply to a study of the challenges of access faced by
undocumented students.
College Aspirations
As I explain further in chapter 2, prior to attending college, undocumented
students must first develop college aspirations and view college attendance as a
realistic postsecondary option. Their aspirations are determined to a great extent by

19
their perceptions of the financial feasibility of their college attendance (St. John,
1991; St. John & Noell, 1989). St. John’s (1991) work looking at the factors that
influence minority student’s access to and attendance in institutions of higher
education demonstrates that when students perceive that there is financial assistance
available to support their college education, they are more likely to aspire to attend.
When applied to undocumented students, St. John’s findings beg the question: How
do college aspirations develop and manifest themselves for undocumented students
who know that they may prepare for college and meet all of the necessary
requirements to get admitted, but still not be able to attend due to their modest family
incomes and ineligibility for state and federal financial aid?
Venezia, Kirst, and Antonio’s (2003) work looking at the ways in which the
disconnect between the K-12 and postsecondary education systems impacts student
aspirations, sheds light on the fact that many high school students are still under the
assumption that college is financially out-of-reach. Low-income students and
parents regularly overestimate the cost of college, lowering their aspirations for
college attendance (p. 31). Undocumented students and their families, neither of
whom are likely to possess much college knowledge, are unlikely to know about
actual tuition costs. Given their ineligibility for financial aid, undocumented
students may not aspire to attend college due to limited financial means. The family
and student’s expectations of what the student will do after high school also need to
be taken into consideration (Cabrera & La Nasa, 2000). Although immigrant
families value education, economic considerations may necessitate a student

20
foregoing college to work and help support the family. Other students, like Flor,
may be asked to use their college savings to contribute to the family income.
Despite the absence of empirical research examining the financial aid-related
challenges for undocumented students, many newspaper articles have been written in
an effort to tell these students’ stories (Beltran, 2004; Borja, 2003; Johnston, 2000:
McCray, 2006; Shnaiberg, 1995). In one instance, two undocumented sisters from
Mexico discuss preparing for college, knowing, despite their aspirations, their
ineligibility for financial aid makes attending college virtually impossible. Because
they cannot obtain work legally, to earn money they are paid “under the table” for
their labor. The girls’ work will allow them to save up for college, but they fear that
doing so may jeopardize their chances of someday gaining citizenship (Beltran,
2004). Another story is told by a young Cambodian student who has earned her
bachelors degree thanks to her parents working to pay for her education. Although
she aspires to attend law school, she is discouraged by her inability to find
employment even with a college degree, because she is undocumented (Beltran,
2003).
The stories of undocumented students such as those described above are
important for two primary reasons. First, they give voice to students whose stories
are often unknown. Second, they humanize the numbers of college-ready
undocumented students who aspire to attend institutions of higher education but may
be unable to due to their limited financial means and ineligibility for financial aid.
Undocumented students’ aspirations to attend college are clearly influenced by their

21
families’ finances. As the next section shows, finances also impact which colleges
students will ultimately choose to apply to and attend.
College Choice
The relevant work in the area of college choice examines the role that
financial aid and family income play in a student’s decision to apply to and/or attend
a particular college or university (Flint, 1992/1993). These studies examine the
factors that influence a student’s choice to attend one college rather than another,
with a focus on economics. Research that focuses specifically on working-class and
first-generation college-goers addresses the importance of informed parental support,
but only begins to discuss the challenges faced by the children of immigrants
(Tierney, 2002; Tierney, Corwin, Auerbach, & Venegas, 2003). Given their lack of
familiarity with the U. S. system of higher education, the parents of undocumented
students are unlikely to be involved to a large extent in their child’s choice to attend
one college over another. In fact, the student’s family income and responsibilities
may have a larger impact on their parent’s aspirations for their child beyond high
school.
Hossler and Gallagher (1987) assert that the college choice process has three
phases: (a) a predisposition phase during which familial, societal, and economic
factors generate interest and attitudes conducive to college enrollment; (b) a search
phase during which college-bound students proactively explore potential college
options and assess their academic preparation and financial capabilities against the
future demands of various colleges; and (c) a choice phase during which students

22
select a college from the available options. When applied to the college choice
process of undocumented students, this three-phase process is of particular
relevance.
An undocumented student’s predisposition to consider college as a viable
option for their future is likely to be influenced by their families’ attitude toward
education versus work, their perception of their academic competitiveness for
college admission, and their families’ financial resources. Undocumented students’
ineligibility for state and federal financial aid is also likely to impact their
predisposition to prepare for college. During the search phase, college-ready
undocumented students are, again, prone to consider their eligibility for aid when
thinking about where to apply to college. Consequently, during the choice phase, an
undocumented student may be more inclined to choose to attend a community
college--the least expensive option. In the case of most low-income, first-generation
college-goers, including undocumented students, the types of information that
students have about college and from whom they receive this information (i.e., a
college support network) will impact both college aspirations and choices.
Social Networks
Because students’ college aspirations and choices are often related to the
types and quality of information they have access to, it is important to highlight the
role of social networks in providing these students with fundamental college-related
information. Indeed, the relevant research that looks at the role of social networks in
educational attainment speaks to the fact that vital information and resources are

23
often acquired through instrumental relationships (Valenzuela, 1999). “Instrumental
relationships” are those that offer students both academic and social support through
the provision of relevant mentoring and guidance (Stanton-Salazar, 2001; Stanton-
Salazar & Spina, 2003). Importantly, this work also acknowledges that,
For adolescents to successfully meet developmental challenges in today’s
world, they require resourceful relationships and activities socially organized
within a network of significant others and institutional agents distributed
throughout the extended family, school, neighborhood, and community.
(Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003, p. 231)

For undocumented students with limited access to information and support to
positively shape their postsecondary aspirations and choices, these relationships are
of critical importance (Oliverez, 2006).
Undocumented students often enter school with little or none of the “help-
seeking orientation”
2
(Stanton-Salazar, Chavez, & Tai, 2001) needed to build the
relationships conducive to accessing essential college and financial aid-related
information. These students are not taught early on that seeking help is crucial to
successful navigation of the educational system in this country. However, when
these relationships are established with caring individuals, they can provide
necessary guidance as students proceed through high school and prepare for college
(Gándara, 1995; Valenzuela, 1999). When students are considering whether they
can be admitted to college and afford to go, having accurate information is essential.

2
According to Stanton-Salazar et al. (2001), “help-seeking orientation” is defined as a person’s
proclivity to resolve personal and academic problems through the seeking of social support.

24
Organization of the Study
Together, undocumented students’ perceptions of college access and
affordability determine whether or not they view themselves as potential college-
goers. The relationships they build with institutional agents who can provide them
with information and support that positively influences these perceptions play a
significant role in whether or not the students will aspire to and ultimately attend
college. In the following chapter, I begin by offering insight into the dichotomous
perspectives regarding how undocumented immigrants in the U. S. ought to be
treated. I go on to synthesize and apply the literature related to low-income Latino
and immigrant students’ consequent limited access to the requisite college
preparation and relevant social capital. I conclude chapter 2 by describing how
students’ access to information and relationships that facilitate college-going
influence their college aspirations and choices. In chapter 3, I review the
methodology employed for this study, including sample selection procedures,
methods of data collection, data analysis techniques, and triangulation. Chapter 4
presents the study’s findings. Chapter 5 concludes by summarizing the study
findings discussing policy implications, and recommending areas for future research.
The stories of undocumented students like Flor will bring to fore the realities
that these students face every day along the path to college. Flor and many of her
undocumented peers have parents with substance abuse problems, terminal illnesses,
sporadic employment, and very little formal education. She and several of the
students whose stories will be told also play the role of surrogate parents to their

25
younger siblings as the result of a deceased or absentee parent. Despite these
challenges, the students’ stories will show that they have persevered because they
know that their parents brought them to the U. S. to find a better life and as a result,
they have become the true believers in the “American Dream”--whether or not these
students will achieve that dream remains to be seen.

26
CHAPTER 2

INFLUENCES ON UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’
COLLEGE ASPIRATIONS AND CHOICES

One fall afternoon, Nelly and I sit in a quiet corner of the school library while
she describes how she began to see herself as a college-goer. She explains,
Up until my junior year I still thought I might drop out. No one in my family
had finished high school and I didn’t really see the point. I didn’t think that
going to college would make a difference because I probably still wouldn’t
be able to get a better job and besides that, I knew we couldn’t afford it.

For much of her academic career, Nelly did not view herself as college-bound.
However, at the end of her junior year of high school, she received information about
postsecondary options for undocumented students and her perceptions and
aspirations began to change. As she recalled,
I was at this College Club meeting and there was this lady talking about a law
to make college cheaper for undocumented students. Before that, I wasn’t
even sure if we could go to college. After that day, students started to bring
information to the meetings to tell us about how to apply for scholarships.
That was when I started to think that I might be able to go to college. I
learned that even without financial aid, there were other ways to find money
for college. I’m still not sure what’s going happen job wise, but I’ve been
working in clothing stores for a few years, so I know I can always do that if I
have to.

For undocumented students, the educational and professional opportunities
available to them often seem unclear. Affording a college education or becoming
gainfully employed are not guaranteed. Consequently, whether or not undocumented
students aspire to attend college and ultimately choose to do so are strongly
influenced by their perceptions of their ability to afford college and of the possible
career prospects that may follow. Their attitudes and decisions about college are

27
also shaped by the relationships they do or do not develop with peers and adults who
can provide them with college-related information, support, and guidance.
In chapter 1, I began to explain how finances shape the college aspirations
and choices of undocumented students. My purpose was to foreshadow the findings
and conclusions that will be shared in chapters 4 and 5 with regard to the significant
connection between family finances, college costs, and college choices. Indeed,
these factors combined to strongly shape undocumented students’ access to higher
education. However, as the discussion to follow will show, financial considerations
are just one of the factors that determine whether or not students aspire to and
ultimately attend college.
The discussion in the previous chapter demonstrates that public policy largely
limits opportunity for undocumented students. As such, the students’ college
aspirations and choices are shaped by the fact that the United States has left this
portion of the population without access to some of the country’s most essential
resources and institutions (i.e., health care, a driver’s license, legal employment, and
government assistance). In highlighting the specific policies that shape undocu-
mented students’ access to higher education, I described where these students are
today. Conceptual shifts in how immigrants are perceived and identified by the U. S.
government and its citizens have served to shape the public policies discussed.
These conceptual shifts and the consequent discourse around immigration are largely
related to economics. Unfortunately, with the ever-increasing number of college-
ready students among this population, existing policies that limit their access to

28
resources such as financial aid for college are just one more hurdle that these
students will have to overcome.
The literature that will be discussed here is helpful in describing how
undocumented immigrants are perceived in the United States and how these
perceptions shape their children’s access to higher education. What I offer is a three-
pronged approach to looking at the opportunity structure available to undocumented
students in the U. S. In doing so, I make clear that the perspectives held regarding
who undocumented immigrants are and how they ought to be treated remain
contentious. These perceptions and the public policies that are implemented as a
result often serve to further restrict undocumented immigrants’ access to
governmental, educational, and professional institutions. For the youth among this
population, their aspirations to achieve in this country tend to be stifled to some
degree by the limitations they experience.
As low-income urban youth, undocumented immigrant students tend to have
educational experiences that mirror those of their U. S.-born counterparts. Yet, the
restrictions they experience as a result of their surreptitious presence in the country
further complicate an already precarious situation. The fact that undocumented
students attend the most over-crowded and low-performing schools with the lowest
college-going rates (Oliverez, 2006) means that acquiring the information and
support to successfully transition from high school to college is often an uphill battle.
Moreover, the literature related to students’ college aspirations and choices suggests
that one of the most influential factors in determining whether or not students aspire

29
to attend college and where they choose to go is their access to well-informed social
network of adults and peers at home and at school.
As the stories in chapter 4 will show, undocumented immigrants are
becoming a permanent fixture in many large urban cities such as Los Angeles, where
they make up nearly 15% of the population (Jacoby, 2004). However, they exist in
these cities as second-class non-citizens, surviving on poverty wages (Flores, 2003).
Their children attend the worst schools but, like the students whose stories will be
told here, many persevere through the educational pipeline and astonishingly become
college-ready. Unfortunately, college-readiness often leads to a variety of other
challenges including difficulties in applying to college and finding sources of
funding once students are admitted.
Given the dearth of literature on the experiences of undocumented youth and
specifically the college-ready portion of the population, the discussion here includes
a review of the literature that serves as a starting point for understanding the barriers
to access these students face. Because the lives of undocumented students in the
U. S. are so powerfully shaped by social and political attitudes about who they are
and how they ought to be treated, I begin by briefly describing this discourse. This is
relevant to the degree that it begins to provide a contextual understanding of their
daily lives. Next, I offer discussion and analysis of the literature describing the
challenges faced by Latino and immigrant youth as they attempt to acquire the social
and cultural capital necessary to move successfully through the academic pipeline.
Finally, I expound upon the discussion in chapter 1 regarding factors that shape

30
undocumented students’ college aspirations and choices, highlighting the important
role of vital information acquired through social networks.
Prior to beginning my discussion, it is important to note that my aim here is
not to debate border policy or to argue about how the U. S. ought to patrol the
countries’ borders. These are clearly important issues but they are not my focus. I
am concerned about those undocumented students who currently reside in the United
States and aim to attend college.
Access and Opportunity for Undocumented Immigrants
There are multiple areas of discourse around immigrants in the U. S. and
Latino and immigrant students’ educational achievement and access to higher
education. In this chapter, I discuss the ways previous work in these areas can serve
as a lens through which to examine the experiences of college-ready undocumented
high school students as they endeavor to transition from high school to college.
Accordingly, I synthesize, critique, and apply the literature in three related areas:
(a) perceptions of and attitudes toward undocumented immigrants; (b) the material
consequences of these perceptions and attitudes as they relate to low-income Latino
and immigrant students’ access to and acquisition of college-related social capital;
and (c) how the types of social capital undocumented students acquire influence their
perceptions of their postsecondary options.

31
Undocumented Immigrants and
the Benefits of Citizenship

The discussion in chapter 1 provides insight into the policies that shape the
daily lives of America’s undocumented immigrants. In this section, I describe the
arguments made by both sides of the immigration debate to provide a context for the
remainder of this discussion. If the issue were not so contentious, the resulting
challenges faced by college-ready undocumented immigrants and how to address
them would not be so thorny. Undocumented immigrants in the U. S. have recently
been discussed in two primary ways: (a) as deserving of the benefits of citizenship
(Flores, 2003; Perry, 2004; Rodriguez, 1990), and (b) as a threat to American culture
(Brimelow, 1995; Lamm & Imhoff, 1985) and the countries’ economy (Eldredge,
2001; Reimers, 1998). Below, I define two key terms that I will use in my
discussion to characterize the two sides of immigration debate.
Definition of Terms
Immigration Enthusiasts
Although this term has been used by those opposed to immigration, in a
somewhat derogatory manner, to describe individuals or organizations that are
supportive of immigrant rights because they have a tendency to stress the emotional
nature of an issue over its rational aspects (Brimelow, 1995), I have appropriated the
term and given it a more positive connotation. For the remainder of this discussion, I
use this term to characterize those scholars who recognize undocumented immigra-

32
tion as a human rights issue and undocumented immigrants as an asset to the U. S.,
consequently worthy of receiving the benefits of citizenship.
Immigration Restrictionists
Restrictionism began in the late 19
th
century as a consequence of large-scale
immigration by Jews and Catholics from southern and eastern Europe (Reimers,
1998). Similar to the perception of today’s immigrants, these groups were viewed as
undesirable because they were largely poor and uneducated. For the remainder of
this discussion, I use the term restrictionists to describe those individuals or groups
of U.S. citizens who have made it their purpose to prevent immigrants from entering
the country and to prevent those who enter illegally from receiving any of the rights
afforded to citizens.
The discussion to follow highlights how these two dominant camps within
the political discourse around undocumented immigrants and citizenship have
attempted to define who undocumented immigrants are in an effort to determine the
extent to which the population ought to be given access to the benefits of citizenship.
These perspectives are particularly important as they shape the policies that directly
impact the lived experiences of the undocumented students who are the subject of
this investigation.
On one side of the debate are individuals in favor of providing immigrants
with greater rights and on the other side are the individuals who would restrict them
from entering the U. S. and receiving any rights at all. Not surprisingly, both sides
have made attempts to define the undocumented immigrant population based on their

33
perceptions of who this population is and how they ought to be treated. The
definitions developed by these two groups demonstrate two very different ways to
view the population. The section to follow will include a discussion of both sides of
this discourse in an effort to further illuminate the policies and perspectives that
directly influence undocumented students’ access to higher education.
The Undocumented as “Residents”
Unlike immigrants of earlier periods, Latino immigrants of the 1960s and
1970s, and more so in the late 1980s and early 1990s, began a shift in their pattern of
seasonal migration to more permanency in the United States for themselves and their
families (Rodriguez, 1990). With the passing of new legislation in the 1980s to
provide immigrants with amnesty, immigrants began to plant roots in America more
than they ever had before (Daniels, 2004). Individual immigrants and immigrant
families were provided with the opportunity to make this country their home and
elected to do so in larger numbers than our country had previously seen–today
almost 900,000 people legally immigrate to the United States each year for short-
and long-term stays in the country, while roughly 300,000 more enter without legal
documentation. This undocumented population consists of two subgroups:
(a) individuals who enter as “visitors” and become “illegal immigrants” once their
visas expire; and (b) individuals referred to by the Bureau of Citizenship and
Immigration Services (BCIS) as “EWI’s” or “entered without inspection,” which
indicates that the individual entered the United States under surreptitious
circumstances. College-ready undocumented students come from both subgroups;

34
and though many of them are ineligible to apply for legal residency or U. S.
citizenship, they have no intention of returning to their countries of origin (Hayes,
2001).
An immigrant enthusiast, Rodriguez (1990) terms this emerging category of
immigrants “undocumented residents.” Among them are the students whose
experiences are the focus of this study–students who migrated to the United States
with their parents, without legal documentation, in search of employment and greater
prosperity than they could find in their native countries, and who chose to make this
country their permanent home. In his own work on undocumented immigrants and
higher education, Rodriguez explains that several sociodemographic developments
promoted the growth of the undocumented resident population. Among them were:
(a) large-scale, rapid Latino immigration, (b) accelerated growth of the Latino
undocumented family population, (c) development of Latino undocumented
immigrant communities, (d) greater Latino attachment to schools, (e) greater Latino
involvement in educational development and issues, (f) greater Latino educational
success, and (g) greater opportunity for Latino economic mobility.
The undocumented resident population grew because Latino immigrants, in
particular, were coming to the United States in larger numbers, bringing their
children with them or bearing children here, building communities in urban and rural
settings, and sending their children to school (Gonzalez, 2002). Consequently, these
families found that education could afford them some degree of upward mobility.
The undocumented resident community soon began to seek greater opportunity

35
through the pursuit of higher education (Rodriguez, 1990). Their low incomes,
however, made paying for college nearly impossible for most. Regardless of their
length of time residing in America, undocumented immigrants are restricted from
receiving many of the benefits that legal residents and citizens of the country take for
granted, including financial aid for college.
With his discussion of “undocumented residents,” Rodriguez (1990) provides
one way in which to view the undocumented immigrant population. His definition is
built on the reality that this particular group has established a degree of permanency
in the U. S. Their residence is no longer sporadic or seasonal. He also makes clear
the importance of addressing the needs of the undocumented immigrant population
currently residing in the United States.
The Undocumented as “Substantive Members”
Despite the absence of much literature specifically addressing issues of
college access for undocumented students, it is important to address one recent
attempt, by another immigrant enthusiast, to make a case for providing these students
with financial aid for college. Perry (2004) builds on Delanty’s (1998) conceptual-
izations of citizenship and benefit distribution in order to assert that the distribution
of rights to noncitizens can be more easily dealt with if we know what it means to be
what Perry calls a “substantive member” of society. Perry’s study included
interviews with various stakeholders (e.g., undocumented students, legislators,
policymakers, and staff members in the Texas state government) involved in the
passage of Texas House Bill 1403--which ultimately made some of Texas’

36
undocumented students eligible for in-state tuition and financial aid--in order to
gauge their basic beliefs and attitudes about “membership.”
Perry (2004) found that stakeholders’ beliefs about what it meant to be a
“member” of society fell within eight principles: (a) residency, (b) social awareness,
(c) reciprocation, (d) investment, (e) identification, (f) patriotism, (g) destiny, and
(h) law abidingness. Among Perry’s eight principles, investment and destiny were
most relevant in relation to college-ready undocumented students. The stakeholders,
immigrant and U. S.-born alike, described paying taxes, getting an education and
working in the U. S., and leaving their native countries to come to the U. S. as
examples of their investment in this country. Destiny was most often expressed by
undocumented students through discussions of their aspirations to pursue higher
education and eventual employment in the United States.
Combined, Perry’s principles of investment and destiny demonstrate the
degree to which undocumented students have integrated into the fabric of U. S.
society. For example, immigration enthusiasts argue that undocumented immigrants
make a great deal more investment in the United States and its economy than they
are given credit for (De La Torre, 2002; Daniels, 2004; Gonzalez, 2002). In
addition, this group makes investments for which they often receive little return. For
example, undocumented immigrants are not eligible for most public benefits but they
pay for these programs if they are employed (Hayes, 2001). To determine eligibility
for particular benefits by measuring immigrants’ investments in the U. S., however,
may serve to perpetuate the common belief among immigration restrictionists that

37
immigrants enter this country to abuse social services and consequently displace
U. S.-born workers. In fact, as Gonzalez (2002) and Funkhouser (1996) explain,
studies that examine the fiscal impact of immigrants by comparing taxes paid and
services received by immigrants, concluded that in 1992, immigration benefited
U. S. citizens by the amount of $31 billion. In addition, young immigrant workers,
many of whom pay taxes, will help to sustain programs such as Social Security at a
time when the American workforce is aging (Hayes-Bautista, 1993).
In his discussion of destiny, Perry explained that many of the undocumented
students he spoke to described their destinies in terms of their educational and
professional aspirations. They all intended to continue in school, pursue higher
education and ultimately have careers that would allow them to contribute to their
communities. These students described visions of their future employment in the
United States as well as strong ties to their particular communities. They also
possessed clear visions of their futures in America and saw themselves as connected
to the country’s fate.
Research by other immigration enthusiasts focusing on undocumented
students and their aspirations to attend college (Olivas, 1995; Oliverez, 2004;
Oliverez, 2005; Rodriguez, 1990) supports Perry’s claim that these students aspire to
build lives in the United States and make a positive contribution to society through
their pursuit of higher education. Given the length of time that many of these
students have lived in the United States, few intend to return to their countries of
origin. When many undocumented students think about their futures, they do so

38
within the context of the United States (Olivas, 1995; Oliverez, 2004; Oliverez,
2005). Therefore, if used to determine their eligibility for benefits such as financial
aid for college, the students’ demonstrable commitment to futures as contributing
members of American society would likely be to their advantage.
Perry (2004) presented these beliefs in an effort to establish principles by
which an undocumented student’s eligibility for the benefits of citizenship (e.g.,
financial aid for college) might be determined. He claimed that his purpose for
doing so was to broaden the criteria by which this determination is currently made.
In concluding his discussion, Perry contends that “citizens are born (or naturalized)
and members are made” (p. 29). Substantive members, as Perry calls them, fit
within his eight principles and should be provided the benefits of citizenship.
However, I contend that the fact that the experiences and beliefs of many college-
ready undocumented students are not aligned with all of his principles should not
prohibit them from receiving financial aid for college. There are three primary
principles by which I make this assertion: (a) these students have played by the rules
and worked hard in order to be college-ready; (b) in many ways, they have worked
harder to get where they are than most citizens or “substantive members” of society
because they have had to navigate the American educational system almost entirely
on their own; and (c) given many undocumented students’ high level of academic
achievement, not providing these students with financial support for college allows a
great deal of talent to go to waste.

39
The Undocumented as “Illegal Aliens”
Clearly, when it comes to how the United States ought to treat undocumented
immigrants, there are multiple perspectives. These perspectives have inevitably
helped to shape how the rights that immigrants–undocumented ones, in particular–do
or do not enjoy are determined. Immigration restrictionists’ argument that current
immigration policy is allowing a greater influx of undocumented immigrants has led
to legislation that aims to further limit the rights of immigrants (Daniels, 2004).
These individuals and groups are concerned with regulating immigration into the
U. S. because they believe consistent, large-scale immigration and the consequent
shift in the country’s demographic make-up have been detrimental to America in a
variety of ways (Brimelow, 1995; Dudley, 1990; Eldgredge, 2001; Reimers, 1998).
This perspective has consequently produced a political and legislative climate in the
United States that has been particularly hostile toward immigrants (Bean & Stevens,
2003; Daniels, 2004).
For example, legislation like the federal IIRIRA and California’s
Propositions 187 and 227 are direct effects of the restrictionist movement.
Proposition 187 was aimed at restricting the rights of undocumented immigrants to
all forms of social services, including health care and education, while Proposition
227, which was also known as the “English for the Children” law, was an attempt to
remove language barriers (i.e., bilingual education) that proponents of the legislation
viewed as preventing the proper assimilation of immigrants into American culture
(De La Torre, 2002).

40
To imply that the perspectives behind this legislation are without merit would
be misleading. There exist multiple arguments for limiting immigration into the
U. S.–some are certainly more valid than others. However, there is a common thread
through many of these arguments. Despite the common contention that undocu-
mented immigrants ought to be restricted from entering the U. S., there is also a
consistent acknowledgement of the reality that millions of these immigrants already
reside in the country. It is this fact that is most disheartening to immigration
restrictionists. Many of them explicitly advocate for a moratorium on immigration
and a return to the days when the U. S. was 90% White. These desires, however,
will not change the current demographic balance of the nation. A more productive
endeavor would be to examine the current challenges that undocumented immigrants
present to the U. S. and deal with them in a manner that is most tolerable to both
groups.
In order to do so, I contend that policymakers must operate on three
premises that I believe both immigration enthusiasts and restrictionists agree on:
(a) undocumented immigrants currently make up a significant portion of the U. S.
labor force, (b) the fact that undocumented immigrants do the least desirable jobs has
meant that their immigration to the U. S. is often to their own detriment, and (c)
currently over 11 million undocumented immigrants live in the U. S. (Passel, 1998)
and are unlikely to choose to leave. By beginning with recognition of these three
realities, whether we like them or not, we come to a common understanding of the
challenges posed by undocumented immigration.

41
Summary
As the discussion here has shown, the questions of who undocumented
immigrants are and how they ought to be treated once they arrive to the U. S. are
extremely contentious. Indeed, the material consequences of the polarized discourse
around undocumented immigrants and their rights to access the benefits of citizen-
ship are evident in the opportunities made available to undocumented immigrants
and their children through their interactions with social agents and institutions.
Undocumented students--regardless of how they are defined--tend to be consistently
reminded that their potential, however great, can be stifled by a variety of factors
outside of their control.
In addition to living in a society that is divided about whether or not these
young people ought to be allowed to stay in the U. S., they come from home and
school environments that work against their academic success where they are not
provided the requisite capital to successfully move through the academic pipeline
and into institutions of higher education. In the next section, I highlight the various
ways the schools these students attend exacerbate the obstacles they face as
undocumented immigrants and first-generation college-goers due to their limited
access to college-related social and cultural capital.
Latino and Immigrant Social/Cultural Capital
Hayes’ (2001) study examining the experiences of three undocumented
immigrant communities residing in the United States found that the undocumented
status of these groups resulted in their engaging in “furtive exercises in survival at a

42
very basic primal level” (p. xx). Because these groups were only able to secure jobs
paying less than minimum wage, they were also subject to the worst living
conditions. In addition, the undocumented immigrants Hayes spoke to were afraid to
utilize medical services or complain about mistreatment they experienced on the job
for fear of being deported. I share these findings here to provide a context for the
discussion to follow. Indeed, the lives of undocumented immigrants are particularly
difficult due to poverty and their lack of access to many of the resources and
institutions that American citizens take for granted. As such, the likelihood that they
will be able to provide their children with the social capital necessary for college-
readiness is questionable, at best.
Given that the focus of this study is on Latino undocumented students, this
section addresses the fact that this population shares characteristics with multiple
groups including low-income youth, immigrant youth, and Latino youth. Although,
it should be noted that the experience of also being undocumented means that these
students face a unique set of challenges shaped by public policy and perception. In
this section, I provide a discussion of the literature describing the experiences of
low-income Latino and immigrant students as they enter and move through the
educational pipeline, highlighting the numerous obstacles they face along the path to
college.
When considering the issue of college access for low-income Latino students,
it is important to keep in mind that prior to aspiring to attend and choosing a college,
these students need to have already had access to a variety of fundamental resources.

43
Among these are high-quality instruction, rigorous coursework, and college-related
information and guidance, typically acquired from a college network made up of
home- and school-based adults as well as college-bound peers (Corwin, Colyar, &
Tierney, 2005). Because many low-income Latino students are the first in their
families to work toward higher education, they are often left depending on their
schools to adequately prepare them for college by providing them the requisite forms
of college-related social capital.
Adequate preparation for college entails not only possessing the requisite
academic knowledge and skills, but also requires students to depend on background
characteristics and instrumental relationships that will help them navigate the college
admissions and enrollment processes (Portes, 2004; Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Conse-
quently, low-income Latino students must learn to build on their academic capital as
a form of social capital that can serve to establish relationships that will help them
move successfully through the academic pipeline and on to college. In the
discussion to follow, I define social and cultural capital as they apply to the
experiences of low-income Latino and immigrant youth.
Defining Social and Cultural Capital
The theoretical concepts of social and cultural capital have been utilized
extensively. Often they have been used interchangeably, though their meanings are
not the same. In addition, they have been applied to various discussions of
institutions of power and reproduction in our society. For the purpose of this
discussion I apply these concepts to educational institutions, and more specifically,

44
to the role played by social networks in relation to the provision of social capital for
educational attainment and college access. I apply these theories as they relate to
instrumental social relationships (or social networks) made up of institutional agents
(i.e., teachers, counselors, peers) that serve to provide low-income Latino and
immigrant youth with the knowledge forms (social capital) and behaviors (cultural
capital) that provide for greater educational attainment (Stanton-Salazar & Spina,
2003).
Social Capital
Coleman (1990) defines social capital as (a) a source of social control, (b) a
source of family-mediated benefits, and (c) a source of resources mediated by non-
family networks (i.e., social networks). He approaches his definition from a
functionalist perspective, asserting that individuals who possess particular forms of
capital are able to exchange it with others who possess capital they desire.
According to Coleman, prior to this exchange both individuals must already possess
capital that is of value to the other and that made the initial relationship advantage-
eous. Based on this definition, it is unlikely for one to acquire social capital from a
relationship without also investing some of their own capital into it; thus, the
exchange occurs by virtue of social ties. Essentially, social capital refers primarily to
resources accessed through social networks (Lin, 1999).
When considering the academic experiences of low-income Latino and
immigrant youth, the role of social capital acquired through instrumental
relationships with school-based adults and peers is particularly crucial in derailing

45
the process of social reproduction (Monkman, Ronald, & Theramene, 2005). For
instance, students who do not possess mainstream forms of social capital related to
college-going must form relationships with individuals who can provide information
about college admissions requirements such as particular course sequences and
required tests. If not, these students are likely to be lost in their school’s sea of
tracked students–most of who are not seen as potential college-goers (Oakes, 1995).
Indeed, many low-income Latino students are unlikely to seek college-related
assistance so they must be sought out by those who have the knowledge and ability
to supply the necessary information and guidance (Levine & Nidiffer, 1996; Oliverez
& Tierney, 2005; Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003).
Cultural Capital
Bourdieu (1992) refers to cultural capital as the formal educational
credentials that an individual possesses and the complex of values and knowledge of
cultural forms in the individual’s demeanor. Cultural capital as defined by Bourdieu
involves connections made through the family and family-mediated benefits that
facilitate children’s access to education and transmit a set of values and outlooks that
are viewed by society as “low” to “high-brow” culture. In a college preparatory
context, an example of “low-brow” culture is incorrect use of grammar in
conversation or written work, while an example of “high-brow” culture is familiarity
with the “classics” of the academic literary canon. Parents who possess the cultural
capital to understand the knowledge and behaviors rewarded in schools pass it on to
their children and advocate on their behalf with school-based agents and positively

46
impact their academic placement (McDonough, 1997). These behaviors enhance
their children’s opportunities for successful progress through the academic pipeline
and on into higher education (Rueda, Monzo, & Arzubiaga, 2003).
Moreover, when wealthier students perceive themselves and their families as
possessing the cultural capital valued by their teachers and peers, a sense of agency
and entitlement is developed (Lareau, 2003). Indeed, because these young people
have witnessed their parents’ agency as advocates for their children, the students
begin to understand the power that they have to make requests on their own behalf.
When these students have also observed their parents exhibit agency when
interacting with other institutional actors, they will feel that they are entitled to
adequate responses to their requests.
Low-income Latino youth, and immigrant youth, however, are less likely to
possess feelings of agency and entitlement given their experiences with educational
institutions. These students are made aware, on a fairly consistent basis, of the
deficiencies they bring to school (Noguera, 2003; Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Many
Latino students are taught that their cultural capital, in terms of their values and
language, is not valued in school. Instead, they must acquire the valued forms of
capital if they hope to succeed (Bourdieu, 1992). In addition, little attention is given
to school-related concerns expressed by these students and their parents (Lareau,
2003, Noguera, 2003, Rueda et al., 2003). As a result, low-income Latino students

47
are less likely to perceive any sense of agency in terms of making requests of
institutional actors or to feel entitled to receive responses to their requests (Stanton-
Salazar, 2001).
In the next section, I explain how the issues of social and cultural capital
discussed above have resulted in educational inequities for low-income Latino and
immigrant youth.
Educational Inequity
At the root of the disparity in academic achievement between low-income
Latino and immigrant youth and wealthier U. S. natives is the fundamental nature of
education, which “demands of students that which it does not provide” so that
students who come to school without having had mainstream middle-class
experiences are left unaware of the forms of capital required of them (Bourdieu &
Passeron, 1977). Indeed, all students enter the educational system with particular
cultural capital that they have developed over their lifetime. These elements come
together to shape individual capital. Yet, there are two forms of capital in particular
which largely determine students’ academic attainment, which I focus on here.
These forms include: (a) funds of knowledge (i.e., cultural capital); and (b) networks
of relationships (i.e., social capital), both of which are acquired initially through
one’s family. As Rueda et al. (2003) explain, cultural capital refers to the what that
is learned and developed while social capital refers to the who that provides these
resources (p. 4).

48
Low-income Latino and immigrant students have less access to the
relationships (social capital) that would facilitate the acquisition of information
(cultural capital) that leads to college preparation and subsequent college-going.
Their lack of access to these forms of capital may exist for a variety of reasons,
including: lack of a college-going culture at their schools (McClafferty, McDonough,
& Nunez, 2002); teachers who do not expect these students to go to college (Barajas
& Pierce, 2001; DeBlase, 2003; Ferguson, 2001, Noguera, 2003); parents who have
had few or negative experiences with the formal education system (Auerbach, 2002;
Rueda et al., 2003; Tornatsky, Cutler, & Lee, 2002); language barriers (Stanton-
Salazar, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999); noncollege-going peers (Ogbu, 1991; Valenzuela,
1999); and values and belief systems (cultural capital) that are different from that
which formal education draws from and rewards (McDonough, 1997; Oakes, Rogers,
Lipton, & Morrell, 2002). As such, these students are at a disadvantage when they
enter school (Kao & Tienda, 1998). For those low-income Latino immigrant and
U. S.-born students who have spent much of their lives attending U. S. schools, their
years of schooling have prepared them for little more than membership in the low-
skilled labor force, with teachers who expected little and taught accordingly.
Another reason for the disproportionate achievement levels of low-income
Latino and immigrant students and their wealthier counterparts is that the former are
more likely to attend high-poverty schools, which have been shown to suffer from a
variety of problems including teacher reports of student misbehavior, absenteeism,
and lack of parent involvement. High teacher salaries and advanced training are also

49
less likely in high-poverty schools than in low-poverty schools (Gandara, Larson,
Rumberger, & Mehan, 1998). These issues impact school culture and the forms of
social capital available as well as the likelihood that schools will prepare and
encourage students to attend college (Alexander & Eckland, 1977; Falsey & Heyns,
1984).
Low-income Latino and immigrant students in America’s urban communities
experience schooling in ways that largely prohibit their access to higher education.
The educational engagement of these students is often negatively influenced by the
poor quality schools they attend due to the substandard resources, attention, support,
and preparation that these schools provide (Henig, Hula, Orr, & Pedescleaux, 1999).
This situation is exacerbated by the fact that many low-income Latino students are
the children of immigrants and/or come from homes where English is not spoken;
neither parent has attended college; and there is little knowledge about the formal
educational system in the United States (Stanton-Salazar, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999).
These factors determine the type of social and cultural capital that students bring to
school and in many instances leave them at a great disadvantage (Kao & Tienda,
1998). Their poor academic outcomes and low college-going rates are evidence of
their lack of access to adequate preparation (McDonough, 1997).
Challenges Specific to Immigrant Youth
Immigrant children are entering schools in unprecedented numbers as a result
of large-scale globalization (Suarez-Orozco, 2001). As they do, schools must adjust
to accommodate their diverse needs and experiences. Today, 50% of all immigrants

50
are from Latin America and are drawn to the United States by the service sector of
the country’s economy. As much of the discussion here has shown, many immi-
grants find themselves in the low-paid, low-skilled labor force, working in poor
conditions with few benefits such as health care, social security, or paid vacations.
Because the jobs they obtain offer little opportunity for upward mobility, these
immigrants often settle in areas of concentrated poverty and racial segregation
(Orfield, 2002).
Although adult immigrants face various obstacles when they enter the United
States with respect to finding employment and housing, their children face additional
challenges as they enter the U. S. educational system. These youngsters are placed
into an unfamiliar system that their parents are ill-equipped to help them navigate
due to their own low levels of educational attainment. Consequently, the students’
successful adaptation to the educational environment depends on the patterns of
social and cultural capital that they are able to acquire and make use of (Portes &
Rumbaut, 2001). The fact that English is not their first language also means that
these students are often sentenced to the least demanding classes. Unfortunately, this
makes immigrant students ineligible for college because they do not receive the
necessary college-related guidance and preparation. There are two particular reasons
why these students do not receive the requisite college preparation: (a) they have
been placed in an academic environment that does not prepare them for college, and
(b) they are consequently unable to build relationships with school-based adults and
peers that would support their aspirations to attend college.

51
Summary
The college-related social and cultural capital made available to low-income,
Latino, and immigrant students is fairly limited. These students tend to be placed in
academic environments where they are isolated from their schools’ college-bound
students. Unfortunately, as long as these and other Latino and low-income students
are prevented from receiving the social and cultural capital required of college-goers,
they will continue to perform at the lowest levels and few will go on to higher
education. The experiences of low-income Latino and immigrant students described
in this section show that they encounter numerous obstacles as they move through
the educational pipeline.
Taking the previous two sections together, it is clear that the attitudes held
toward undocumented immigrants shape their access to various resources and
institutions. Historically negative sentiment toward immigrants has resulted in
restrictive public policies that seriously limit the educational and professional
opportunities available to them. These policies combined with the experiences and
characteristics undocumented students share with low-income Latino and other
immigrant youth indicate that their access to higher education is particularly
uncertain.
Despite the challenges to access and opportunity discussed, successful
acquisition of college-related social capital through instrumental relationships can
help to minimize some of the difficulties described. When low-income first-
generation college-goers like undocumented students acquire college knowledge,

52
college preparation, and develop a college network, they are more likely to pursue
higher education. In the next section, I discuss the degree to which social networks
of well-informed adults and peers have the potential to provide students with the
college-related social capital needed to develop positive college aspirations and
make wise college choices.
Social Network Influence on College Aspirations and Choices
As noted, in chapter 1, students’ college aspirations and choices are largely
shaped by financial concerns, and more specifically, by their perceptions of college
costs and the availability of financial aid (Hossler, Vesper, & Schmit, 1999). As
such, the types of information students have about college preparation, applying to
college, and paying for college strongly influence whether or not they view college
as a viable postsecondary option. As the discussion in the previous section
demonstrates, low-income Latino and immigrant students who tend to be first-
generation college-goers, face numerous challenges in acquiring the forms of capital
that determine whether or not students view themselves as college-bound and
ultimately go on to attend college. The college-related information, resources, and
support available in students’ academic and home environments play a critical role in
their post-secondary aspirations and choices (Hossler & Gallagher, 1987).
In the discussion below, I aim to synthesize the literature around college
aspirations and choice as it applies to the experiences of low-income first-generation
college-goers. In doing so, I describe the challenges these students encounter as they
endeavor to acquire college-related social capital, develop college aspirations, and

53
make college choices. For undocumented students, this process is particularly
complex. Their path to college runs parallel to that of their peers, but the
undocumented students’ path is fraught with several additional obstacles. As the
data in chapter 4 will show, undocumented students actually begin making college
choices from the instant they develop college aspirations. As such, the discussion to
follow explains that the development of college aspirations and choices involves
students engaging in a process where there attitudes, perceptions, and decisions are
highly influenced by the college-related social capital made available to them
through social networks.
Developing College Aspirations
Much literature exists highlighting the various dynamics that come together
to determine students’ post-secondary aspirations. The challenges to accessing
higher education described in the previous section indicate that many students come
from homes and attend schools where college-related social capital is entirely absent
or severely lacking. Consequently, for these students to access higher education,
they must first acquire the requisite academic preparation and college information
(Hayes, 1989) and establish relationships with individuals able to provide the
motivation and guidance needed to develop perceptions of themselves as college-
bound (Levine & Nidiffer, 1996; Gandara, 1995). Among these individuals are:
(a) family members (Hossler et al., 1999; Sheppard et al., 1992), (b) peers (Cooper,
2002; Sheppard et al., 1992), and (c) school-based adults (Cooper, 2002; Stanton-
Salazar, 2001).

54
Together, the individuals identified above often make up a students’ college
support network and have the potential to provide the necessary college-related
information, motivation, guidance, and support. Even so, they can also sometimes
serve to prevent certain populations from receiving the resources and information
they need (Corwin, Venegas, Oliverez, & Colyar, 2004). For example, as I will
explain in greater detail below, families with little college knowledge and counselors
with low expectations can have a detrimental effect on the college aspirations and
choices of first-generation college-goers.
Familial Influence on College Aspirations
According to the relevant literature, the individuals who play the most critical
role in shaping students’ aspirations to attend college are their parents (Hossler et al.,
1989; Hossler, Schmit, & Vesper, 1999). In fact, parental encouragement of students
through frequent discussions about expectations, hopes, and dreams for their children
is the single most important predictor of students’ postsecondary plans (Stage &
Hossler, 1989). As such, parents have the power to serve as potential allies or
potential obstacles at each step along the road to college. This is surely the case
because parents consistently influence their children prior to and throughout their
time in school.
Gandara and Bial (2001) contend that three class-related factors–parent
education, parents’ educational aspirations for their children, and parent
encouragement for college–are key predictors of students’ college aspirations and
eventual enrollment. Likewise, Hossler et al. (1999, p. 24) contend that parents are

55
the most important predictor of students’ educational aspirations. Kao and Tienda
(1998) agree that, “Parental influences on aspirations are crucial because parents
control both financial and psychological resources and are key actors in
socialization” (p. 352).
As a form of social capital, having college-educated parents or siblings
strongly influences not only the types of guidance and information a student receives
at home, but also when that guidance begins–typically, at birth (Tierney & Auerbach,
2005). In addition, the likelihood that parents will engage in behaviors like saving
money for college, taking their students to visit college campuses, and attending
college-related workshops with their students are dependent on the degree to which
they understand these to be necessary steps in the college preparation process.
Given Hossler et al.’s (1999) contention that students rely on their families
for college-related information up until the 10
th
grade, the fact that less than 25% of
undocumented immigrants have graduated from high school and just 15% have a
college education (Passel, 2005) puts their children at a serious disadvantage. Yet
they also assert that as students move closer to high school graduation, parental
support and encouragement alone do not determine whether students ultimately
enroll in college. This is particularly true for first-generation college-goers who
cannot necessarily rely on their families for college-related information and guidance
(Cheng & Starks, 2002).

56
Teacher and Counselor Influence
on College Aspirations

Despite the fact that Hossler et al. (1999) found a lack of any relationship
between teacher and counselor support and college aspirations, when students do not
have access to home-based adults who can provide them with information about
what it takes to get to college, these students must rely on individuals outside of the
home for these forms of social capital (Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003). As such,
students’ college aspirations are often shaped by school-based adults (Oliverez &
Tierney, 2005). For example, teachers’ expectations of students are particularly
significant in the development and maintenance of college aspirations (McDonough,
2005). When students are placed in non-college-preparatory or less rigorous courses,
they internalize their distinction as low-achievers. This distinction plays an
important role in how these students view their postsecondary options and
consequently, shapes their aspirations (Oakes, 1985).
Although teachers certainly can play a role in encouraging students to attend
college and provide them with valuable academic preparation and college knowledge
(McDonough, 2005), well-informed counselors have been shown to have a
particularly strong influence on students’ aspirations to attend college (McDonough,
1997). Yet, the fact that college counselors are typically the only staff members on
urban high school campuses whose responsibility it is to provide college-related
information and guidance means that their potential for positively influencing all
students is limited (McDonough, 2005; Oliverez & Tierney, 2005).

57
High school guidance counselors are often primarily responsible for
scheduling students into their classes (Hutchinson & Reagan, 1989), while college
counselors tend to possess the most college-related information (Corwin et al.,
2005). The large student populations at many urban high schools mean that students
are more likely to come in contact with a guidance counselor than a college
counselor. Unfortunately, guidance counselors are not as well-informed about
college planning and the college decision-making process (Hossler et al., 1999).
This is due, in part, to the fact that college counselors are typically the only adults on
high school campuses charged with providing students essential college knowledge
about everything from college requirements to the availability of financial aid.
However, the large counselor-to-student ratios leave most college counselors
overworked and therefore, unable to provide adequate counseling to positively
impact all students’ college aspirations (McDonough, 1997; Oakes, 1985). In fact,
the average counselor-to-student ratio for public high schools in California is 1:848
(McDonough, 1997).
Despite the challenges noted above, college counselors have the potential to
play a critical role in a high school’s development of a college-going culture
(McDonough, 2005). In doing so, they play a role in the school’s structuring of
student aspirations and actual college preparatory opportunities. The fact that many
students who attend large urban schools do not receive adequate college preparation
and information from school-based adults leaves these students at a serious
disadvantage (Corwin, Venegas, Oliverez, & Colyar, 2004; Oliverez & Tierney,

58
2005). When schools lack a college-going culture, low expectations of students and
limited availability of college-related information, guidance, and support, tend to be
the norm. As a result, the majority of students at these schools are never given the
chance to make it to college (McDonough, 2005). Still, a limited number of
fortunate students may be in courses or develop relationships with college-bound
peers with whom they can exchange some of the relevant information.
Peer Influence on College Aspirations
The term “peers” has been used to identify close friends, classmates, groups
of students, or the entire population of age mates (Tierney & Colyar, 2002). For the
purpose of this discussion, I use the term to describe the friends, classmates, and
schoolmates of potential college-goers. With regard to the influence of peers on
college aspirations, research exists that shows a strong correlation between college
attendance and being a member of a college-going peer group (Hallinan & Williams,
1990). As Rumberger (1991) contends, students with friends who aspire to attend
college are likely to do so themselves, while students with friends who have no
college-going aspirations are less likely to go to college. This is particularly true for
working-class youth who often attend schools where they have few college-bound
peers (Corwin et al., 2004). Tierney and Colyar (2005) assert that peer connections
are thought to provide an important source of social support for children. As such,
the college-related support and guidance students do or do not receive from their
peers can play an important role in their aspirations to attend college.

59
Peer groups tend to correspond with the tracking mechanisms that are an
inherent aspect of our educational system (Oakes, 1985). Students placed in low-
achieving tracks tend to be grouped with their low-achieving peers, while high-
achieving or college-bound students are typically grouped with others like them.
Therefore, a student’s placement in a particular academic track can have either a
positive or negative influence on that student’s college aspirations. This
phenomenon is of great importance to the college-going potential of all students, but
especially for undocumented students. Undocumented students are often placed in
noncollege-track courses due to their perceived language limitations or lack of
academic potential (Oliverez, 2006). Their peer groups frequently consist of
students who do not aspire to attend college or are the first-generation in their family
to do so. Consequently, these students are largely unable to provide each other with
much information or guidance about their postsecondary options.
Making College Choices
Like college aspirations, college choices are strongly influenced by low-
income first-generation college-goers’ access to social networks able to provide the
necessary college-related information, guidance, and support. However, as noted in
chapter 1, much of the literature on college choice indicates that for low-income
first-generation college-goers, perceptions of college costs and availability of
financial aid also play important roles in whether or not students aspire to attend
college, which institutions they hope to attend, and where they ultimately choose to
attend (Flint, 1992/1993).

60
Student college choice has been described as a complex process with multiple
stages during which students develop aspirations to continue their education beyond
high school, followed by the decision to attend one particular institution (Hossler,
Braxton, & Coopersmith, 1989). This description draws from Hossler and
Gallagher’s (1987) college choice model, discussed in chapter 1, which indicates that
students engage in a three-stage process when making decisions about where to
attend college. The three stages that Hossler and Gallagher describe are commonly
agreed upon by many scholars who do work in this area. The predisposition, search,
and choice phases they describe are ones engaged in by the majority of potential
college-goers.
The considerations made during each phase, however, may differ depending
on the student. For example, Nora (2004) asserts that individual attributes,
institutional factors and psychosocial factors seriously influence students’ college
choices. Among the many factors Nora describes are: (a) academic programs,
(b) affordability, (c) financial aid availability, (d) reputation/quality of institution,
(e) location (i.e., distance from home), (f) size, and (g) social atmosphere. His
assertions certainly ring true for undocumented students, though the data presented
in chapter 4 will show that factors like affordability and location play a key role in
undocumented students’ college choices due to their unique residency position.
Returning to Hossler et al.’s (1999) college choice model, it is clear that
instrumental relationships with supportive adults and peers influence college choices
in largely the same way they influence students’ predisposition to attend college.

61
When students lack college knowledge, it is critical that they receive the necessary
information and guidance that facilitates college-going. As with college aspirations,
the information students receive about everything from admissions requirements to
how to complete college applications, influences their decisions about college.
However, as the discussion to follow will show, students’ perceptions of college
costs and financial aid availability also strongly influence their college choices.
As shown in the previous section, college aspirations are largely shaped by
students’ access to a well-informed college network. Likewise, students’
relationships with various individuals impact their college choices. College
counselors, however, have been found to play a critical role in shaping college
choices, particularly for low-income first-generation college-goers. As such, the
discussion to follow will highlight how the types of information, guidance, and
support provided by college counselors influence students’ college choices.
Counselor Influence on College Choice
As noted in the section above, on most large urban high school campuses,
college counselors are the individuals charged with providing students with the
necessary college-related information, support, and guidance. Accordingly, my
discussion here will focus on the ways these individuals influence students’ college
choices. The role that college counselors play in students’ acquisition of informa-
tion, guidance, and support that facilitates college-going largely determines the
number of students from a given high school that successfully transition to college.
As McDonough (2005) explains, counselors influence students’ perceptions of the

62
postsecondary options available to them and the decisions students make by how
they structure the flow and content of information, make explicit expectations that
highlight or downplay specific options, and limit the search for alternatives (p. 76).
When it comes to college-going, college counselors play the role of
gatekeepers with the potential to positively or negatively influence students’
postsecondary motivations and expectations by providing or withholding college
preparatory information and resources (Fallon, 1997). Indeed, studies have found
that a lack of college counseling or poor college counseling serve as major barriers to
adequate college preparation (Corwin et al., 2004; McDonough, 1997; Oakes, 1985).
This is particularly true for low-income first-generation college-goers. In fact,
previous research indicates that these students may resist going to their counselors
for advice because they have been known to encourage students to take noncollege-
preparatory or vocational courses (Gandara, 2002; Oakes, 1985). When students are
not tracked into the required college preparatory courses, their college choices are
severely limited.
For students with little or no college knowledge, college counselors play an
important role in their decisions about whether or not to attend college and which
institution to attend if they choose to do so. A lack of college-related social and
cultural capital has been has been posited as one reason for the low postsecondary
participation of low-income students (Campaigne & Hossler, 1998). This assertion
indicates the importance of providing these students with information about their
postsecondary options. For example, King (1996) found that low-income students

63
were more likely to attend a 4-year university if they met regularly with a supportive
counselor. However, finding counselors who support students’ college aspirations in
schools where few students are expected to go on to college can be an additional
challenge for low-income first-generation college-goers. Unfortunately, with limited
or insufficient access to the requisite information, guidance, and support, many
students may make poorly informed college choices (Boyer, 1987).
Misinformed college decisions are often made by undocumented students
who tend to be low-income and first generation. Because of the students’ unique
residency position, many college counselors are unaware of the opportunities
available to them (Oliverez, 2006). Some undocumented students are told that they
cannot attend college, while other students are discouraged from applying because
they are ineligible for government-sponsored financial aid (Oliverez, 2004). Given
previous research indicating that counselors are often ill-informed about post-
secondary options for the average student (McDonough, 2002), it is not surprising
that few of them are well-informed about the opportunities available to
undocumented students (Oliverez & Tierney, 2005).
Financial Concerns and College Choice
As noted in chapter 1, financial concerns often surface when students
consider where they will attend college (Hossler et al., 1999). For the average
student, information about college costs and financial aid awards tend to strongly
influence their college choices (Avery & Hoxby, 2004). As tuition fees continue to
increase and financial aid packages include more loans and fewer grants, low-income

64
students and families have become concerned about their ability to afford a college
education (Campaigne & Hossler, 1998). Consequently, students’ lack of accurate
information about college and financial aid may result in their foregoing college
altogether.
For example, in their study of the factors that influence the educational
aspirations of minority youth, Kao and Tienda (1998) explain that the “aspirations-
achievement” paradox is troubling because for Latino students, high aspirations often
fail to translate into high achievement. This finding is of particular relevance
because Kao and Tienda conclude that the primary factors that negatively influenced
students’ educational aspirations were a “lack of information about college and
financial aid” (p. 379). They found that Latino students also lacked information
about college application and admissions procedures, which led to some ambivalence
toward academic performance. These findings demonstrate the poor educational
outcomes that can result when students lack accurate college-related social capital.
Yet, even when students are provided with the necessary information, they also
require a great deal of guidance through the college and financial aid application
processes in order to make wise decisions.
Avery and Kane (2004) explain that low-income students are often
discouraged from attending college by the complexity of the process of applying for
college admission and financial aid, even if they are academically qualified to attend.
In fact, their survey looking at low-income students’ perceptions of their college
opportunities showed that more than 65% of the students surveyed said they planned

65
to attend a 4-year university after high school graduation, but less than 25% of them
did so. Avery and Kane assert that students’ college aspirations did not always lead
to college attendance for three primary reasons: (a) the students surveyed were not
academically qualified to attend 4-year institutions, (b) the students surveyed were
confused by the college application process, and (c) students surveyed never
submitted an application to a 4-year university. These findings demonstrate the
importance of information and guidance for students who might otherwise not go on
to attend college.
Conclusion
Although when synthesized, the work discussed here provides a lens that can
be used to examine the experiences of undocumented students, there are still gaps in
the current literature. First, the discourse around immigration does little to provide
solutions to the challenges created by undocumented immigrants and their children,
particularly with regard to education. Second, most research that focuses on the
college preparatory experiences of low-income Latino students does not specifically
address the challenges to college access experienced by undocumented students.
Work that focuses on the experiences of immigrant youth, however, does a better job
of describing the social and cultural capital that these students have difficulty
acquiring and demonstrates the ways the system actively works against them in
relation to college preparation. As such, it is important to consider that the work
described here can be applied to college-ready undocumented students in three
particular ways, by: (a) describing the national sentiment around the rights of

66
undocumented immigrants, (b) showing how this sentiment shapes undocumented
immigrants’ position in American society, and (c) explaining their consequent lack
of access to a variety of resources, institutions, and opportunities, including adequate
college preparation and financial aid.
With regard to students’ college aspirations and choices, Villalpando and
Solorzano (2005) assert, “The factors influencing college enrollment behavior
between White students and students of color are different” (p. 27). This reality is
well described in much of the literature cited here. Yet, I contend that the factors
influencing college enrollment behavior of undocumented students differ from those
of first-generation college-goers in general and Latino and other low-income
students, specifically. Undocumented students’ aspirations to attend college and
decisions about where to attend are surely influenced by many of the same factors
described in this chapter. However, as the chapter’s opening discussion
demonstrates, they also face additional challenges as a result of societal attitudes and
perceptions and the consequent public policy that the existing literature does not
adequately address.
The literature here indicates that one mediating factor for many first-
generation college-goers is instrumental school-based relationships (or social
networks). When students develop relationships with individuals able to provide
accurate information about their postsecondary options, they are more likely to
attend college, regardless of their background. The fact that their families are often
unable to provide them with the necessary cultural and social capital related to

67
college-going indicates a need for focused efforts to educate parents. This will make
them better-able to support their students and students will not be left to depend
solely on school-based networks (Gandara, 2002; Jun & Colyar, 2002; Swail &
Perna, 2002).
This dissertation will contribute to the existing literature by providing data
gathered through a longitudinal qualitative study that tracked a group of 10 college-
ready undocumented high school seniors over a 10-month period as they prepared
for and applied to college. The students’ stories will highlight the difficulties they
encountered, as a result of their undocumented status, when completing college
applications, searching for private scholarships to fund their college education, and
when making thorny decisions about where to attend college given their limited
financial means. In order to gain insight into the experiences of the 10 college-ready
undocumented students, I utilized a variety of qualitative methods. In the next
chapter, I describe these methods.

68
CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHOD:
INTERVIEW AND OBSERVATION

November 29, 2004: Admissions applications for the two public university
systems in California are due tomorrow. The College Center at Central City High
School in Los Angeles is full to capacity with about 15 students. Eight of them stand
in front of the three functional computers in the room making last minute changes
before submitting their online applications; other students are just beginning their
applications. At least half of the students in the room are undocumented.
Juan: Can you tell me what I should click for the residency questions? I’m
not sure what I should say.
Paz: It depends on which system you’re applying to.
Juan: I’m doing the UC application. They ask if you’re a U. S. citizen and
which country you’re a resident of. Do I put Mexico or the U. S.?
Paz: For the UC application, you should leave the U. S. residency
questions blank. Just make sure to answer the California residency
questions. That will allow them to keep processing your application
and qualify you to pay resident tuition. For the country of residence,
you are supposed to click on “No selection.”

The pathway to college is tumultuous even for the savviest student. But for
college-ready undocumented students, what they experience along this path is much
more complex. As the literature in the previous chapter showed, like other low-
income urban youth, undocumented students have limited access to the academic
preparation and college guidance necessary for a successful high school-to-college
transition. These students often lack awareness about college requirements, the
college application process, how to acquire funds for college, and the costs of

69
attending a college or university. Without these basic forms of social capital,
undocumented students sometimes make choices and decisions that are not well-
informed and not in their best interests.
The individuals these students depend on for support and guidance (i.e.,
members of their college support network) play a critical role in the students’
decisions during each step of their transition from high school to college. They also
help to determine how successfully undocumented students are able to move from
secondary to higher education. This is particularly true because the processes of
applying to college and searching for financial assistance require undocumented
students to jump through hoops that their documented or U. S.-born peers do not
encounter. As the brief interaction above illustrates, undocumented students
encounter difficulties answering questions related to their residency on college
applications.
In addition, undocumented students must spend much of their time after
applying to college searching for money to help fund their education–with severely
limited options. Unlike U. S. citizens and legal permanent residents, these potential
college-goers cannot simply apply for college admission and financial aid. They are
faced with the task of completing college applications that require them to
“appropriately” answer questions regarding their residency and are ineligible for
government-sponsored financial aid altogether. Consequently, they require a great
deal of assistance as they apply to and seek funding for college. The actions
undocumented students take and the social capital they acquire through relationships

70
with adults and peers along the path to college, largely determine how successfully
these students proceed through the college application and decision-making
processes.
Given the laborious nature of the college preparation, application, and
selection processes for undocumented students, it was important to take great care in
determining how best to learn about their lives and experiences as they pursued their
dream of a college education. In the discussion to follow, I begin by restating the
research questions that guided the study. Next, I explain how I developed the
research design for this study and outline the methods of data collection used to learn
about the students’ experiences. In this discussion, I describe the criteria used to
identify my study sites and participants. I then make a case for my use of qualitative
research methods. In doing so, I describe two approaches to collecting data. The
research methods employed in this study are then described, including a detailed
description of data collection and participant selection. Finally, I discuss the
potential limitations to this study and explain what the next chapter will entail.
Areas of Inquiry
As stated in chapter 1, there are three primary areas of inquiry that guided
this study. In particular, the goal was to address the following:
1. What factors shape the educational pathways and access to higher
education of undocumented students?

71
2. In what ways do policies limiting undocumented students’ access to
college and financial aid shape their aspirations to attend college and their choices
about where to attend?
3. From whom do undocumented students acquire college and financial
aid information and what kinds of support do they receive? (i.e., do students have a
college support network in place that facilitates college-going?)
Answering these questions required utilizing a methodological approach to
inquiry that could provide the ability to not only look at my subjects’ experiences
during the time I met with them, but also gain insight about their previous
experiences. The students encountered obstacles as they applied to college but these
were only compounded upon the challenges that had always been part of their daily
lives. These and other factors made their path to college extremely difficult. The
students were subject to policies restricting their access to higher education, but they
persevered. Through their college networks, undocumented students found the
information and support they needed to prepare for and apply to college. How well
the students fared as they worked to make the transition from high school to college
depended largely on the resources available at their high school and in their
community.
Research Design
When considering how best to go about gathering insight on the experiences
of college-ready undocumented students, methodological considerations were
influenced, in part, by the fact that there was little existing data on the population.

72
As the literature presented in chapter 2 demonstrated, much of the discourse around
undocumented immigrants focuses on immigration policy. The few previous studies
that sought to shed light on the difficulties undocumented students face as they
proceed through the academic pipeline, employed one-time qualitative interviews
with undocumented students (Abrego, 2002; Perry, 2004) and others (Padilla, 1989;
Perry, 2004) to gauge their perceptions of the opportunities that are, should, and
should not be available to undocumented students. Although these studies are
helpful in highlighting the role of policies and perceptions of undocumented students
in their access to higher education, they only begin to scratch the surface in terms of
the day-to-day challenges these students encounter along the path to college.
Qualitative Methodology
The discussion above provides just a cursory description of some of the
challenges faced by college-ready undocumented students. During their senior year,
these students take a variety of steps that they hope will lead to college. The
methods employed in this study were aimed at understanding the students’
experiences as they engaged in this process. Attempting to understand the
challenges undocumented students face as they apply to and seek funding for college
necessitated engaging in multiple methods. The ways the students worked to
overcome these obstacles required looking at the experiences that fueled their
aspirations to attend college and motivated them to continue despite the arduous
process necessary to reach their purported goal.

73
Given the dearth of literature on the experiences of undocumented college-
goers, it was also important to employ a method that would capture this extensive
process and shed light on how their lives were complicated by circumstances outside
of their control. Their unlawful presence in the United States combined with
restrictive immigration policies subjected undocumented students to a confusing high
school to college transition and a life full of fear and frustration. This was no more
evident than in the lives of college-ready undocumented students, whose access to
higher education was severely limited by people, policies, and institutions.
In order to provide an in-depth description of what college-ready
undocumented students experienced during their senior year, qualitative methods
were deemed most suitable for examining these aspects of their lives. Denzin and
Lincoln (1994) define qualitative research as multimethod in focus and involving an
interpretive, naturalistic approach to its subject matter. Moreover, qualitative
methods do not aim to elicit objective data to be quantified, but meaningful
experiences and relations to be interpreted (Kvale, 1996). Topics suitable for
examination through qualitative research are those that require in-depth
understanding best communicated through detailed examples and rich narratives
(Rubin & Rubin, 1995). The narratives of undocumented students are among the
least common in the college access and higher education literatures. As such, the use
of qualitative methods provided the opportunity for the students to tell their stories
while simultaneously reflecting on how different experiences over their course of

74
their lives shaped their aspirations to attend college and choices about where to
attend.
The use of qualitative methods also enables subjects to tell their stories in
their own words and researchers to engage in multiple modes of triangulation.
Triangulation refers to the use of a variety of methods and data sources in a study
(Patton, 1980). This process can also be described as the application and
combination of several research methodologies in the study of the same phenomenon
(Schwandt, 2001). “In triangulation, researchers make use of multiple and different
sources, methods, investigators, and theories to provide corroborating evidence”
(Creswell, 1998, p. 202).
In the discussion to follow, I make a case for the utility of the qualitative
methods employed in this study.
Qualitative Interviews
Kvale (1996) describes an interview as “a conversation that has a structure
and a purpose” (p. 6). Accordingly, it goes beyond a spontaneous exchange of
views, but rather, it involves careful questioning and listening with the purpose of
obtaining thoroughly tested knowledge. In his conception of the research
interviewer as “traveler,” Kvale explains that qualitative interviews enable the
researcher to follow subjects on their journey as they work toward a purported goal.
In doing so, the researcher is able to explore unknown territory while being guided
by the subject and viewing the journey through their experiential lens. By
“wandering together with” subjects through conversations about their experiences,

75
the researcher makes meaning of what she hears and sees. These interpretations are
then developed into new narratives that will serve as new knowledge for other
researchers and potentially members of the subjects’ world.
Interviewing is a process that is larger than the sum of its parts. It brings the
researcher into their subjects’ contexts, makes them a listener, and obliges them to
create a space in which their subjects feel comfortable. Interviews provide a holistic
understanding of the culture of the unit under study (Tierney, 1991). However, when
the researcher initially engages with the subject, there is often a sense of uncertainty
and apprehension. It is the interviewers’ job to make the subject feel comfortable by
explaining what the research process will entail, including the purpose of the study,
how long and how often interviews will be, and why the individual has been selected
to participate in the study (Spradley, 1979).
Rubin and Rubin (1995) explain, “Qualitative interviewing is appropriate
when the purpose of research is to unravel complicated relationships and slowly
evolving events” (p. 51). While qualitative interviews are clearly a useful tool for
examining the senior year experiences of college-ready undocumented students,
observing the students as they endeavored to make the transition from high school to
college was important as well.
Participant Observation
As Padgett (1998) asserts, whether or not one chooses to engage in
observation depends in large part on the goals of the study. Additionally, some
researchers may choose to keep participation to a minimum, while others may feel

76
that the research process necessitates taking a more active role. For example,
participant observation requires much more intensive involvement and is often
dictated by the setting or the researcher’s preference. In most qualitative research,
the decision to participate more or less may change over the course of the research
process.
Participant observation is complicated to the extent that the observer must not
assume that they know what is going on in a particular situation. In fact, one
engages in a process of observing not only the actions of others, but how those
actions take place in relation to the observer (Spradley, 1980). By participating in
the process or action being observed, the researcher gains insight into how that
particular activity is done, first-hand. The challenge faced in this instance is to keep
enough distance from the subject or activity being observed, while simultaneously
becoming explicitly aware of and possibly engaging in those actions of importance
to the area of study. In addition, Spradley (1980) cautions, the participant observer is
likely to feel like both an insider and outsider at different points during the research
process. He asserts that in some instances, the participant observer may find herself
acting as a full participant, without observing as an outsider. In other instances, she
may find herself detached from the situation as a full observer. Spradley contends
that successful participant observation involves alternating between the insider and
outsider experience, and having both simultaneously.
In the section below, I outline the specific tools that I used to collect data
related to the senior year experiences of college-ready undocumented students. In

77
doing so, I explain how I attempted to gather trustworthy data by employing multiple
methods of triangulation.
Research Method
In order to fully understand the experience of college-ready undocumented
students as they apply to and seek funding for college, I employed structured and
open-ended interviews and participant observation. As Rubin and Rubin (1995)
explain, qualitative interviews have much in common with ordinary conversations.
Accordingly, they are unpredictable and cannot always be guided strictly by the
researcher’s protocol. This was certainly the case with the interviews I conducted
and led to their being both structured and open-ended. I began with a three-page
protocol (Appendix A.) that asked students a variety of questions about their
educational experiences, college aspirations, college support network, and awareness
about policies restricting their access to financial aid. Often, the students’ answers to
my questions took them in different directions and resulted in my asking for more
detail or information on a particular topic to gather what Geertz (1973) refers to as
“thick description.” Indeed, the insight gleaned through the students’ discussion of
their experiences preparing and applying for college resulted in my developing new
interview protocols over the course of the nine months that I spent interviewing
undocumented students.

78
Data Collection
Student Interviews
The primary group of participants interviewed included ten 12
th
grade
students from two high schools. Interview meetings with each participant took place
about once every other week from the months of October 2004 through June 2005. I
arranged for in-person interviews as often as possible and also incorporated phone
and email conversations when the students and I were unable to meet. Different
forms of communication such as telephone and email were used to schedule
meetings, follow up on previous conversations, and when students had questions that
they needed answered. The students often sought assistance with completing their
scholarship applications and utilized email to send drafts of scholarship essays and
resumes.
A total of 180 interview meetings were scheduled with the students over a
nine-month period. To arrange for the interview meetings, each student was called at
home the evening before the scheduled time in order to confirm which period of the
school day the student was available to meet with me. Given that all of the students
were seniors, many had class schedules that included one or more periods of
“service” or that ended before lunchtime. During the phone call we would decide
what time to meet. On meeting days each student was summoned to their school’s
college office.
The college office at Central City High School was a 10 by 25 foot room that
was at capacity with about 10 people present. As such, once the students arrived, we

79
would go to the school cafeteria or library where there were multiple tables and we
could conduct the interview with as much privacy as possible. Once I determined
that the Central City college office was not conducive to conducting interviews, I
spoke to the cafeteria and library staff to confirm that it was permissible for me to
use these spaces to conduct interviews. The school staff people gave me permission
to do so as necessary. Hillside High’s college office was much more conducive to
holding interviews. It was a classroom-sized space where the study participants and
I could find a quiet and private space to conduct interviews. The college counselor
gave me permission to use the college office to conduct interviews.
Once interview meetings with the students began, a rapport developed with
each participant that made them comfortable enough to ask and answer questions
that might arise during the course of the study. Appropriate institutional research
board procedures and policies were utilized in these interactions, and throughout the
course of data collection, which included a student and parental consent requirement
(Appendix C for Student Consent, Student Assent, and Parent Consent forms).
The student interviews aimed to shed light on undocumented students’
perceptions of the availability of funds to support their college education and its
impact on their access to higher education and how, if at all, these perceptions shape
their aspirations to prepare for and attend college and their choices about where to
attend. The students were also questioned about where and from whom they receive
financial aid information. All interviews with students were tape-recorded and
subsequently transcribed.

80
Open-ended interviews and participant observations began as a result of
evolving interview protocols and the changing needs of the research participants. It
was clear from early on in the research process that the time spent meeting with the
students ought not only benefit the researcher. The students also required a great
deal of assistance and beginning with the first few meetings, they brought questions
about their postsecondary options.
Participant Observation
Participant observations served a dual purpose because they provided detailed
insight into the college and scholarship application processes enabling a deeper
understanding of the difficulties the students came across at different points over the
course of their senior year of high school. These observations provided the
opportunity to view undocumented students’ experiences as both insider and outsider
simultaneously (Spradley, 1980). By engaging with and assisting the students as
they attempted to complete college and scholarship applications, the difficulties they
encountered in their efforts were made evident.
When the study was initiated, bi-weekly interviews were conducted with
study participants to gauge the types of challenges they faced as they prepared for
and applied to college. Only after beginning the interview meetings did it become
evident how much assistance these students would require to get through each step of
the process. Despite the fact that they were academically eligible to attend college,
their academic knowledge could not ensure that they would sail smoothly through

81
the college application process and successfully acquire the funds necessary to
support their college education.
Shortly after we started meeting, the students began coming with a variety of
questions about everything from how to fill out college applications to how to find
money for college. As the college application deadline approached, the students
often came to interview meetings with their unanswered questions about college
admissions requirements and applications. Although many of the students depended
a great deal on their college counselors, it was often difficult for them to get
individualized attention from these overburdened individuals.
Although the original intention of this study was not necessarily to serve as a
source of support for these students, the students were clearly in need of assistance.
However, it was important to consider the impact this assistance would have on the
eventual outcomes of this study. Some students were particularly resourceful in
finding answers to their questions. Many came to interview meetings with several
questions written down or memorized. Others sought answers from college
representatives, their teachers and peers, but few received entirely accurate
information from these sources. Importantly, the students used both the information
and misinformation they received to make decisions about how to fill out their
college applications and where to apply. This led to many students making mistakes
and poor decisions.
The discussion above illustrates a methodological dilemma faced early on in
this study. Once interviews began and the student subjects were questioned about

82
their experiences with the college application process, they demonstrated their
confusion about how to complete their applications. Ethical considerations
necessary for conducting qualitative research were weighed against knowingly
allowing students’ questions to potentially go unanswered when I had ample
knowledge to provide them with the assistance that they needed. Unlike common
ethical considerations in qualitative research that pertain to issues of harm, consent,
deception, privacy, and confidentiality of data (Punch, 1994) my concern was the
degree to which my assistance would shape the outcomes of the study. However, as
Taylor and Bogdan (1984) assert, researchers have a strong moral obligation to act
based on what they observe, even though the choices in the specific situation may be
severely limited.
As a result, starting in early November, bi-weekly meetings included a 30-45
minute interview followed by a 15-20 minute period when students could ask any
questions they had about how to complete college or scholarship applications. After
the college application deadline, the students often brought drafts of essays they were
writing for scholarship applications to interview meetings. Consequently, these
meetings provided data that simply conducting interviews might not have elicited.
At least one observation of the in-school and out-of-school activities of my 10
primary participants was also conducted.
Supplementary Interviews
In the spring of 2005, supplemental interviews were conducted with an
additional five undocumented students who attended Central City High School.

83
These students were selected from those who expressed their willingness to
participate in the study during the recruitment phase of the project, but were unable
to meet as frequently as the primary study participants. Supplemental interviews
were used in two ways. First, they were used to find out more about the financial
aid-related activities that these students participated in to determine whether or not
they engaged in the same activities as the primary participants in the study. Second,
the conversations with additional subjects were helpful in learning more about the
general awareness undocumented students had about policies limiting their access to
financial aid and the ways in which their awareness of these policies impacts their
aspirations to attend college and their decisions about where to go. For the supple-
mental interviews, subjects were contacted in advance and arrangements were made
so that participants felt comfortable to discuss their ideas freely in a confidential
atmosphere. Each interview lasted approximately one hour and was taped and
transcribed for analysis. Supplemental interviews were an additional way to get
trustworthy data but these students’ individual stories will not be presented here.
Observational Field Notes
Repeated observations of four social and/or academic spaces within each
school site allowed me entrée into the school and social lives of undocumented
students and provided additional insight into the ways in which they processed
information about college and specifically, financial aid. These spaces included the
college office, Advanced Placement classrooms, the lunchtime area, and financial aid
related meetings or workshops. During and following observations, careful notes

84
were taken, including my reactions to the data as it emerged. Consequently, these
notes became another form of data. As such, thoughts and ideas were recorded in the
form of observational notes to assist in recalling any relevant emotional and physical
reactions to interactions with the study participants. Notes were kept in handwritten
form in notebooks and later converted into electronic form. These notes were coded
and analyzed as part of the overall data collection..
Exiting the Research Process
As explained, the data collected for this study was obtained through
interviews and observations that took place between October of 2004 and June of
2005. When the students graduated from high school on June 30
th
of 2005, the
research study officially ended. However, the relationships built between me and the
10 study participants did not end there. In fact, I remained in frequent contact with
all of the students throughout the summer after they graduated and during their first
semester of college. During the months of July-October of 2005, the students would
periodically contact me with questions about enrolling in college courses and paying
for college. I also called the students on a monthly basis to follow up on their
progress.
Entry and Site Selection
This study drew upon various qualitative research methods to investigate the
college preparation and financial aid application processes of ten undocumented high
school seniors in Los Angeles who participate in college-preparatory courses.
Students in the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) were targeted for

85
three reasons. First, the school district has a student population that is over 70%
Latino and largely immigrant (Central City High School, 2003). Second, this study
aimed to look at high schools that serve a significant number of undocumented
students. Third, this study built upon previous work in this particular school district
examining issues related to college access and financial aid (Oliverez & Tierney,
2005).
The insight gained through previous research in these schools demonstrated
that they serve a considerable number of undocumented students, though the schools
with larger numbers appear more capable of providing adequate support and
guidance to undocumented students. As part of a larger study examining how
financial aid impacts college access for low-income urban students, interviews were
conducted with college counselors at nine large, urban high schools in Los Angeles,
including the two selected for this study. Counselors at the each of the high schools
described their experiences with undocumented students who are admitted to four-
year colleges and universities but are unable to attend due to their ineligibility for
financial aid. The stories of these counselors and their students prompted this
investigation.
The research design for this study included the recruitment of 5 undocu-
mented students from two high schools. The two high schools--which have been
assigned the pseudonyms, Central City High School and Hillside High School--were
selected based on three criteria. First, the school had to have a student population
that was predominantly Latino. Second, the school’s college counselor had to have

86
mentioned working with a significant number of undocumented students. Third, the
school had to offer Advanced Placement courses--an indication that some effort was
being made to ensure that their graduates were college-ready. The schools also had
to be different to some extent. Differences among the schools were significant in
determining the extent to which particular school environments were more or less
conducive to the needs of college-ready undocumented students. Once these schools
were identified, written permission to conduct research was sought and received
from each school principal.
Central City High School is located less than one mile from downtown Los
Angeles. The student population in this high school is over 90% Latino, the majority
of who are immigrants or come from immigrant families. The school is extremely
overcrowded with over 5,000 students. Fifty-five percent of the students at Central
City have been labeled English Learners and 80% of the students qualify for the
free/reduced lunch program. Less than 13% of the students who graduated from
Central City High School in 2004 were eligible to attend a 4-year university and
about 10% actually attended. Thirty-seven percent of the class of 2004 took the
SAT--less than 6% of them received a score of 1,000 or more. The average
combined score for Central High’s SAT test-takers was 827. There are 10 AP
courses available at the school. The school also houses five college preparation
programs and 10 academies. Five students from this school ultimately agreed to
participate in this study as primary participants. An additional 5 students agreed to
participate in a one-time interview.

87
Hillside High School is located in an area of Los Angeles inhabited by a
diverse population of residents. Given the area’s proximity to downtown Los
Angeles and its many service jobs, this particular neighborhood is home to many of
the city’s working-class residents. However, it is older and more hidden corners
boast large homes only affordable to more affluent Angelinos. A high level of
gentrification in recent years has also led to both ethnic and economic diversity
among the area’s residents. The student population at Hillside High School reflects
this diversity. About 62% of the student population is Latino, followed by whites
who make up 13%, Asians who make up 7%, and African Americans who constitute
2% of the students at this school. About 25% of the students at Hillside have been
labeled English Learners and about 65% of the students are eligible to received
free/reduced lunch. Thirty one percent of the students who graduated in 2004 were
eligible to attend a 4-year university and about 23% of them attended. More than
half of the class of 2004 took the SAT and about 14% of them scored over 1000.
The average combined score for the test-takers in 2004 was 870. There are 18 AP
courses offered at Hillside High School. The school also houses four college
preparation programs. Five students from this school chose to participate in this
study.
Each of the high schools examined in this study offered college preparatory
information, resources, and support. The college counselors provided systematic
programming to inform students about college eligibility requirements, college
application deadlines, financial aid application forms and deadlines, required tests

88
such as the SAT and ACT, and available scholarships. These activities primarily
targeted high school seniors (Table 1).
Participant Selection
After receiving principal approval, a student recruitment flyer was provided
to each school’s college counselor and they were asked to share the flyer with the
undocumented students that they worked with (Appendix B.). About one week after
providing the flyer to the counselors, students from Central City and Hillside began
to respond. In total about 15 students from Central City and 6 students from Hillside
expressed interest in participating in this study.
The 10 primary study participants were selected through a three-step process.
First, a flyer requesting participants was provided to the college counselor at each
school site. Second, the college counselor shared the flyer with students who had
identified themselves as undocumented in previous discussions with them. The flyer
included information about what participation in the study would entail and asked
the students to contact the researcher if they were interested in participating. Third,
interested students contacted the researcher to express interest in participating in the
study. Once contact was made between the researcher and potential subjects, an
initial meeting was scheduled to assess whether or not the students met the criteria
for participation, to answer any questions the students might have about the study,
and to confirm their participation.

Table 1. School Characteristics

School

Demographics

English
learners

Free/reduced
lunch participation

4-year
eligibility

4-year
attendance

SAT Test-takers
scoring over 1000

AP courses
offered

College
preparation
programs

Central City
High School

90% Latino

55%

80%

13%

10%

6%

10

5

Hillside High
School
62% Latino 25% 65% 31% 23% 14% 18 4
89

90

Five students from each school who were seniors during the 2004-2005
academic year ultimately elected to participate in bi-weekly interviews. A total of 10
students were chosen as primary participants, and 5 others from Central City High
School were asked to participate in one interview during the spring semester of the
school year due to their time constraints. Participants in this study included seniors
engaged in the college preparation process (i.e., enrolled in Advanced Placement
and/or honors courses); all participants required financial aid in order to attend
college. Another requisite characteristic that students possessed was the resilience to
persist through their senior year of high school. As will be explained in detail in
Chapter 4, the participants were anomalies in relation to their undocumented high
school peers given that they were prepared to attend college.
The participants in this study were selected based on three criteria other than
being undocumented. First, I asked counselors to focus specifically on students who
were enrolled in Advanced Placement or honors courses and who had expressed an
interest in attending college and the need to receive financial aid in order to do so.
Second, I talked to the college counselor at each school site to determine which of
the students who fit the previous criteria had come to their school’s college office to
acquire information. Not having visited the college office did not necessarily
eliminate a student from the list of potential participants but it helped me gauge the
extent to which a particular student had researched their options for college and
financial aid. Finally, once a significant number of seniors from each school had
been identified, I held a brief preliminary meeting with each student to determine
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their interest in participating in the study and their willingness to provide me with
information regarding their experiences as an undocumented student. If any student
expressed disinterest, I moved on to the next person on a list of other students fitting
similar criteria.
Only Latino undocumented students from each school site were recruited for
this study. Although Central City High served a minimal population of
undocumented students from Asia, the majority of the undocumented students at
both schools, as well as in California and the U. S. (81%), are of Latino descent. The
5 student participants from Central City High School included 3 women and 2 men.
The 5 student participants from Hillside High School also included 3 women and 2
men. The students’ countries of origin included Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador,
Peru, and Colombia. A detailed summary of student background characteristics is
provided in chapter 4.
After all of the participants committed to the study and the appropriate
consent had been gathered, arrangements were made to speak with each student at
least once every other week from the months of October 2004-June 2005. Protocols
for the initial interviews with students are provided in Appendix A. As expected in
any qualitative study, additional questions arose during the course of the research
process.
Data Analysis
In accordance with grounded theory methods, I utilized a set of inductive
strategies for analyzing the data gathered (Emerson, 2001). By allowing the data to

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guide my conceptualization of categories, I built my theoretical analysis on issues
that emerged as most relevant in the lives of the undocumented students who were
the focus of this inquiry. Since there is little existing research on the college and
financial aid-related experiences of undocumented students, by adopting the various
methods of triangulation described above (i.e., interviews and observations), I aimed
to provide a holistic view of the challenges they face as a result of policies limiting
their access to higher education. Through these methods I also sought to illuminate
the stories of undocumented students from similar backgrounds through their
accounts of their experiences with college and financial aid.
All transcriptions of interviews were typed up during the 9 months of data
collection. Over the course of the study, data themes began to emerge and were
consistently noted. At the close of data collection, all transcripts for each student
participant were printed out and color-coded based on their corresponding data
themes. This resulted in approximately 240 pages of color-coded transcripts. Five
major thematic areas were identified, which included: (a) student background
information; (b) college preparation; (c) college and career aspirations; (d) college
application, acceptance, and choice; and (e) financing college. Within each thematic
area, several subcategories were identified. As themes emerged, the students’ stories
began to take shape and the variety of challenges they encountered during their
senior year of high school were brought to the fore.
The detailed information gathered through interactions with students
provided greater insight into the financial aid-related challenges that undocumented

93
students face and assisted in the development of conclusions about the impact of
particular policies. The reflexive field notes taken served as a tool to record my
reactions while in the field. These field notes also provided a framework for
understanding how my personal perspective fits into the interpretation of the stories
collected. The supplemental interviews provided further insight into the various
forms of financial aid information dissemination and activities at the two high
schools and how undocumented students in particular processed and utilized this
information. Observational field notes were taken to support the information
gathered through interviews.
Trustworthiness of Data
In order to ensure the internal validity of the data collected, two types of
verification were employed: (a) triangulation with other informants, and (b) sharing
transcripts of the interviews with the ten primary informants to gain feedback on
whether or not my interpretations of the data were accurate. As explained by
Schwandt (2001), “triangulation is a procedure used to establish the validity or
integrity of the conclusions being drawn by the researcher.” Indeed, “The central
point of the procedure is to examine a conclusion (assertion, claim, etc.) from more
than one vantage point” (p. 257). In order to determine whether or not the
experiences of the 10 primary study participants were reflective of college-ready
undocumented students, in general, one-time interviews with five additional students
were conducted. These interviews were conducted with five college-ready
undocumented seniors from Central City High School. Additional steps were taken

94
to ensure internal validity by providing complete transcripts of each students’ series
of interviews to the students themselves. This gave the students an opportunity to
reflect on what they went through over the course of their senior year and to offer
additional insight about their experiences.
In terms of external validity, I do not claim that my findings are
generalizable. As with all qualitative research, the goal was to provide an in-depth
glimpse into the lives of individuals or groups, in particular contexts, at a particular
time in history (Schwandt, 2001). Qualitative research does not claim to be
replicable. In fact, the qualitative researcher purposefully avoids controlling the
research conditions and concentrates on recording the complexity of situational
contexts and interrelations as they occur naturally (Marshall & Rossman, 1999).
Accordingly, this study provides insight into the complex experience of
college-ready undocumented students as they attempt to transition from high school
to college while highlighting the ways the students endeavored to overcome the
challenges they encountered, throughout the process. The empirical data presented
will be used to make recommendations about practices and policies impacting
college access for undocumented students.
Limitations of the Study
There are three primary limitations to this study. First, as mentioned, the
findings from this study are not generalizable to all undocumented students but,
rather, can be viewed as indicators of the struggles experienced by those who are
college-ready. Second, the students in this study are largely a minority among the

95
undocumented student population--they were eligible to attend a 4-year university.
In fact, many of the undocumented students at both of the schools were unaware that
they could attend a 4-year university and consequently, most were not academically
prepared to attend. Like many of their peers, they aspired to attend college but often
did not receive college information until late in their junior year or early in their
senior year of high school. As a result, some failed to meet college entrance
requirements such as enrolling in college preparatory courses and taking the SAT.
Finally, the researcher’s identity certainly meant that the lens through which the data
were being viewed and the conclusions drawn were subject to my own biases. My
background is discussed in greater detail in the following section.
Background of the Researcher
As a Chicana researcher who had spent 2 years in the schools where this
study was conducted, I was aware of the challenges that the schools, the students,
and the surrounding communities faced. I worked as a research assistant in USC’s
Rossier School of Education for 6 years and was trained in qualitative research
methods through my work in the Center for Urban Education and the Center for
Higher Education Policy Analysis. I have previous professional experience as a
teacher in urban and rural school districts in northern California with demographics
similar to those in the schools I studied (i.e., large numbers of working-class Latino
immigrant students). My practical and research experience provided me the insight
and ability to understand the experiences, actions, and aspirations of the

96
undocumented students that I spoke to and to successfully negotiate the social
aspects of data collection.
Although I had spent time in the schools that I studied and had interacted
minimally with some of the potential participants, I had no pre-existing personal
relationships with the study participants. In addition, the fact that I was not an
immigrant, undocumented or otherwise, meant that the students’ lived experiences
were fairly different from my own. Growing up in predominantly white, middle-
class schools and neighborhoods also meant that the opportunities available to me at
home, at school, and in my community were very different from those available to
my student participants.
Relevant to my own analysis and interpretation of the students’ stories are my
own biases with regard to the population studied. The sympathetic bias that I held
toward the undocumented students in this study was an issue throughout the research
process. My concerns about policies that prohibit these students’ access to a variety
of resources, opportunities, and institutions were the impetus for my focus on this
particular population. As a result, I did not aim for neutrality, which qualitative
methodologists contend is impossible to attain (Rubin & Rubin, 1995). Instead, I
made a strong effort to handle the emotions that I felt as I listened to and engaged my
study participants. I also utilized my reflective field notes to describe what I felt at
various points during the research process in order to maintain balance between my
own reactions and those of my study participants.

97
Participants did not receive a direct monetary benefit for their participation in
the study, though due to my knowledge of the college admission and financial aid
processes, I did offer students and families advice in these areas, when requested
during the research process. As a result, participants may have benefit from the
information and support received as part of their participation in this study.
These accounts offered in the next chapter are provided with the intent of
addressing the following questions:
1. What factors shape the educational pathways and access to higher
education of undocumented students?
2. In what ways do policies limiting undocumented students’ access to
college and financial aid shape their aspirations to attend college and their choices
about where to attend?
3. From whom do undocumented students acquire college and financial
aid information and what kinds of support do they receive? (i.e., do students have a
college support network in place that facilitates college-going?)
In chapter 4, I present a detailed description of 10 college-ready undocumented
students and their experiences with preparing for, applying to, and making decisions
about where to attend college. Their experiences with securing funds to pay for
college are also described.

98
CHAPTER 4

DATA PRESENTATION: COLLEGE ASPIRATIONS,
CHOICES, AND THE ROLE OF SOCIAL NETWORKS

In this chapter, I share the stories of 10 college-ready undocumented high
school seniors as they prepared for and applied to college, searched and applied for
scholarships, weighed their post-secondary options, and made choices about where
to attend college. In doing so, I take the reader through the experiences of these
students as they proceeded through the senior year of high school and began college.
They encountered the educational, financial, and residency-related challenges that go
along with being low-income undocumented immigrants and persevered to
successfully complete high school. The senior year of high school is filled with
activity and excitement, but for the students whose stories will be told here, 12
th

grade included moments of frustration and disappointment as well as instances of
pride and celebration.
It is easy to assume that the challenges faced by college-ready undocumented
students are similar to other low-income first-generation college-goers. They do
share common characteristics, like having grown up in poverty, receiving poor
academic preparation, having parents with low educational attainment, and living in
homes and neighborhoods where crime and violence are prevalent. But undocu-
mented students face additional challenges. Their undocumented status ensures two
things: (a) the students will have restricted access to the benefits of U. S. citizenship,
including legal employment, and (b) the students will be twice as likely to live in

99
poverty as U. S. natives and legalized immigrants
3
(Passel, 2005; Government
Accounting Office, 2000). If the students were not undocumented, they would have
access to the resources available to other poor Americans. If the students were not
poor, not having access to government assistance, such as financial aid for college,
would not be a critical issue. The stories to follow shed light on how the experiences
of low-income undocumented students differ from those of their peers and lead the
reader down the precarious path to college navigated by 10 very determined students.
Given the duration and depth of the data gathering process I engaged in, I
have selected to organize this chapter into five sections. I begin with background
information on each student followed by a chronological account of the challenges
the students faced during their senior year. This chronology shows the ways the
students’ college aspirations and decisions changed over time. These sections will
present data drawn from interviews with 10 undocumented high school seniors and
observations of the students and the college-related activities and events in their
schools and communities. First, I provide a descriptive profile of each of my 10
study participants. The student profiles include information about four aspects of
each student’s life: (a) family and home, (b) academic experiences and identity, (c) a
day in the life, and (d) being undocumented. The information provided will
demonstrate how the students’ backgrounds differently impacted their access to
college.

`
3
27% of undocumented immigrants and 39% of the children of undocumented immigrants live
below the poverty line. The average income for an undocumented individual is $12,000 per year, and
the average income for an undocumented family of 2-3 people is $27,400 per year.

100
Next, I discuss the students’ college aspirations, including the steps they took
to reach their purported goals. I then go on to explain how the students fared as they
engaged in the 4-year college application process, highlighting the fact that college
aspirations and choices changed as financial considerations began to surface. The
strategies the students employed to acquire college funding are then described to
illustrate the challenges they encountered in their efforts. Finally, the students’
financial situation as they embarked on their first semester of college is described.
The Students
Flor
Family and home. A tall, slender, fair-skinned Latina, Flor usually wore her
long, wavy hair parted on the side and tied tightly in a ponytail. She was a natural
beauty who wore slim-fitting clothes and just enough make-up to turn men’s heads
when she passed by. Due to her undocumented status and trouble at home, Flor grew
up fast. At age 18, she felt she had experienced more than her friends who were
“sheltered all of their lives.” She added, “They’re the kids who have so much love
and they’re protected and never by themselves or in the street. I feel like they don’t
struggle as much as I do.”
Flor lived with her parents and 3 siblings: a 13-year-old sister and 9- and 11-
year-old brothers. Her 15-year-old sister, who had a baby during Flor’s junior year
of high school, lived elsewhere with her boyfriend and his family. Flor’s family
shared a one-bedroom apartment in the Pico/Union neighborhood of Downtown LA,
which was nicknamed the “Times Square” of the west because of the dense

101
population, constant activity, and the fact that one can find almost anything there,
both good and bad. Their $750 per month rent was paid for primarily by her father
who worked at a fast food chain. She described her mother as having “a drinking
problem” and explained that when possible, her mother worked in a “sweat shop”
ironing clothes.
Since beginning high school, Flor worked on weekends and during vacations
at a shoe store where she was paid “under the table.” The store was located in
Downtown L.A.’s garment district. She began working, she said, “Because my
parents basically told me that I needed to work because they can’t afford to give me
money to buy things. Sometimes my dad can barely pay the rent and my mom isn’t
always working so they’re happy that I work.” At the beginning of 12th grade, Flor
had about $2,000 saved up, which she planned to use for her senior year expenses
like prom and graduation. She intended to use any remaining money for college.
Because her father was “always working” and her mother was “out a lot,” Flor often
played the role of surrogate parent to her younger siblings. She attended their soccer
games and parent conferences, and saw to it that they completed their homework.
Flor also tried to help her younger siblings make sense of their sometimes chaotic
household.
Academic experiences and identity. Academically, Flor’s performance was
consistently fair. She did well as a child, struggled a bit in middle school, and
managed to maintain between a 2.5-3.0 grade point average during high school.

102
When asked about her experiences attending school in the U. S., she was very
reflective about her academic and personal evolution.
In elementary school I was a leader and favorite of my teachers. In middle
school I became rebellious because of problems with my parents. I blamed
them for issues related to our residency. I hated a lot. I hated my parents, my
school, and even myself. Middle school was really bad because there were
gangs, drugs, and violence. I ended up around people who were in gangs
because of peer pressure. Students told me they didn’t think I’d graduate
from middle school. In 7
th
grade my math teacher really inspired me. He
was an ex-gangster. The school moved me to more advanced classes in 8
th

grade so I ended up with him again. That year he sort of woke me up. I
realized that I did not want to deal with all of the things that he did. At that
time I needed someone to talk to because I had all this anger inside of me.
He taught me not to give up and kept me going.

When I first came to high school, I hated my classes because they were too
easy and I wasn’t challenged. I heard about the Performing Arts Academy
and joined it in the 10
th
grade. It was hard for me to keep up at first. In the
other classes I was in, they don’t care if you do the work. I improved over
time. I failed one class and then made it up. Since then, I’ve done well in my
classes.

Flor acknowledged her struggles with school, peers, and at home. Despite her early
adolescence being one where she “cried all the time” and hung out with “the wrong
crowd,” her middle school math teacher empowered her to continue to pursue her
education. Flor admitted that relationships with supportive adults, at school and in
her community, provided her strength and encouragement when she faced difficulties
at home and along the road to college.
A day in the life. Flor typically woke up around 6:00 a.m. to begin her day.
After showering and waking up her younger siblings, she headed out to catch the city
bus to school. When she stepped out of her apartment building, clothing and jewelry
stores, hair salons, pawn shops, and ethnic restaurants lined the crowded streets.

103
When she arrived at school, Flor’s day was filled with academically challenging
courses and extracurricular activities. Her participation in the Performing Arts
Academy required Flor to enroll in rigorous courses like AP Government/Economics
and participate in daily rehearsals for the academy’s performances. After school,
Flor either had tennis practice, she was the team co-captain, or visited local
community centers to do homework or plan community events. She stayed away
from home most afternoons. When she arrived to her family’s active apartment
around 7:00 p.m., her siblings were typically there, while her father was often still at
work. Flor was most uneasy when she arrived home to find her mother drinking
with friends. These occasions sometimes resulted in arguments between Flor and her
mother. In other instances, Flor, her sister, and brothers secluded themselves in the
bedroom for the evening.
Being undocumented. Flor came to the U. S. with her family when she was
four years old. Because her family was not the “loving type,” she often faced life
alone, while trying to protect her younger siblings from the harsh reality of
circumstances at home and in their immediate community. At first glance, Flor had
a very serious and tough veneer. During our first conversation, she rarely smiled and
did not open up until I repeatedly probed her with questions. She later explained,
“Sometimes I keep certain things to myself. I don’t have a best friend that I always
talk to. I just try to get by as well as possible.” By the end of our first meeting I
realized Flor was a sensitive and passionate young woman who showed her

104
commitment to her Latino immigrant community by participating in immigrant
support and advocacy organizations.
During her senior year of high school, Flor spent much time after school at
two local community centers. She was part of a youth group for students to look
more deeply into social problems and seek solutions, while planning youth-related
events in the community. Flor helped plan a variety of community events and served
as a representative to large community coalitions. About her motivation to do
community work, Flor explained, “I feel like I have to do something. We face so
many problems as immigrants and I am able to do something about them. I need to
get involved.”
Marina
Family and home. Marina lived with her three brothers, her two sisters, and
her mother one block away from her high school in a two-bedroom apartment where
rent was $1,000 per month. She described her relationship with her father--a taxi
driver, who did not live with the family--as “distant” and explained that her mother
worked the graveyard shift cleaning an office building in Santa Monica, and sold
clothes and cosmetics out of her home to earn extra money. Consequently, Marina
only saw her mother “for like one hour a night.”
Marina discussed the resentment she felt toward her parents for not trying to
establish residency. “My mom wants me to have a career and encourages me, but
she doesn’t understand how much our residency impacts us.” Marina explained that
neither of her parents had an understanding of the U. S. educational system, though

105
both attended college in Guatemala. Despite her older brother attending community
college, Marina admitted that her parents “don’t see college as a possibility.” Yet,
she confidently proclaimed, “My residency is an issue but it isn’t going to stop me.”
Academic experiences and identity. With commitments such as meeting
college requirements, after-school cheerleading practice, being president of the
College Club, and C-Track president, Marina was a very busy young woman during
her senior year. An attractive girl whose highlighted hair, make-up, wardrobe, and
matching accessories epitomized the fashion-conscious teenage girl, Marina had an
active social life. Despite being a student leader her senior year, she had not always
focused on her academics. For example, she spent a portion of 12
th
grade re-taking
10
th
grade English, for which she had earned a D. When I asked why this was,
Marina responded,
I hadn’t really thought about college, so I really didn’t care. My parents
never encouraged me because they think high school is good enough. If I had
someone to push me like I push my little sisters, maybe it would have been
different.

Prior to her junior year of high school, Marina had often earned below a 2.0
GPA, but by the end of 12
th
grade, she managed to improve her grades enough to
graduate with a 2.9 GPA. Marina’s desire for a college degree was partly due to her
perception that as a Latina, she will have to be “three times as a good” to get a
professional job because of “the stereotypes that people have about us.”
A day in the life. When Marina woke up for school, her mother and brothers
were still at work. As she explained, “There are seven of us who live at home. My

106
mom is always working so when she’s there we’re not there, so there’s never really a
time when we’re all together.” Marina tried to get up before 6:00 a.m., but admitted
that she often overslept. She lived right behind Central City High but was late
sometimes, “because I still have to walk a few blocks to get to the front entrance of
the school and my first period class is on the other side of the school.” During
breaks and after school, Marina participated in extracurricular activities like selling
prom tickets and organizing senior activities. Marina sometimes expressed her
frustration about not having enough time to focus on her academics, though many of
her evenings and weekends were spent socializing with friends or involved in school
activities. She explained, “There’s always a school dance or party coming up, so
we’ll go shopping for a dress or to get supplies for fundraisers and lunchtime
competitions.”
Being undocumented. Along with her parents and older brothers, Marina left
Guatemala to come to the U. S. at the age of 3. In Guatemala, Marina’s parents were
both educated professionals--her dad a banker and her mom a teacher. When asked
why they left, Marina explained, “They just wanted to get a little bit of money and
go back. Then the years passed and we were all in school and growing up so they
ended up not going home.” Her parents’ initial intention to go back to Guatemala
was one of the reasons why the family never applied for U. S. citizenship.
Marina described her “residency status” as her biggest obstacle to getting to
college. While growing up, she never thought of herself as different, but when she
began thinking about college, Marina became undeniably aware of her undocu-

107
mented status. During our conversations, she expressed her discontent with being
ineligible for financial aid. She struggled to figure out how to pay for college, while
some of her peers who qualified for aid were not planning to attend college.
Juan
Family and home. A cross-country runner and aspiring filmmaker, Juan was
different from most Central City students. He was a tall slender young man with a
sort of “alternative” style of dress. Unlike many of his male peers who wore shaved
heads and baggy clothes, Juan’s long feathered hair fell just above his shoulders and
his clothes ranged from cardigan sweaters with collared shirts to striped jackets and
tight-fitting jeans. At the age of 18, he felt that something was missing from his
education. His desire for knowledge about his Latino history motivated him to do
well in school. Juan wanted to go to college to learn what he believed was absent
from his education, so he could teach it to others. He explained, “I am fascinated
with Latin American history because I don’t hear about it much. I want to educate
Latino kids about the impact that our people have had and teach them that we’re all
Americans.”
Juan lived with his mother, aunt, uncle, and two cousins in a one-bedroom
apartment where rent was $780 per month. He explained,
It’s not that crowded because we have a bunk bed. I sleep on top and my
cousin sleeps on the bottom and the baby has a crib in the corner and then my
aunt and uncle sleep in another bed right next to us and my mom sleeps in the
living room on a sofa bed.

108
When they first came to the U. S., Juan and his mother, who earned $430 per
week working as a secretary in a retail store in downtown L. A., lived with his uncle
and then got their own place. Later the family members he lived with during his
senior year moved in with Juan and his mother. He assured me that his living
situation was “not as crowded as it sounds” but admitted that despite having his own
desk in the living room, he usually waited until everyone went to sleep to begin his
homework.
That’s the only time when it’s completely quiet and I’m less prone to having
to deal with the television being on. It’s usually really noisy and there are
distractions everywhere. My little baby cousin runs all over the house so
there’s no safe place I guess [laughs].

On the weekend, Juan often took the bus to the Central Library in downtown L. A. to
do his homework.
Juan fondly recalled his early childhood in the U. S. and shared memories of
going to the movies or the park to roller skate and picnic with his family. He and his
younger cousin, Maria, who was about 5 years younger than Juan, would play on the
swings. Juan explained, “I consider her to be like my sister sort of because we’ve
been around each other since she was a baby. We grew up together.” Maria’s
parents sent her to school in the San Fernando Valley. Juan described her as a good
student and attributed her academic success to attending a “valley school” where he
believed she was receiving a better-quality education than he was. “The students at
valley schools tend to be Caucasian and the school environment is clean and safe.
We’re sort of on the rough side of town and all of the students here are Latino.”

109
When asked why his mother did not send him to school in the valley, Juan
responded,
We just went with the flow I guess. My mom was really busy working and
she still is. It’s like the process has already been determined and if you don’t
do anything about it, they’ll just tell you what to do.

Academic experiences and identity. Juan began preschool when he first
arrived to the U. S., and was later placed in an ESL program which “had a positive
impact because it helped me learn English.” Juan described his educational
experience in the U. S. as a positive one, but explained his grades suffered in middle
school because he “began having really crowded classes.” Juan attributed his
eventual academic success to teachers who taught him about his “cultural identity”
and motivated him to do well in school. During high school, Juan had “some
teachers who care and the ones that don’t will assign you work and follow the book
but they never really engage or motivate us.” His favorite teachers shared his “same
background” or had attended Central City High. He explained, “They have a unique
way of teaching that helps them connect with the students.”
A day in the life. Juan’s typical day began at 5:40 a.m. He got up, got ready,
and headed out to take a 15-minute bus ride to school. Juan took Advanced
Placement and honors courses, and because Central City High had limited AP/honors
course offerings, he sometimes had to “cross-track.” Students cross-track when
particular courses are not offered during their track. Central City High had three
tracks: A, B, and C. Juan was on C track, but many AP/honors courses were offered
only on A track, which overlapped with C track at various points during the year.

110
For example, Juan began AP Government/Economics in the fall when A and C track
were both on. When C track went off after winter break, he continued to come to
school during 2
nd
period to finish the course, which was offered on A track. Juan
sometimes attended school year-round, even when he was supposed to be on
vacation.
During track season, Juan had cross-country practice daily until about
5:00pm. After practice, Juan often spent a few hours at a community center where
he did homework or worked on and assisted other students with film making
projects. At around 6:30 or 7:00 p.m. Juan got home and tried to relax because he
was “pretty tired most of the time.” He explained, “Sometimes I’ll watch TV, even
though I don’t get to pick the channel. Then I’ll try to finish up my homework in the
corner.”
Being undocumented. When asked if he was treated differently from his
peers due to his residency status Juan responded, “Recently someone came to my
class to ask for poll workers for the election that just happened. They said you have
to be a citizen and I think I would have been perfect for it and you get paid for it, too,
but since I’m undocumented, I couldn’t do it.” He also felt like he missed out on
employment, internships, and out-of-state programs that his peers were able to take
advantage of. Like Marina, Juan discussed “getting mad” at his peers who were
citizens because,
. . . they do so poorly on their school work and they just let their
opportunities slip away and go to community college. Some do not take
advantage of the FAFSA because they say it is too much work. I’m over here

111
searching for scholarships and trying to get fee-waivers and that’s hard work,
but I guess they just don’t get it.

For those students who were college-bound, Juan believed that their biggest concerns
were getting good grades and choosing the right college. He shared those concerns
but also worried about how he would afford the tuition and housing costs at a
university. Juan was ultimately the only student in this study to leave home to attend
a 4-year university outside of Los Angeles.
Ivan
Family and home. Ivan’s trendy style of dress and outgoing demeanor
identified him as a “cool kid.” He had the over-gelled, spiked hair that is popular
among urban Latino and Asian teens and was wearing an NBA jersey with a white t-
shirt underneath, baggy jeans, and white sneakers. Ivan walked through the halls of
Central City High School with an air of confidence saying, “What’s up!” in both
English and Spanish to friends passing by. Despite an active social life that involved
some “partying,” Ivan did his part to help support his family by working part-time
during high school. He lived with his maternal grandmother and 16-year old sister in
a single apartment where rent was $450 per month. Ivan and his sister were raised
by his grandmother who was employed as a Laundromat attendant. She worked
from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m. five days a week for which she earned about $1,500 per
month.
His mother got married a few years after the family arrived to the U. S. and
because Ivan did not get along well with his stepfather, he and his sister chose to live

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with their grandmother. His grandmother and uncles pushed Ivan to do well in
school so he did not “have to work as hard as they do.” Ivan discussed feeling
responsible for taking care of his family. “My mom and grandma helped me by
sending me to school here and giving me everything, so I think it would only be fair
for me to finish school, begin a career, and pay them back for what they gave me.”
Ivan’s desire to give back motivated him to successfully complete high school, go on
to college and eventually, attend medical school. He also recalled trips to the
emergency room with sick family members who lacked health insurance and waited
hours to receive what he viewed as substandard medical care. As a result, he aspired
to be a doctor and aimed to serve his community and provide them with better care
than his family received.
Earning money was a major priority in Ivan’s life. He worked at the
Laundromat alongside his grandmother to give her a break when she needed it and to
earn a few extra dollars to help out. He also occasionally worked odd jobs cleaning
houses and packing boxes in a warehouse, for which he earned about $8-$10 per
hour. When asked about where he would work if his residency were not an issue,
Ivan said he wanted to work at a store like Sears or Foot Locker. Ivan’s work-ethic
was ultimately to his detriment when it prevented him from going to college the fall
after he graduated, despite discussing aspirations to attend a 4-year university and
become a pediatrician.
Academic experiences and identity. Academically, Ivan did well, but his
social life and self-professed laziness prevented him from doing better. Ivan was

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enrolled in multiple AP and honors courses and had excelled in the past, but during
his senior year, he struggled to earn just under a 3.0 GPA. Ivan’s heavy academic
load could be attributed to his view that his senior year was a test. As he explained,
“During your senior year, things change because you’re more mature and you have
more freedom to go out with your friends and stuff. But you still have to get through
school and graduate. That is how it will be in college so I feel like if I can graduate
from high school I can graduate from college.”
Ivan explained that he began thinking about college during his junior year.
He went on to say, “My family encouraged me to go to college. My grandma and
my uncles were the ones who told me to go and just try hard in school and apply for
scholarships.” Ivan added that his biggest obstacle was that he “wasn’t well-
prepared academically. Then I attended the College Club meeting where I learned
that I could go to college even if I wasn’t from here.” During the last semester of his
senior year, Ivan decided to take a “service worker” position in the college center at
Central City High because “that way I will be better-informed about everything.”
A day in the life. Ivan woke up every morning at 5:30am to take his
grandmother to work. She started work at 6:00 a.m. As he explained, “I have to take
her because it’s just my grandma, my sister, and me and I’m the only one who
drives.” When he arrived back home, he woke his sister up, got ready, and drove
them both to school. Ivan tried to get to school by 7:00 a.m. to finish up homework
and admitted that he sometimes stayed in during his morning break to make-up tests.
He added, “After school I sometimes come to the library at school to get help from

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my calculus teacher. Other times I work on projects for my economics class because
my computer at home doesn’t have the program I need.” After school on Tuesdays,
Ivan often stayed to watch the girls soccer games because he had friends who played
or cheered for the team. On other days, he played soccer with his friends for a few
hours. In the late afternoon, Ivan typically joined his grandmother at the Laundromat
where she worked, to “do homework and then help her clean up.”
Being undocumented. When asked about his entry into the U. S., Ivan
explained that he came over por la linea [by crossing the U. S./Mexico border with
false documents] when he was 8-years-old, along with his mother, grandmother, and
younger sister. As with Marina and Juan, Ivan’s residency status was something that
came up frequently during our conversations. Because he was ineligible to apply for
residency on his own, Ivan considered “getting married to a friend” in order to
establish residency. When asked if he missed out on anything as a result of being
undocumented he responded, “There are advantages that we can’t have that students
who were born here or have a green card can. For example, they can get a driver’s
license, and get scholarships and jobs with no problem.”
Because he drove and worked in order to help his sister and grandmother,
Ivan often discussed his fear of being “caught” and “getting in trouble.” One rainy
day while he was off-track, Ivan drove to school for our regular meeting. A few
weeks later, we met again and he told me that he was stopped by the police on his
way home from our last meeting. He recalled,

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They said they stopped me for not making a complete stop, but there was also
a crack in my front window so they took my car away for that. They asked
me for a driver’s license and I told them I can’t get one so they handcuffed
me and made me sit on the sidewalk. They took out my wallet and looked at
my school ID. They checked my record and it was clean so they let me go,
but I am going to have to go to court. Hopefully, I can do community
service.

Ivan felt fortunate not to be arrested or reported to the CIS, but was concerned that
he might not be as lucky the next time.
Ivan attended school in Mexico prior to coming to the U. S. and recalled
making the transition. He explained,
Before we came here, I thought that Mexicans were the only people and then
I went to school here and saw Black people and Asian people. It was so
different. It was like a mixed country. It was also tough learning English but
I got used to it.

Ivan vividly remembered his immigrant friends being teased by other students at
school. He recalled, “They would call us mojados [wetbacks]. I was like, you came
from an immigrant parent so why are you saying these things?” Ivan’s experiences
in school and out in his community taught him that being undocumented put him at
risk for discrimination and discovery, the latter of which could jeopardize the
livelihood of his entire family. Consequently, he did his best to “stay out of trouble”
and was determined to one day have “a good career.”
Nelly
Family and home. As the institutional and educational navigator for her
family, Nelly felt a great sense of responsibility to her parents and three sisters--one
was 23-years-old and the others were 13 and 8. A quiet and very mild-mannered

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young woman with long, light brown hair, glasses and a style of dress that ranged
from a white t-shirt and jeans to sequined blouses and skirts, it was sometimes hard
to tell that Nelly used to be “wild.” She was to be the first in her family to graduate
from high school and go to college, and was the only one in her household fluent in
English. Nelly was the translator, advocate, and problem-solver for her household
and did her best to interpret and translate doctor’s orders to her diabetic mother,
while also dealing with landlords, and school administrators.
Her father’s job as a construction worker paid enough for the family to rent a
4-bedroom apartment for $850 per month. When her health was better, Nelly’s
mother worked as a housekeeper and seamstress. Nelly contributed to the household
income by working full-time at a clothing store during vacations and part-time when
she was in school. Due to her mother’s poor health and the families’ lack of health
insurance, Nelly and her family spent much time in emergency rooms. Nelly’s
mother received sporadic medical care because she went to a different hospital every
time “so we won’t have to pay.” Nelly was on call to care for her at all times. On
one occasion, Nelly spent the night before one of our meetings with her mother in
the emergency room of a local hospital from 5:00 p.m. to 3:30 a.m. She arrived
home with just enough time to finish typing an essay due that day in her AP Spanish
class and get about an hour and a half of sleep before getting up and going to school
to take tests in her English and Spanish classes.

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Academic experiences and identity. About her educational experiences
growing up Nelly explained,
My parents came over a few years before I did. I was living with my
grandparents in Mexico and my mom eventually brought my sister and me
over, because they thought that we could get a better education here. I started
kindergarten here and I was really scared because I thought learning English
would be hard. At first I struggled and I used to cry and everything, because
I didn’t have the help that the other students had because their parents had
been educated more. At first I didn’t do that well but by 8
th
grade, I started to
work harder and I’ve been doing well up to now.

Despite her academic improvements, Nelly admitted, “There was a time a couple of
years ago when I was going to drop out because I thought I was never going to be
able to afford college.” She attributed her perseverance to friends and supportive
adults who encouraged her to continue her education and go to college. As she
explained, “Since I met you and began visiting the college center more, I have been
thinking about how important it is to continue my education so that I will have a
better future, not only for myself, but I’ll be able to help other people, too.” Nelly
realized that without a college education, her job opportunities would be limited to
“working at McDonald’s or cleaning restrooms.”
A day in the life. Nelly tried to get up every day by 6:00 a.m. because she
was responsible for getting her 8-year-old sister up and off to school before heading
to Central City High. Earlier on in her senior year, Nelly spent her lunch periods
attending meetings of the College Club or Business and Finance Club. She stopped
going in the spring of 12
th
grade to spend her lunchtime working on her scholarship
applications in the library or the computer lab. She added, “Sometimes I also just

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use this time to study for classes because I don’t have time to do it at home.” On
weekends, Nelly spent her days catching up on homework, cleaning the house, or
visiting with her aunts who lived nearby. On weekends while she was in school, and
during her vacations, Nelly worked as a salesperson at a clothing store to earn money
to help her parents make ends meet. Balancing all of her responsibilities at home
and at school took a toll on Nelly, but she did her best to grin and bear it, keeping her
eyes on the prize all the while.
Being undocumented. Nelly first came to the U. S. at the age of 5. She
recalled, “We took a bus from Michoacan to Tijuana and then we walked for a
distance and then someone picked us up in a car.” Like Ivan, Marina, and Juan,
Nelly often discussed her frustrations about her ineligibility for legal residency.
Even Nelly’s father, who had lived in the U. S. for almost 20 years was “still not a
citizen.” She and her families’ dream to one day become citizens rested with her 13-
year-old sister who was born in the U. S. “We’re waiting for her to be old enough
because she was born here. Right now there’s no one else who can help us get our
residency.”
Nelly knew she might not be eligible to apply for residency for several years,
but was opposed to marrying a citizen “just for papers” as she was often advised to
do by those around her. Nelly’s boyfriend during her senior year of high school was
also undocumented, but worked rather than going to school. Her family and friends
regularly told her to date someone who was also going to school and who could help
her get her papers. Nelly shared her perspective on the matter,

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When you have a choice between someone with papers and some without
them, it’s hard to choose. Either way, I don’t think about a man supporting
me because I’ve learned from other people’s experiences. Besides, I’m just
thinking about finishing my education first.

Because Nelly was the only one in her family with the opportunity to get a
college education, she was cautious about doing anything that might jeopardize that.
Despite the challenges her family faced due to their undocumented status, Nelly
asserted that coming to the U. S. was “worth it” because their living situation in
Mexico was much worse. She explained,
It was really bad because my parents were so poor and they suffered a lot.
They didn’t have enough food or clothes and sometimes they had to ask their
neighbors for food because they didn’t have enough money. If we had stayed
there, they would never have been able to afford to send us to school.

Bernadette
Family and home. Growing up with her grandmother and estranged father
was not easy for Bernadette. An athletic young woman with long wavy black hair,
Bernadette wore no make-up and her style of dress ranged from sweat pants and tank
tops to jeans and thick sweaters. She blended in with the crowd at school. She came
to the U. S. with her mother and two sisters when she was 2-years-old, to join her
father who had been living between Mexico and the U. S. for several years. After
being in the country for “a little while,” Bernadette’s mother and younger sister
returned to Mexico City and chose to stay there. “My mother and sister hope to
come back to the U. S. one day, but she and my dad didn’t really end things on great
terms.” Bernadette’s older sister stayed in the U. S. and was married with a family.
Bernadette was raised primarily by her father and paternal grandmother. For most of

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her life, Bernadette’s father worked as a security guard, though when he lived in
Mexico, he was a police officer. She explained, “He wanted to be a lawyer but he
couldn’t because he only went up to the 4
th
grade so he has tried to give me a better
life than he had.” Her father’s job paid him about $8-$10 per hour and his schedule
varied from day-to-day.
Bernadette frequently quoted her father’s refrain that “education is the key to
success” but was troubled by his unwillingness to financially support her college
education. She explained, “We have fun and stuff but when it comes to actually
depending on him, I’m just fighting a losing battle.” Her father, who lived in the
U. S. for more than 20 years and established legal permanent residency, had not done
the same for Bernadette. She explained, “He’s the type of guy who is like, I’ll do it
tomorrow. But tomorrow never came. One time I think he tried to start my
paperwork but they asked for several thousand dollars and that’s money we don’t
have.”
Academic experiences and identity. Bernadette was fortunate to have had
what she described as a good educational experience. Her biggest challenge when
she first began school was communicating with her teachers and peers because she
was still learning to speak English. Bernadette went to a private middle school
where she continued to struggle and recalled that she became very shy as a result.
When we talked, she still demonstrated a degree of shyness but was more animated
when talking about her involvement in athletics, her thoughts about college, and her
boyfriend.

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Despite her apparent timid side, Bernadette was a bit of a rebel and caused a
minor uproar with her provocative prom dress, which she described as similar to “the
JLo dress that everyone remembers, with the plunging neckline.” Her prom pictures
confirmed that the dress was actually more revealing than that worn by Jennifer
Lopez. “They almost didn’t let me through the door,” she explained. “One teacher
said she couldn’t believe my family let me out of the house. It’s funny because she
was right. My grandma still isn’t talking to me because I wore that dress.” As her
senior year wore on, Bernadette struggled academically, earning B’s and C’s in most
classes, but continued to take AP courses to improve her grade point average and her
chances of getting into a 4-year university.
A day in the life. On her average school day, Bernadette woke up at 6 a.m.,
got ready, and either took the bus or had her father drop her off at school. During
track season, she practiced after school and then went home to do homework for
much of the evening. When she was off-track, Bernadette woke up around 10:00
a.m., “because I try to enjoy my vacation and sleep [laughs].” On Monday through
Wednesday during her off-track time, she came to school around noontime to
practice for track and field and stayed until about 3:30 p.m. or 4:00 p.m. Then she
returned home to study for her AP classes or catch up on scholarship applications.
Thursdays were typically Bernadette’s only days when she did not have to go to
work or school so she tried to spend the day catching up with friends.
During her vacations and on most weekends, Bernadette worked at a clothing
store where she was paid in cash. During her spare time, Bernadette visited with her

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boyfriend who attended a local university and worked at Victoria’s Secret. They did
not see each other much due to their busy school and work schedules but they had
discussed living together after Bernadette graduated. Bernadette was hesitant to
commit to anything without knowing what the future held for her.
Being undocumented. Bernadette rarely discussed her undocumented status
with her teachers and peers because she did not want others to view her as
“different” or “disadvantaged.” As she explained, “I don’t really share information
about my status because it’s personal, but they know that I’m going to end up [going
to college] somewhere.” When asked if her undocumented status influenced her
aspirations to attend college, she responded,
I feel like, if anything, it’s pushing me more. I mean I might be from a
different country but we’re all the same and we can all do the same things.
We all come to this country to have a better life and we should all have a
chance.

Bernadette was determined to go to college but questioned whether or not she could
afford a university education. As she explained during a conversation in early
March,
I got this new idea about college. I told my dad that if we can’t afford to pay
for me to go to college, maybe I can go to a career college and get a degree to
become a medical assistant in 8 or 12 months and try to get a job. Then I can
try to pay my way through college with whatever money I have.

Yesenia
Family and home. A self-professed rockera [rocker], Yesenia personified
just that. Her long straight jet-black hair, thick eyeliner, black silver-studded clothes,
and raspy voice struck me as anomalous as she sat in front of me in Hillside High’s

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college center and discussed her aspirations to be “an FBI agent.” Yesenia’s family
came to the U. S. in late 2001 because her father had a job here. Initially, her parents
planned to come to the U. S. first and then send for Yesenia and her three sisters.
Instead, Yesenia, her younger sister, and her mother came to the U. S. while her
father returned to Colombia intending to bring her older sisters back to the U. S. The
week following Yesenia’s arrival to the U. S. with half of her family, the events of
September 11, 2001 occurred. Consequently, Yesenia’s father and two older sisters
have since been in Colombia, unable to come to the U. S. Yesenia’s mother
considered returning to Colombia, but her father encouraged them to stay in the U. S.
where his daughters could “learn English and get educated.”
During her senior year of high school, Yesenia, her 11-year-old sister and her
mother lived in a two-bedroom apartment in North Hollywood, and both Yesenia and
her mother worked for the cable company where her father had secured a job before
returning to Colombia. Yesenia’s mother held a sales manager position and received
a payroll check each month, with taxes taken out. Yesenia worked there during her
vacations and was paid $8 per hour and $4 commission per sale.
Academic experiences and identity. Yesenia was highly motivated to go to
college, despite only being in the U. S. for 3 years. Before coming to the U. S. from
Colombia, she was only 1 year away from high school graduation. When she started
school in the U. S. she was placed in 9
th
grade. Although this meant that Yesenia’s
first years at Hillside High School were spent reviewing information, she had already
learned it provided her the opportunity to improve her English skills. She also freely

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admitted that her transition from ESL courses to AP Literature was not an easy one.
But when Yesenia discovered that AP classes would make her a more competitive
college applicant, she enrolled in as many AP courses as she could.
Yesenia was extremely proactive when it came to her education. She fought
to get into AP courses and frequently visited the college center at her high school to
meet with the college counselor and explore her college options. Despite her focus
on her education, Yesenia’s career goals changed over the course of her senior year.
During a conversation prior to her graduation from high school, she explained that
she wanted to be an actress and a writer. Yesenia was taking a drama class at school
and discovered a love for directing and performing. She began writing the story of
her life and hoped to turn it into a book one day. Regardless of her eventual path,
Yesenia’s track record demonstrated that she was willing to do the work necessary to
reach her goals.
A day in the life. Yesenia typically got up a little before 6 a.m. on school
days. Yesenia’s mother dropped her off at school on her way to work. Much of
Yesenia’s day was spent struggling through classes she had asked to be placed in but
knew she “wasn’t entirely prepared for.” To do as well as possible, she took
advantage of tutoring offered by some of her AP teachers during breaks and after
school. Yesenia’s spare time in the evening, on weekends, and during vacations was
spent working with her mother as a telemarketer for a cable company. When she
was not working, Yesenia practiced with her band mates or socialized with friends.
She often discussed the fact that many of her friends were also immigrants and did

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not view college as an option. “They’re really smart but I think they’ve given up
because they don’t think they can go [to college]. I guess they don’t have anyone to
teach them about why their education is important. They just think about one day
being rock stars and they don’t want to think that it might not happen. I try to be
realistic because I know that I will have a lot more options if I go to college.”
Being undocumented. Each time Yesenia and I met, she had devised a new
plan to get into college or get her residency. For example, during one of our
conversations, Yesenia recalled,
I went to this meeting and there was a lawyer there and I asked her how I can
get my papers. She asked me if I entered the U. S. with a visa and I did, but
she said that the only way that I could get my papers right now would be to
get married. It surprised me that they don’t have anything to help
Colombians because our country is at war right now.

Because she was determined to get to college and eventually work for the FBI,
Yesenia considered marrying a friend in order establish residency. She explained, “I
might marry a friend of mine who is in the navy. I know other people who have
done it. I’m talking to a lawyer to find out what we need to do. That’s my only way
to get my papers right now. I don’t really want to get married but hopefully it’s
worth it.” About her mother’s perspective on the matter, Yesenia explained, “She
doesn’t want me to but she understands the situation so she supports me.”
Alfredo
Family and home. An avid soccer player, weekend DJ, and the oldest child
of four siblings, Alfredo was the highest academic achiever of the 10 participants in
this study, with a 3.8 grade point average. He was a dark-skinned young athlete with

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a shaved head, more for convenience than style, and typically came to school dressed
in jeans, t-shirts, and sneakers. His drive to be a competitive college applicant meant
that during his senior year, Alfredo took two AP courses, two honors courses,
mentored younger students, was a teacher’s aide for his Biology teacher, and still
found time to play soccer, run track, and help his mother take care of his younger
siblings. Alfredo’s motivation to succeed stemmed from his desire to provide for his
family who he felt responsible for after his father’s death. In El Salvador, Alfredo’s
mother attended a few years of college and his father was in the military and
studying to be a lawyer. Unfortunately, as Alfredo explained, “My father was
murdered because of his political views.” Two years after his father passed away,
Alfredo’s many family members already living in the U. S. convinced his mother to
bring him and his siblings to the states. They have lived in the U. S. for the last 4
years.
Alfredo lived in a two-bedroom duplex with his mother, a nurse, and three
younger siblings: his sister’s were age 11 and 14 and his brother was 5. Rent was
$800 per month. Because his mother was often working in the evenings, Alfredo
played a primary role in raising his siblings and “picks up the slack when she is not
available.” He sometimes put his own education and interests aside to help his
family, which made keeping up with his school work difficult. For example, during
one of our conversations Alfredo discussed the fact that his 14-year-old sister had
been skipping school. He believed that her friends were a “bad influence on her”
and vowed that he would go to her school later that day “to get the truth because

127
sometimes kids lie because they do not want to accept responsibility and they blame
it on someone else.” At our next meeting he reported that the situation had improved
since he and his mother began checking in with the school to make sure his sister
was attending every day. Alfredo also played the role of peacemaker and
disciplinarian when his siblings fought and his mother was not home. He did his
best to balance his responsibilities at home with his academic pursuits.
Academic experiences and identity. Prior to their arrival in the U. S., Alfredo
and his sisters attended a competitive private school in El Salvador. He explained, “I
think if I knew how to speak English when I came to the states, I would have been
getting straight A’s from the beginning because I went to a good school.” Since he
was a child, Alfredo’s mother talked to him about his professional aspirations and
encouraged him to go to college. Like Juan and Marina, Alfredo felt frustrated with
some of his peers who “were born here.” He viewed them as lazy for not taking
advantage of the educational opportunities that were unavailable to him. He
explained,
Sometimes I tell my friends to apply for financial aid or scholarships but they
don’t want to do the work. The students have papers so they can get money
but they think it’s too much work. I’m like dammit! I get so mad at them
because they have the opportunity and don’t care.

He added, “I sometimes feel mad with the system in this country because people that
really want to work can’t. I feel sad about that.”
Despite his discontent with some of his peers, Alfredo’s academic
achievements and motivation to pursue higher education made him stand out among

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his classmates. As he explained, “The teachers like me because I participate in class
and do things that other students are not willing to do, like working really hard to get
the best grades possible or trying to get ahead on my work.” Alfredo also partici-
pated in a school club called MELCHU (Movimiento Estudiantil de Latinos y
Chicanos Unidos) that worked on issues impacting minority groups and encouraged
other students to be leaders and stand up for their rights. As a result, he and some
friends began visiting classrooms to provide other immigrant students with
information about preparing for college.
A day in the life. Most days Alfredo woke up at 6:15 a.m., got ready, and
drove himself to school. On days when he had practice for soccer or track, Alfredo
stayed at school until about 4:30 p.m. After practice, he picked up his little brother
from elementary school, went home and ate dinner, and then got started on his
homework. He explained,
I spend my afternoon and evening doing homework and then go to sleep
around 11:00 p.m. I like to spend a lot of time on my homework. Especially
when I’m working on an essay because I want it to be good so the teachers
don’t mark anything wrong. I also like to get ahead on my assignments.

During weekends, Alfredo spent additional time on homework and spent time with
his family. He also spent time downloading songs onto his computer for his
weekend job as a disk jockey for school dances and house parties. If he did not have
to DJ the night before, Alfredo often went to church on Sunday mornings.
Being undocumented. Residency was an issue that was consistently on
Alfredo’s mind. This was particularly true because he and his family came to the

129
U. S. with visa’s that had since expired and were in the process of establishing
residency. Alfredo’s mother was awarded “temporary status” so she had a valid visa
and was able to work legally. He had also applied for a visa but was rejected once
and re-submitted his application. Alfredo expressed his aggravation with the slow
nature of the naturalization process. “I think most of the people that come to this
country are looking for a way to improve their lives. When people stay here the
government thinks they’re going to do bad things, but they’re just here to work.”
When asked about the changes he would make if he could, Alfredo responded,
I’m into politics and I always listen to the president speak, even if I don’t like
him. If I could talk to him, I would tell him that if students who were born
here are not going to take advantage of the opportunities they have, give them
to people who are willing to do the work.

This attitude served Alfredo well as he embarked on his college education.
Guillermo
Family and home. A semiprofessional soccer player, aspiring engineer, and
the youngest of five brothers, Guillermo typically performed well academically,
maintaining close to a 3.5 grade point average during his senior year of high school.
Like Ivan, Guillermo was a “cool” kid, with spiky black hair, who often wore soccer
jerseys, baggy jeans, and fashionable sneakers. He came with his mother and two of
his older brothers from El Salvador almost 10 years ago. Because his brothers were
married with families of their own, Guillermo and his mother lived together in a
studio apartment where rent was $500 per month. His mother made about $300-
$400 per week as a garment worker where she was “paid by the piece” rather than by

130
the hour. To help his mother and have spending money, Guillermo worked as a
janitor and bathroom attendant at a shopping center in an affluent neighborhood. He
made $8.50 per hour working about 30 hours per week. Guillermo received a
payroll check and taxes were subtracted each month. He explained that his uncle and
sister-in-law both worked there and helped him get the job.
Guillermo’s mother supported his aspirations to attend college and pursue a
career but, like Nelly’s mother, was ill and expressed concerns about him leaving
home. As he explained,
She says she doesn’t want me to leave and that she needs me to help her. She
doesn’t want to be alone. I know I’ll feel guilty if something happens to her
because her health is not the great. She has diabetes.

Despite her attachment to her son and the fact that she only attended school to the 3
rd

grade, Guillermo’s mother wanted him to get a college education and a good job
“instead of being treated bad like her.” She often told Guillermo stories about being
mistreated by her bosses or co-workers because “everyone is just working to make a
dollar and they’ll do whatever it takes to get it.”
Academic experiences and identity. Guillermo admitted that during high
school he performed below his academic potential. Although he did well, his
attention to work meant that he was often “too tired to do homework” and did not
complete it to the best of his ability. Like Flor, Nelly, Ivan, and Alfredo, earning
money to help at home was a major priority for Guillermo. This meant that
opportunities to make a little extra were difficult for him to pass up. For example,
the prospect of playing soccer professionally was something Guillermo often

131
discussed during our meetings. At the beginning of his senior year he asked his
soccer coaches at school about how to get a university or professional soccer scout to
watch him play. Later he reported that someone from the L. A. Galaxy (the local
professional soccer team) approached him about possibly playing for them after he
graduated from high school. Somewhat naïve on the topic, I asked him whether or
not one can make a living playing soccer professionally and he assured me that some
players made millions of dollars. One of his brothers played soccer professionally in
Mexico and Guillermo believed that there was a possibility that he could do the
same, while attending college. Guillermo clearly had big dreams in terms of his
academic and professional goals. Unfortunately, his effort to achieve each of them
was somewhat unbalanced.
A day in the life. Guillermo usually started his day around 6am. If his
mother had worked the night shift from 10:00 p.m. to 7:00 a.m., he got up, got ready,
and drove himself to school. On mornings when his mother was home, he would sit
and talk with her for a few minutes before leaving. During soccer season, Guillermo
spent an hour or two after school at soccer practice or working out to stay in shape.
He went home by about 4:30 p.m. or 5:00 p.m. to get ready for work, which started
at 6:00 p.m. on most days. Guillermo’s typical shift on weekdays was 6:00 p.m.-
12:00 a.m. On weekends and during vacations, he frequently worked 8 hour shifts.
During his breaks at work, Guillermo did homework because when he finally got
home from work, he usually just “crashed” knowing he would have to repeat the
same routine again the following day.

132
Being undocumented. Guillermo applied for residency during his junior year
of high school and hoped to receive his “green card” in time to apply for financial
aid. He explained,
My mom was going to apply a long time ago but she wanted to wait for me to
be in the country for 7 years so we could apply at the same time. I’m not sure
how long it’s going to take but I hear it takes a long time and I’m paying the
money for it right now.

When asked about how, if at all, his residency status impacted his college
aspirations, Guillermo responded,
Not really because it’s just about papers. I know I have to go to college even
if it’s a community college. I can just start there and pay less money and
when I get my papers, I can go to a 4-year university. It doesn’t worry me
except that I would prefer to go from high school straight to the university.

Michelle
Family and home. A tall, thin, attractive young woman with wavy brown
hair down to her shoulders, kind eyes, and a friendly smile, Michelle came to the
U. S. from Peru with her parents and three sisters 4 years ago. The family came to
join her grandmother, who was already living in the states. Since arriving to the
U. S., the seven family members have lived together in a one-bedroom apartment.
The majority of the family sleeps in four beds in the bedroom, while her grandma
sleeps in the living room. Despite being slightly more financially stable since
arriving to the U. S., her family continued to face hard times. She recalled, “Last
year my older sister got pregnant and it was disappointing for me and my parents.
She is a cashier at a grocery store now but she still lives with us and we help her take
care of the baby.” Michelle was particularly upset about her sister’s pregnancy

133
because she had hoped her sister would go to college, but “instead she got pregnant
and that’s more of a financial burden on the family.” What was more, after her
sister’s pregnancy, Michelle’s parents expressed concerns that she was going to do
the same and not go on to college. She found this unfair and felt that her parents did
not understand that she was different from her older sister and was determined to
achieve her goals and “be successful.” She proved this by maintaining a 3.6 grade
point average during her senior year of high school. Michelle was encouraged by the
fact that her 15 year old sister would be taking honors and AP classes beginning in
10
th
grade, upon Michelle’s advice.
Academic experiences and identity. When Michelle left Peru, she was about
to graduate from high school. Upon entering Hillside High, she was placed in 10
th

grade and told by her counselor not to expect to graduate from high school. Michelle
understood having to repeat some years of school in order to improve her English,
but did not understand why someone in an educational institution assumed that she
was going to fail. She recalled, “I don’t know if it was racism or what but you would
think that a person at a school would know how to deal with different people and
give everyone the same chance.” Initially, Michelle thought that the counselor might
be right because she was enrolled primarily in ESL classes where little, if anything,
was said about going to college. She was fortunate to have participated in a program
where she mentored younger students about going to college because she learned
that the ESL courses she was taking did not satisfy college admissions requirements.

134
With this new found college knowledge, Michelle advocated for herself to be
moved out of ESL courses and into honors and other college preparatory courses.
She also began mentoring younger ESL students about what to do to get to college.
When asked about her motivation to go to college and encourage other ESL students
to do the same, Michelle responded,
Maybe it’s because of my experience in my country and the way I lived. I
don’t want the same thing to happen here. We had a house but sometimes we
didn’t always have food to eat. My parents worked until really late and we
still didn’t have enough money even though they worked and worked. Our
house wasn’t in good condition. We didn’t have a sink and we had to bring
water from far away. It was horrible. I got really sick and almost died.

Many of Michelle’s immigrant peers shared the struggles she had in her native
country and since coming to the U. S. She aspired to share her knowledge with other
students so their presence in this country would afford them the educational and
professional opportunities they might not have had otherwise. Michelle explained,
Our parents brought us here because they want us to do better than they did.
My parents always tell me that if I have a college education I’m going to be
able to have everything I want so I won’t have to struggle like them.

Like Alfredo, Michelle also participated in MELCHU and worked with other Latino
students to make a positive impact in their school and community.
A day in the life. Michelle’s day typically began “a little before 6:00 a.m.”
She got up, got ready, and took the bus to school with her 15-year-old sister, who
also attended Hillside High. Her school days were spent taking a full load of honors
classes, attending various Latino club meetings during lunchtime, and also answering
questions for the younger students she mentored. As Michelle explained,

135
The students bring me their papers and the list of classes they’re taking and
ask me how to get the classes they need for college. Many of them are also
undocumented and they have questions about financial aid so I tell them to
apply for scholarships and to go to the college center to see what’s there.

After school, Michelle spent much of her time doing homework or taking care of her
sister’s baby. Over the course of her senior year, Michelle also spent many of her
weekends and breaks from school helping her parents around the house and working
on scholarship applications.
Being undocumented. Like Flor, Marina, Ivan, Juan, Nelly, Alfredo, and
Yesenia, Michelle’s residency was something that she was extremely concerned
about. She and her family initially entered the country with “tourist visas,” however,
Michelle explained that these documents were not valid for work or financial aid
purposes. “We came in with temporary visas that let us stay here for six months. I
should have done a student visa or something like that, but I didn’t know.” Michelle
also explained that her parents filed for residency through her grandmother, who was
a citizen. Her family had paperwork in process, but she was concerned that the
paperwork might not go through in time for her to get money for college. In the
spring of her senior year, Michelle found out that she “aged out” of the process
because she was over 18-years-old. She would not be covered by her parents’
paperwork and needed to file for residency on her own. Sadly, Michelle was not
eligible for residency without her parents so she was left with severely limited
options for obtaining residency and funding her college education (Table 2).

Table 2. Student Profile Data

Flor

Marina

Nelly

Juan

Ivan

Alfredo

Guillermo

Yesenia

Bernadette

Michelle
Age 19 18 19 18 19 18 19 20 18 19

Length of
time in U.S .

14 years

15 years

10 years

15 years

11 years

4 years

8 years

3 years

18 years

4 years
Country of
origin

Mexico Guatemala Mexico Mexico Mexico El Salvador El Salvador Colombia Mexico Peru
Household
size

7 7 5 6* 3 5 2* 3* 3* 6
Parent/
guardian
occupations

Father:
fast food
Mother:
Sweatshop
Mother:
janitor
Father:
Construction
Mother:
Ill/unemployed
Mother:
secretary
Grandma
Laundro-
mat

Mother:
Nurse

Mother:
Garment
worker

Mother:
Telemarket-ing

Father:
Security
Father:
Appliance
repairman
Family
income

$17,000 $15,000 $14,000 $19,000 $18,000 $18,000 Varied $21,000 $18,500 Varied
GPA

2.9 2.6 3.1 2.9 2.8 3.8 3.4 3.1 2.4 3.6
Honors
courses
English English,
American
Lit., World
History,
Biology

Pre-
Calculus
English,
Geometry
Government/
Economics

AP courses Government/
Economics,
Spanish
Spanish Government/
Economics
Drawing,
Spanish
Govern-
ment,
Spanish
Spanish English Lit.,
Chemistry,
Spanish

English,
Physics

136
Table 2 (continued).

Flor

Marina

Nelly

Juan

Ivan

Alfredo

Guillermo

Yesenia

Bernadette

Michelle

Extra-
curricular
Activities

Tennis,
Performing
Arts
Academy,
Community
service, work

Student
government,
College Club

College
Club,
Business &
Finance
Academy,
work

Track, Film
Club,
Community
service

Work

Track,
Soccer,
mentoring
ESL
students,
MELCHU,
work

Soccer, work

Work

Track

Mentoring
ESL
students,
MELCHU

*= Number of family members living in the U. S. (These students have family members, including parents & siblings, living outside the U. S.)

137
138
Considering Student Lives
Undocumented students in the United States encounter a variety of
challenges as part of their daily lives. Despite the fact that each student’s particular
situation is somewhat unique, there are also many commonalities in their
experiences. In the discussion to follow, I begin by highlighting some of the
common characteristics found among the students. These characteristics are ones
that may not appear to directly impact their access to higher education, yet, they are
an indication of the restrictions undocumented students and their families have
unfortunately been forced to cope with that seriously limit their potential for upward
mobility . I complete my discussion by returning to the four themes used to provide
insight into each student’s life. In doing so, I offer some analysis by comparing the
experiences of the 10 students who are the focus of this study.
Common characteristics. Although the 10 students described here had
unique identities that defined their outlook on their academic and professional
futures, and life in general, they also shared a variety of characteristics shaped by
their undocumented status. Like other undocumented immigrants, these students
lived in rented apartments (Kocchar, 2004), had restricted access to employment
(Kocchar, 2005), were unable to obtain a driver’s license, were unlikely to have
health insurance (Pew Hispanic Center & Kaiser Family Foundation, 2002), and
lived in mixed-status families (Passel, 2005). In the synthesis below, I describe these
common characteristics, illuminating the degree to which each of them further
complicated the students’ already difficult lives.

139
No homeowners. Like so many immigrant and working-class families, not
one of the 10 students in this study resided in a house. Some discussed living in
homes in their native countries, but not since arriving to the U. S. Nine of the
students lived with their families in apartments: 3 students lived in studio/single
apartments with 3 or more people, 3 students lived in one-bedroom apartments with
4 or more people, and 3 students lived in apartments with 2 bedrooms or more.
Alfredo’s family lived in a 2-bedroom duplex, which they rented. The families’
incomes were typically just enough to get buy, leaving little opportunity to save
money to buy a home. In addition, the families’ immigration status prevented them
from qualifying for a home loan. These limitations meant that the students and their
families had little hope of ever moving into a home or even a more prosperous
neighborhood.
Employment limitations. Due to their undocumented status, the 10 students
were unable to gain legal employment, yet many of them held jobs. Eight of the 10
students were employed during their senior year of high school and when they began
college. The positions they held were in retail, food service, and janitorial work.
Most were paid minimum wage or slightly more, some were paid less. Flor, Nelly,
and Bernadette held jobs where they were paid in cash. Ivan, Michelle, Yesenia,
Alfredo, and Guillermo received paychecks (that were taxed) and had gained
employment through the use of false documentation or a “connection” to someone in
management. All of the students discussed what they would prefer to do during their
high school and college years, if they had the choice to work anywhere they wanted.

140
They wanted to be teacher’s aides, interns, or to “just work at the mall” and
expressed concerns about the types of employment they would be able to get upon
graduating from college. The prospect of facing difficulty when trying to secure a
job after college, however, did not deter any of the students from pursuing higher
education and some were even considering graduate school.
Driving restrictions. The majority of the students’ families owned vehicles,
but only Ivan, Guillermo, and Alfredo drove regularly. The fact that the students
could not legally acquire a driver’s license meant that most rode the city bus to get
around. The students’ inability to drive legally also limited where they considered
attending college. Most of the students lived just a short bus ride away from their
high schools, though some ended up taking the bus for up to an hour or more to get
to college. In addition to being unable to drive, the students could not acquire a
California ID because they lacked a social security number. Without a government-
issued ID, the students lacked the necessary identification to apply for a bank
account or travel by plane.
Lack of health insurance. As Nelly’s story best demonstrates, the fact that
undocumented immigrants are unlikely to acquire jobs that provide health insurance
and are typically unable to pay for insurance on their own, leaves these families in a
precarious situation when health issues arise. As Flor explained, “I don’t even know
what it feels like to have health insurance. I go to the doctor like once a year.”
Although there are many low-income families without health insurance,

141
undocumented families are ineligible for many government-sponsored health
services available to other low-income families, leaving them in a sometimes-
desperate situation.
Mixed-status families. Nine of the ten students in this study came from
mixed-status families made up of parents and/or children who were undocumented
immigrants, legalized immigrants, and U. S. born citizens. For example, 6 of the 10
students had younger siblings who were U. S. born. Many of the U. S. born children
were viewed as the families’ sole chance to one day become eligible to apply for
legal permanent residency. Six of the 10 students also had parents or grandparents
who were U. S. citizens, possessed a green card, or a government-issued work
permit. As the students’ stories have shown, immigrant families fail to apply for
residency for a variety of reasons, including fear, lack of financial resources, and
ignorance about the legalization process (Table 3).
Student Profile Summary
Clearly, the 10 undocumented students I spoke to dealt with various
challenges due to their residency status. The students’ migration to the U. S. from
their native countries was something that was largely determined for them by their
parents. Each family, different in terms of country of origin, size, and income,
shared the same dream of a better and more prosperous future. Their presence in the
U. S. provided the 10 families with the opportunity to educate their children and
obtain employment that, while paying low wages, still allowed them to live with the

Table 3. Common Characteristics of Undocumented Students During 12
th
Grade

Living space

Student
employment type

Transportation

Health insurance

Family residency status

Flor

1 bedroom apartment

Retail

Bus

None

Parents: undocumented
Student: undocumented
Siblings: U. S.-born

Marina 2 bedroom apartment None Bus, family car None Parents: undocumented
Student: undocumented
Siblings: undocumented & U. S.-born

Nelly 4 bedroom apartment Retail Bus, family car None Parents: undocumented
Student: undocumented
Siblings: undocumented & U. S.-born

Juan 1 bedroom apartment None Bus Minimal Mother: undocumented
Student: undocumented
Aunt/Uncle: undocumented
Cousins: U. S.-born

Ivan Studio apartment Service industry Drives a car None Grandmother: undocumented
Mother: undocumented
Student: undocumented
Siblings: undocumented & U. S.-born

Bernadette Studio apartment Retail Bus, family car Minimal Grandmother: U. S. citizen
Father: legal permanent resident
Student: undocumented

Michelle 1 bedroom apartment Fast food Bus, family car None Parents: undocumented
Student: undocumented
Siblings: undocumented & U. S.-born

Yesenia 2 bedroom apartment Customer service Bus, family car Yes Mother: undocumented
Student: undocumented
Sibling: undocumented

142
Table 3 (continued).

Living space

Student
employment type

Transportation

Health insurance

Family residency status

Alfredo

2 bedroom apartment

Fast food

Bus, family car

Minimal

Mother: in process
Student: in process
Siblings: in process & U. S.-born
Guillermo Single apartment Service industry Drives a car None Mother: in process
Student: in process

143
144
basic necessities. The latter being a privilege some did not enjoy prior to their
migration. The undocumented students I spoke to surely benefit by living in and
attending school in the U. S. At the same time, their undocumented status severely
limited their opportunities for upward mobility. In the discussion to follow, I
summarize how the students’ family and home environments, academic experiences
and identities, daily lives and responsibilities, and undocumented status came
together to shape their college preparation and aspirations.
Family and home. Each students’ family was relatively different, yet,
poverty, modest living conditions, and limited opportunity due to their
undocumented status, were common factors that each student dealt with. The
students’ families and home environments, although supportive in some ways, also
served as a barrier to the students’ academic success. In terms of their academic
goals, other than Flor and Marina’s parents, who were somewhat indifferent about
their daughter’s college aspirations, the other eight students’ families appeared to
support their aspirations to attend college. Their home environments, however, were
not always conducive to college preparation. Flor, Marina, Nelly, Michelle, and
Alfredo all discussed being responsible for helping to take care of their younger
siblings. The crowded and sometimes chaotic nature of their households meant that
these students often did their homework away from home, secluded themselves in a
corner, or waited until everyone was asleep to get their work done. In addition, none
of the 10 students described having a separate room in their homes where they could
find adequate quiet and space to study.

145
Because of their parents’ limited education and familiarity with the U. S.
educational system, all of the students described instances when they felt ignorant
about how to prepare for college and acknowledged that their parents were unable to
provide them with much guidance. Only Marina, Yesenia, and Alfredo had parents
who had received some higher education, while the seven remaining students had
parents who had received only an elementary education. The students could not rely
on their parents to navigate the U. S. educational system, but their parents’ hard work
and sacrifices motivated their children to pursue higher education. All of the
students described watching their parents struggle to make ends meet, while working
long hours in jobs where they were treated and paid poorly. Ivan, Bernadette,
Yesenia, Alfredo, and Guillermo all attributed their college aspirations to their
parents’ sacrifices and encouragement to continue their education.
Academic experiences and identity. In terms of their academic experiences,
the students similarly attended U. S. schools where they received poor academic
preparation and where little was expected of them. While students like Flor, Diana,
Nelly, Ivan, Juan, and Bernadette attended school in the U. S. for most of their lives,
Yesenia, Guillermo, Michelle, and Alfredo came to the U. S. during their high school
years. Nonetheless, all of the students struggled to do well in school and
demonstrated varying degrees of academic success. Students like Marina,
Guillermo, and Ivan, with active social lives, often attributed their lack of academic
success to not having enough time or being too busy to complete their school work to
the best of their ability. These three students verbally expressed their determination

146
to attend college, but did not demonstrate the same with their actions. While Ivan
and Guillermo held jobs that sometimes left them too tired to focus on school,
Marina’s extracurricular activities often took priority over her academics.
The students’ length of time in the U. S. also appeared to play a role in their
academic success. For example, the six students who had spent 10 years or more in
the U. S. had GPA’s that ranged from 2.4 to 3.1, while the remaining four who had
been in the U. S. for 3-8 years, had GPA’s that ranged from 3.1 to 3.8. This finding
indicated that the less time the students spent in U. S. schools, the better their
academic performance. The students who had been in the U. S. longer did not
consider attending college until their junior year of high school, while Yesenia,
Guillermo, Michelle, and Alfredo came to the U. S. with the aspiration to attend
college. Regardless of their length of time in the U. S., all 10 students spent some
time during high school taking courses that did not satisfy college requirements. The
students agreed that this was the case because their schools had done a poor job
informing them about college requirements.
A day in the life. Given that all of the students in this study attended multi-
track schools, their school day lasted from 7:30 a.m. to 3:30 p.m. They woke up
around 6 a.m., some dropped younger siblings off at school, and most took the city
bus to school. When they arrived at school, the students spent 8 hours attending
overcrowded and substandard classes trying to get the necessary preparation to apply
to and succeed in college. All 10 students struggled to get through the more

147
demanding courses they needed in order to meet college eligibility requirements.
This was partly the case because their academic pursuits were coupled with a variety
of extracurricular activities.
Only Nelly, Ivan, Michelle, and Yesenia did not regularly participate in
extracurricular activities after school. Flor, Juan, Marina, Bernadette, Alfredo, and
Guillermo participated in athletic teams. When they did not have sports practice,
Flor and Juan went to local community centers where they did their homework and
worked on various community service projects. Nelly, Ivan, Bernadette, Flor,
Alfredo, and Guillermo worked after school and/or during the weekend. Only
Marina, Ivan, and Yesenia described spending any significant amount of time
socializing with friends after school or on the weekend. The others appeared to
spend any free time when they were not working or involved in school activities,
looking after younger siblings or doing their homework.
When they came home at the end of the day, only Ivan, Bernadette, Yesenia,
and Guillermo did not arrive to find crowded, noisy homes with 6 or more people.
These 4 students lived in households consisting of only 2 or 3 people, however, all
but Yesenia lived in single or studio apartments where everyone people slept in the
same room. All of the students described living in somewhat crowded homes and
none described them as places where they could simply sit back and relax. The day-
to-day life of low-income undocumented students is similar to that of many of their
U. S. born peers, but the 10 college-ready undocumented students I spoke to faced
additional challenges. In addition to being poor, living in crowded homes and

148
neighborhoods, and having to navigate the path to college largely on their own, the
students’ undocumented status left them with severely limited access to employment
and higher education. Low-income U. S. born students can work and acquire
financial aid to support their college education, while undocumented students cannot
(Table 4).
Being undocumented. All 10 of the students identified their undocumented
status as their biggest obstacle to getting to college. This was due primarily to their
ineligibility for financial aid. Without financial support, the students knew that their
families could not afford to send them to college. None of the students discussed
having much say in their families’ migration to the U. S., but they all recognized the
advantages and disadvantages that came along with being undocumented. While
they knew that their families were better off financially and educationally in the
U. S., the students realized that their potential for upward mobility remained limited
due to their residency status. The students could graduate from high school and get
admitted to college, but they were unsure about how they would pay for four or more
years at a university. They also wondered about the opportunities for employment
that would be available to them, if they managed to graduate from college. Without
adjusting their status, the students’ ability to gain legal employment was in question.
The students shared multiple reasons for why their families had not legalized
their residency status. The most common ones were the cost to begin the paperwork,
fear of being deported, and ignorance about the process of applying for residency.

Table 4. The Students’ Daily Schedules

School days

6:00 a.m.-7:30 a.m.

7:30 a.m,-3:30 p.m.

3:30 p.m.-7:00 p.m.

7:00 p.m.-11:00 p.m.

Weekends/
vacations

Flor

- Get up & get ready for
school
- Ride city bus to
School

IN SCHOOL

- Tennis practice
- Community service

- Look after younger
siblings
- Homework

- Work 16-40
hours/week
- Cross-track
Marina - G et up & get ready for
school
- Walk to school
IN SCHOOL - Cheerleading practice
- Student government
activities
- Look after younger
sisters
- Homework
- Cross-track
Nelly - Get up & get ready
for school
- Get 8 year old sister ready &
walk her to school

IN SCHOOL - Take care of mother
- Look after younger
sisters
- Work 16-40 hours
per week
Juan - Get up & get ready for
school
- Ride city bus to school

IN SCHOOL - Cross-country practice
- Community service
- Homework - Cross-track
Ivan - Get up & drive
grandmother to work
- Get sister up & get ready for
school
- Drive to school

IN SCHOOL -Work
-Socialize with friends
- Homework - Work hours varied
Bernadette - Get up & get ready for
school
- Ride city bus to school
or get dropped off by
father
IN SCHOOL -Work
-Track practice
- Homework -Work 16-22 hours per
week

149
Table 4 (continued).

School days

6:00 a.m.-7:30 a.m.

7:30 a.m,-3:30 p.m.

3:30 p.m.-7:00 p.m.

7:00 p.m.-11:00 p.m.

Weekends/
vacations

Michelle

- Get up & get ready for school
-Ride city bus to school

IN SCHOOL

- Help out at home
- Look after younger sisters
- Homework

- N/A
Yesenia - Get up & get ready for school
- Ride city bus or get dropped
off by mom

IN SCHOOL - Socialize with friends
- Homework
- Work 40 hours
per week during
vacations
Alfredo - Get up & get ready for school
- Drive to school
IN SCHOOL - Soccer practice
- Track practice
- Look after younger
siblings

- Homework - Work 6-20 hours
per week
Guillermo - Get up & get ready for school
- Drive to school

IN SCHOOL - Work
- Soccer practice
- Work 30 hours
per week

150
151
Michelle, Alfredo, and Guillermo had each applied for residency status along with
their families. Guillermo received his green card just before he graduated from high
school, while Michelle aged out of the process and Alfredo’s initial application was
rejected. At a meeting with an immigration attorney that I arranged for the students,
Flor, Marina, Nelly, Juan, and Ivan were informed that they were ineligible to apply
for residency. Yesenia met with an immigration attorney on her own and was told
the same. Bernadette believed that she was eligible to apply for residency because
her father was a legal permanent resident, but her father had yet to begin the process
for her due to financial constraints.
Like the other students in this study, Flor, Juan, Michelle, and Alfredo were
frustrated by the restrictions they encountered due to their undocumented status. But
these four students chose to be proactive by engaging in community service or
mentoring activities to help undocumented youth. In doing so, they were able to
empower other undocumented students to consider attending college and provide
them with information and guidance based on their own experiences. Nonetheless,
all of the students expressed their discontent with the fact that they had prepared for
college and met the requirements to attend a 4-year university, but might not be able
to go.
In the next section, I return to the research questions and analytical themes
that guided this study. In doing so, I shed light on how the students’ thoughts about
college changed over the course of their years in school as a result of the preparation,
support, and information available to them. As noted in chapter 2, undocumented

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students’ experiences parallel those of other low-income first-generation college-
goers. However, the data will show that their residency status meant making
multiple considerations not required of their U. S. born peers. The students’ stories
make clear that despite their access to some college preparatory classes and
supportive school-based adults, any one of them might have missed out on the
opportunity to attend college if they had not received certain information or
developed relationships with particular individuals.
Analysis
As noted in the previous chapters, this study aimed to examine and provide
insight into the challenges to college access and financial aid experienced by college-
ready undocumented students. As such, the questions that I hoped to answer with
the data gathered included: (a) What factors shape the educational pathways and
access to higher education of undocumented students?; (b) In what ways do policies
limiting undocumented students’ access to college and financial aid shape their
aspirations to attend college and their choices about where to attend?; and (c) From
whom do undocumented students acquire college and financial aid information and
what kinds of support do they receive? (i.e., do students have a college support
network in place that facilitates college-going?)
The first question was answered to some degree by the data presented in the
previous section, which showed how undocumented students’ access to higher
education is shaped early on by a variety of factors that are largely out of their
control. However, to expound further on how the challenges described play out in

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terms of students’ college aspirations and choices, the next section offers insight into
the role schools play in this process. In response to the second and third areas of
inquiry, the discussion to follow will show that students’ college aspirations and
choices are strongly influenced by financial concerns and the types of information,
guidance, and support they are able to access through social networks.
College Aspirations
As noted in chapter 2, in order for students to begin to view themselves as
college-bound, they must first be provided with information and preparation that
makes college seem like a viable postsecondary option. Because undocumented
students are typically not expected to attend college, they are often placed in the least
demanding courses. As such, they have limited access to the resources able to
positively impact their aspirations to attend college. In the discussion below, I
describe the types of college-related information and academic preparation students
received and how they served to shape the students’ college aspirations.
College knowledge. Most of the students I spoke to were unaware of their
postsecondary options and limitations until 11
th
grade. As a result, they went
through much of high school not knowing college eligibility requirements, thinking
they could not go to college due to their undocumented status, or believing that they
would not be able to afford college. The result was that Flor, Marina, Nelly, Ivan,
Juan, and Bernadette had not prioritized their academics and simply hoped to one

154
day graduate from high school. On the other hand, Michelle, Yesenia, and Alfredo
started high school unaware that the courses they were taking would not satisfy
college admissions requirements.
Despite some of them starting high school on shaky ground with regard to
their academics, all of the students ultimately came to the conclusion that they were
interested in going to college. Marina recalled,
After I attended the Chicana/Latina Conference at UCLA, I started thinking
that I really wanted to go to college even though I hadn’t taken all of the
classes I needed. I told myself it didn’t matter if I had to start all over by
going to community college. I don’t think there’s anything that can stop me
from going now. Yeah, I can’t get a job and most of the scholarships, but
you find a way if you really want it.

This new college knowledge made Marina begin to see college as a possibility. Juan
recalled that during middle school people encouraged him to think about college, but
he did not see it as a potential until his junior year of high school. He explained,
I guess I had always figured I would just graduate because even though
people sometimes talked to me about going to college, I really didn’t know
about the requirements or anything. Then I started thinking that I had to
make a choice between going to work and continuing my education. I didn’t
want to work because I had worked before as a dishwasher and busboy in a
restaurant and I really didn’t like it.

Because they believed that their undocumented status restricted them from
attending college, receiving information to the contrary was essential for the 10
students in this study to view college as a viable postsecondary option. For example,
Ivan expressed that he had not considered going to college until his junior year.
Attending a College Club meetings at their high school where they learned about AB
540 made Ivan and Nelly begin to see college as an option. Nelly’s participation in

155
the Business and Finance Academy at her high school, where she was automatically
scheduled into college preparatory courses, made her realize that she was already on
the college track. However, she explained that it was our initial meeting in the fall of
her senior year that changed the way she thought about college.
When I started talking to you and found out about more AB 540 it
encouraged me because before I wasn’t sure if I could really go to college
because of my residency. But now that I know I can, I feel more comfortable
about it.

Bernadette began thinking about going to college when she was in 6
th
grade.
“I saw my parents’ situation and they always told me that the key to success is
education, so ever since then I knew it was something I wanted to do even if I wasn’t
sure how to do it.” Despite her aspirations to attend college early on, during her
sophomore year in high school Bernadette started thinking “I’m done after high
school.” She recalled changing her mind after hearing about AB 540 at a college and
financial aid conference. Bernadette added,
I think a lot of undocumented students feel the way I felt a few years ago.
They think they’re not going to qualify for financial aid and they’re families
can’t afford to help them so they just give up and don’t take the time to find
out if there is anything else out there that can help them.

A lack of college knowledge is common for most first-generation college-
goers, but for undocumented students, additional issues arise. For example, when I
began meeting with the students at the beginning of their senior year, about half of
them asked me whether or not undocumented students could attend college. Despite
having some basic college knowledge, the students did not know for sure that they
could go to college or, in some instances, believed that they could not. Students with

156
3.5 or above grade point averages, taking college preparatory courses, were not even
sure that they could attend college. What is more, many of the students had heard
little or nothing about California’s Assembly Bill 540 that makes them eligible to
pay in-state resident tuition fees.
The college counselors at both Hillside and Central City knew about AB 540,
but did not make the information readily available to all students. In most cases,
they waited for the students to come to them. As Juan explained
I heard about AB 540 at a conference for immigrant students that I went to
with the college counselor, right before I began my senior year. I was
worried about getting to college and I had only thought about community
college. When I heard about AB 540, it encouraged me and gave me more
motivation to consider a university.

The college knowledge that the 10 undocumented students in this study
acquired played a dual role in their aspirations to attend college. First, the
information they received about AB 540 and scholarships taught them they could go
to college. Second, the information the students received about college requirements
taught them that they needed to enroll in particular courses in order to be college-
eligible. As the discussion in the next section will show, despite knowing that
simply graduating from high school made them eligible to attend community college,
all of the students took steps to enroll in courses that would make them eligible to
attend a university.
Academic preparation. Acquiring academic preparation for college
admission is a fundamental aspect of college preparation and plays a key role in
students’ perceptions of themselves as college-bound. For the 10 students I spoke to,

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the schools they attended did not offer sufficient preparation for college. In fact,
they attended high schools where less than 25% of their graduating class went on to
attend a 4-year university. This was due, at least in part, to the lack of a college-
going culture on both campuses. Whereas public high schools in more affluent areas
of the city offered students individualized college counseling and numerous AP
courses, students from both high schools explained that their schools offered no
individualized college counseling and only one section of certain AP courses.
Consequently, students were not provided equal access to the courses necessary to be
competitive college applicants.
In the discussion to follow, I share three challenges the 10 undocumented
students I spoke to encountered in their efforts to meet college eligibility
requirements. First, I discuss the students’ efforts to attain rigorous academic
preparation. Last, I share how the students fared once they were enrolled in more
rigorous courses.
Life on the college track. The six students who had been in the U. S. for 10
years or more spent those years attending schools where they contended little was
expected of them academically. Students like Flor and Nelly, who had taken both
mainstream and AP or honors courses agreed that even in courses that met the
college requirements, “Some of the teachers don’t give you any real work. You can
go to class every day and still not really learn anything.” Indeed, both students and
school staff at the students’ high schools admitted that many honors and Advanced
Placement courses were poorly staffed or “dumbed down,” because students were

158
unprepared for the more academically rigorous courses. For example, about her
“honors” English class Marina asserted, “For me it’s an honors class, but I don’t
think that we’re going to do any extra work. I don’t think we’re going to do any
work at all. We just kill time.” Similarly, Bernadette explained, “I’m in AP Physics,
but we’re not really learning anything because we’ve had a substitute in that class
since the beginning of the year.”
Many of the students in this study also faced challenges enrolling in college
preparatory courses at their high schools. “College preparatory courses” meet the
requirements to be eligible to attend a 4-year university in California and include AP,
honors, and other designated courses. As Michelle, Yesenia, and Alfredo all
experienced, undocumented students who enter the U. S. during their high school
years are often placed in ESL courses and are rarely expected to graduate, let alone
attend a university. As Yesenia explained,
I didn’t take any AP classes before this year because I didn’t know about
them. I got really mad because when I came here and wanted honors classes,
they just assumed I couldn’t handle them. It wasn’t until the end of my
junior year that I found out about AP classes.

Michelle expressed a similar sentiment:
My counselor didn’t want to let me out of ESL and into regular classes, but
they said if my parents told them to, they had to give me the classes. I ended
up lying to them and said that I was supposed to be in regular classes so they
would give me a new schedule. I told them that my parents gave me
permission. They got mad but they gave me the classes anyway.

Students who had been in the U. S. for 10 years or more were also at a
disadvantage because they were not provided competitive academic preparation.

159
Instead, they were tracked into courses that did not meet college requirements or that
they had already taken. For example, Nelly was repeatedly scheduled into a course
titled “Bank Teller.” During one of our meetings, she explained that she had already
taken the course twice so she went to her counselor to ask to be scheduled into a
Spanish course that she needed for college. After daily visits to her counselor, Nelly
was finally scheduled into the correct course.
Struggling to achieve in the college track. Flor, Nelly, Bernadette, Yesenia,
Alfredo, and Guillermo fought to get into more academically rigorous “academies”
or honors and Advanced Placement courses, but when they did, most of them
struggled. Except for Marina, all of the students asserted that they wished they were
doing better in their AP or honors classes. Students like Juan, Alfredo, Yesenia, and
Guillermo, who were taking multiple AP courses, agreed that doing well in all of
them was a constant effort. Whether it was due to limited knowledge of the English
language, poor prior academic preparation, or busy extracurricular schedules, the
students had a difficult time doing well in the more rigorous courses. Yesenia,
Alfredo, Flor, Guillermo, Marina, and Bernadette all discussed struggling to balance
their heavy academic loads with their family responsibilities, work, and
extracurricular activities.
“I’m doing ok in my classes,” Alfredo explained during his last semester of
high school.
I would be doing better but right now, I have a lot of homework so
sometimes I give priority to one class over another. Then I end up with bad
grades on the tests. I have a test every other week in AP Government, essays

160
for my English class, homework every day in Math Analysis, and some labs
for Physics. I’m really tired right now. I want to go to sleep.

Together, 8 of the 10 students took a total of 13 AP courses and while 3 of them also
took AP exams, only 2 received passing scores of 4 on the tests they took, which
were both earned for the AP Spanish test. Flor, Marina, Juan, Bernadette, and
Guillermo also spent much of their time during intersession
4
taking courses to get
ahead or “cross-tracking”
5
to complete courses for college.
The 10 students worked hard to acquire the academic preparation they needed
to be college-eligible. In doing so, they found their high schools poorly equipped to
make them competitive college applicants. The information the students had
received about their postsecondary options, however, motivated them to persevere
despite the academic challenges they encountered. As such, the discussion below
will shed light on how these elements came together to shape students’ college
aspirations and will show how students’ desires to pursue particular careers shaped
where they hoped to attend college.
Considering college and career. Once the 10 students in this study saw
college as an option, their college and career aspirations began to take shape. The

4
When schools operate on a “multi-track” or “year-round” schedule, “intersession” is the time
when students are off-track or on vacation. Both Central City and Hillside High Schools operate on a
“multi-track” schedule. High-achieving students at multi-track schools will sometimes take inter-
session courses, which are equivalent to summer school, when they are off-track, in order to get
ahead.

5
Students will “cross-track” when a course they are taking is offered on a different track than the
one that the student in on. For example, many AP courses operate on A or C Track so B Track
students will start the course and then B Track will go off but the student will “cross-track” to
complete the second half of the course during what would normally be their vacation time.

161
students looked into which schools offered programs for their profession of interest,
and narrowed their college aspirations accordingly. In this section, I share what the
students said about where they aimed to attend college and the types of careers they
hoped to attain, noting the various factors that influenced each. As I explain, the
students’ list of potential colleges tended to be based on three factors: (a) the
prestige or reputation of a particular institution, (b) their perceptions of college costs,
and (c) their perceptions of their ability afford one institution versus another. Their
career aspirations appeared intrinsically motivated and strongly influenced by their
personal experiences.
At the beginning of their senior year, all of the students in this study
discussed aspirations to attend a 4-year university after high school. As the year
progressed, all 10 students expressed concerns about being able to afford university
tuition and viewed community college as the “back up” if they were unable to raise
the funds to attend a 4-year university. The students viewed their ineligibility for
financial aid as their primary barrier to getting to a 4-year university, but considered
community college a tolerable alternative.
Aspiring to attend a prestigious university. In California, there are two
public university systems, the California State University (CSU) and the University
of California (UC). In addition, there are several private universities with varying
degrees of prestige. The UC is the more competitive and prestigious of the two
public systems. Flor, Juan, Ivan, Alfredo, Guillermo, and Michelle initially
expressed aspirations to attend a UC campus, and their proximity to UCLA typically

162
made the school their first choice. Local private schools like the University of
Southern California were also often at the top of their lists of “dream schools.” As
Guillermo explained, “I always knew I wanted to go to UCLA or USC because
growing up I always heard about those schools.” Marina, Nelly, Flor, and
Bernadette, who had below a 2.8 grade point average, were still eligible to attend a
CSU campus and all of them aspired to do so. Yesenia had a 3.1 GPA but aspired to
attend several out-of-state universities with programs in criminal justice.
Estimating college costs. Initially, all 10 students discussed their intentions
to apply to several CSU campuses, and about half also planned to apply to UC’s and
private in-state and out-of-state institutions. While the costs of college strongly
influenced where the students aspired to attend college, when asked about tuition
costs, the students’ answers varied. Community college attendance was estimated to
cost about $500, CSU attendance was estimated to cost between $1,000-$50,000, UC
attendance was estimated to cost between $5,000-$60,000, and attendance at a
private university was estimated to cost $20,000-$60,000. The students’ perceptions
about the costs of community college attendance were fairly accurate. Many of them
overestimated the costs to attend a CSU or UC, tuition for which are about $3,600
and $7,000, respectively. Some students were more accurate in their estimations, but
others clearly overestimated the price of college tuition and housing.
Weighing college options and college costs. When asked if their
undocumented status changed their college aspirations, the students said that their

163
ineligibility for financial aid made paying for college seem much more difficult. As
Marina explained,
It doesn’t change my aspirations to attend college, but it’s just more
difficult because of the money. There are more obstacles than if we
were residents or citizens because we could just do the FAFSA and
Cal Grant and we wouldn’t have to stress as much about how we’re
going to pay.

Alfredo decided not to apply to UC campuses, despite his desire to attend UC
Santa Barbara. He was concerned that he might not be admitted because he earned a
900 on his SAT and heard “they’re looking for students with a 1,200 or above on the
SAT.” Alfredo also did not want to spend money applying to UC campuses that he
was unlikely to be able to afford without adequate financial aid. Instead, he only
applied to local CSU campuses--CSU Northridge was his first choice. Guillermo,
who felt less constrained by his undocumented status explained,
I don’t see it as a big problem because it’s just about papers. Somehow I’m
going to get to college even if it’s a community college. I can start there and
save money and when I get my papers, I can go to a four-year university,
even though I would like to go from high school straight to the university.

This was easier for Guillermo to say because unlike most of the other
students in this study, he had already begun the process to obtain his residency.
Ivan discussed his aspirations to attend CSU Los Angeles. When asked if he
had considered attending community college he responded, “I haven’t because I
really want to go to a Cal State and finish in 4 years.” Similarly Nelly explained,
I don’t think about going to community college. Since I’ve been
meeting with you I’ve been thinking I have to get to a CSU because
what’s the point of going to community college when I have the
chance to go straight to a university.

164

The undocumented students in this study held aspirations to attend college
that were shaped by their access to the necessary college knowledge and academic
preparation to be adequately prepared for college. However, the students’ career
aspirations also played a role in their decisions to pursue a college education. As the
discussion in the next section will demonstrate, most of the students held career
goals that were shaped by their desire to help their communities and families. Their
stories will also show that their career aspirations were complicated by their
ignorance about the steps they needed to take in order to reach their goals. But even
their concerns about their ability to work after college did not dissuade them from
pursuing higher education.
Career aspirations. The students’ career aspirations were a strong
motivating force to pursue higher education. In fact, all but Alfredo, Guillermo, and
Yesenia sought what I call “helping professions.” For example, Juan aspired to be a
teacher, as did Nelly, who also discussed being a nurse. Flor and Marina both
discussed wanting to be psychologists or social workers. Bernadette hoped to be a
lawyer. Ivan aspired to be a pediatrician. Michelle said she went back and forth
between wanting to be a journalist and a counselor. Each of the students told stories
about how they envisioned themselves coming back one day to work in their
communities. Yesenia, Alfredo, and Guillermo aspired to be an FBI agent, business
administrator, and civil engineer, respectively. They also discussed their desire to
earn money to help support their families.

165
Ivan, who expressed the aspiration of becoming a pediatrician, explained that
doing community service in a hospital where he worked with disabled children
inspired him to become a doctor, so that he would have the knowledge and skills to
“do more” for other kids like them. When we discussed the fact that medical school
takes several years to complete Ivan responded, “It does freak me out a little bit to
think about all of those years of college, but it will be worth it because I’ll get a good
job, a good salary, and be able to take vacation once in a while.” The last point was
compelling because few of the students’ parents or guardians held jobs where they
were able to take any time off. Unlike the other students in this study, Ivan
sometimes considered the possibility that he might not go to college. This was
curious to me because of his high aspirations; his concerns about paying for college
and his desire to work and earn money appeared to be his biggest obstacles to getting
to college. As he explained,
I won’t go if I can’t pay for it. I’ll just work and save money to put my sister
through college. My family doesn’t want me to work, because they think I’m
going to like the money and just drop out so they’re concerned about me
finishing school.

Flor and Marina who aspired to be psychologists or social workers were both
inspired to do so by their personal experiences. Her mother’s alcoholism and the
psychological and emotional trauma it caused her family, motivated Flor to consider
a career where she could help others deal with these issues more effectively.
Similarly, Marina discussed witnessing her mother’s depression and wishing that she
were better-equipped to help her. Both young women believed that many individuals

166
in their community suffered from emotional and psychological stress as a result of
living in an environment where poverty, violence, and a lack of opportunity were
prevalent. They hoped that their college education would afford them professional
opportunities and enable them to counsel others in their community.
Bernadette’s aspirations to major in Criminal Justice and eventually become
a lawyer were also prompted by her personal experience. As she explained, “I guess
I want to be a lawyer because of all of the injustices I’ve seen, and how my parents
get treated because of our residency.” Likewise, Nelly’s aspiration to become a
nurse was the result of having spent many hours in hospitals where she felt the
service and care her mother received was substandard. “We sit there for hours and
no one pays attention to us. Sometimes I think it’s because they think we don’t
speak English so they don’t want to help us.”
Michelle aspired to be a journalist because she wanted to “be able to inform
people about everything that is going on in this world” and because she enjoyed
writing. She added,
In my country I liked the way journalists do investigations to tell the truth to
the country. But when I came here, I changed my mind a little because I
think that here if you say something bad about the government, they’re going
to get you or something like that. So now I’m thinking twice about it. I also
think about being a counselor so that I can keep helping ESL students to
make sure they know what they need to go to college.

All of the students expressed concerns about their ability to work after
graduating from college. Juan articulated the quandary that he and the other nine
students found themselves in.

167
After I get my Bachelor’s or credential I won’t be able to work, so that’s my
concern. Sometimes it can be disappointing because I’m trying so hard on
my studies so I can work and when it comes time to actually use my degree I
won’t be able to because I don’t have a social security number.

When asked why he continued to persevere despite his concerns, Juan responded,
There’s always a chance that an opportunity might arise like amnesty or
something so I don’t want to waste time. I want to start so if something
changes I’ll already have some classes. I’ll just keep working toward my
goal to keep myself focused and motivated (Table 5).

Multiple factors shape the college and career aspirations of undocumented
students. These students had a difficult path to navigate as they made decisions
about whether or not to attend college and determined whether or not they had the
qualifications and resources to do so. The path became more difficult as the students
embarked on the college application and decision-making processes, due to their
residency status and consequent ineligibility for financial aid. In the next section, I
share the experiences of the 10 undocumented students in this study as they made
decisions about where to apply to and attend college, and completed their college
applications.
College Choice
As I have noted multiple times, the college choices made by college-ready
undocumented are extremely complex and highly related to their family finances.
Unlike their U. S.-born counterparts, the 10 students I spoke to began the college
choice process, or, more accurately, began eliminating possible colleges, as early as
the college application process and continued to do so almost right up until their first
semester of college. In the section to follow, I will share the students’ experiences

Table 5. College and Career Aspirations

Flor Marina Nelly Juan Ivan Alfredo Guillermo Yesenia Bernadette Michelle

College
aspirations

UC, CSU

CSU

CSU

UC, CSU

UC, CSU,
private
school

UC, CSU,
private
school

UC,
private
school

Private school

Private school

UC, CSU
Career
aspirations
Psychologist,
Social worker
Psychologist,
Social
worker
Teacher,
Nurse
Teacher Pediatrician Business Engineer Law enforcement,
directing film or
theater

Lawyer Journalist,
Counselor
168
169
with applying to college, receiving their college acceptance, making decisions about
where to attend college, and raising money to pay for college. In doing so, I aim to
shed light on the unique challenges undocumented students encounter during each
step of the process.
Applying to college. Due to their undocumented status, the 10 students I
spoke to encountered three particular challenges that complicated their college
application process. Each challenge influenced where the students applied to
college and the number of schools they applied to. The three challenges included:
(a) confusing residency questions on college applications, (b) ineligibility for college
application fee-waivers, and (c) limited financial means. The discussion to follow
will show how these three challenges influenced students’ decisions about where to
apply to college.
Confusing applications. At least half of the students experienced difficulties
as they attempted to complete and submit college applications. Issues arose at
various points during the application process. The first point where students
experienced difficulty was when they had to answer questions about their residency.
The students expressed concerns about the possible risks in revealing their
undocumented status in their college applications. As Flor recalled, “I started the
CSU application but I didn’t know how to answer the residency questions. I wasn’t
sure what to put because I didn’t know if it was ok to leave things blank or say I
didn’t have papers.”

170
Fee-waiver eligibility. In addition to their concerns about how to correctly
respond to particular questions, students received mixed messages about their
eligibility for application fee-waivers. The information students had about their fee-
waiver eligibility largely influenced the number of universities they applied to
because each application cost $55 or more. Students received conflicting
information from the university representatives that visited the college centers at
Central City and Hillside High Schools and their college counselors. In some
instances, students were told that they did not qualify for application fee-waivers
because of their residency status. Other students were told that they did qualify
because fee-waiver eligibility was based on family income or length of time in the
state, rather than legal residency. In fact, they were eligible for application fee-
waivers for the UC campuses, but not for the CSU’s. Ultimately, the mixed
information students received determined the number of schools they applied to.
For example, in mid-November, Marina reported that she had applied to CSU
Los Angeles and CSU Northridge, but did not apply to other schools because she
was told by the CSULA representative that she was not eligible for application fee-
waivers, and her parents were unable to pay for more than two $55 applications.
Similarly, Alfredo explained, “I only applied to CSULA and CSUN. I would have
applied to CSU San Bernardino, but the college counselor told me I wasn’t eligible
for the fee-waivers.” Bernadette was also told by her college counselor that she was
not eligible for the CSU application fee-waivers, so she paid out-of-pocket for the
two CSU applications that she submitted. She also applied to Johnson and Wales, a

171
private school in Miami, Florida. Yesenia applied to CSULA, CSU San Bernardino,
CSU Sacramento, John J. College in New York as well as schools in Illinois,
Colorado, Utah, Texas, and Florida. Yesenia applied to these schools because they
all had strong programs in Criminal Justice. Bernadette and Yesenia were the only
two of the ten participants in this study who applied to out-of-state schools.
Financial limitations. For college-ready undocumented students, decisions
about where to apply to college are influenced by tuition costs and the location of
particular schools. Limited financial resources left students questioning how they
would afford tuition and housing at each school they applied to. As Michelle
explained,
I applied to CSUN and CSULA. I didn’t apply to any UC’s because they’re
too expensive and I’m not sure how to get the money. My parents can’t
afford to pay for my education. I thought about it and this seemed more
affordable.

Likewise, Marina explained,
I really want to go to a school far away like UC Davis, Riverside, Santa Cruz
or even Irvine, but we can’t really afford to pay for housing because together
with tuition, it’s going to be very expensive. The closer I am to home, the
less we’ll have to spend so I’m limited by the distance.

The two schools she applied to, CSULA and CSUN, were both located in the Los
Angeles area, though Northridge, her first choice, was over 1 hour away by bus. She
expressed her disinterest in attending a community college because, “If I already
meet the requirements for a university, I don’t want to waste time at a community
college,” but Marina contended that if she did not get admitted to a 4-year university,
she would have no other choice.

172
During the college application process, the 10 undocumented students in this
study took several factors into account. First, they considered the risks involved with
completing college applications where they were asked to indicate their residency
status. Next, the students limited the number of schools that they applied to due to
their ineligibility for application fee-waivers for the CSU system. Likewise, the
students’ finances influenced where they applied, because they were unable to afford
the costs of both college tuition and housing. These findings indicate that
undocumented students limited their choices about where to attend college during the
application process primarily due to financial constraints. College applicants tend to
wait until colleges make admissions decisions before deciding where to attend. But,
as the discussion in the next section will show, for four of the students in this study,
their college choices were made long before.
Preemptive college choice. Admissions applications for the CSU and UC
systems have to be submitted by November 30
th
each year. Students usually receive
admissions decisions between February and May. However, for about half of the
students in this study, not long after they submitted their college applications that
they made the decision to attend a community college. Typically students wait to
hear back from colleges before making decisions about where to attend. In the case
of college-ready undocumented students, factors outside their control sometimes
prompt them to make their college choices much sooner.

173
The first student to inform me of her decision to attend a community college
was Flor. She came to our first meeting after the winter break, sat down with me at a
table in the Teacher Cafeteria, and explained,
I just want to start by letting you know that over the break I decided I’m
going to Santa Monica College. My mom doesn’t have a job right now and
she’s in her own little world. The place where my dad works is laying him
off temporarily so I might have to help my parents with rent for a while. It
made me realize that I can’t depend on anybody but myself. I’m thinking if I
go to Santa Monica, it will give me some time to get more money and then I
can transfer. It’s really about the money. It’s just too much to deal with right
now. Even if I find out I got into one of the CSU’s that I applied to, I’m still
going to Santa Monica. I kind of feel like I’m letting myself down but I’m
not going to give up.

Without knowing if he had been admitted to a university, in early March, Alfredo
told me that he decided to attend community college. When I asked him how he
came to this decision, he explained, “It’s the money. That’s the biggest thing. I
think I’ll save a lot of money by going to community college and then I can transfer.
It’s the same education for the first 2 years anyway.” Later that same day, I met with
Guillermo who also told me that he decided to attend community college. When I
asked him why he responded,
The money. The scholarships are not going to be enough because I heard it’s
like $8,000 per year for tuition. I already know I’m admitted to CSULA.
They said I just need to send in the $55 for the application, but it’s a waste of
money if I’m already planning to go to community college.

My final meeting on this particular day was with Michelle, who also
informed me that she had opted to go to community college. She explained,
It’s too expensive so I think I want to go to community college. I don’t know
if I can afford a CSU. I know that my parents will help me but it would be

174
hard for them so I decided not to put pressure on them. They’re going to start
trying to get their papers too, so they’re going to need more money for that.

The 10 students I spoke to began to make choices about where to attend
college as soon as they began applying and continued to do so throughout their
senior year. Four students had determined that they would attend community college
shortly after applying to universities. The six remaining students waited to get their
admissions decisions before choosing a college.
Post-acceptance college choice. When we met in early February, Flor
reported that she received acceptance letters from CSU Los Angeles and CSU
Northridge. Yet, she planned to stick with her decision to attend Santa Monica
College, despite a nagging hope that she might get enough money together to attend
a university. Flor asserted, “Right now my mind is set on going to Santa Monica and
that’s how I’m doing everything, but imagine if a miracle happened and I got a
scholarship. Without scholarships it’s going to be really hard.” By early March,
Juan was notified that he was not accepted to UC Riverside. A few weeks later, he
found out that he was admitted to CSUN, CSULA, and UC Santa Cruz.
Eventually, Nelly and Marina, who were both rejected by CSULA, found out
that they were accepted for admission to CSUN, while Michelle and Alfredo were
notified of their admission to CSULA and CSUN. Guillermo, Bernadette and
Yesenia were all admitted to CSULA, and Yesenia was also admitted to CSU San
Bernardino. Yesenia explained that she was rejected from several of the out-of-state
schools that she applied to, “because I don’t have enough money to pay for the

175
tuition since I can’t get financial aid. They said if I show them proof that I can pay
then they’ll reconsider my application.” Ivan said he “never heard anything from the
colleges” he applied to, but I suspect that his fee waiver applications were not
accepted or he did not understand how to check the status of his applications for
admission, so his applications were never processed.
Unlike Flor, more than half of the college-ready undocumented students I
spoke to held out until they heard back from colleges before deciding about where to
attend. Nonetheless, they all took assessment tests for at least one local community
college and looked into the application and enrollment process. By the end of
March, most of the students knew where they had been admitted. However, despite
nine of the students being admitted to 4-year universities, only four of them
ultimately enrolled at a UC or CSU campus.
University versus community college. Despite being admitted to CSU
campuses, Alfredo, Michelle, and Guillermo all opted to attend Glendale Community
College, and viewed it as a more affordable alternative and a possible means to
transferring to a more competitive UC campus. The three students’ feelings about
their decision to attend community college were well represented by Michelle’s
sentiments regarding the matter. “It’s so sad that we can’t afford to go to a 4-year
university because we worked so hard for it.” Similarly, Bernadette chose to attend
Pasadena City College “because of the money. That’s the biggest issue.” Ivan
decided to work during the fall following his high school graduation and possibly
enter community college in the winter.

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Choosing a university. The decisions students made about where to attend
college were highly influenced by the financial resources available to them. Each
spent a significant amount of time weighing their options to determine what college
they would attend. Given that he was admitted to both CSU Northridge and UC
Santa Cruz, Juan debated about which school to attend. He knew that CSUN was the
easier option because he could continue to live at home, making college less
expensive. After talking to a few of his mentors at the local community center where
he volunteered Juan explained, “I’ve been thinking more about it and I realized that
if I was able to get into a UC, I shouldn’t let the opportunity pass me by, even if it is
going to be harder to pay for school.” Likewise, Marina, Nelly, and Yesenia
struggled with the decision to attend CSUN and CSU San Bernardino, respectively,
because none had received enough scholarship money to cover their tuition costs.
Despite their choice to attend a 4-year university while living at home, each young
woman knew their decision made getting through college more difficult because it
meant continuing to apply for scholarships, working to save money, and depending
greatly on their parents for financial support (Table 6).
The college choices made by the 10 undocumented students in this study
were determined by multiple factors, though the students’ limited financial means
was the most influential. During the college application process, they considered fee
waiver eligibility and college costs when deciding where to apply to college. Soon
after applying to college, the students’ concerns about paying for a university
education resulted in Flor, Alfredo, Guillermo, and Michelle choosing to attend

Table 6. College Choices

Flor Marina Nelly Juan Ivan Alfredo Guillermo Yesenia Bernadette Michelle

Applied to

CSUN,
CSULA,
SMC

CSULA,
CSUN, SMC

CSUN, CSULA,
CSUSB, CSUB

CSULA,
CSUN,
CSULB,
CSUSF,
and UCSC

CSULA,
CSUN,
SMC

CSULA, CSUN,
GCC

UCI, UCD,
UCSD,
UCLA,
CSULA, GCC

CSULA,
CSUSB,
out-of-state

CSULA,
CSUDH,
PCC,
out-of-state

CSULA,
CSUN,
GCC
Admitted to ALL CSUN, SMC CSUN CSUN,
UCSC
SMC ALL CSULA, GCC CSULA,
CSUSB

CSULA,
PCC
ALL
College
attended in
Fall 2005
Santa
Monica
College
CSU
Northridge
CSU Northridge UC Santa
Cruz
None Glendale
Community
College
Glendale
Community
College

CSU San
Bernardino
Pasadena
City College
Glendale
Community
College
177
178
community college. Even after the students were notified about their admission to 4-
year universities, they stuck with their decision to begin in community college and
then transfer to a university. Bernadette waited to receive admissions decisions and
despite being admitted to CSULA, she chose to attend Pasadena City College
because it was “more affordable.”
The 10 students’ inability to afford a college education was not only the
result of their families’ low incomes. The students’ ineligibility for financial aid and
their limited access to private scholarships left them with few options for funding
their education. In the next section, I share the experiences of the 10 undocumented
students I spoke to as they endeavored to raise funds to support their college
education.
Financing college. The discussion in the previous section demonstrated that
financial limitations had the strongest impact on the students’ college choices. Their
families’ monthly incomes were roughly $2,000 or less and their household expenses
such as rent, food, transportation, and cell phone bills left them with little to spare.
Consequently, the 10 students in this study spent much of their senior year strategiz-
ing about how to pull together enough money to pay for college. This section will
highlight the challenges the students dealt with in their efforts to secure money for
college. The students endeavored to acquire money in two primary ways: (a) by
applying for private scholarships and (b) by working. The difficulties they
experienced in their efforts are described below. I will also describe each student’s
financial situation, when it came time to pay for college.

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Plans for paying for college. When we began meeting, all of the students
described how they planned to pay for college. Flor said her parents were unlikely to
be of much help in terms of paying for her college education. She intended to
continue working and to apply for as many scholarships as possible. Marina
explained that her mother said she would help her, and she planned to apply for
scholarships and work in order to pay for college. Ivan said he planned to go to
school full-time and work, if he was able to find a good-paying job. Students like
Juan and Marina whose undocumented friends planned to apply to the same colleges
they did, considered getting an apartment near whatever school they attended. The
students could live near campus without incurring the high costs of on-campus
housing. Both said they planned to work and apply for scholarships to pay for
college. Nelly planned to attend whatever school was closest to home and most
affordable. Her parents said they might be able to help a little, but Nelly still
intended to apply for scholarships and work while in college. Likewise, Michelle,
Alfredo, Guillermo, Yesenia, and Bernadette agreed that they were responsible for
funding their college education, and planned to do so by working and applying for
scholarships.
The 10 students in this study had clearly thought about how they might pay
for college. The next section will show that applying for scholarships was their
primary strategy for raising money.
Scholarship search. None of the students I spoke to applied for scholarships
until after they had submitted their college applications. By February, few had

180
applied for any. In March, when most of the students began searching and applying
for scholarships, they realized the process was going to be arduous. Getting their
hands on the few scholarships available to them was not going to be easy. This was
the case for four particular reasons: (a) the most common places to find scholarships
(e.g., on the internet and in their school’s college center) were not fruitful for
undocumented students; (b) the few scholarship lists specifically targeting
undocumented students included out-dated and sometimes flawed information; (c)
when students found scholarships they qualified for, completing the applications was
a difficult process; and (d) even when students applied for scholarships, there was no
guarantee that they would receive the awards.
Limited scholarship options. The eight students who applied for scholarships
found many of them in their school’s college center. Residency requirements were
sometimes indicated, but not in all cases. When students tried to contact funders, the
websites, e-mails, and phone numbers listed were no longer functioning or the
scholarship programs had been discontinued. As Nelly explained, “Some of the
websites don’t work so I haven’t been able to get the applications. Other ones say
that you have to write to them to request an application so I’m going to do that.”
The students also used the internet to look for scholarships. The FastWeb
site was one that Marina and Juan both looked at regularly. Their efforts to find
scholarships on the internet were unfortunately often in vain. As Marina explained,
I tried using FastWeb, but it wasn’t that useful because they kept sending me
scholarships that required U. S. citizenship. I also went to the Hispanic
Scholarship Fund, and they have a lot of scholarships for Latinos, but when

181
you look at the requirements, they’re all for citizens. People tell you to look
for scholarships because there’s thousands of dollars out there, but not if you
don’t qualify.

Juan agreed that his biggest challenge in finding useful scholarships was that
“many of them require a social security number or a tax income report. I don’t have
either one because my mom gets paid in cash so I can’t really verify her income.”
Similarly, Michelle queried, “Why is a social security number required for all of the
scholarships? If not, I would be able to apply for a lot more of them.”
The search for scholarships was further complicated for students with limited
access to the necessary technology. For example, for much of her senior year,
Marina’s home computer had a virus that made it virtually useless. Her busy
academic and extracurricular schedules left her with little time to visit her school’s
computer lab to get online. Nelly said, “It’s hard for me because I don’t have a
printer where I can print my applications and essays. I save them on a disk and try to
find a place at school where I can print.” Without dependable access to computers
with internet capability and a place to print, the scholarship lists the students had
were useless.
All of the students had a hard time finding scholarships they qualified for. It
was clearly a difficult process, but the students were fortunate to have college
counselors at both of their high schools who tried to be sensitive to their needs. Both
counselors maintained a “scholarship file” where they made scholarship applications
available to students. They also made an effort to indicate which ones did not
require students to be citizens or have a social security number. Despite the

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counselors’ efforts, Nelly, Ivan, Marina, and Guillermo complained that they could
not find scholarships. Flor, Juan, Bernadette, Alfredo, and Michelle, however,
asserted that they found many of the scholarships they applied for in their college
center.
Completing scholarship applications. Scholarship applications often
required students to provide personal information about their family income,
academic/extracurricular achievements and awards, write an essay, and acquire
letters of recommendation. When we first began meeting, all 10 students in this
study claimed that they planned to apply for scholarships. The cumbersome nature
of the scholarship application process, however, deterred Ivan and Guillermo from
applying for any scholarships at all. I also suspect that Guillermo’s being in the
process of establishing residency made applying for scholarships seem less urgent.
Marina brought scholarship applications to our meetings most often, but only
submitted one that I knew of, just before she graduated. In mid-February Ivan had
yet to apply for any scholarships. When I asked him why he responded, “I haven’t
worked on any scholarships yet because my teachers give me a lot of homework.
Also, I’m waiting to find out if I got accepted or not.” Ivan chose to wait to receive
his admissions decisions before applying for scholarships. He did so despite my and
his counselor’s advice to the contrary.
Of the 8 students I spoke to that applied for scholarships, they had the most
trouble completing the essays that many of the applications required. Difficulties
completing their scholarship essays came about for three reasons: (a) the students

183
were challenged by the essays the applications required, (b) the students found
highlighting their personal experiences and accomplishments difficult, and (c) the
students were unsure how to complete the written applications.
Completing scholarship essays. Many of the scholarships the students
applied for required them to write an essay in response to a particular prompt or
question. Essay topics ranged from how the student would make a difference in the
world through their chosen profession to why college was important to them.
Regardless of the topic, the students had trouble articulating their ideas in a way that
adequately responded to the prompt. I proofread essays for Flor, Nelly, Juan,
Michelle, Yesenia, and Alfredo and found that grammatical mistakes were an issue
for all of them. The student’s poor academic preparation, particularly in English,
was evident despite the important messages they aimed to convey in their essays.
Despite their high aspirations and heavy academic loads, the students did not possess
the writing ability to successfully complete scholarship essays without assistance
from an adult. The more savvy students like Flor, Nelly, Alfredo, and Michelle often
shared their essays with a few of their teachers as well as bringing them to me.
The competitive nature of the scholarship application process required
students to stand out among the pool of applicants. The 8 students in this study who
applied for scholarships initially found it difficult to fully acknowledge their
accomplishments and sacrifices. For example, one of the scholarship applications
Flor submitted asked her to list any awards that she had received. She initially said
she had not received any, but when she realized that the various certificates of

184
recognition she had received for service to her school and community counted as
awards, she ended up listing eight of them.
Other students had responsibilities outside of school that they viewed as
normal, but that made their doing well in school a greater challenge. For example,
the time Alfredo spent looking after his younger siblings and the time Nelly spent
taking care of her mother and household were burdens that many students never take
on. When I read one of Alfredo’s scholarship essays where he was asked to discuss
why college was important to him, his essay did little to tell his personal story.
Rather, he made generic assertions like, “Attending a higher education institution
will increase my opportunities to achieve my goals. College will prepare me to
perform an excellent role in society. College will also help me to become a secure
and intellectual person.” His essay showed that he had high aspirations, but did not
provide the reader any insight into what he saw as the true importance of a college
education.
On another occasion, I looked over an essay that Nelly wrote about how she
planned to make a difference through her chosen profession. She wrote her essay
about her desire to be a nurse. Nelly discussed spending a lot of time in hospitals,
but did not explain why. She did not describe the extent to which she had been her
mother’s caretaker or the poor treatment they had received on their frequent hospital
visits. Like Alfredo, Nelly did not give the reader a strong understanding of how
passionate she was about her chosen profession. Without an account of her personal

185
experiences spending long days and nights at home and in the hospital, taking care of
her mother, Nelly’s story was not as powerful.
Likewise, in an essay about why she wanted a college education, Michelle
described the sacrifices she was willing to make to succeed in college, but said
nothing about the sacrifices she had already made prior to and after migrating to the
U. S. Michelle also failed to describe her efforts to educate other immigrant students
about how to prepare for college. Earlier on in her senior year, Michelle was
selected to participate in a conference for Latino students at a local university. Prior
to our conversation about her essay, Michelle had not viewed these activities as
accomplishments.
Scholarships not guaranteed. By the beginning of May, Flor had applied for
more than 10 scholarships but was feeling “a little discouraged” because she had yet
to hear back from any of them. One month later, she found out that she had been
awarded about $2,500 in scholarships from four different sources. Flor was also
awarded one of three $1,000 scholarships awarded by Santa Monica College that
were made available to students through their high school’s college center. Because
Flor spent a great deal of time at Central City’s college center, the college counselor
decided to give her one of the scholarships. Despite the competitive nature of the
scholarship application process, Alfredo tried to look at it in a positive light.
It’s not that easy and it will take a lot of time, but it’s worth it even if you
don’t get them [scholarships] because at least you tried. I feel like I’m doing
my part and trying to get scholarships. It would be worse if I didn’t do
anything.

186
Marina, who only applied for the SALEF scholarship was extremely
fortunate to have received a $1,000 award. The fact that she, Ivan, and Guillermo
had not applied for more scholarships was puzzling given that each of them
expressed concerns about paying for college. As Marina explained,
My family will only be able to help me for my first year of college. I figure
I’ll be there for 4-5 years so I have to figure out how to pay for it. For
scholarships you need to have a high GPA and I don’t think mine is high
enough.

Even Juan, who applied for three scholarships, said he had not applied for
more, because he thought that the ones worth $1,000 or more might be too
competitive. Instead, he applied for two scholarships for $500 and the SALEF
scholarship, which ranged from $500-$2,500.
By June of her senior year, Yesenia had applied for seven scholarships and
planned to apply for more. In February of 12
th
grade, Alfredo reported that he had
already applied for five scholarships ranging from $1,000-$2,500. In late February,
Michelle reported that she had already applied for four scholarships and was working
on a few others. Except for Michelle and Bernadette, all of the other students who
applied for scholarships received at least one of them. Yesenia, Alfredo, Flor,
Marina, Nelly, and Juan were all awarded scholarships. Yet, none of the students
received enough money to cover four years at a university. The amount of
scholarship money that each student was awarded is listed in Table 7.
Working. Nine of the 10 students in this study spent some, if not all, of their
years in high school working. They used the money they earned to pay for personal

Table 7. Scholarship Awards

Flor Marina Nelly Juan Ivan Alfredo Guillermo Yesenia Bernadette Michelle

Scholarship $
awarded

$9,000 $1,000 $500 $2,000 $0 $2,500 $0 $2,000 $0 $0
187
188
expenses or to help their families make ends meet. Many of the students said that
they felt obligated to work in to contribute to the household income. Others worked
to earn money to begin saving up for college. Flor said that she gave some of the
money she earned from her job to her parents, and was always concerned that she
might need to contribute more. As she asserted,
I do feel an obligation to work as the oldest child. Even my sister who is
only 13 works in the little student store at her school where she earns about
$20.00 per week. She works because she knows the situation at home is not
good right now.

By the middle of her senior year, Flor had saved up about $2,000.
I opened the account with $100 and at one point, I had over $2,500 but I took
money out to pay for some of my senior year expenses. But I always tell
myself I’m not going under $2,000 and I don’t.

Taking risks to work. Because of their restricted access to employment, some
of the students in this study considered using false documentation to secure a better-
paying job. Flor explained,
I have thought about using fake papers to work somewhere that I can earn
more money but I’d really only do it if I have no other choice. I know how to
do it if I need to but I’m trying to avoid it.

She also worried about finding a “good-paying job” after she graduated from college,
but asserted that her residency status would not keep her from working. “Nothing is
going to stop me from achieving my goals even if I have to do it illegally. People
don’t understand how hard it is to grow up in this country if you’re undocumented.”
Likewise, during his senior year, Juan discussed applying for a paid internship at a
local community center. He explained,

189
I want to apply to work soon. This internship I want to apply for requires a
social security number so I’m going to have to get a false one. I know it’s
risky, but it pays $6.75 per hour and I could really use the money. I’ve done
it in the past and it was fine. I was a dishwasher at a restaurant and that was
the worst. I don’t want to have to go back to that.

Although she typically tried to work only on weekends or when she was off
track, by February of her senior year, Nelly thought about working after school. She
explained,
I’ve been thinking about going back to work because we really need money
right now. When I was working, I was able to save some money and give
some to my parents. We don’t really have extra money. Sometimes our
other family gives us clothes and things we need.

When we met in early May, Nelly said she had secured a job as a receptionist
in a loan company. After her first day of work, she was told that they could not pay
her due to her residency status. She somberly recalled,
It’s really sad because I was so happy to have a job and get more hours. I
guess I’ll have to find something else, even if it means using a fake social
security number. I won’t do it if I don’t have to because I’m afraid of getting
caught and sent back to Mexico, but I have to pay for school so I don’t really
have a choice.

Prior to graduating, Nelly thought her prayers had been answered. She was
awarded a $500 scholarship from Save-On. Along with the scholarship, they offered
her a job as a pharmacy technician. Initially, Nelly was told that her residency was
not an issue, but in the end, the store was unable to employ her.
Working to pay for college. In February of her senior year, Bernadette
secured a job in a clothing store where she was paid $7.00 per hour. She worked
about 22 hours per week. “I’m going to save the money I make to help with my

190
college expenses.” By the spring of her senior year, Bernadette had saved a
significant amount of money. As she explained, “I’ve saved about $1,000, but I
might use some of it for the prom, but I’ll keep saving after that.” Yesenia asserted
that she began working with her mother at a cable company when she first came to
the U. S. She had managed to save several hundred dollars during her 3 years in the
country.
Alfredo worked as a DJ for much of high school and planned to continue
doing so while he was in college. As he explained, “I will probably keep doing it
because it won’t take more than 6 hours a week at night, so I would have time to go
to college. I might do that and get another job.” Alfredo also had friends “with
influence in restaurants and factories and they’re willing to give me work. I
wouldn’t be able to go to school full-time and it might take longer, but I’ll be
patient.” By the end of his senior year of high school, Alfredo began a second job at
McDonald’s, but had yet to save any money for college.
Michelle had not worked before, but said that she planned to work while in
college. She explained, “My parents really need money right now because they’re
trying to get their papers so they’re going to need more money for that. I’m going to
work even though it’s difficult to work and study. They don’t want me to work, but I
don’t think I have a choice.” When asked where she intended to look for work,
Michelle responded,
I’m in a program here at school where we visit a kindergarten class every
week. Since we’re in the academy we’re qualified to be a TA. We just have
to take a test and then LAUSD will hire you. They told me you have to have

191
a social security number or they can’t hire you, but that would be my first
choice. My sister is a cashier at a store so I’ve also thought about that.

Prior to graduating from high school, Michelle began working at
McDonald’s. As she angrily explained to me over the phone one evening,
It’s total exploitation! They treat you bad and for so little money! It’s not
where I want to work, but I want to save all the money I can so I am able to
pay for school. I plan to work until I start school and afterward too. I also
plan to invest in the stock market so I can get more money from my money.

The 10 undocumented students in this study spent much time during their
senior year of high school trying to figure out how to pay for college. Each of them
took different steps to raise money. Flor, Nelly, Alfredo, Michelle, and Yesenia each
applied for several scholarships. This strategy was most fruitful for Flor, who began
college with $9,000 in scholarship money. It was least fruitful for Michelle who
applied for about five scholarships, but was not awarded any. At the same time, all
but Marina worked at some point during high school to earn money for college. Ivan
and Guillermo were the only ones among the 10 students who knew that they could
not depend on their families to help them pay for college. In the discussion below, I
share how the students ultimately paid to attend their first semester of college.
Flor enrolled in Santa Monica College in the best financial situation when
compared to the other 9 students in this study. The $9,000 in scholarship money she
was awarded easily covered her first-year college expenses, which were about $300
for tuition and another $200-$500 for books. In addition to her left over scholarship
money, Flor also had the $2,000 she had saved during high school, and continued to
work on weekends while in college. Flor’s mother also committed to giving her a

192
few hundred dollars each month to help with school. Marina chose not to work
during her first year at CSU Northridge. To pay for her first year of college, she
used the $1,000 scholarship she was awarded and her mother helped her with the
remainder of her college costs, which were roughly $1,600 per semester for tuition
and an additional $200-$500 for books. Nelly’s $500 scholarship did not go very far
in paying her CSUN tuition. Her boyfriend ended up paying the remainder of her
$1,600 per semester tuition, paid for her books, and committed to doing so as long as
she needed him to. She also got a job making $5 per hour at a 99 cent store in her
neighborhood and continued to give a portion of her earnings to her parents. Nelly
and Marina did not incur housing expenses because they continued to live at home.
Juan’s decision to attend UC Santa Cruz, about 400 miles away from home,
could have left him in the most precarious financial situation of the 10 students in
this study. But his efforts to raise money and network were particularly successful.
He received a $2,000 scholarship, earned $1,500 in a summer internship, and his
mother gave him $1,000 dollars. Juan needed $2,500 per quarter for tuition, in
addition to money for housing and books. With regard to housing, Juan’s trips up to
Santa Cruz to look for housing the summer before he began college, allowed him to
connect with UC Santa Cruz students and staff members who ultimately helped him
find an affordable place to live on campus, where he paid $500 per month for rent.
Bernadette and Michelle who both applied for scholarships but were not
awarded any, worked to pay for their first semester of community college tuition,
which was approximately $300 per semester for tuition and $200-$500 for books.

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Alfredo’s $2,500 in scholarship money covered his first year of community college,
which cost roughly $1,000 for a year of tuition and books, and allowed him to save a
little money. He also continued to live at home, work at a fast food restaurant, and
DJ on the weekends. Yesenia’s $2,000 in scholarship money covered much of her
first year of college at CSU San Bernardino, which was approximately $1,600 per
semester for tuition and $200-$500 for books. She relied on her mother to help her
pay for college and continued working. She also continued living at home so she did
not incur on-campus housing costs.
The two students who were most unique in comparison to the other students
were Guillermo and Ivan. Because he had obtained his green card prior to starting
college, Guillermo qualified for a Board of Governor’s Fee Waiver from the state of
California. This program covers the cost of tuition for eligible low-income students.
Guillermo also continued to work during his first year of college. His ability to work
legally and qualify for financial aid gave Guillermo access to opportunities and
resources that the other students were unable to enjoy. Ivan, on the other hand, did
not attend college during the fall after high school, despite completing online
applications for both Santa Monica College and Glendale Community College. He
said that he did not feel prepared enough to enter college, mentally or financially.
Instead, Ivan continued working “in the back” at an Armenian restaurant next to the
Laundromat where his grandmother worked.
As the 10 students moved through their senior year, they encountered
numerous obstacles that could have prevented them from pursuing higher education.

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Although less than half of them ultimately went on to attend a 4-year university, 9
out of 10 attended colleges after high school. The fact that they did so can be
attributed to their efforts and the support they received from supportive individuals at
home and at school. In the discussion to follow, I describe three ways the students’
social network provided vital support for students as they endeavored to get to
college. These ways include: (a) providing vital college information, (b) providing
assistance during the college application process, and (c) providing financial support
when needed.
College Support Networks
Like many of their U. S. born peers, undocumented students in large urban
high schools tend to receive substandard college preparation and are less likely to
pursue higher education. But the 10 undocumented students I spoke to also
overcame a lack of familiarity with the U. S. educational system, language barriers,
and the low expectations of some school-based adults. As such, the discussion to
follow describes the degree to which 6 of the students I spoke to, developed a college
network that included well-informed adults and/or peers able to provide them with
the information and support that positively affected their pursuit of higher education.
Sharing college information. The students in this study received college-
related information and support from different people at their high schools, at home,
and in their communities. These individuals served as the students’ college network
because they provided them with college-related social capital in the form of
information and support that facilitated their preparation for college. This is not to

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say that all 10 of the students had developed a college network. At no point during
our conversations did Michelle, Yesenia, Alfredo, and Guillermo discuss receiving
consistent support from adults other than me and their college counselor. Given that
their relationship with me would not have developed if not for their participation in
this study, and their relationship with one individual counselor does not qualify as a
network, I did not identify these students as having a college network.
Flor, Marina, Nelly, Ivan, Juan and Bernadette discussed having relationships
with various individuals such as teachers, counselors, and peers from whom they
acquired information about the AB 540 law, college requirements, and scholarships
for undocumented students. The students agreed that the information and support
provided by their college networks motivated them to consider attending college. As
Flor explained,
One of my academy teachers held workshops for us where she talked to us
about college so that got me thinking that I should go. Since then, I usually
get college information from the college counselor, because she is really
helpful to undocumented students and encourages us to apply to college.

Her middle school teacher who had consistently tracked her progress since 7
th
grade
did not provide college information, but encouraged Flor to continue her education
and pursue her goals. As she explained, “He had faith in me and the fact that he
never gave up on me really kept me going and made me believe that I could go to
college.” The college network of supportive adults inside and outside of her high
school, gave Flor the confidence to pursue a college education.

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Marina recalled that during her junior year of high school she attended a
“Chicana/Latina Conference” at UCLA where she met other Latinas who were in
college and first found out about AB 540. She was also given information about
scholarships available to “students like me who are undocumented” and discovered
that she had not taken the courses or received the grades she needed to be eligible for
college. She recalled, “I remember that when I decided I wanted to go to college, my
GPA was like a 2.0, so I went to the college center and they told me which classes I
needed for college.” Through her visits to UCLA and the college center at her high
school, Marina developed a college network that included current college-goers, her
college counselor, and college representatives.
During his junior year, Juan debated about whether or not he should continue
his education after high school. He asserted,
I was lucky because I had a lot of teachers and my mom encouraging me to
go to college. I talked to them about how it was going to be a lot harder for
me to go to college because I’m undocumented, but my teachers kept talking
to me about college and they helped me figure out what I needed to do.

Because he was surrounded by adults at school and home who believed in Juan’s
ability to go to college, he took the steps necessary to be college eligible.
Likewise, Ivan mentioned that his English and Homeroom teachers talked
about college requirements and taking the SAT, so he began to see college as a
possibility. “Almost all of my teachers have been helpful. They know about my
residency and they tell me to try to figure out how to get papers so that I can
continue with my dreams and go to college.” At meetings of the College Club at his

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high school during 11
th
grade, Ivan realized, “I can go to college even if I’m not from
here” and became aware that he “wasn’t well-prepared for college.” Ivan’s decision
to spend one period each day as a “service worker” in the College Center was
another step that he took to extend his college network to include the college
counselor and college representatives, in addition to his teachers and peers in the
College Club.
Bernadette explained that many of her teachers talked to her about college
but were not aware that she was undocumented. She only spoke to her college
counselor about her residency status. As she recalled,
I went to her at the beginning of my senior year, because I needed to figure
out my GPA to see if I had the grades to go to college. I told her that I
wanted to apply to a CSU and asked if I qualified for financial aid. She told
me that I didn’t but she gave me some scholarship information.

Bernadette attributed her determination to attend a university to the information and
support she received from her college counselor. “I don’t know if I would be
thinking about attending a university if it wasn’t for the college counselor. Every
time I came to see her, she was there to answer any questions I had and helped me.”
Bernadette’s boyfriend also encouraged her to go to college, because he was a
freshman at a local CSU campus and gave her advice about preparing for college and
shared his experiences with college life. Together, her teachers, college counselor
and boyfriend made up Bernadette’s college network and encouraged her to continue
her education.

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Given their undocumented status, all of the students in this study had doubts
about whether or not they could or should pursue higher education. Their college
networks made them believe that they could go to college and provided the
information they needed to determine whether or not they were prepared to do so.
The students’ college networks were also helpful when it came time to apply to
college. As the discussion below will show, students found the college application
process confusing. Consequently, they depended on others to help them get through
the process successfully.
The importance of application assistance. Of the 10 participants in this
study, Juan and Guillermo were the only students who applied to both UC and CSU
campuses. When we met in early November, Juan asked for help with his
applications, particularly his personal statement for the UC’s. Together, Juan and I
went over several drafts of his personal statement. In all, he applied to four CSU
campuses and four UC campuses. Juan did not pay application fees but instead
applied for fee-waivers, despite receiving conflicting information regarding his
eligibility. When we met about a week after the college application deadline, I asked
Juan to reflect a bit on the experience. He explained,
If I hadn’t received help, chances are I would have only applied to a few
colleges because of getting my personal statement done and because of the
fee-waivers. If I hadn’t found out about the fee-waivers I probably would
have leaned more toward the community colleges.

Guillermo waited until the last minute to complete his applications and
required a great deal of assistance with them. He explained,

199
It was my fault because I left everything to the very end. I started the
applications and had to do my personal statement in one week. I guess I
thought it would be a lot easier. I had one essay done and the counselor told
me that I need three essays for the UC applications so I had to write them at
the last minute. I was up until really late the night before they were due and
even missed class that day so I would meet the deadline.

In the end, Guillermo applied to UC Irvine, UC San Diego, UC Davis, UCLA, and
CSULA, though he admitted that his college counselor completed much of his
college applications for him.
The day before the college application deadline, I saw Ivan in Central City
High’s college center working on his CSU application. When I asked why he had
not started his application earlier, Ivan explained,
I didn’t want to wait until the last day, but I thought they were going to give
us the applications for the CSU’s, but then I learned in the college office that
we had to do them online, so about a week before the deadline I started the
online application.

Despite meeting with me regularly and spending time each day as a service worker
in the college center, Ivan had somehow not realized that the CSU’s no longer
accepted paper applications. Likewise, when asked about her experience completing
her college applications, Marina responded,
If you know what you’re doing with the application it’s ok, but if you’re
doing it alone, you might mess up. A lot of my friends did their applications
on their own and I know they made mistakes. It was very helpful to have the
CSU representative there to help while I did my application because I had a
lot of questions.

Juan, Nelly, Ivan, Bernadette, and Michelle also found answering the
residency-related questions difficult because they were unsure what information to
include and what to leave blank. Each received some assistance from the CSULA

200
representative who was available to help students in the college centers at both
Central City and Hillside High Schools one day each week. The students also
received some assistance from their college counselors, when they were available.
Some students relied on peers, but were unsure about the quality of the information
provided. When all else failed, the students often came to me for advice.
Prior to beginning our regular meetings, Nelly and I spoke casually about AB
540 one day in the college center at Central City High. I gave her my business card
and she began calling me for assistance with her college applications within a few
weeks. By the time we spoke, she had already submitted applications for CSU Los
Angeles and CSU Bakersfield, but was unsure whether or not she completed them
correctly because she had left some of the residency questions blank. She said she
talked to her parents, and they were very concerned about her indicating in her
applications that she was undocumented. Nelly asked me for help with her two
remaining applications for CSU Northridge and CSU San Bernardino to ensure that
she answered all of the questions correctly.
By early February, most of the students had received a response from the
schools they applied to. None knew whether or not they had been admitted, but
those who had applied for CSU fee-waivers, received correspondence from some of
the campuses saying they had not qualified for them. They were told to pay the $55
application fee or their applications would not be processed. Flor, Nelly, Ivan, and
Juan received these messages but did not pay the application fees, because the
campuses were not among their top choices. For some students, their fee waiver

201
applications were not denied, but rather, the schools claimed to have never received
them. For instance, Juan looked into his application status for CSUN and there was a
message on his online account telling him there was a “hold” on his account because
of an issue with his fee waiver application. We called the CSUN admissions office
and were told that he needed to fax over another fee-waiver application, because they
did not receive one from him. Juan assured me that he would send CSUN the
necessary paperwork.
Familial support. Although the students’ families were ill-equipped to help
them during most of the college preparation and application processes, when it came
to figuring out how to pay for college, most families took an active role. The
uncertain nature of acquiring scholarship money for college meant that most of the
students in this study relied on their families to help them fund their education. Even
so, each student was unsure about the extent to which their families were going to be
able to provide them financial support. The discussion to follow will show that the
students were also conflicted about asking their families for money.
Given her sometimes strained relationship with her parents, Flor initially
questioned whether or not they would help her pay for college. They had never
expressed much support for her college aspirations, and Flor suspected that her
parents doubted that she would go to college. When asked if he could rely on
anyone in his family to help him pay for college Juan responded, “I talked to my
uncles and my mom and they’ve been real supportive and they said that everyone is

202
going to chip in to help me. They’re thinking of it as an investment for the future.”
Similarly, Nelly explained,
My parents told me that if I don’t get enough scholarship money, they’re
going to help me. Not a lot but whatever they can because they have other
things to pay for. My dad earns about $1,200 per month and rent is like $700
so after all of the bills we usually end up with $150 left over.

Unlike Juan, Marina, and Flor, Ivan knew that he could not depend on
anyone else to help him pay for college. As he explained, “I think I’m probably only
going to be able to depend on myself, because my grandma pays rent and the other
bills. She already works really hard to afford everything, that’s why I want to get a
job.” Bernadette also expressed concerns that she might not receive help paying for
college. She asserted,
I’m very concerned because my dad can’t afford it, and I unfortunately, can’t
work legally so I don’t know what I’m going to do. My other family can’t
afford to help me, so I hope my dad will try to help me a little. My dad is
telling me to go to community college because it will be cheaper for us, but I
guess I’ll wait and see where I get in.

Alfredo was confident that his immediate and extended family could provide
him financial support if he needed it, but he preferred not to ask. He asserted,
My mom can help me but I don’t want to ask her, because right now, she’s
working two jobs and she’s getting old and she needs to save money. I don’t
want to be an extra burden. I would only ask her if it was for something very
important.

About his seven uncles Alfredo said, “I have lots of family here and my
uncles aren’t married so they won’t say no if I ask them. But I’m not thinking about
that yet. I won’t ask unless I just need money for one book or something.”

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Chapter Summary
The data presented here demonstrate that for college-ready undocumented
students, the path to college is paved with obstacles at every turn. From personal and
academic experiences that could have easily prevented the students from considering
college to the cumbersome college and scholarship application processes that
determine whether the college ready are indeed college bound. The challenges these
students encountered are ones that can lead even the most determined student off the
college path. The presence of college counselors and the availability of private
scholarships were not enough to ensure that these undocumented students received
the resources, information and support they needed to get to college. Yet, these
students were resilient and continued to plow ahead, knowing all along that their
futures were uncertain.
In the final chapter of this dissertation, I will return to the research questions
from chapter 1 that guided this study and explain how I went about answering them.
I will then discuss the literature cited in chapter 2 as it relates to my findings
regarding the challenges encountered by undocumented students. In doing so, I
discuss my findings specifically with regard to students’ acquisition of social capital
that shaped their college aspirations and choices. Next, I discuss the major findings
that emerged from the data gathered. Finally, I return to the social capital framework
that guided this study to make recommendations for research, policy, and practice
that will improve college access for undocumented students.

204
CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSION
Introduction
The barriers to college access experienced by undocumented students in the
U. S. begin the day they set foot in this country. The surreptitious circumstances
under which they enter and remain in the U. S. place the students in the complicated
position of living in a country that restricts their access to the resources and
institutions enjoyed by U. S. citizens and legal permanent residents. Their access to
one vital institution, the U. S. system of K-12 public education, however, provides
these students with a glimmer of hope that their circumstances might change. The
students’ perception that with higher education their professional dreams might some
day be a reality strongly influenced their determination to continue their education.
As the data in chapter 4 show, the 10 students shared many of the same
experiences and characteristics. However, there were three common characteristics,
in particular, that severely limited their ability to access higher education. These
were: (a) their undocumented status, (b) their limited financial means, and (c) the
fact that they were first generation college-goers. First, the students’ undocumented
status was their biggest challenge as it left them with restricted access to college,
financial aid, and employment. These limitations sometimes made the students
question whether or not the efforts they were making to get to college would
eventually pay off. Second, the students’ limited financial means meant that a
university education was largely out-of-reach. With no government aid and limited

205
eligibility for scholarships, the students went to great lengths to find money for
college. Finally, the fact that few of the students had parents or siblings who
attended college left them to navigate the U. S. educational system, and the college
preparation process almost entirely on their own.
By examining the senior year experiences of college-ready undocumented
students, this study provided a detailed description of the difficulties these students
encountered growing up in the U. S., as well as what they endured as they prepared
for, applied to, sought finding for, and made decisions about where to attend college.
At issue were the students’ experiences as they engaged in the college preparation
and application processes, the challenges they met along the way, and how they
overcame these challenges. As stated in chapter 1, the purpose of this study was to
address the following:
1. The factors that shape the educational pathways and access to higher
education of undocumented students.
2. The ways that policies limiting undocumented students’ access to college
and financial aid shape their aspirations to attend college and their choices about
where to attend.
3. How and from whom undocumented students acquire college and
financial aid information and guidance that facilitates college-going.
With these considerations in mind, I use this final chapter to provide an
analysis of the data presented in chapter 4. I begin by discussing the data and offer
my analysis of the key data themes that emerged from this study. Next, I return to a

206
discussion of the role of social capital in the lives of college-ready undocumented
students as they pursue higher education. In doing so, I share recommendations
regarding its significance in relation to theory and research. I conclude the chapter
by offering recommendations for policies and practices that will improve access to
higher education for college-ready undocumented students in the U. S.
Findings
The students’ experiences show that the path from high school to college is a
long one with numerous obstacles. As such, this section highlights my four main
findings about what 10 college-ready undocumented high school seniors experienced
during their final year of high school. The main themes that emerged from the data
were:
1. The lack of a college-going culture at home and at school complicated
their ability to acquire college-related social capital.
2. Students made multiple considerations during the college application
process that determined where they applied to college.
3. Choices about where to attend college were shaped primarily by financial
concerns.
4. Students faced difficulty as they sought funds to support their college
education.
Much of the remainder of this chapter focuses on these themes. The discussion to
follow will utilize the data presented in chapter 4. The discussion will begin with a
brief analysis of the background profiles of the 10 students, followed by discussion

207
of the four key findings. In some ways, the stated findings are artificial because they
are not distinct. In fact, there is much overlap between the difficulties students
experienced prior to and during their senior year of high school. However, in an
effort to make the challenges the students encountered clearer the findings will be
broken up in the same way the data was presented in the previous chapter.
As the findings to follow will show, the students did surprisingly well
preparing for, applying to, seeking funds for, and making decisions about where to
attend college, despite the difficulties they encountered during each step of the
process.
FINDING 1. The Lack of a College-going
Culture at Home and at School Complicated
Undocumented Students’ Ability to Acquire
College-related Social Capital

As noted in chapter 2, low-income first generation college-goers often enter
the school environment without the forms of social capital valued and required to
succeed (Corwin, Colyar, & Tierney, 2005). Consequently, these students must
make a conscious effort to develop relationships with individuals able to provide
them with the college-related information, guidance, and support to help them access
higher education (Portes, 2004; Stanton-Salazar, 2001). The students in this study
came to high school with funds of knowledge and behaviors developed through
relationships at home, in their neighborhoods, and from previous years in school.
For example, they had been taught that education could provide them with greater
opportunity in the future and were motivated to take advantage of the resources

208
available to them. They also knew that they would continue to face limitations due
to their undocumented status but still took some of the steps necessary to be college-
ready.
The students and their families had always struggled so when they were faced
with challenges at school, the students often persevered. Recall, Flor, Nelly,
Alfredo, and Guillermo all worked, took care of family members, and still did their
best to perform well in AP and honors courses. Unfortunately, the students’ work-
ethic and dedication to their education were not always valued or encouraged by
school-based adults. Students were ultimately made responsible for ensuring that
they were adequately prepared for college. With school environments where a
college culture was seriously lacking, the students struggled to acquire the
information, preparation, and guidance they needed in order to be successful.
Homegrown social capital. The experiences that the 10 students in this study
had growing up in the United States and elsewhere largely shaped how they viewed
their own potential. The profiles of each of the 10 students, provided in chapter 4
demonstrate that each developed a clear understanding of four common conditions of
their reality: (a) they were in the U. S. to access greater opportunity than they could
have had in their native countries, (b) their rights were extremely limited, (c) their
families’ modest finances meant living in poverty, and (d) guidance from individuals
outside of their homes would be required in order to get to college. These realities
might seem difficult to endure, but for the 10 students in this study, they served as
their motivation to succeed.

209
The students knew that their presence in the U. S. was a strategic move by
their parents. The stories of students like Nelly and Michelle whose families
experienced abject poverty prior to leaving their native countries demonstrated that
they left their homes out of necessity. The students saw the adults in their families
working long hours in low-wage jobs and knew that their lack of documentation and
education would never afford them anything more. Some students worked and some
did not, but each expressed an understanding of how difficult their futures might be
if they did not continue their education. Being undocumented was a challenge that
all of the students faced but none of them viewed as insurmountable.
The low wage jobs that the students and their parents held made higher
education seem unattainable at times. With incomes ranging from $14,000-$21,000
and household sizes consisting of 2-7 people, the students knew that their families
were unlikely to provide them with much financial support for college. Money was
not the only type of capital unavailable at home. The low educational attainment of
most of the students’ parents and their lack of familiarity with the U. S. education
system meant that it was up to the students to seek and find the information and
support they needed to prepare for and apply to college. Because there was no one in
their families that could provide much guidance, the students relied on adults at
school to provide them with the necessary information.
The students may not have entered high school with college-related social
capital, but they did bring some forms of capital. The social consciousness the
students developed as a result of their experiences clearly impacted their perceptions

210
of themselves as college bound. The students’ understanding of the reasons why
their families came to the U. S. combined with the sacrifices they and their parents
had made served as human capital that motivated the students to persevere despite
the precarious path that lay ahead. In addition, the parents’ awareness of the types of
opportunities a U. S. education might afford their children had been passed on to the
students as social capital that prompted the students to eventually focus their
attention on higher education. Some of the students had also developed a help-
seeking orientation as a consequence of the lack of academic assistance they were
able to acquire at home. This led many of them to understand the importance of
developing a college support network at school.
School-based social capital. As the data in chapter 4 demonstrate, the
students acquired most of their college-related social capital from school-based
adults like teachers, counselors, and college representatives. Recall, Bernadette,
Nelly, Marina, and Juan each discussed finding out that they were eligible to attend
college and that AB540 could help make college more affordable from supportive
adults like college counselors and representatives from local college campuses. It
was primarily from these individuals that students attained encouragement to attend
college, information about how to prepare, and guidance on getting through the
college application process. Some members of the students’ college support network
had better information than others with respect to the postsecondary options
available to undocumented students. Still, none of them were fully equipped to deal
with the multiple issues that these students encountered along the path to college.

211
This point is of particular importance in terms of the types of information the
students had access to because their college knowledge or lack thereof shaped their
college aspirations and college choices.
From their early years of elementary school to their early years of college
many of the students struggled academically. Bernadette, Nelly, and Ivan all
struggled with insecurity and discrimination as they tried to learn English and
assimilate. But unlike many of their undocumented peers, these students persevered
and continued their education. Having lived her 14 years in the U. S. in the same
downtown L.A. neighborhood, little was expected of Flor. She recognized that a
lack of support at home and negative influences at school could have easily led her
down a different path, but Flor chose to pursue higher education with the hope of
improving the conditions she had been subjected to growing up. Similarly, Marina
and Juan entered high school unsure of what would happen to them after they
graduated. Guillermo, Alfredo, Michelle, and Yesenia entered the U. S. with the
motivation and many of the skills they needed to go to college, but the school they
attended disagreed.
For these 10 students, their first steps along the path to college were taken
long before they set foot in a U. S. classroom, but when they did; their path suddenly
had the potential to take them in a different direction. These students now had
access to the American educational system. Unfortunately, the schools they entered
were some of the nation’s worst in terms of providing high-quality instruction and
academic preparation. These were schools where less than 25% of students who

212
graduate go on to college, and those that do find themselves poorly prepared in
relation to their college-going peers. Like other low-income members of society,
these students and their families lived in the poorest conditions, attended the most
crowded schools, and worked hard with little to show for it. The students also
attended the lowest performing schools with the most limited resources.
Consequently, the students had to work twice as hard to do well academically while
being fervent advocates on their own behalf.
The data here indicate that the path to college is made more difficult for
undocumented students, by three school-based factors. These factors included:
(a) poor academic preparation, (b) lack of well-informed school-based adults who
can provide college-related support, and (c) lack of a college-going culture on their
high school campuses. Taken together, the students’ stories demonstrate their
perseverance to become college-eligible given the lack of college-related social
capital available to them at home and at school. As such, the discussion below
provides additional analysis of these factors and their detrimental impact on students’
ability to acquire college-related social capital.
Academic preparation. As the data in chapter 4 make clear, the students
faced a variety of challenges as they moved through the educational pipeline. First,
growing up in homes where little was known about how one prepares for college left
these students depending primarily on their schools to provide them with the
preparation they needed to get to college. Their parents had little or no
understanding of the U. S. system of education; let alone what it would take for their

213
children to get to college. As such, the students sometimes had to convince their
parents that the time they spent engaging in academic and extracurricular activities
were necessary in order for them to get to college. They also had to depend almost
entirely on individuals outside of their homes to provide them with college
information.
Second, the fact that the students were not perceived as potential college-
goers meant that they were often placed in non-college-preparatory courses. The
data show that this was due partly to the fact that school-based adults expected little
of most students, and even less of undocumented immigrant students. As such, the
students had to advocate to be placed in the courses they needed to be college-
eligible. The limited and overburdened counseling staffs at their high schools were
unable to provide individualized guidance so the students were often on their own to
figure out which classes they needed and when to take them.
Third, although their schools offered the courses the students needed in order
to be college-eligible, the problem many students faced was performing well in them
once they were enrolled. All of the students demonstrated agency by advocating to
be placed into more rigorous college-preparatory courses. The trouble was that once
they enrolled in these courses, they experienced one of two obstacles--a substandard
quality of academic instruction or classes that were more difficult than they could
handle. Poor prior academic preparation and a lack of English fluency made
achieving in college preparatory classes a challenge for most of the students. In

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addition to high quality academic preparation, general college information,
specifically for undocumented students, tended to be rather scarce on the students’
high school campuses.
College knowledge. Even with some degree of academic preparation, the
students went to school in environments where general college knowledge was not
very easy to come by. With less than 25% of their graduating classmates going on to
a university, information about the steps necessary to get to college was scarce. As
their stories show, some of the students did not realize that the courses they had
taken and the grades they had earned prior to their senior year did not qualify them
for admission to a 4-year university. Consequently, many of the students spent time
their senior year making up poor grades or scrambling to take all of the college-
preparatory courses they needed. This is time that more competitive college
applicants spend taking courses to get ahead, and ulta\imtely put these students at a
disadvantage to some degree.
Furthermore, there was a serious lack of knowledge by both students and
school-based adults with respect to the postsecondary options available to
undocumented students. The students’ questions during the first interview meetings
with regard to whether or not they could even be admitted to college showed that
they were not well-informed. Even though their college counselors were supportive
of the students’ college aspirations, they possessed limited knowledge about how to
assist the students with their college applications or about scholarship options for
undocumented students. They also had only a cursory understanding of the AB 540

215
law, how to qualify, and how to notify colleges about a students’ eligibility.
Therefore, the students often took it upon themselves to find the information they
needed.
Despite their general lack of college knowledge in terms of college options
for undocumented students, the students still depended a great deal on school-based
adults. Had there not been at least a few people at their high schools who believed in
them and wanted to see them succeed, these students might not have made it as far as
they did. There were two primary ways the relationships students built with school-
based adults positively impacted their senior year experiences: (a) they served as a
resource of information and support for the students, and (b) they connected the
students with others who could provide them with more accurate information about
their postsecondary options.
Regardless of the fact that some of the students performed better
academically than others, they were all fortunate to encounter some teachers and
college counselors who were willing to provide college-related guidance and
support. Although their college counselors had the most information about college
and financial aid options, none were very well-informed about the options available
to undocumented students. The students’ college counselors were confident that
they could apply and get admitted to college, but were unsure about how to assist
undocumented students in acquiring the financial support they needed to afford a
college education.

216
Counselors were also unclear about how to guide undocumented students
through the procedural aspects of applying to college, like how students should
respond to residency questions and whether or not students were eligible for
application fee-waivers. The fact that the students depended almost solely on these
individuals when they had questions during the application process meant that
students often received misinformation or no information at all. Ultimately, the
students were often referred to me or one of the college representatives who
occasionally visited their schools, for help. Sometimes the students had the
information they needed but did not know how to interpret it or simply needed an
adult to validate that the information they had received was accurate. This is where
their college networks were particularly helpful to them.
In summary, the data show that the students encountered multiple challenges
as they endeavored to prepare for college. Each of them entered school with
particular forms of social and cultural capital but on their own, these knowledge
forms could not provide the students access to higher education. When they sought
the necessary college information and support at school, the requisite social capital
was not always available. For example, many of the students did not receive
information about their postsecondary options until their junior year of high school
or later. Most of them also struggled to succeed academically while trying to acquire
vital information about college and financial aid. As a result, the students lacked
much of the college knowledge needed by potential college goers.

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FINDINGS 2 and 3: Students Made Multiple
Financial and Residency-related Considerations
During the College Application Process that
Determined Where They Applied to College and
Their Choices about Where to Attend College
Were Shaped Primarily by Financial Concerns

I have chosen to combine conclusions about my findings related to the 10
students’ experiences as they made choices about where to apply and attend college.
This is primarily because the data demonstrate that the students began making
college choices as they applied to college and at many other points during their
senior year. Indeed, college choices are not made in a vacuum. Recall, students
considered college eligibility, college costs, and their family finances when
determining where to apply to and attend college. Indeed, these life-altering
decisions are made as a consequence of numerous factors (Nora, 2004). As the
discussion to follow will show, college-ready undocumented students consider
multiple factors when making choices about where to apply to and attend college.
Decisions about where to apply. Most of the students held high aspirations
for where they hoped to attend college. Recall, during our conversations, all but
Bernadette, Nelly, Yesenia, and Marina expressed the desire to attend a UC campus.
Due to their professional interests, Yesenia and Bernadette hoped to attend
universities outside of California. Consequently, each of the 10 students spent time
during their junior and senior years, in particular, considering whether or not they
were academically eligible to attend college and whether or not they could feasibly
afford a college education. The students’ academic preparation and finances

218
influenced their college choice process as soon as they considered attending college
and continued to influence their decisions even after they began college. As such,
both factors played important roles in the students’ choices about where to attend
college. Unlike Hossler and Gallagher’s (1987) college choice model where students
engage in three distinct phases, undocumented students tend to make considerations
about finances, eligibility, and location during each step of the process.
For example, Flor, Marina, Bernadette, and Ivan had a 2.8 grade point
average or less, while Juan, Nelly, Guillermo, Michelle, Alfredo, and Yesenia had
approximately a 3.0 or above. California’s two public university systems, the
California State University (CSU) and University of California (UC) have similar
eligibility requirements, though the UC’s are the more competitive of the two. The
UC’s require students to have at least a 2.9 GPA in order to be eligible for
admission, while the CSU’s require at least a 2.0 GPA. Consequently, when the
students began exploring their college options, they considered whether or not they
were eligible to attend particular institutions. As their stories showed, many of the
students in this study also took multiple honors and Advanced Placement courses.
Combined, their GPA’s and courses made some of the students more competitive
college applicants than others. Not until they began exploring colleges did many of
the students understand which schools they were eligible to attend. At that point the
students began narrowing down their list of potential colleges.
Like academic preparation, the students’ finances played an important role as
they considered which schools to apply to. In many instances, the students’ financial

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concerns outweighed their desires to attend the most competitive institutions
possible. For example, Flor, Ivan, Juan, Alfredo, Guillermo, and Michelle initially
expressed an interest in attending a UC campus. Although Flor later discovered she
was not eligible to attend a UC based on her GPA, the other five students would have
liked to attend a UC. These findings strongly support the assertions made by Flint
(1992/1993) and others (St. John, 1989/1991) about the important role of finances in
college aspirations and choices for low-income students.
As the students researched college costs and locations, they began to realize
that combined, cost for tuition and housing at a UC campus was roughly $18,000 per
year. Even if the students chose to live at home and attend a local UC campus,
tuition alone was over $6,000 per year. As a result, Juan and Guillermo were the
only ones who applied to UC’s. Ivan, Alfredo, and Michelle opted to apply to only
CSU campuses because they were a less expensive option. CSU tuition was
approximately $2,500 per year and housing around $7,500 per year. Given the large
number of CSU campuses in the Los Angeles area, the students knew that they might
be able to afford to attend if they continued to live at home. As the students
researched their college options, financial concerns led them to also keep community
colleges on their list of potential options.
The 10 students in this study had obvious limitations as they searched for
potential colleges. As the discussion in the next section will show, the students’
finances continued to play an important role as they made choices about where to
attend college.

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Decisions about where to attend. As with decisions about where to apply to
college, students’ choices about where to attend were strongly shaped by their
perceptions of the affordability of one campus versus another. The data presented in
the previous chapter provided a detailed account of the role that finances played for
the 10 students in this study as they applied to and made choices about where to
attend college. Indeed, many of them made college choices prior to receiving
admissions decisions due to financial concerns. The idea that students will choose a
college based on the options available to them raises an important question when
applied to college-ready undocumented students: what options are available to them?
This is an important question because the options available to the students became
more and more limited as they proceeded through each phase of the process. As the
students considered their college eligibility and ability to pay, they began eliminating
schools from their list of potentials. In the end, all but Juan and Guillermo who
applied to UC’s and Bernadette and Yesenia who applied to some out-of-state
private schools, only applied to CSU and community college campuses.
When the students made their eventual choices about which college to attend,
their limited financial means again shaped the options available to them. Flor,
Michelle, Alfredo, Bernadette, and Guillermo were all admitted to 4-year
universities, but chose to attend community college. The students’ stories showed
that their access to the college options available to them was severely limited by
college costs. Even the $2,500 per year tuition at the CSU and the scholarship
money that some of them received were not enough to convince the students that

221
they could afford to attend a university. Instead, the students chose to attend
community college while continuing to work, applying for scholarships, and saving
money to eventually transfer to a more prestigious UC or private university.
In summary, the students’ eventual choices about where to apply to and
attend college did not align with their initial college aspirations. Most of the students
ended up applying to far fewer colleges than they had hoped to. Except for
Bernadette and Yesenia who applied to CSU’s and several out-of-state schools and
Guillermo and Juan who applied to a few CSU’s and UC’s, all of the other students
applied to only two CSU campuses. This was particularly surprising given that
students like Alfredo and Michelle repeatedly expressed their desire to attend a UC
campus and their high GPA’s made them competitive applicants. Students’ college
choices were further limited when they realized that they did not have the financial
means to afford college tuition and housing. In the end, half of the students attended
community college despite being admitted to 4-year universities.
FINDING 4. Students Faced Difficulty
as They Sought Funds to Support Their
College Education

The most important finding that arose from the data collected was the
difficulty that college-ready undocumented students encounter as they endeavor to
pay for college. The students’ low family incomes and ineligibility for government-
sponsored financial aid combined to seriously impede their access to higher
education. Though their options were extremely limited, the data here demonstrate
that undocumented students had access to some assistance with paying for college.

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The assistance available consisted of California’s Assembly Bill 540, which made
the students eligible to pay in-state tuition, and private scholarships without
residency requirements. In the discussion below, I explain the extent to which these
two factors helped or hindered the students‘ efforts to pay for college.
Impact of AB 540. The students’ biggest advantage in terms of paying for
college was their eligibility to pay in-state tuition, as a result of AB 540. This was
particularly significant because it considerably decreased the costs of college for
these students. However, the students’ evident inability to pay for college indicated
that the law did not go far enough in providing undocumented students with full
access to higher education. This is primarily the case because, despite decreasing
tuition costs for undocumented students, the policy does not provide them any form
of financial aid. Given that the undocumented students in this study came from low-
income families, a university education, which can cost thousands of dollars,
remained financially out of reach for most of them. This fact was demonstrated by
the students who were admitted to the state’s 4-year universities but chose to attend a
community college due to their limited financial means.
Undocumented students are eligible for a limited number of private
scholarships, however, as the students here showed; they are rarely awarded enough
money to cover 4 years of tuition and housing at a university. Furthermore, the
students’ ineligibility for many private scholarships due to their residency status and

223
lack of a social security number meant that the scholarship application process for
the few they might get became much more competitive.
6

The data presented in the previous chapter also indicate that steps ought to be
taken to simplify the college application process for AB 540-eligible undocumented
students. Completing admissions applications was difficult for the students in this
study and could be simplified by creating clear instructions for how to complete
admissions applications for the California community colleges, CSU’s, and UC’s. In
addition, the scholarship application process is severely prohibitive for
undocumented students due to their residency requirements. The discussion below
will demonstrate why scholarship providers ought to make efforts to provide
scholarships that do not require legal permanent residency, citizenship, and/or a
social security number.
Scholarship issues. The three students in this study who did not apply for
scholarships did not do so for four primary reasons: (a) they had trouble finding
scholarships that did not require them to be U. S. citizens or permanent residents,
(b) they believed that they were not eligible for many scholarships due to a less than
stellar academic record, (c) they did not make applying for scholarships a priority,
and (d) they were deterred from applying due to the time-consuming nature of the

6
The Salvadoran American Leadership & Educational Fund (SALEF), which administers a
scholarship program for Latino students who have demonstrated academic excellence and a
commitment to their community, also provides scholarships to a number of undocumented college-
goers. In the spring of 2005, they had over 600 students apply to their scholarship program and
awarded 52 students with scholarships ranging from $500-$2,500. Each year, an increasing number
of undocumented students apply to their program.

224
scholarship application process. In the discussion to follow, I show the degree to
which the students’ perceptions were inaccurate and that if they had worked just a
little harder they might have secured multiple scholarships.
The thousands of dollars in scholarships awarded to Flor, Marina, Nelly,
Juan, Yesenia, and Alfredo demonstrated that there were several scholarships
available that undocumented students were able to qualify for. As was noted above,
the responsibility of applying for scholarships rested with the students. For most of
the students who took the initiative to apply for numerous scholarships, their hard
work paid off. Of the seven students who applied for scholarships, Michelle was the
only one not awarded any. The fact that the students were eligible for such a limited
number of scholarships and the cumbersome nature of the scholarship application
process deterred Ivan, and Guillermo from applying for any scholarships. Senior
year pressures and activities like applying for college and preparing for the prom
often took precedence over completing scholarship applications.
In summary, the biggest challenge to college access for all of the students
was figuring out how to pay for college given their limited financial means and
ineligibility for financial aid. The AB540 policy certainly made college much more
affordable but the thousands of dollars the students still needed to raise for tuition
and housing meant that a university education remained unaffordable. Even after
obtaining scholarships and saving their earnings from work, most of the
undocumented students in this study could not afford to attend a university. Of the
four students who did attend a university, three of them continued to live at home.

225
Only Juan opted to leave home to attend college, but he did so with insufficient
funds to pay for tuition and housing. As a result, he struggled to afford his first year
of college.
Given these four key findings, in the next section, I return to the initial
research questions that guided this study and provide data-based responses to each
one.
College-going and Undocumented Students
As stated many times throughout this dissertation, undocumented students
face multiple challenges as they move through the educational pipeline. These
students have little say about where they live, the schools they attend, and the types
of information, resources and support available to them. For those students who aim
to attend college, figuring out the steps necessary to get there can be especially
difficult. Given these conclusions, the discussion to follow will apply the key
findings discussed above to address each of the questions that served to guide this
study.
QUESTION 1: What Factors Shape the Educational
Pathways and Access to Higher Education of
Undocumented Students?

The educational pathways of undocumented students are clearly shaped by a
variety of factors. However, there are three in particular that strongly connect to
students’ access to higher education. These factors include: (a) students’
undocumented status, (b) students’ family backgrounds, and (c) students’ academic
environments. The fact that the students who are the focus of this dissertation exist

226
in the U. S. as “undocumented immigrants” puts them in a particularly precarious
position when it comes to their ability to access the country’s resources and
institutions. As their stories show, most of the 10 students I spoke to understood that
they did not have the same rights and privileges enjoyed by many of their U. S. born
peers. Despite most of them having lived in the country for several years, they knew
that their ability to fulfill their dream of a college education was severely hindered
by concerns about being “discovered” as undocumented.
The students also came from households where most family members were
undocumented. Their parents were clearly hard working people, but their lack of
formal education did not provide them the tools to guide their children along the path
to college. Consequently, the students had to develop the resilience to see past their
residency status and become the first in their families to graduate from U. S. high
schools and go on to pursue higher education. As their stories show, their families’
difficult financial situation often left the students in a position where they were torn
between working more to help at home or continuing their education. In most cases,
students chose to do both.
Students’ academic environments had the strongest potential to mediate some
of the difficulties the students experienced as undocumented first generation college-
goers. Unfortunately, the schools they attended were places where a college-going
culture was almost entirely absent. Once the students took it upon themselves to
regularly visit their college center and enroll in college-preparatory courses, they had
better luck obtaining the information and preparation they needed to get to college.

227
Yet, their undocumented status and/or poor prior academic preparation prevented
them from being targeted for systematic college guidance from their college
counselor or university-based outreach programs.
QUESTION 2: In What Ways Do Policies Limiting
Undocumented Students’ Access to College and
Financial Aid Shape Their Aspirations to Attend
College and Their Choices about Where to Attend?

Although the 10 students had only limited information about their
postsecondary options, they knew enough to know that getting to college would not
be easy. Given the various restrictions that they had learned to accept as a part of
their daily lives, the students anticipated additional difficulties accessing higher
education. Some had heard that certain laws made them ineligible for financial aid,
while others believed that they could not attend college at all. Once they discovered
that they could be admitted to a university and despite their ineligibility for
government-sponsored financial aid, and they could apply for scholarships, the
students began to see higher education as a real possibility. These realizations
certainly had a positive influence on their college aspirations, but they were less
helpful when it came time to make college choices.
The students’ awareness of the AB540 policy that allowed them to pay in-
state tuition appeared at first to be their saving grace. Unfortunately, once the
students learned more about college costs, they realized that paying in-state tuition at
a university would still be incredibly difficult. Despite their efforts to raise money
by applying for scholarships and working, none of the students had enough money to

228
pay for four years at a university. Consequently, the majority of the students chose
to attend community college, regardless of the fact that they had been admitted to 4-
year universities.
QUESTION 3: From Whom Do Undocumented
Students Acquire College and Financial Aid
Information and What Kinds of Support Do They
Receive? (i.e., do students have a college support
network in place that facilitates college-going?)

The undocumented students in this study relied on numerous individuals to
acquire the information, support, and guidance needed to prepare for, apply to, make
decisions about where to attend, and raise funds for college. Teachers, counselors,
peers, and community members served to provide students with information about
college requirements, application deadlines, how to find scholarships, and other
postsecondary opportunities for undocumented students. Although each of the
students could certainly have benefit from a great deal more support than was
available, the students in this study all received some type of support from
individuals at home, at school, or in their community.
The data indicate that some students were savvier than others about
developing a college network that could provide them support at different points in
the process. In addition, those students like Flor and Juan, with strong networks in
place, demonstrated the power of these relationships by utilizing them at critical
times like when it came to securing scholarship funds and housing for college. The
obvious issue, however, was that the majority of the students in this study tended to
make use of the limited support available in a rather haphazard manner. It was

229
typically only during times of desperation like right before college or scholarship
applications were due that the students sought assistance from members of their
network.
The findings and conclusions provided here indicate a serious need for
further investigation into the challenges to college access experienced by college-
ready undocumented students. They also demonstrate the importance of developing
policies and practices to address the issues identified that prohibit these students
from enjoying the fruits of their labor. Accordingly, in the final section of this
chapter, I highlight the problems created by policies restricting the rights of
undocumented immigrants and propose possible solutions.
Recommendations for Research, Policy, and Practice
The challenges of college access and financial aid experienced by college-
ready undocumented students in the U. S. are numerous and difficult to overcome.
Factors that thwart opportunity for most low-income Latinos and immigrants are
exacerbated by undocumented students’ restricted access to the benefits enjoyed by
the countries’ citizens and legal permanent residents. Policies and practices
employed by societal institutions also impede undocumented students’ access to their
hard-earned rewards. As such, in the section to follow, I return to the role of social
capital in the lives of college-ready undocumented students to offer recommenda-
tions for theory and research that will add to the existing discourse in this area. I
conclude by offering policy recommendations based on the data gathered and share

230
possible practices which combined, could serve to improve college access for
college-ready undocumented students.
Theory and Research
Theory. Like most first-generation college-goers, undocumented students do
not possess the requisite social capital to prepare for and apply to college on their
own (Corwin et al., 2005). Given previous work noting the importance of
instrumental relationships (Portes, 2004; Stanton-Salazar, 2001), the data in chapter
4 show that undocumented students experienced multiple challenges in their efforts
to acquire college-related social capital. As such, theoretical attempts to address the
issues encountered by these students ought to consider how our nation’s educational
opportunity structure can serve to limit and expand opportunity for our most
disadvantaged students.
The lack of opportunity available to the students in the schools they attended
and the communities they lived in exacerbated their already precarious circum-
stances. As is the case with most first-generation college-goers (Corwin et al., 2004;
McClafferty, McDonough, 2002; McDonough et al., 2002), the social capital needed
to persist through the educational pipeline and on into higher education was
evidently not readily available to them and proved to be incredibly difficult to obtain
on their own. Had they entered high school with college-related social capital or
been able to acquire it at home, the educational opportunities available to them might
have been much greater.

231
For undocumented students who require much support and guidance along
the path to college, their ability to acquire college-related social capital is often
shaped by factors outside of their control. As noted in previous studies (Oliverez &
Tierney, 2005; McDonough, 1997), these factors include substandard schooling,
uninformed college counselors, and noncollege-going peers. The data here indicate
that the students had ambitious educational and professional aspirations, but their
schools did a poor job facilitating their preparation to reach these goals. Like
students in previous studies looking at acquisition of social capital (Stanton-Salazar,
2001), undocumented students’ ability to seek and acquire the social capital they
needed to achieve their goals was something that developed out of necessity.
Unfortunately, the information and support they obtained was often too late or
inaccurate, further complicating an already difficult process.
As such, future conceptualizations of the challenges to college access
experienced by first-generation college-goers ought to consider how the experiences
of undocumented students differ from students who have been studied in the past.
For undocumented students, social capital in the form of timely college information
and systematic guidance through the college and scholarship application processes
play a crucial role in whether or not undocumented students view themselves as
college bound. Although the same can be said for U. S. born college-goers, these
students are more likely to know that they can go to college, if they want to. As the
data in chapter 4 shows, when undocumented students believe that they are restricted
from accessing higher education, they are much less likely to prepare for, apply to, or

232
choose to attend college. In fact, 2005 data from the Pew Hispanic Center indicate
that for the foreign-born population in the U.S. of age 25 or older, 70% were high
schools graduates while 18% were college graduates.
Although timely and accurate college knowledge play an important role in
undocumented students’ access to higher education, as the stories in Chapter 4 show,
the information the students receive will only get them so far. Indeed, the students
must also demonstrate some degree of resilience to embark on an educational
trajectory that is sure to be fraught with difficulty and disappointment. According to
the literature that examines the nature of educational resilience, adverse conditions
such as those experienced by undocumented students are viewed as important risk
factors (Wang, et al., 1994; Waxman, 1992). Existing studies focus on the favorable
characteristics that at-risk students possess and how these characteristics can be
fostered by external forces like family, school, and community to provide students
with greater educational access and opportunity. As such, future examinations of the
educational trajectories of undocumented students ought to draw from the resilience
literature to shed light on what intrinsic and extrinsic forces lead to educational
resilience and success.
Research. In addition to theoretical insight into the lives of college-ready
undocumented students gleaned as a product of this study, findings indicate that
future research examining students’ college choices ought to consider how the
decision-making process of undocumented students differs from those students
described in widely accepted models (Hossler & Gallagher, 1987). For example, the

233
three-phase college choice process does not recognize that one’s immigration status
can strongly influence considerations made during the predisposition, search, and
choice phases. In addition, it does not fully address the diverse needs of first-
generation college-goers whose parents are less likely to play an active role in the
college choice process due to their own lack of college knowledge.
The data presented in this study begins to shed light on the experiences of
college-ready undocumented students as they pursue higher education. As such, it
indicates a need to further explore the complex lives of students who have been
little-studied. In order to gain greater insight into who these students are, what their
lives are like, and what becomes of those who attend college as well as those who do
not, research in several key areas ought to be conducted. This research can provide
scholars and policymakers with a better understanding of where challenges currently
exist and inform strategies to provide undocumented students with greater access to
higher education.
Accordingly, I contend that future research ought to focus on the following:
(a) gathering local, state, and national data on the number of college-ready
undocumented students that graduate from high school each year; (b) examining the
differences in the experiences of undocumented students who aspire to attend college
versus those who do not; (c) gathering data on what happens to college-ready
undocumented students after they graduate from high school; (d) examining how
college-going undocumented students pay for college; (e) examining the types of aid
(scholarships, etc.) available to undocumented students; and (f) gathering data on

234
what happens to undocumented students after they graduate from college. Further
exploration of each of these areas will provide a wealth of information that is
currently absent from the literature on financial aid and college access.
Methodological considerations for looking at these important areas ought to
include timing and context. For example, this study looked at undocumented
students at one point in time – the senior year of high school. Given that college
aspirations and preparation are best-developed as early on in the academic pipeline
as possible, any research conducted ought to take a longitudinal approach to
examining the aforementioned phenomena. For undocumented students, the
academic pipeline is a long one that includes various cracks that students can fall
through and barriers that may negatively alter students’ academic trajectories. To
acquire a thorough understanding of the consequences, a study that tracks the
students and their experiences from high school or earlier on in to college and
beyond college is necessary.
Undocumented students’ stories do not begin in high school and do not end
when they graduate from college. Indeed, their stories begin when they enter the
U.S. as young people and are thrust into an unknown world where they must learn to
sink or swim. The fortunate few who are able to swim possess certain qualities that
the students have developed over their lifetimes. The question of how these are
developed and maintained over time despite the challenges the students encounter is
one that requires further investigation.

235
In addition, the social, educational, and familial contexts where these students
have lived since entering the U.S. have surely had different influences on
undocumented students depending on the nature of each one. For example, non-
college-going peers, poor academic preparation, and families with little or no
understanding of the U.S. educational system combine to make succeeding in and
persisting through school a serious challenge.
Consequently, future studies ought to include an examination of the multiple
contexts that shape undocumented students’ lived experiences and ultimately, their
educational attainment. One of these contexts is the home environment where
students may or may not receive support for their educational aspirations and where
they often develop their perceptions about their undocumented status. As the
students in this study experienced, some undocumented immigrant families live in
fear, others are in the process of obtaining their residency, and others may just live
their lives without giving their residency much consideration. These perceptions
serve to shape how students think about the opportunities available to them. As the
stories in Chapter 4 show, the school and community contexts also have a strong
influence on undocumented students’ college preparation and access and surely
require further investigation.
Policy
Immigration policies ought to be made with the premise in mind that millions
of undocumented immigrants currently live, work, raise their children, and consume
in the United States. Likewise, these individuals will continue to enter our country

236
every year and those now living in the U. S. are unlikely to ever leave. While both
immigration enthusiasts and restrictionists might argue for or against basing policies
on these premises, the fact is that they are true and can be proven with the data I have
presented. Without an understanding and acceptance of these premises, the policies
made will continue to be rooted in myths and misconceptions about undocumented
immigrants. The data here demonstrate that students suffer as a result of these
inaccurate assumptions because their true needs go unmet.
As I have noted throughout my discussion, immigration and educational
policies limit undocumented students’ access to higher education. Policies like
California’s Assembly Bill 540 provide college-ready undocumented students with
greater access to higher education by allowing them to pay in-state tuition based on
their years of attendance in and graduation from a California high school. At the
same time, federal policies like the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant
Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) restrict undocumented immigrants’ access to a variety
of rights and benefits including financial aid for college and legal employment.
While the aforementioned policies are currently in place, there are pieces of
legislation that have been proposed at the state and federal levels, as well. Among
these are the DREAM Act on the federal level and the California Dream Act on the
state level. If enacted, the former, which was first introduced in 2001, aims to
provide undocumented college-goers with temporary legal status while they are in
college, making them eligible for legal employment. The DREAM Act would also
provide undocumented students an easier path toward legalization upon graduation.

237
Despite bipartisan support for the legislation in both the House and Senate, at the end
of the 2
nd
session of the109
th
congress the legislation had yet to be introduced for a
vote.
The California Dream Act, which was recently vetoed by California
Governor Arnold Schwarzenneger, would have expanded AB 540 to include
provision of state-sponsored financial aid (e.g., Cal Grant and Board of Governor’s
fee waiver) to the State’s undocumented students who meet the necessary eligibility
requirements. Although it was passed successfully through the state’s House and
Senate, when it reached the governor’s desk, he chose not to sign it into law, arguing
that there were many U.S.-born students who deserved to receive financial aid more
than undocumented students.
The current debate about immigration in the U.S. has left most policymakers
fearful of proposing legislation that would provide the growing number of
undocumented immigrants with the right to any of the benefits enjoyed by U.S.
citizens. These fears have resulted in a dormant federal policy arena where little
progress is being made. Regardless, the millions of undocumented immigrants
currently living in the country and the thousands of college-ready students among
them necessitate a swift and strategic plan to provide these young people with
opportunities that will ensure that they are able to become contributing members of
society. As such, in the discussion to follow, I will argue for federal policies that
ought to be enacted as well as those that ought to be changed in order to provide
undocumented students with greater access to college.

238
There are three primary policies that I argue would seriously improve
undocumented students’ access to higher education. I make these arguments taking
into consideration the fact that previously proposed policies include language that
requires undocumented students to meet certain criteria in order to qualify for
particular benefits. As such, my first policy recommendation is to change the
IIRIRA so that it no longer restricts undocumented college students from receiving
state and federal financial aid. Restrictionists argue that we ought not give handouts
to undocumented immigrants and accordingly, I propose that we grant them
eligibility for aid based on the same criteria that we require U.S.-born students and
legal permanent residents to meet. The typical student who receives state and/or
federal financial aid must show proof of merit and/or need. These same criteria can
be applied to undocumented students so that only the most deserving receive
financial support.
My second policy recommendation is to grant all undocumented students the
right to work. As with financial aid, undocumented students can be required to meet
specific criteria in order to gain lawful employment in the U.S. As the stories here
show, there are many undocumented students currently working in the country.
Some do so using fraudulent documents, while others are paid in cash. Like their
parents, these students work as a means of survival, not because they aim to harm the
country in any way or abuse the few opportunities that are available to them. As
such, I argue that a policy ought to be implemented to provide undocumented
students who are working toward a high school diploma or college degree with the

239
right to work. The fact that these students are enrolled in school and pursuing a
diploma or degree indicates that they are actively acquiring the skills and funds of
knowledge that the country has determined are necessary for economic mobility and
successful participation in American society. As such, it is not in the country’s best
interest to prevent these young people from utilizing the preparation they have
received.
My third and final policy recommendation is to grant all undocumented
students the right to attend any public college or university in the nation. As noted in
Chapter 1, there are currently ten states with in-state tuition policies in place that
benefit undocumented students and only one state that has elected to prohibit them
from attending any institutions of higher education. However, there are still many
states where the law remains unclear. For instance, some individual institutions or
state university systems have developed regulations that restrict undocumented
students from attending. In other cases, no such regulations exist but students are
still being prevented from enrolling in college. In essence, what I am proposing is
extending Plyler v. Doe, which ensures undocumented students the right to K-12
public education, to include higher education. This would provide clear guidelines
on which the nation’s college and universities can base their practices.
Together, these three policy recommendations would allow deserving
undocumented students to pursue higher education and upon graduation, become
gainfully employed. Undocumented students’ college attendance and lawful

240
employment will do much to ensure that these young people become acclimated to
American society and contributing members of their communities.
Practice
In addition to developing policies to expand the rights of undocumented
students, system-wide efforts must be made to educate UC, CSU, and community
college outreach, admissions, and financial aid professionals about existing policies
like AB 540. As was the case with the students in this study, AB 540-eligible
undocumented students often possess little or no knowledge about their right to pay
in-state tuition. Unfortunately, those individuals charged with providing students
with college knowledge were also uninformed. Together, these realities negatively
impacted college-ready undocumented students’ access to higher education. As
such, high school and college-based professionals responsible for providing college
support ought to receive some type of training on how to best serve the needs of
undocumented students who aspire to attend college.
Conclusion
The intent of this dissertation was to shed light on what college-ready
undocumented students experience as they prepare for, apply to, seeking funding for,
and choose to attend college. An impetus for this work was the absence of empirical
research describing the challenges encountered by those undocumented students,
who against all odds, persevere to achieve the “American dream.” The available
literature on issues of college access for low-income, urban, and underrepresented
students does a good job of showing just how difficult it is for these students to get to

241
college. What this work does not do is discuss the sub-populations, like
undocumented students, who encounter similar obstacles and so much more, as they
pursue higher education.
The students jumped over all of the same hurdles that other college-bound
students did, but they were not guaranteed the same rewards. Restrictions resulting
from their undocumented status meant that even after taking all of the necessary
steps to proceed down the path to college, the students came to a fork in the road
with one path leading to community college and the other leading to a university
campus that they could not afford to attend. Consequently, Flor, Guillermo,
Michelle, Alfredo, and Bernadette were not able to enjoy the fruits of their labor by
attending the universities they were admitted to. On the other hand, Nelly, Marina,
Juan, and Yesenia chose to attend universities unsure of how they would afford four
years of college. What is more, the students entered college head-on, knowing deep
inside that they might never be able to put their college degrees to use.
Epilogue: The First Year of College

Summer Programs
In early May, Juan found out that he had the opportunity to attend a Summer
Bridge program at UC Santa Cruz, starting in June. He was one of two students who
participated in a summer program prior to entering college. Although it conflicted
with his high school graduation, he still tried to attend both. Ultimately, he attended
his graduation and left that night to attend the second week of the 2-week program.
His participation in Summer Bridge provided him the opportunity to meet students

242
and staff from the university. The relationships he built during the program served
him well when he needed a place to “crash” while he looked for a place to live. One
of the staff people he met during Summer Bridge connected him with the person who
eventually offered him a room to rent for $500, about half the price of what it might
have cost him to live in the dorms or rent an apartment off campus.
Likewise, Flor participated in a summer program for community college
students, hosted at UCLA. It was a week-long residential program that provided her
an opportunity to meet Latino undergraduate students and learn about the steps
necessary to transfer from a community college to a university. On the third day of
the program, she called to tell me how the program was going. Earlier in the day she
had attended a workshop for undocumented students conducted by IDEAS, an
undocumented student organization at UCLA. Flor explained that she was now
determined to attend UCLA, and felt empowered to continue her education after
seeing undocumented students who were successful at the university.
AB 540 Affidavit
All of the students experienced some difficulty submitting their Non-Resident
Tuition Exemption Form (a.k.a., AB 540 affidavit). The form was required in order
for the students to qualify to pay in-state tuition, but none of the students were
entirely clear about how and when to submit it. This was due, at least in part, to the
fact that each system had a different process for completing the form. For example,
the students who were admitted to a California State University or University of
California campus answered questions related to their residency when they

243
completed their application for admission. Once they were admitted, they were
asked to complete the AB 540 Affidavit demonstrating that they met the AB 540
eligibility requirements.
Some schools required students to complete a form and return it to the
college, while others asked students to submit it online. Students admitted to a
California Community College were asked to complete the AB 540 Affidavit after
submitting their application and prior to registering for their courses. Both
universities asked potential AB 540 students to also send copies of their final
transcripts before they would qualify for in-state tuition. Because the students could
not get their transcripts until after graduating, the students who attended community
college had to register for classes and defer their tuition payment until late summer
to avoid being charged out-of-state tuition.
An already confusing process was made more difficult for the students by
uninformed admissions and financial aid staff at the state’s institutions of higher
education. Some were unaware of the AB 540 policy and were consequently unable
to answer students’ questions about how the law applied to their admission and
enrollment at that particular institution. For example, Nelly was told by a college
representative in her college center to complete an AB 540 affidavit. She was
unclear about how to do so. When we spoke she said, “This lady from UCLA told
me that I need to fill out some form to qualify for the lower tuition. Where do I go to
get that?” Without additional guidance about how and where to get the necessary
form, Nelly might not have completed her AB 540 affidavit.

244
Assessments
Flor, Marina, Nelly, Alfredo, Bernadette, and Michelle took the required
assessment tests in mathematics and English required by their respective institutions,
and reported back to me about their performance. Marina scored below college level
on her assessments and needed to take two remedial English courses and two
remedial math courses. She had hoped to take these courses at a community college
where they would be free, prior to beginning at CSUN, but she “ran out of time.”
Nelly also scored below level on both assessments. Both young women reported
being warned on their first day of classes at CSUN, “If you don’t pass this class, you
won’t be at this university next year.” During phone conversations with Nelly and
Marina shortly after their first day of college, they both asked, “Can they really kick
you out for failing a class?” Marina added, “I’m wondering because one of my
professors is freaking us out about getting kicked out of CSUN if we don’t pass his
math class.” I assured them that indeed they could be “disenrolled” from a CSU
campus as a result of poor performance in remedial courses. This was according to a
policy that the CSU system passed in recent years.
Prior to taking the assessment tests at Santa Monica College, Flor expressed
concerns about performing poorly on the English and mathematics assessments for
community college. “I feel like I am going to score so low. My experience with
math is not what I wanted. I went as far as Advanced Algebra but the teacher was
not great.” Flor ended up scoring several courses below college-level but thought it
was to her benefit to brush up on her math and English. Similarly, when Alfredo and

245
Michelle took their assessments at Glendale Community College, they placed below
level in freshman English and Intermediate Algebra. About her performance on her
assessments for Pasadena City College Bernadette said, “I did well on the English
part, but not as well on the math.”
Paying for College
By the end of their first year of college, I was still able to get in touch with all
of the students except for Bernadette and Yesenia whose phone numbers and e-mails
were no longer functioning. Flor, Nelly, Marina, Juan, Alfredo, Guillermo, Michelle
all persisted through their first year of college. When we spoke in May of 2006, Flor
explained that she had spent about $1,500 of her scholarship money during her first
year at Santa Monica College, still had most of what she had been awarded, and had
just been awarded another $2,000 scholarship. Despite the small scholarships they
were awarded, Nelly and Marina both relied on their parents to fund their first year
of college. Nelly worked the entire year, her boyfriend helped her financially, and
about half way through the year her parents helped her buy a car to make getting to
school easier.
Alfredo, Guillermo, and Michelle continued working throughout the year.
Because Alfredo and Michelle remained undocumented, they used the money they
earned working at fast food restaurants to pay to attend Glendale Community
College. Guillermo was now a legal permanent resident so he qualified for the
Board of Governors’ Fee Waiver and got a job working at an electronics store to
continue earning money. Ivan did not attend college during his first year out of high

246
school, and the last time I spoke to him, he still intended to enroll at Santa Monica
College.

247
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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A
STUDENT INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
The student interview protocol initially focused on five primary areas of
investigation: (1) undocumented students’ educational experiences, (2)
undocumented students’ college aspirations, (3) undocumented students’ college
choices, (4) whom undocumented students go to for college and financial aid
information (i.e., social networks), and (5) undocumented students’ awareness of
policies restricting their access to state and federal financial aid.

Educational Experiences:

1. Tell me about your educational experiences since you came to the United States.

2. In what ways do your educational experiences in the U. S. differ from those you
had in your country?

3. In what ways has being undocumented impacted your experiences in school since
you came to the U. S.?

4. Describe any times when you have felt that you are treated better or worse by
peers, teachers, or counselors because you are undocumented?

5. In what ways do you think your educational experience has differed from
American born students?

6. Tell me about how your educational experiences are the same as or different than
those of other undocumented students.

College Aspirations:

7. What experiences made you begin thinking about going to college?

8. Who, if anyone, encouraged you to begin thinking about college? In what ways
have they encouraged you?

9. In what ways does being undocumented shape your aspirations to go to college?

10. What level of education do others in your family have? In what ways does
this impact your aspirations to attend college?

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11. In what ways have you begun to prepare for college?

12. In what ways are you preparing to pay for college?
13. What area of study would you like to pursue in college? Why does this area
interest you?

14. What will you need to do to achieve your academic and career aspirations?

15. What do you see yourself doing 5 years from now?

College Choice:

16. What colleges have you considered applying to? Why do these particular
schools interest you?

17. What factors would prohibit you from applying to any of these colleges?

18. What factors would prohibit you from attending any of these colleges if you were
admitted?

19. What influence does your family have on where you are considering going to
college?

20. How involved has your family been in helping you think about where you will go
to college?

21. How involved have your teachers, counselors, and peers, been in helping you to
think about where you will go to college?

Social Networks:

22. Who at your high school provides you with information about college and
financial aid?

23. Who do you typically go to with questions about college and financial aid?

24. What kinds of information about college and financial aid to you get from adults
or peers at your high school? What information about college and financial aid
would you like to have more of?

25. What kinds of college or financial aid-related activities have you participated in
at your high school or in the community?

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26. In what ways have these activities shaped your thinking about college and
financial aid?

27. What does your family think about you going to college? What kinds of
concerns do they express about paying for you to go to college?

Policy Awareness:

28. What awareness do you have about educational policies impacting
undocumented students?

29. Are you familiar with AB 540? If so, how did you find out about it and what do
you know?

30. In what ways has this changed the way you think about going to college? Does it
make going to college seem easier or harder? Explain.

31. The costs of attending a UC prior to AB 540 would have been over $10,000 per
year. Currently, they are about $4,000 per year. Without financial aid, would
your family be able to afford this?

32. The costs of attending a Cal State prior to AB 540 would have been over $7,000
per year. Currently, they are about $2,000 per year. Without financial aid,
would your family be able to afford this?

33. The costs of attending a community college prior to AB 540 were $130 per unit
(about 3 or 4 units per class). Currently, it costs $11 per unit. Without financial
aid, would your family be able to afford this?

34. Are you aware that currently undocumented students do not qualify for state and
federal financial aid? If so, how do you think you will pay for college? If not,
does this in any way change you aspirations to go to college?

35. Do you know any undocumented students who have gone to college? How did
these students pay for college?

36. Are you aware of a policy being considered called the DREAM Act that will
simplify the naturalization process and make undocumented students eligible
for financial aid? If so, where did you hear about it?

37. In what ways does the DREAM Act’s passage or failure impact your future?

263
38. If you were trying to convince Congress to pass the DREAM Act, what would
you say?

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APPENDIX B

STUDENT RECRUITMENT FLIER

• Are you interested in attending college?
• Are you worried about paying for college?
• Would you like to see more students like you go to college?

If you answered “yes” to any of these questions, you might be interested in
participating in a research study.

RESEARCH STUDY

My name is Paz Oliverez and I am a graduate student and researcher at USC. I would like to
invite you to participate in a research study that I will be conducting at your high school this
year. The study will look at the issues that undocumented students deal with in preparing for
and applying to college. I am meeting with students from your high school who have
expressed that they are undocumented and interested in going to college. I am interested in
talking to this group of students, because there is very little public information about the
experiences of undocumented students as they prepare for college, but as you know, many
undocumented students are interested in going to college. My hope is that by learning about
your experiences, I will be able to influence policies that would allow more undocumented
students to go to college.

If you agree to participate in this study, you and I will meet every other week from now until
you graduate. If your schedule cannot accommodate bi-weekly meetings, you will be asked
to participate in a one-time focus group (or group interview) with other undocumented
students. When we meet, I will ask you questions about how you are preparing for college
and what your experiences with applying for college and financial aid have been like.
Although the information you provide me may be made public, your identity will remain
confidential. Only I will know the names of the students participating and I will not provide
this information to anyone inside or outside of your high school.

If you think you might be interested and you are not 18 years old, I need you to take the two
attached forms home with you and talk about them with your parents. If you both agree that
it is ok for you to participate in this study, you sign the Assent Form and your parent needs
to sign the Consent Form. When they are signed, please contact me to express your interest
in participating in this research study. Thank you!

Paz M. Oliverez
University of Southern California
Waite Phillips Hall, 701
Los Angeles, CA 90089
Phone: (213) 740.2881 * E-mail: oliverez@usc.edu

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APPENDIX C

CONSENT AND ASSENT FORMS

University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

******************************************************************

CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH

Undocumented Students and Financial Aid
Student
You have been asked to participate in a research study conducted by William G.
Tierney and Paz M. Oliverez from the Rossier School of Education at the University
of Southern California. The results of this study will be included in the dissertation
of Paz M. Oliverez. You were selected as a possible participant in this study because
you are an undocumented student who is seeking college admission and financial
aid. A total of 10-15 students will be selected from your high school to participate.
Participation is voluntary.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The focus of the project is on the experiences of low-income undocumented students
as they prepare to apply for and pay for college. The researchers are interested in
finding ways to make higher education available and/or affordable to undocumented
students.

PROCEDURES

If you volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask you to do the following
things:

1. If you agree to be in this study, I will meet with you to talk about your
college and financial aid application process every other week for one hour .
Meetings will be scheduled to take place between December 2004–June 2005 at a
time to be determined by you. Meetings will take place in a private space at your
high school. Possible questions might include: “In what ways does being undocu-

266
mented shape your aspirations to go to college?” and “Are you aware that currently
undocumented students do not qualify for state and federal financial aid? If so, how
do you think you will pay for college?”
2. Consent to have the interview audio-taped or transcribed. If not, only
written notes will be taken and interviews will be transcribed.
3. Individual interviews may also include the discussion of your
citizenship and state residency status. Citizenship and Immigration Services WILL
NOT be provided with any information that you choose to share.
4. Allow the researchers to shadow you during in-school and out-of-
school activities. This will entail the researchers observing you in your classes at
school and while you participate in after school activities.
5. Meetings will be scheduled to take place between January 2005–June
2005 at a location that is agreed upon by the researcher and study participant.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS

You may feel uncomfortable or unsure about discussing your undocumented status
and/or financial status with the researchers or in the presence of focus group
participants. You may feel uneasy about questions from peers about why you are
being shadowed. You may also feel uneasy about being audiotaped. You are not
required to answer any questions that make you uncomfortable.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY

While there are no direct benefits to you for participating in this study, the
information you provide during interviews will lend to a greater understanding of the
experiences of college-ready undocumented students and the role of financial aid in
college choice.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION

There is no payment or compensation for your participation in this study.

CONFIDENTIALITY

Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you will remain confidential, and will be disclosed only with your
permission or as required by law.

With your permission, individual interviews will be audiotaped and transcribed.
Interviews will be transcribed by Paz M. Oliverez, Co-Principal Investigator. You
will have the right to review the transcripts of these interviews if you request to do
so. Only the primary and secondary investigators will have access to these tapes,

267
which will be stored in a locked cabinet in the principal investigator’s office. These
tapes will be destroyed no later than 3 years after the completion of the study.
Refusal to be audiotaped will not prohibit you from participating in this study.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no
information will be included that would reveal your identity.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL

You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this
study, you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may
also refuse to answer any questions you do not want to answer and still remain in the
study. The investigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise
which warrant doing so.

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS

If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
William G. Tierney or Paz M. Oliverez at (213) 740-7218 during regular office hours
–8:30 a.m. through 5:00 p.m., Monday through Friday.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS

You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a
research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research, Grace Ford Salvatori Building, Room 306, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1695,
(213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

268

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT.

I understand the procedures described above, have carefully read the information
contained in this form and I understand fully the rights of a potential subject in a
research study involving people as subjects. My questions have been answered to
my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of
this form.

Name of Subject

I agree to be audio-taped. I do not agree to be audio-taped.

Signature of Subject Date

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the subject and answered all of his/her questions. I
believe that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely
consents to participate.

Name of Investigator

Signature of Investigator Date
(must be the same as subject’s)

269
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

ASSENT FORM FOR RESEARCH

ASSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH

Undocumented Students and Financial Aid
Student
You have been asked to participate in a research study conducted by William G.
Tierney and Paz M. Oliverez from the Rossier School of Education at the University
of Southern California. The results of this study will be included in the dissertation
of Paz M. Oliverez. You were selected as a possible participant in this study because
you are an undocumented student who is seeking college admission and financial
aid. A total of 10-15 students will be selected from your high school to participate.
Participation is voluntary.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The focus of the project is on the experiences of low-income undocumented students
as they prepare to apply for and pay for college. The researchers are interested in
finding ways to make higher education available and/or affordable to undocumented
students.

PROCEDURES

If you volunteer to participate in this study, and your parents have given their
consent, we will ask you to do the following:

1. If you agree to be in this study I will meet with you to talk about your
college and financial aid application process every other week for one hour.
Meetings will be scheduled to take place between January 2005–June 2005 at a time
to be determined by you. Meetings will take place in a private space at your high
school. Possible questions might include: “In what ways does being undocumented
shape your aspirations to go to college?” and “Are you aware that currently
undocumented students do not qualify for state and federal financial aid? If so, how
do you think you will pay for college?”
2. Assent to have the interview audio-taped or transcribed. If not, you
will not be prohibited from participating in this study and only written notes will be
taken and then transcribed.

270
3. Individual interviews may also include the discussion of your
citizenship and state residency status. Citizenship and Immigration Services WILL
NOT be provided with any information that you choose to share.
4. Allow the researchers to shadow you during in-school and out-of-
school activities. This will entail the researchers observing you in your classes at
school and while you participate in after school activities.
5. Meetings will be scheduled to take place between January 2005 –
June 2005 at a location that is agreed upon by the researcher and study participant.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS

You may feel uncomfortable or unsure about discussing your undocumented status
and/or financial status with the researchers or in the presence of focus group
participants. You may feel uneasy about questions from peers about why you are
being shadowed. You may also feel uneasy about being audio-taped. You are not
required to answer any questions that make you uncomfortable.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY

While there are no direct benefits to you for participating in this study, the
information you provide during interviews will lend to a greater understanding of the
experiences of college-ready undocumented students and the role of financial aid in
college choice.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION

There is no payment or compensation for your participation in this study.

CONFIDENTIALITY

Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your
permission or as required by law.

With your permission, individual interviews will be audio-taped and transcribed.
Interviews will be transcribed by Paz M. Oliverez, Co-Principal Investigator. You
will have the right to review the transcripts of these interviews if you request to do
so. Only the primary and secondary investigators will have access to these tapes,
which will be stored in a locked cabinet in the principal investigator’s office. These
tapes will be destroyed no later than three years after the completion of the study.
Refusal to be audio-taped will not prohibit you from participating in this study.

271
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no
information will be included that would reveal your identity.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL

You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this
study, you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may
also refuse to answer any questions you do not want to answer and still remain in the
study. The investigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise
which warrant doing so.

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS

If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
William G. Tierney or Paz M. Oliverez at (213) 740-7218 during regular office hours
– 8:30am through 5:00pm, Monday through Friday.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS

You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a
research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research, Grace Ford Salvatori Building, Room 306, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1695,
(213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

____________________________________ ____________________
Name of Subject Date

I agree to be audio-taped. I do not agree to be audio-taped.

____________________________________
Subject’s Signature

___________________________________ ____________________
Name of Investigator Date
(must be same as subject’s)

___________________________________
Investigator’s Signature

272
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

******************************************************************

CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH

Undocumented Students and Financial Aid
Parent/Guardian permission for student participation

Your child has been asked to participate in a research study conducted by William G.
Tierney and Paz M. Oliverez from the Rossier School of Education at the University
of Southern California. The results of this study will be included in the dissertation
of Paz M. Oliverez. Your child was selected as a possible participant in this study
because he or she is an undocumented student who is seeking college admission and
financial aid. A total of 10-15 students will be selected from his or her high school
to participate. Participation is voluntary.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The focus of the project is on the experiences of low-income undocumented students
as they prepare to apply for and pay for college. The researchers are interested in
finding ways to make higher education available and/or affordable to undocumented
students.

PROCEDURES

If your child volunteers to participate in this study, we would ask him or her to do
the following things:

1. Participate in individual interviews. Individual interviews will take place every
other week from January 2005-June 2005. The meeting would last for no more than
one hour and be held in a private space at your child’s high school.. Some of the
questions will include: What are your college plans? How are you preparing for
college this year? Which parts of the financial aid process seem the most difficult
for you? A complete list of interview questions will be provided to you.

273
2. Individual interviews may include the discussion of personal financial matters
related to financial aid eligibility. Some of these questions will include: Are you
eligible for state and federal financial aid? Have you received any scholarships that
you have applied for?
3. Individual interviews may also include the discussion of the student’s citizenship
and state residency status. Citizenship and Immigration Services WILL NOT be
provided with any information that the student chooses to share.
4. Your child may be asked questions about his/her impression of your family
finances. Your child will not be required to give specific information, and his or
her decision not to do so will not exclude your child from this study.
5. Consent to have the interviews audio-taped. If not, notes will be taken by the
researcher and interviews will be transcribed. Refusal to be audio-taped will not
prohibit your child from participating in this study.
6. Allow the researchers to shadow you during in-school and out-of-school
activities. This will entail the researchers observing your child in their classes at
school and while they participate in after school activities.
7. Meetings will be scheduled to take place between January 2005 – June 2005 at a
location that is agreed upon by the researcher and study participant.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS

There may be potential risks concerning subjects or their families if their residency
status and/or financial status were revealed to the researchers or other focus group
participants. Your child may feel uneasy about questions from peers about why they
are being shadowed. Being audio-taped may create slight discomfort for your child.
Your child is not required to answer any questions that make him/her uncomfortable.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY

While there are no direct benefits to the student for participating in this study, the
information they provide during interviews will lend to a greater understanding of
the experiences of college-ready undocumented students and the role of financial aid
in college choice.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION

There is no payment or compensation for your child’s participation in this study.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with your child will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with
your permission or as required by law.

274
With your permission, individual interviews will be audio-taped and transcribed.
Interviews will be transcribed by Paz M. Oliverez, Co-Principal Investigator. You
will have the right to review the transcripts of these interviews if you request to do
so. Only the primary and secondary investigators will have access to these tapes,
which will be stored in a locked cabinet in the principal investigator’s office. These
tapes will be destroyed no later than three years after the completion of the study.

Counselors’ and parents’ opinions will also be included in this study to provide
general and specific information about the financial aid process. We will not ask any
of these groups for specific financial information about your child, nor will be
divulge any specific information about your child to these groups during the course
of our study. Your child’s specific financial aid information or attempts to seek
financial aid will be accessed, discussed or disseminated only to investigators in this
study.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no
information will be included that would reveal your child’s identity.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL

You can choose whether your child may be in this study or not. If your child
volunteers to be in this study, he or she may withdraw at any time without
consequences of any kind. Your child may also refuse to answer any questions he or
she does not want to answer and still remain in the study. The investigator may
withdraw your child from this research if circumstances arise which warrant doing
so.

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS

If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
William G. Tierney or Paz M. Oliverez at (213) 740-7218 during regular office hours
– 8:30 a.m. through 5:00 p.m., Monday through Friday.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS

You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a
research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
Research, Grace Ford Salvatori Building, Room 306, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1695,
(213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu.

275
SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT, PARENT OR LEGAL
REPRESENTATIVE.

I understand the procedures described above, have carefully read the information
contained in this form and I understand fully the rights of a potential subject in a
research study involving people as subjects. My questions have been answered to
my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of
this form.

Name of Subject

Name of Parent or Legal Representative (if applicable)

I agree to allow my child to be audio-taped.
I do not agree to allow my child to be audio-taped.

Signature of Subject, Parent or Legal Representative Date

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the subject or his/her legal representative, and
answered all of his/her questions. I believe that he/she understands the information
described in this document and freely consents to participate.

Name of Investigator

Signature of Investigator Date
(must be the same as subject’s)

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Olivérez, Paz Maya (author)

Core Title Ready but restricted: an examination of the challenges of college access and financial aid for college-ready undocumented immigrant students in the U.S.

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education (Policy, Planning and Administration)

Publication Date 12/06/2006

Defense Date 08/15/2006

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag AB540,college access,financial aid,Higher education,Latino immigrants,OAI-PMH Harvest,undocumented students

Language English

Advisor Tierney, William G. (committee chair), Rueda, Robert S. (committee member)

Creator Email paz.oliverez@lausd.net

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m219

Unique identifier UC172849

Identifier etd-Oliverez-20061206 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-168544 (legacy record id),usctheses-m219 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Oliverez-20061206.pdf

Dmrecord 168544

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Olivérez, Paz Maya

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu