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The path of involvement: educational practices of working class African American parents of college students

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The path of involvement: educational practices of working class African American parents of college students

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A PATH OF INVOLVEMENT: EDUCATIONAL PRACTICES OF WORKING
CLASS PARENTS OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENTS

by

Shilby Sims Guillory

__________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2008

Copyright 2008 Shilby Sims Guillory

ii
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to my children for being the inspiration I needed to
believe in the big things in life. For all the times I could not take you to the movies,
play dates or parties and the times, I could not watch your favorite movie or just
watch you play. Thank you for your sacrifice and being quiet when I went into the
“zone”. I am better because of the two of you in my life. This is our dissertation.
Thank you.

My mothers, Hattie Simisislu and Virgie Nelson, aunts and uncles, who tauaght me
how to work and work hard. My father the late Odell Nelson showed me the power
of thinking and not reacting. The strength I saw in you and I received from you still
supports me often. The gift of faith is priceless. Thank you. I was blessed with strong
women in my life, several awesome aunts and marvelous uncle. Thank you for
consistently questioning me and causing me to know I can do great things. I carried
all of you with me on this continuous.

To my self-created “Sista- Network” Katrina Hill, prayerful. Your consistent support
and prayer brought me through some of my toughest times. Thanks for letting “our
children” have fun at the Hills. This accomplishment is ours. Kim Jefferson, a gift.
You are a gift. The support you give flawlessly has been unreal. Because of your
support and Friday movies, my children had a lot of fun throughout this process.

iii
You gave me peace knowing my children were safe and this allowed me to study and
write.

To my sisters, for supporting me thank you! Verna Ricks thanks for watching your
niece and nephew whenever I asked and for providing dinner. Zakeya thanks for
watching your niece and nephew and letting them enjoy the beach. Shannon, Cha,
and Kailer thank you!

Last but not least, thanks to Rodney Guillory, the love of my life. This work is
dedicated to your ability to teach me that nothing is impossible and for showing me I
can do all things regardless of the circumstances.

iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Without the support of the following people, this study was destined to be an
all but dissertation (a.b.d.) never to be completed:
Dr. Baca, my committee chair, who is very astute and he was willing to share
his gift with me. Thank you for meeting with me as many times as I wanted and
never letting me worry too much. Your ability to make the hardest thing I have ever
completed doable is appreciated.
Dr. Rousseau, my professor. Your guidance and extra attention to supporting
me in my writing helped me to get on the Dean‟s List three semesters in a row. I
appreciate the time taken to explain small differences in my writing that changed my
writing scores from A- to As. Thank you.
Drs. Giselle Ragusa and Linda Fischer, committee members, whose
participation in the process improved the details, the language, and the flow of the
dissertation tremendously.
Sarah Peyre, Kate Dryden, and Jan Vanderpool, classmates. Your support,
honesty, and words of encouragement. Ladies, Sarah and Kate, your help gave me
the strength to continue from the beginning. Jan, when the dissertation process begin
your support and words of wisdom, plus many late, late nights in the library gave me
the strength to not walk away at the end. Thank you.
Lydia Scott, Susan Van Buren, Gloria Virtullo, and Teresa Jones- Local G
Coaches. Your kind words, prayer, and support helped sustain me as a working

v
mother in a doctorate program. Susan and Teresa, thanks for being the personal
editors of this SEL, Standard English Learner.
Arlisa Coleman you are a Life Coach. Thanks for allowing me to receive free
counseling and to gain a friend for life.
Eury Mundy, my friend through our children, Nicole Newton and Dr. Letitia
Davis, CLAS Advocates and my friends. Dr. Davis for encouraging me to apply to
the program and Nicole for being a great teacher and supporter of me and my family
and of course, all the wonder staff at the Culture and Language Academy of Success.
All the participants in the studying who graciously shared their stories, I
acknowledge your courage and humbly honor your voice.

vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ii
Acknowledgements iv
List of Tables vii
List of Figures viii
Abstract ix
Chapter One: Introduction 1
Chapter Two: Literature Review 10
Chapter Three: Research Methodology 67
Chapter Four: Findings 74
Chapter Five: Summary 155
References 162
Appendix A: University Presentation Site Screening Protocol 170
Appendix B: Background Information Form 171
Appendix C: Parent Interview Questions Protocol 172
Appendix D: Student Interview Questions Protocol 176
Appendix E: Sample Data Audit Form 180

vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Parental Involvement: 29
Type 1 Examples

Table 2: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Parental Involvement: 30
Type 2 Examples

Table 3: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Parental Involvement: 31
Type 3 Examples

Table 4: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Parental Involvement: 32
Type 4 Examples

Table 5: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Parental Involvement: 34
Type 5 Examples

Table 6: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Parental Involvement: 35
Type 6 Examples

viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure A: Volunteering Definition 107
Figure B: Elementary Vs High School 109
Figure C: Better Schools 129
Figure D: Communication Direction 131
Figure E: Doorway to Change 152

ix
ABSTRACT
Probing in purpose, this study examines the parental involvement practices of
working class African-Americans parents during their children‟s elementary, middle,
and high school experiences eventually leading college. Although research
consistently demonstrates involvement of parents contributes to positive educational
outcomes for students, the African-American parent is considered uninvolved. The
contemplation of their involvement is measured by a system that does not take into
consideration the effects of socioeconomic, race, and racism. Critical race theory,
Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement, and Auerbach‟s study are the
theoretical frameworks used to explore the practices of this group.
The most prevalent measurement of parent involvement is based on
knowledge, duplication, and conformity with the system of education. Parents‟
involvement is based on their ability to participate similarly with the programs
designed by schools. Practices are not and should not be limited to chosen activities
design through the needs of the school. Through interviews, of college students and
parents, the study examined parent involvement. The voice of the parents and of the
students used to evaluate and validate involvement of African-Americans
consequently negating the myth of the uninvolved parent.
Results of the study imply involvement criteria must form a measurement
that includes the effects of socioeconomic status and race. Additionally, definitions
of involvement activities differed between parents and school systems creating
miscues that effect parent involvement.

1
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Introduction to the Study
California‟s public school students‟ performance is comparable to the rest of
the nation. In reading and mathematics, 4
th
and 8
th
graders scoring proficient
averaged at 25% (NCES, 2004). The achievement is more dismal for minorities. The
gap between minority and non-minority students is expanding. One of every five
African American and Latino students scored proficient on the California
Standardized Test (CST) while three out of five Caucasian and Asian students score
proficient (Huizar, n.d.). A score of proficiency is a minimum of 350 of a scale score
ranging from the lowest possible 150 to the highest possible 600. The score of 350
converted into percentile is the 58
th
percentile. The consistency of the achievement
gap has brought the achievement of all students to the forefront among policymakers
and educational stakeholders.
Educational programs to increase achievement of students in the United
States have continued to be part of presidential and federal legislation with
significant input in 1965 with the beginning of Head Start. Head Start is a federal
program designed to include parent involvement, which many believed is a
significant part of the program (Berger, 1991) to prepare low-income preschoolers
for school (Albritton, Klotz, & Roberson, 2003). Another program, Parents as
Teachers, focused on teaching parenting skills to low-income parents (Albritton,
Klotz, & Roberson, 2003). Moreover, current research states parent involvement

2
increases student achievement (Epstein, 1991; Henderson & Berla, 1995; Albritton,
Klotz, & Roberson, 2003).
Students from low-income families parents‟ participate in school related
activities less than their upper class counterpart (Henderson & Mapp, 2002). Fewer
than 10% of minority students perform at or above the proficient level in Language
Arts and Mathematics on standardized assessments in 2003 (NCES, 2004). Based on
these facts of underachievement and suggested results of parental influence, the
underlying assumption of this present study asserts the minority students‟
achievement will increase as their parents become more involved in their education.
Background of the Study
Epstein‟s (1995) research on parental involvement piloted six types of
involvement: parenting, communicating, volunteering, learning at home, decision-
making, and community collaboration. Together these six types create a
comprehensive framework of parent interactions that affect a child‟s education
(Epstein, 1995). African American student‟s decrease in academic performances
calls for research aligned with positive outcomes for students. Examining the types
of involvement practiced from the perspective of a particular ethnic race and social
class is indispensable especially when the achievement gap continues to exist and
remain consistent for African American students. The knowledge of continued
failure for this particular ethnic group makes it essential to examine circumstances
that contribute to some students doing well regardless of conditions at home and in
their communities.

3
Statement of the Problem
Contrary to research, an African American child from a working class family
is not destined to low academic success, fewer opportunities or the unlikelihood of
earning a college degree (Jeynes, 2005). Contemporary research (Henderson &
Mapp, 2002) on the relationship between parental involvement and student
achievement brings into question the lack of documented parental involvement
among people of color, especially in light of the underachievement of many children
of color. Despite grim national achievement scores for minorities, their large high
school dropout rates, and low college enrollment, some working class minority
students are successful in school. Investigating working class parents of color could
reveal parental involvement practices not addressed by Epstein‟s (1995) Framework
of Six Types of Parent Involvement that currently dominates the field (Jeynes, 2005;
Auerbach, 2007). Working class students of color do graduate from college,
although at a lower rate than their White counterpart. This fact alone strongly
suggests that we investigate how some low-income students of color were successful
in obtaining this level of academic success. Parental involvement is essential to
student achievement. Does it necessarily need to be the same type of involvement for
all parents?
Research illustrates: (a) students‟ learning improves regardless of the grade,
socioeconomic background of family or education level of parents; b) positive
changes in attendance, grades, and behavior happen when families are involved in
their children‟s education; and c) increases in academic success when education is a

4
family priority (Clark, 1983; Epstein, 2001). Although several research findings
(Epstein, 2004; Kreider & Lopez, 1999) demonstrate the positive relationship
between parental involvement and student achievement, a gap remains when
examining the role of working class African American parents (Auerbach, 2007).
Significance of the Study
The current level of underachievement of African American students calls
into question the history of African American parents‟ legacy of perseverance in the
pursuit of education in the United States (Fields-Smith, 2004). Parental involvement
practices are bias towards the types that are consistent among middle class parents
while successful practices of working class parents not acknowledged. There is a
bias in current research literature of parental involvement specifically towards
parents commonly referred to as uninvolved (Valencia & Black, 2002). An
opportunity to study and document practices outside the purview of Epstein‟s (1995)
Framework of Six Types of Involvement can inform local, state, and federal
educational agencies when developing parental involvement programs.
This study is relevant and important to parents, students, researchers,
educators, and policy makers all seeking the benefits parent involvement contributes
to student achievement. My research could enhance the current field of study that
neglects effective practices used by working class African American parents whose
students are among the largest percentage below grade level (NCES, 2004), along
with the lowest percentages in entering college (United States Census, 2000), and

5
additional an increasing number of people being incarcerated (California Prison
Website, 2007). A study of this nature had the potential to change lives.
Researchers (Lareau, 1987; Epstein, 2005) note that parent involvement
practices are a critical factor in student success. Parents and educational institutions
will be able to use the findings of this study to validate or improve current practices
of engagement. Educators and policy makers will be able to use this study to begin
understanding working class African American parent roles in schools and initiate
opportunities to increase engagement outside of the school setting. African
American children are currently more likely to become incarcerated than to become
freshmen in college (Census, 2000). The percentage of African American males
presently in prison is stark with five times as many of them in prison in California
than enrolled in public universities (Connolly, Macallair, McDermid, & Schiraldi,
1996). The achievement gap between African-Americans and their White
counterparts has persisted for over thirty years (NCES, 2004) conducting the same
treatment year after year and expecting different results is not effective. The
possibilities of this study is the beginning of a more effective way of supporting
African-American parents, their children, and the educational agencies that serve
them. This study has the potential to be a catalyst, which dismantles the
achievement gap between African-American students and their White counterparts.

6
Research Questions
The following research questions may guide the study:
1. Did Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement used by working
class African-American parents contribute to their students‟ success? Were
these six types articulated and available to working class parents throughout
their K-12 experience?
2. Did aspects of institutional practices contribute to a decrease in parental
involvement for working class African-American parents? Were working
class African-American families aware of institutional structures and
procedures affecting their involvement level and restricting the type of
involvement?
3. Did involvement roles of working class African-American parent consist
of similarities to alternative practices found in Auerbach (2001) research?
Theoretical/Conceptual Framework
The three theoretical frameworks this study will use to examine parental
involvement are critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Ladson-Billings,
1998 & Solórzano, 1998), Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Involvement,
and Auerbach‟s (2007; 2001) Parental Involvement Continuum. Critical race theory
examines racism and the effects of race within the structures of school and American
society (Ladson-Billings, 1998). It is a school of sociological thought and legal
studies with an emphasis on the social construction. Structural and cultural aspects of
education that deem minorities inferior inside and outside of schools are components

7
that critical race theory is determined to identify, analyze and change (Solórzano,
1998). Social transformation through elimination of racial oppression is a major
focus of the theory as well.
I will use Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement (1995) in this
study for its practical and well-documented types. The typology addresses the
multiple facets of parent behavior at all grade levels. The six categories create a
comprehensive definition of parental involvement without categorizing involvement
in hierarchical phases. The six types are parenting, communication, volunteering,
learning at home, decision-making, and collaborating with the community.
Auerbach (2007) has introduced a different frame of reference for activities
practiced by parents, particularly minority parent involvement, that does not fit
neatly within Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six types of Parent Involvement. She
contends it is necessary to broaden the spectrum of parent involvement and seek new
perspectives more inclusive of minority families‟ contributions to their children‟s
education such as attendance patterns and generational contributions.
All three theoretical frameworks form the beginning of a refreshed way to
examine involvement of minority parents. The use of these frameworks specifically
considers African American parent involvement practices as a vehicle to eliminate
the achievement gap between racial groups. They form a logical and intellectual
place to begin this research.

8
Definitions of Terms
For the purpose of this study, the following definitions of terms and concepts apply:
African American
The identity of African-American is currently used more frequently to
describe Black American, Afro American, and Negro or once referred to as colored
Americans. African-Americans in this study are native born African-Americans not
African-Americans of first or second-generation immigrants including British-
Caribbean, African immigrants, Moroccans, Hispanics or White South Africans.
The terms African American and Black describe the same ethnicity of African
ancestry and decent born in America. I will use Blacks, Black American, and
African-American interchangeably to describe U.S. native-born African-Americans.
Parental Involvement Practices
Parental involvement encompassed assistance at home, including reading,
discussions, informal learning games, drill and practice of basic skills, formal
contracts, and other monitoring or tutoring encouraged by teachers. All and any
parent interactions; activities, school interactions, modeling, and other influences to
their child‟s educational, processes are encompassed within the phrase parent
involvement practices. The terms parent involvement, parental involvement, and the
abbreviation PI will be used interchangeably to describe parental involvement
practices.

9
Working Class
For the purposes of this study, working class refers to a stratum of society
dependent on physical labor and compensated with an hourly wage. Social class
comprised of those who do manual labor such as bus driver, waiter, cashier,
gardener, housekeeper, mail carrier, and so forth.
Organization of the Study
Chapter 1 will present the introduction of the problem, the background of the
study, the purpose of the study, the significance of the study, the research questions,
the theoretical/conceptual framework, and the definition of terms.
Chapter 2 is a review of relevant research literature and addresses topics of
critical race theory, formulation of public education, definition, and types of parental
involvement, African American parental involvement, and alternative involvement
practices.
Chapter 3 describes the research methods.
Chapter 4 will discuss findings.
Chapter 5 will present an analysis of findings, conclusions and
recommendations for future research and practice.

10
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
The purpose of this review is to justify the study of working class African
American students in college within the context of parental involvement practices.
“The question is not if we can afford to invest in every child, it is whether we can
afford not to.” This statement by Mariam Wright Edelman is a premise for
consideration when evaluating the relationship created when parents, schools, and
students come together. Within this review, the importance for studying parental
involvement is established through the perspectives of three theoretical frameworks,
critical race theory, Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Involvement, and
Auerbach (2007, 2001) study.
The review begins the critical race theory overall concept and correlation to
education. Next, the review defines and addresses Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types
of Involvement. Finally, it concludes with the perspective of the Auerbach‟s (2007,
2001) dissertation and article, which for the remaining sections of this manuscript I
will rename Auerbach‟s (2007) Parent Involvement Continuum.
Critical Race Theory
Parental involvement contributes to increased student achievement and
higher cognitive development (Henderson & Mapp, 2002; Morris, 2004). Critical
race theory (CRT) offers an alternative interpretation of parent involvement. Critical
race theorists (Fields, 2006) advocate analyzing the perspective of parents not
involved in educating their children as a universally Eurocentric view of involvement

11
and education as a system designed to perpetuate failure. Before we examine the
connection of CRT to education, a brief historical explanation of CRT is necessary.
The discussion will begin with the origins of CRT, followed by CRT in education,
and conclude with the role of CRT in educating African-Americans.
Origins of Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) is an extension and adaptation of Critical Legal
Studies (CLS). CRT expands from a law background as it originated from professors
and students combating racist injustices in law. The CLS movement intentionally
exposed the legal system as a mechanism, which condoned, developed, and
established laws based on classism and sexism. CLS contends that the legal system
cultivated oppression and an American society class system (Ladson-Billings, 1998;
Crenshaw, 1993). CRT extends this same notion of classism and oppression but
includes race in the critique of the legal system (Ladson-Billings, 1998, p. 12).
Separating race and racism in legal studies limited scholars‟ work by not defining a
space where race was center stage (Crenshaw, 1993; Yosso, 2005). Developing a
space for race and racism is the main objective of Critical Race Theory. Derrick Bell
and Alan Freeman affirmed CLS lack of analysis of race and racism contributed to
its inability to change society (Delgado, 1995; Ladson-Billings, 1998).
Matsuda‟s (1987) writings on CLS underlined the legal system perpetuated a
gap between racial and socioeconomic guidelines benefiting non-minorities and
continued to marginalize minorities through the legal system that CLS overlooked
(Matsuda, 1987). Matsuda (1987; Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado & Crenshaw, 1995)

12
writings focused on people affected by discrimination and offered a new perspective
to understand the effects. She used the perspective of “looking to the bottom”
(Matsuda, 1995, p. 63) to examine discrimination practices and outcomes. The
perspective incorporates six fundamental premises found within all definitions of
critical race theory.
The six defining elements of CRT (Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado &
Crenshaw, 1995) are: (1) race is ubiquitous in America; (2) has disbelief of the
majority attitudes and any statements about neutrality or color blindness; (3)
validates knowledge which marginalized groups contribute from their own
communities and experiences; (4) analyzes the law from a historical and
circumstantial perspective; (5) uses transformation as an end to social injustice and
racial oppression; and (6) combines Marxism, liberalism, feminism, and critical legal
studies. Matsuda (1987) and Bell (1992) have expanded the last premise to include
education, racial formation, and Latina/o culture.
Critical Race Theory in Education
Race in education according to Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) is
untheorized. The theory according to Ladson-Billings and Tate is constantly being
manipulated and supplemented by other social sciences including the role of race in
their study contributing to the limitation of a fixed theory. Social science and legal
scholarship ignoring voices of marginalized and those oppressed limit both
perspectives in CLS (Yosso, 2005). CRT addresses this limitation by including both
studies of race and racism. CLS framework restricted analysis of race and racism

13
leading Critical Race theorist to reexamine the theory (Yosso, 2005; Delgado, 1995;
Crenshaw, 1993). Accordingly, Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) examine CRT in
education from three considerations: (1) always race exist in American society
significantly; (2) U.S. society in not based on human rights but on ownership rights;
and (3) understanding equity requires the interaction and commingling of race and
property. The authors, Ladson- Billings & Tate, supplement Omi and Winant (1994)
research contending race, class, and gender are not valid enough and not sufficient to
explain educational inequities. Supplementing the research, ownership of property
must be an added variable to understand the lack of power in education for those
underserved and provides a complete definition according to Ladson-Billings and
Tate (1995). Political changes such as Proposition 13 effecting property taxes affects
general funds used for schools and other public services particularly within inner city
communities (Prince, 2006).
CRT, especially with respect to education, addresses the notion of Whiteness
as part of the components of property, power, and privilege (Ladson-Billings and
Tate, 1995). Evolving from the field of ethnic studies and multicultural education,
Whiteness is identified with resources, power, opportunity, and oppression
(Hernandez Sheets, 2000). Examples of resources, power, and opportunity for
Whites include the ability to see themselves in the world as a normal and mandatory
fact of life. Whites anticipate and expect to turn on television and see a character
from their race, easily purchase books, post cards, dolls, children‟s magazines

14
featuring their race and choose a public accommodation without fear that people of
their race cannot get in or will be mistreated once inside.
The mark of privilege and power is reinforced through major holidays, faces
on the nation banknote, and all American presidents are from the same race, white.
Contemporary research of whiteness ranges from attempts to understand how whites
view themselves and other, to how they view their relationship with people of color,
and how whites define whiteness, race, culture, racism and white privilege
(Hernandez Sheets, 2000). Some scholars believe naming this perspective is
necessary to understand racism and to combat the effects of racism (Delgado &
Stefancic, 1997). An extension of CRT by White scholars under WhiteCrit is used to
illustrate white privilege and confront racism (Delgado & Stefancic). The study of
whiteness creates a space to examine relationships between racial groups from the
perspective of those who benefit from those who are oppressed and marginalized.
The authors, Ladson-Billings & Tate (1995), further argue the overall state of
education for African American children and poverty many live in is grounded in
institutional and structural racism. African American children in poverty are
damaged beyond economic status with the current state of schools. The lack of
education offered from certain schools confirms the need for CRT as a vehicle to
implement meaningful educational change and a vehicle to promote progress toward
life altering transformation (Ladson-Billings, 1998, p. 21).
Ladson-Billings (1998) argument through CRT views the perceptions of race
in America‟s current society as more prevalent than during colonial society.

15
“Whiteness reaches the conclusion that Whiteness is meaningful” (Rodegier, 1996).
Civil rights laws in education have always benefited Whites, stimulating afterschool
programs and magnet schools (Ladson-Billings, 1998, p. 22). Whites benefited from
these programs through access. Although programs designed to enhance and
improve the education of people of color, these programs have transformed. The
application process, school location requiring transportation, and language barriers to
programs contribute to creating difficult access to working class parents. Many
magnet schools are placed in public schools outside of the inner city and involve an
application process including obtaining the application during school hours along
with academic requirements often unobtainable by students of color. Originally,
design to increase and improve access to quality academic program unfortunately at
present many programs do not service students of color. The five tenets of Critical
Race theory clarify the relationship between school, race, and racism.
Daniel Solórzano (1997, 1998) uses five tenets of CRT for his research in
education. Similar to Matsuda et al (1995) and Ladson-Billings (1998), tenet one
sets up race and racism as being intercentric. Race and racism are permanent
endemic components of United States society. CRT depth of race and racism go
beneath the surface and examines subordinations through immigration status, class,
surname, gender, accent, sexuality, and phenotype (Crenshaw, 1993; Yosso, 2005;
Solórzano, 1998).
Tenet two confronts the challenge to dominate ideology. CRT exposes White
privilege and its contribution to the status quo of racism and strongly refutes its

16
claims of color blindness, neutral race relations, and meritocracy. The theory
challenges such notions as equal opportunity and neutral and objective research in
education. CRT clarifies these notions, which undermine the knowledge of People of
Color gain through their experiences living in a society where daily decisions about
them are made based on their race (Villenas & Deyhle, 1999; Ladson-Billings, 1998;
Yosso, 2005). Traditional practices in education conceal, according to CRT, the
perpetuation of self-interest, privilege, and power of the domineering groups in the
United States (Yosso, 2005; Bell, 1992; Solórzano, 1997). Hence, practices
throughout American history have maintained the idea the value of a group of people
begins with race.
Tenet three is commitment to social justice. Social justice is a key
commitment of CRT. It is a transformative or liberatory answer to oppression based
on class, gender, and race (Matsuda et al, 1995). This commitment works towards
eliminating poverty, sexism, and racism for marginalized groups by examining civil
rights gains in education that have not benefited those for which originally intended
(Ladson-Billings, 1998). Tenet three argues for an unyielding commitment to social
justice for marginalized groups.
Tenet four concentrates on experiential knowledge. CRT gives a voice to the
voiceless and recognized their stories as valid, essential, and necessary (Ladson-
Billings, 1998; Crenshaw, 1993). Delgado Bernal (2002) contends that we cannot
understand or analyze racial subordination without the experiential knowledge of
People of Color. CRT uses storytelling, scenarios, parables, family histories,

17
chronicles, and narratives from the everyday experiences of marginalized groups
(Perry, Steele, Hilliard, 2003; Bell, 1992; Delgado, 1995; Solórzano & Yosso, 2000).
Propelling their experiences through personal narratives to center stage sheds light
on old concepts in a new way. It empowers those once ignored and silenced.
Tenet five is the transdisciplinary perspective. CRT evolves outside and
within several disciplines simultaneously to garner a full analysis of race and racism
through historical and present-day contexts. No one discipline encompasses it;
instead CRT pulls a combination of scholarships from history, law, education, film,
women‟s studies, psychology, ethnic studies, theatre, and other related fields (Yosso,
2005; Delgado, 1995; Solórzano, 1998). These five tenets establish a place for CRT
in education.
Critical Race Theory and Educating People of Color
When using CRT, education becomes a tenuous system that contains the
ability to empower and deconstruct people. Consequently, education has the ability
to develop students to achieve greatness and simultaneously holding the ability to
stifle students‟ expectations and accomplishments. The theory offers the potential to
change schools from present day places perpetuating dominant views validating
racism to future places of liberation. Critical Race theory examines education from
the perspective of the role race and racism within the institution of education effects
to the norms and the cultures outside of the institution.
Although not new, Solórzano‟s (1998) discussion of these CRT educational
tenets signifies a challenge to current practice within the scholarships of education,

18
race, and racism. CRT validates the experiences of People of Color as worthy and
necessary while simultaneously contesting the notions of dominant ideology and
White privilege. CRT transdisciplinary approach illuminates the imperative aspect
of race and racism incomplete within other scholarships. Historical education has
evolved in part largely from race and soon after racism. Parental Involvement from a
historical perspective has changed as well.
CRT is the lens used to explain and explore the effects of racism and
institutionalized racism on marginalized groups and their relationship with public
education. CRT‟s transformation and development from CLS has established
elements based on the notion “racism is normal and not aberrant in American
society” (Delgado, 1995, p. xiv). CRT separates itself from CLS through its
commitment to storytelling, critiques of liberalism and stressing the idea or
commitment to affirming Whites have benefited more from Civil Rights than
African-Americans (Ladson-Billings, 1998, pgs. 12-13). Using a Critical Race
Theory framework to study parental involvement is relevant when examining the
relationship between parents and school. Education for African-Americans
historically is connected to freedom. The study of race in education allows an
examination that includes the voice of people of color. Without race, the study is
neither possible nor complete. African-Americans‟ relationship with education
cannot be thoroughly scrutinized without race because its' very beginnings are race
based. African-American Freedmen use education to free others and maintain rights

19
for themselves and others. An historical examination of parental involvement
exposes the necessity for CRT references.
Parental Involvement History
Parental involvement in school began before our present notion of public
schools. Parents elected the type of schooling and the level attained based on their
culture and religious beliefs (Gryphon & Meyer, 2003). Local townships controlled
schools in the United States until to the mid-19
th
century (Gryphon & Meyer).
Parental involvement varied between northern and southern areas. This section
explains school transformation and parental involvement from Small Township to
the infrastructure of schools used today. The discussion begins by distinguishing
differences between northern and southern schools, followed by the development of
school systems, the beginning of African-American parent involvement, and
concludes with related CRT tenets one, two and four.
Development of School Systems
Semipublic schools were not the only educational system offered. Teachers
who taught in their homes advertised independent schools in the 1790s (Gryphon &
Meyer, 2003). Although independent tuition-based schools were present, roughly
three fourths of the parents sent their children to school. During the 1850s, the US
census reported one in ten people as illiterate (Gryphon & Meyer). Because the
country at this time did not consider Africans to be citizens, they were not part of the
earlier developments of free public schools. Africans were included by slave owners
in educational training that better serve Whites mainly in the southern states and

20
received Sunday school lessons mostly in the northern states from white
philanthropists (Clarke, 1993; Haley, 1976). Africans were taught ways to function
well in their roles as slaves. They were given minimal training in reading and
writing. The enslaved Africans received more training in reading pictures to learn.
This was to learn things such as how to serve when Whites entertained guess and
what to do when out in public.
Given the influx of European immigrants, schools and their responsibility
would change dramatically in the 19
th
century. A large percentage of immigrants
entered public and influenced a change from local and small province controlled
schools to governmental controlled schools. Government control over public
education focused on the Americanization of mass numbers of children seeking
education (Gryphon & Meyer, 2003). The free public school system soon consumed
the system of semipublic, independent, and charity schools (Gryphon & Meyer). The
public school system changed into one including teachers and administrators paid by
taxes rather than parental fees. By the end of the 19
th
century, a bureaucracy was
form to handle the new growing system as schools were now controlled by a state-
sponsored system. This state sponsored school systems implemented systematic
methods of training teachers, certification for administrators, compulsory attendance
laws were created, and the initial attempts to establish teaching as a profession
began. Public schools would also be used to spread the message of social goals
deemed important by the state (Gryphon & Meyer).

21
During the 20
th
century, parent involvement changed from exclusively local
to include political and economic support for school locations, short and long-term
maintenance of schools, and support for classroom activities. Research of how
children develop cognitively increased and bolstered parents‟ involvement with
curriculum at home (Lareau & Horvat, 1999). Mostly upper middle class Caucasian
female parents volunteered in classrooms and began to monitor their children‟s
academic progress in the early 1900s. America‟s poorest poor were not part of this
system as child labor laws are not in effect until 1938 during the Great Depression
when adults were willing to work for child wages prompting President Franklin D.
Roosevelt to sign the Fair Labor Standard Act. This act ended children working as
many as 12-hours a day instead of school. The concern for children‟s ability and
right to learn were never left solely to the school system.
Beginning of Black Parent Involvement
The United States educational system was originally not created to educate
African-Americans or the poor. Laws during the enslavement of Africans prohibited
educating Africans and their descendants with stiff penalties of physical harm,
consequently for learning (Gates, 2002). Slaves caught trying to learn to read could
be savagely beaten or have their fingers or toes amputated in open forum. This was
done to publicize the punishment to all slaves and to discourage other for trying to
learn to read (Haley, 1976; Clarke, 1996). Although great harm was the result of
learning to read, Africans pre and post enslavement took the risk (Gates, 2002;
Haley, 1976; Perry, Steele, & Hilliard, 2003). Risks were taken by many freed

22
Africans who traveled to the homes of Quakers by night to attend school. Quakers
often held small Sunday school meetings that went beyond bible training but
included reading and math teaching (Gryphon & Meyer, 2003; Haley).
African parents since brought to America were involved in many instances in
support of bettering the fate of their children; consequently, information on actually
how many parents is unavailable being most activity was in secrecy (Perry, Steele, &
Hilliard 2003; Haley, 1976). Slave narratives, approximately 6,000 published in 250
years, spoke of support from parents, other slaves, and Whites. This support is
evident because of those who did learn to read, write, and share their experiences
through their narratives (Slave Narratives).
Parents organized prayer meetings to disguise activities of learning to read
and write the alphabet. Whenever possible parents worked long hours and completed
more work in the fields so their children could stay inside “cleaning” which was used
as a vehicle to hide educational attainment too. Sharecroppers worked primarily for
the White landowners who expected all Blacks to work the field. Many times parents
would allow a member of the community who could read and write to teach the
children by working extensively in the fields to cover up for the missing hand.
During enslavement, some parents chose the ultimate sacrifice and begged the
master to take their child as a house slave in hopes of a better life than working the
field and in hopes of a kind mistress who may educate them (Clarke, 1996).
The poet and writer Paul Lawrence Dunbar in a biography remembers being
allowed by his mother to continue to high school while other boys his age had to

23
work. Dunbar was born in 1872 the son of ex-slaves and is known as the first
African-American to gain national eminence as a poet. His mother took on extra
work at the advice from Paul‟s teacher saying he had potential and he should be
allowed to stay in school. His mother worked so he would not have to and he
continued his schooling (Dunbar & Braxton, 2003). Dunbar‟s story is just one of
many told and untold stories of African- American involvement in the education of
their children. Whether it was illegal to learn to read or required extending
themselves to gain education, parents were willing and did support their children.
Dunbar‟s experience confirms the tribulation African-Americans endured for
education. Similar stories are found in the lives of well-known African- Americans
such as W. E. B. Du Bois and Booker T. Washington.
Since the 20
th
century, education and parental involvement evolved for all
groups of people. As politics and advocates for African-Americans, women, and
children began to use federal influences on education, the rights of these groups
would change the structure of school politics but not always change social aspects of
schools. The rights of African-Americans in the educational system would change
because of Brown Vs Board of Education of Topeka case introducing school
desegregation during the volatile Civil Rights Era. It changed because of Women‟s
Suffrage increasing the number of women participating in women only organizations
such as the Ohio Women‟s Rights Convention allowing Sojourner Truth to speak
about the treatment of slaves and such groups demanding changes in the treatment of

24
African-Americans. Eventually changing because of child labor laws changes. These
all created different dynamics to the purpose and the design of education.
Free public schools would take a new position as a place to Americanize its‟
children and their parents. The old position of the privileged being fortunate to
receive formal education in reading, writing, and arithmetic changed to the new
position of public education for all children. The educational system now hoped to
develop commonalities between European groups and create a system that passed on
norms, morals, and values in an effort to construct a common America.
CRT Tenets Related to PI History
CRT is a viable construct when examining the historical perspective and
earlier development of PI in schools. Three of the five tenets, tenets one, two, and
four, are relevant to the history of parental involvement. The focus of tenet one on
race and racism being intercentric is categorically in American school history. Tenet
one argues race and racism are prevalent and intertwined consistently in education.
This construct of race in education matters the same in the past as it does presently is
consistent. The focus of tenet two being challenging the dominant ideology is
represented by the process of schools becoming the central resource for states to
Americanize families. Schools in their inceptions were design partly to disseminate
the dominant ideology of White supremacy (Gryphon & Meyer, 2003).
The influx of European immigrants changed the landscape of schools and
initiated state controlled systems (Gryphon & Meyer, 2003). The desire for common
thoughts and acceptance of the dominant social class, norms, morals, and values

25
were established through public schools (Gryphon & Meyer). People of color have
received a substandard education as means to perpetuate menial work to increase the
wealth and almost free labor for capitalism. The same miseducation in some schools
currently is yielding the same results historically, today, low paying menial work.
Tenet four tries to illuminate the voices of the voiceless. Education for African-
Americans was denied and quite illusive for many Africans. Solórzano‟s (1998) five
tenets: one, race and racism are permanent fixtures in American society; two, the
dominant ideology perpetuates privilege for some and no privilege for other groups;
three, social justice is key to change; four, knowledge comes from all ethnic groups
not just the dominant group; and five, critical race theory connects with other
disciplines besides education; along with Ladson-Billings & Tate‟s 3 considerations
explores the use of race in a very systematic way. CRT correlates with Slave
Narratives acting as a portal revealing the experiences of people of color
simultaneously validating their existence. Further investigation including race and
class must be given to defining parental involvement to begin to combat historical
racism ingrained in public schools.
Defining Parental Involvement
The history of parental involvement was systematic earlier in public school
inception and easily defined. Parents were more in control of teacher‟s salary,
curriculum, and their personal lives (Gryphon & Meyer, 2004). A definition of
parental involvement today is far more complicated than in the past. I will begin this
section of the review by exploring definitions of parent involvement. I will then

26
move on to examining one particular set of PI typology that has developed and lead
the genre for the last two decades, including specific school grade appropriate studies
confirming the value of parental involvement. Finally, I will conclude this section by
reviewing research examining African American parent involvement and alternative
involvement practices.
In the 21
st
century, parental involvement has many different definitions in
print that evolved from historical changes. Hoge, Smith, and Crist (1997) look at
four factors of parental involvement: parental expectations, their interest, their
involvement, and the family community. Parents‟ participating in day-to-day
classroom activities is part of the definition offered by the National Education
Association (1999). The NEA defined parental involvement as a program to bring
parents to the classroom and develop a parent/teacher relationship. Extending the
definition of parental involvement, the NEA suggested parent involvement functions
and tasks: grading student papers, making instructional materials, supporting science
experiments, being guest speakers in classrooms, helping in the office, reading books
to students, and playing games with students.
Christenson, Rounds, and Franklin (1992) considered parental involvement
directly linked to the collaboration between school and home. They argued
involvement of parents is the relationship between home and school working to
increase academic and social competence of students. Grolnick and Slowiaczek
(1994) define parent involvement as the dedication of resources by the parent and
child in three areas: parent behavior such as school site participation, cognitive-

27
intellectual involvement such as exposing the child to other experiences, and
personal involvement such as being familiar with their child‟s school activities. All
previous mentioned definitions are similar and involve mainly activities based at the
school site.
Parental involvement practices effecting student achievement have generally
been based on White middle class values. However, two studies (Auerbach, 2007,
Ceballo, 2004) offer different parent involvement activities to examine parental
involvement. Most studies used to validate positive outcomes have been quantitative.
Although quantitative outcomes are valuable, they limit the ability to obtain
information not exposed through numbers but required direct input from participants
perhaps through interviews, observations, or case studies. Quantitative can examine
if a meeting was attended by parents based on the meeting attendance sheet but
qualitative research has the preference of asking why didn‟t you attend to parents
who did not attend and why did you attend to parents who did attend. This is
important when examining practice that must be understood beyond numbers and
statistics.
The next section begins with a discussion of Epstein‟s Framework Six Types
of Involvement followed by parental involvement research in grades K -12 leading
into studies focused on African American parent involvement and concluding with
parental involvement from a different point of reference from Epstein‟s framework.

28
Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement
The most influential extensive definition of parental involvement comes from
Joyce Epstein (1995) and her colleagues. Epstein lists six types of parent
involvement: assisting, communicating, volunteering, home learning, school
decision-making and developing relationships between home and school (p. 23).
The following is an extended discussion of Epstein‟s typology.
Type 1 Parenting
Type 1 entails establishing the support for the home environment. The quality
and quantity of contact with parents is vital to student achievement (Sheldon &
Epstein, 2005, p. 199). Schools that embrace and value students‟ culture increase
parental involvement (Morris, 2004, p. 14). Parents felt more comfortable at the
school and visited the school more often when they felt accepted. Type 1 is different
from Type 4 in that one focuses on parent needs to support their children outside of
curriculum while four is directly related to school curriculum. Examples of Type 1
practices are shown in Table 1.
Results for students gained from Type 1 parental involvement include: family
supervision awareness, parental respect, balance between home chores and school
work, increase in attendance, value of school, and positive family qualities, beliefs,
habits and values (Epstein, 2001). Theoretical research suggests roles of parents and
schools are defined in reciprocal fashion: school should teach kids how to learn
while parents should teach kids work through rules and ethics at home (Levine,

29
2002). Type 1 involvement has taken this theory further and involved the school in
supporting parent education as well.

Table 1: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement: Type 1 Examples
Assist school to better
understand families,
setting home conditions to
support child as a student
and assisting with
parenting skills
At each grade level,
provide parenting and
child development
information by phone,
annual newsletter,
workshops, and
videotapes.
Supporting parents if
necessary through parent
education courses (e. g.
family literacy, college or
training programs,
obtaining GED).
Programs designed to
build mutual respect and
understanding for parents
and schools (home
visiting programs or
neighborhood meetings).
Programs designed to
support families through
assistance with health,
nutrition, and parenting;
could include food co-
ops, parent-to-parent
groups, and clothing
swaps.
Parents receiving an
annual survey sharing
information about their
children‟s goals,
strengths, and special
talents (Epstein, 2004).

Type 2 Communicating
Type 2 is communicating and includes letters and phone calls home with
parents responding to information sent home. The communication between school
and parent is two-way and at a minimum includes reminders of school activities,
report cards, notice of possible failing grade, and invitation to monthly Parent
Teacher Association (PTA) meetings. Communicating effectively with parents
according to Morris (2004) may increase comfort level of parents resulting in
increased parent involvement when parents are comfortable, they are more likely to

30
be involved. Machen, Wilson, and Notor (2005) found schools that initiated
communication with parents could influence parental involvement. (p. 24). Type 2
communications connects parents, teachers, and schools with each other and conveys
student academic progress to parents (Epstein, 2004). Examples of Type 2 practices
are shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement: Type 2 Examples
Annual parent conference
with every parent and
follow up when
necessary.
Translators to
communicate for families
as needed.
Families: parents and
students pick up report
cards.
Parents sent week or
monthly students work to
review progress, be aware
of student academic level,
and return comments
about work.
Schedule regular
correspondences of useful
notices, memos, and
phone calls.
Information about
selecting courses,
programs, and activities
within schools very clear
and concise.
Information about
policies, programs,
reforms, transitions, rules,
assessments clear and
concise.
Effective newsletter
containing information on
suggestions and reactions
along with ways to ask
questions.
Survey families annually
to obtain information
about students‟ needs and
their suggestions and
reactions to school
programs (Epstein, 2004).

Student gains from Type 2 parental involvement include: awareness and
monitoring their own progress, actions for improving grades, understanding student
conduct policies, behavior program, attendance expectations, knowledgeable
decisions about course selection, programs details (Epstein, 2004).

31
Type 3 Volunteering
Type 3 is volunteering and consists of recruitment and organizing. Recruiting
other parents to support school efforts and organizing volunteers is a dynamic aspect
of parent involvement that builds consistency in the relationship between the parents
and the school. Parental involvement was found to be a better indicator of school
engagement and school adjustment (Machen, Wilson & Notar, 2005).
Adunyarittigun‟s (1997) study of parent volunteers and reading performances
indicated the parent volunteers increased the student self-perception about reading
and increased their desire to read (p. 14). Examples of Type 3 practices are shown in
Table 3.

Table 3: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement: Type 3 Examples
Survey available
volunteers to identify
talents and interests
annually.
Volunteer work,
meetings, and resources
for families held in parent
room or family center.
Provide families with
needed information
through class parents,
telephone tree, or other
structures.
School safety through
parent patrols, parent
supervision.
Review schedules for
student‟s performances,
sporting events, and
assemblies annually to
promote attendance
during daytime and
evening

32
Student gains from Type 3 parental involvement include: increased
communication skills with adults, additional skill set gained from tutoring or
exclusive attention from volunteers, acknowledge awareness of talents, occupations,
skills, and contributions of volunteer parents (Epstein, 2001).
Type 4 Learning at Home
Type 4 is learning at home and examines connections at home activities such
as homework and curriculum support. It focuses on families support of school at
home through learning activities, other curriculum linked activities, and decisions.
Curriculum linked activities such as research assignments and family projects
support student and parents making decisions together to complete school projects
(Epstein, 2004). Examples of Type 4 practices are shown in Table 4.

Table 4: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement: Type 4 Examples
Families provided with
information on required
skills and standards for all
grades level and subjects.
Information about
homework including how
to support home
assignments and
monitoring homework.
Providing information to
assist students in needed
areas.
Home and community
assignments scheduled
daily or weekly from
families to complete
together.
Summer homework
packets or activities to
continue learning.
Interactive homework
assigned regularly
expecting students to
demonstrate and discuss
new learning from class.
College workshops and
annual activities assisting
families with setting
academic goals yearly

33
Activities that support learning at home include: parent education classes
offered during school hours, parent education classes offered during evening hours,
Saturday parent courses, videotapes made for home use, and direct contact to
teachers. These activities are some parent communications in Type 4 involvement
(Sheldon & Epstein, 2005, p. 199).
Student gains from type 4 parental involvements include: increase in
completing homework assignments, positive attitude toward homework assignments,
viewing parent as teachers, and home similar to school in that activities at home will
mirror those in the classroom, self- efficacy toward the ability to learn (Epstein,
2001).
Type 5 Decision-Makers
Type 5 is about parents as decision-makers. Parent representation on school
committees and school boards is directly contributing to choices affecting students.
Parent representations and leadership includes parents from all backgrounds. Schools
must find ways to involve all parents, not just those eager to participate, to increase
possibilities of positive effects on student achievement (Sheldon & Epstein, 2005, p.
198). Examples of Type 5 practices are shown in Table 5.
Student gains from Type 5 parental involvements include: knowledge of
parent representation on school decisions, understanding the protection of student
rights; benefits generated from parent organizations linked to policy changes and
experienced by students (Epstein, 2001).

34
Table 5: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement: Type 5 Examples
Parent leadership and
participation on PTA,
PTO, advisory councils,
committees, and other
parent organizations.
Action Team designed to
create and continue the
use and effectiveness of
all six types of
involvement.
Advisory councils and
committees on district
levels.
Parent representative
networks to connect with
all families.
Advocacy independent of
school to lobby for reform
and improvements of
school.
Provide information for
election on school and
local representation
(Epstein, 2004).

Type 6 School and Community Collaboration
Type 6 is school collaboration with the surrounding community. The
school‟s knowledge of community resources and services to strengthen school
programs contributed to increased parental involvement (Sheldon and Epstein,
2005). Their study of the measurable effects of school, family, and community
partnerships at all grade levels nationwide confirmed a positive relationship between
family, school, community, and math achievement (Sheldon & Epstein). Methods
used to collaborate with businesses, agencies, and other groups within the school
community and the schools providing available services to the community are
associated with Type 6 involvement. Examples of Type 6 practices are shown in
Table 6.
Benefits for students as a result of Type 6 parental involvements are:
enrichment programs that increasing skills and talents, awareness of future careers

35
and educational preparation, and connecting with community through programs,
services, and resources (Epstein, 2001).

Table 6: Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement: Type 6 Examples
Providing information for
families and students
regarding community
cultural, recreational,
health, social support,
along with other
programs and services.
Providing information on
learning activities in the
community to increase
skills and talents,
including summer
programs.
Partnership to create an
all-inclusive family
services shopping at
schools through services
such as counseling,
health, recreation, job
training, and other
agencies.
Offer community services
by schools, families, and
students such as
recycling, art, music,
senior citizens activities,
coaching available and
tutoring.
Alumni participating in
school programs.
Partnership between
schools and businesses
(Epstein, 2004).

There are several studies confirming parental involvement‟s positive effect
on student achievement, including relationships with teachers and schools, support
given at home, and efforts to support school administrators (Jeynes, 2005; Fields,
2006; Prince, 2006). Parents involvement in schools give students the message
school is important and valuable (Machen, Wilson, and Notar, (2005). Successful
parent programs build a sense of community by removing possible limitations for
their participations, such as providing childcare for siblings and transportation to and
from meeting (Machen, Wilson, and Notar, 2005).

36
Studies specific to grade levels consider parent involvement and outcomes
leading to increase student achievement (Izzo, Weissberg, Kasprow, and Fendrich,
1999). Parental involvement at different periods of a child‟s educational
development yields academic success. Literature examining student achievement in
preschool, elementary, and high school all equate increased parental involvement
with higher student achievement (Marcon, 1999; Henderson & Mapp, 2002;
Mathematica, 2001; Munoz, 2000, Auerbach, 2007; Ceballo, 2004).
Preschool Involvement
The first federal attempt at creating a vehicle to decrease poverty was Head
Start. The project started early with academic support for preschoolers. Mathematica
Policy Research and Columbia‟s University Center for Children and Families (2001)
experimentally studied children and families participating in Head Start. The study
included observations of 17 sites and around 3,000 children. The researchers
randomly assigned families to control and program groups. Findings reveal children
in the Head Start program scored higher on cognitive assessments; spoke in more
complete and complex sentences; and used more words than children in the control
group. The study found families in the program group, which involved parents, were
found to support their children more in literacy and in their overall development than
families in the control group (Mathematica, 2001).
Marcon (1999) studied 708 students during early childhood to research the
impact of parent involvement. The study correlated specific parent involvement with
exact outcomes. Marcon collected data primarily from African American pre-

37
kindergarten students in a public full-day program in Washington, D.C. Marcon
measured parent involvement through teacher rating. The Vineland Adaptive
Behavior Scales measured students‟ process in communication, social skills, motor
skills, and daily living. He used district report cards to assess students‟ verbal,
social, physical, and math skills mastery. Although he did not gather specific
matches between types of involvement and outcome, his findings suggested that
more active types of parental involvement are related to greater mastery of skills
(Marcon, 1999; Henderson & Mapp, 2002; Prince 2006). Three studies in the next
section considering parent involvement in elementary school reveal significant
findings similar to involvement during preschool.
Elementary Involvement
Izzo, Weissberg, Kasprow, and Fendrich (1999) performed a longitudinal
study of parental involvement studying 1,205 urban students from kindergarten to
third grade. They randomly selected these students from the general pool of 2300
students from which a third of the males and a third of the females came from 341
classrooms in 27 schools. Most students were low-income. They used teacher
ratings to measure parental involvement. Teachers‟ rated parents in four areas: (1)
school participation (yes/no); (2) quality of interaction with teacher (constructive);
(3) educational activity with child at home (yes/no); (4) frequency of interaction/
communication between teacher and parent each year. The researchers used district
report cards to assess students‟ achievement. Teachers completed a 38-item teacher-
student rating scale to determine students‟ adaptation to school. Children whose

38
parents‟ were actively involved made the largest gains on reading and math
assessments. Parents whom were rated as “good” on scale completed by teachers,
children performed better than students whose parents were not rated positively on
same scale (Izzo, Weissberg, Kasprow, & Fendrich, 199: Henderson & Mapp, 2002,
Prince, 2006).
Munoz (2000) in a similar study involving public school kindergarten
students used the National Center for Educational Statistics Early Childhood
Longitudinal study (kindergarten class of 1988-89). Munoz used data from
longitudinal study to examine the effects of parental involvement on kindergarten
student achievement. School administrators measured parental involvement based on
volunteerism versus non-volunteerism by completed a questionnaire. Munoz
compared pre- post testing of kindergarten students at the beginning and end of the
year in reading and math to measure their achievement. The findings showed
parental volunteerism in kindergarten increased reading scores significantly (Prince,
2006; Munoz). He also documented student achievement increases in middle school
and high school due to parent involvement. Parent involvement variables included
number of contacts between teacher and parents, quality of interactions between
teacher and parent, teacher‟s perceptions about parent participation in school
activity, and teacher‟s perception of parents‟ activities at home with supporting
students in social and academic development.

39
Middle and High School (grades 6 -12) Involvement
Epstein, Simon, and Salinas (1997) study on Teachers Involve Parent in
Schoolwork (TIPS) explored how TIPS interactive homework supported students‟
writing and report card grades in middle and high school (Epstein, Simon, and
Salinas). Developed by researchers at John Hopkins University and teachers from
Maryland, Virginia, and the District of Columbia, TIPS engages parents and students
through academic interactions connected with nightly homework. They conducted
the study with sixth and eighth grade students. Both middle schools had low parental
involvement and low achievement scores. During the school year, they analyzed
three writing samples from 683 students. At the end of the school year, they
documented TIPS interactive homework program experiences through surveys
completed by 218 parents and 413 students. Students in the program improved their
writing scores and their report card grades in Language Arts. Parents in the program
had a positive attitude about the program (Epstein et. al., 1997; Henderson & Mapp,
2002).
Shumow and Miller (2001) studied subgroup of 60 families from a national
study of adolescents (Longitudinal Study of American Youth) to research parental
involvement in the middle school. The study randomly selected students from 50
schools throughout the nation, including urban, suburban, and rural areas. The study
examined personal characteristics and parent involvement. Personal characteristics
were parent and student gender, parent income and education levels, of, and
student‟s prior success in school. They examined the relationship between parents‟

40
at-home and at-school involvement and student academic outcomes too. The study
revealed significant parental involvement effects on all student outcomes when
parent engagement in academic involvement at home and at school was examined
(Shumow and Miller).
Using the National Educational Longitudinal Study (NELS) Simon (2000)
studied how high schools, families, and communities collaborated to support student
achievement. Simon used a collective set of measures, family interviews, school
administrators‟ interviews, and student surveys to determine the effects of family
involvement and its relationship to student achievement. Measures used to
determine student achievement included test scores and grades in English and math
classes, number of absences, school behavior, school readiness, and number of
course credits. Simon‟s study suggested parent participation in school activities
increases with school support. Students‟ higher grades in English and math, better
attendance and improved behavior, and increased preparedness for class related
specifically with parent involvement through volunteering, learning at home, and
decision-making activities. Additionally, her analysis found student achievement
benefited from collaborations between family-school-community (Simon, 2000;
Henderson & Mapp, 2002; Prince, 2006).
Jeynes (2003) conducted a meta-analysis study of twenty studies, including
nearly 12,000 subjects, on effects of traditional types of parent involvement on L-12
student academic achievement. The meta-analysis examined the overall effects of
parental involvement obtained by each study and specific components of parental

41
involvement. These components include: extent of parental communication with
their children about schools, extent of parental checking of homework, parental
expectations about their children‟s academic success, level of parental
encouragement of their children to do outside reading, level of parental
attendance/participation in school functions, extent of household rules about school
and/or leisure, parenting styles, and other forms of parental involvement.
The study consisted of six different racial groupings: (a) all African
American participants, (b) mostly African American participants, (c) all Asian
American participants, (d) mostly Asian American participants, (e) mostly Latino
and Asian American participants, and (f) all Latino and Asian American participants.
Measures used for meta analysis were all components of academic achievement
combined, grade point averages, standardized test results, student‟s academic
behavior and attitudes and teacher rating scales. All studies used in this meta analysis
controlled for socioeconomic status, with some controlling for gender.
Jeynes (2003) found parental involvement effect broad but consistent across
various cultures and situations. Regardless of socioeconomics, race, or parent
involvement during a particular grade, parental involvement exerted a positive effect.
Jeynes‟ analysis focused on “effect size” or the size of the relationship between two
variables. The African American group effect size was greater than the Latino
group. The African American group and the Latino American group were greater
than the Asian American group effect size in the study. The Asian American group‟s
effect size although positive was not statistically significant. Nevertheless, the meta-

42
analysis suggested a positive relationship between parental involvement and student
academic for all groups.
Unlike the previous studies, the next two qualitative studies focus on
alternative parental practices. Both studies present positive results of parental
involvement in high school.
Auerbach (2007; 2001) investigated the parent involvement practices of
parents with children in high school. The study sought types of involvement more
specific to low-income families‟ needs and desires. Over a three-year period, she
observed a group of parents and students for involvement practices outside of the
partnership model.
The study included Mexican and Central American immigrant families and
an African American family participating in the Future Project. This is a project
done in conjunction with the University of California, Los Angeles and high school
students with the desire and potential to attend college. Parental involvement
practices were positive but not aligned with popular practices. Parental involvement
practices outside of the partnership model include activities provided solely at home
and not linked to the school through school organization efforts, teacher relationship
with parent or school solicitation. This involvement takes in account daily practices
such as providing time and space for students to complete assignments, supporting
students sometimes blindly in matters related to school achievement, encouraging
students through personal narratives and tales of moral significance. Another high

43
school study generated different types of involvement yielding positive results for
students.
Ceballo (2004) studied, qualitatively, parent involvement practices through
the perspectives of Yale University Latino students. She interviewed students to
unlock parental involvement practices that were possibly ignored by current accepted
typology. The study found common themes expressed by the students: education is
valued, parents trusted the ability of their child, support (often nonverbal), and
mentorship. The first three themes are considered contributions of parent
involvement consequently overlooked by current accepted practices.
Most of the aforementioned parental involvement studies included African
American students and their parents, but they were not designed to study this group.
In the next section, I turn to studies with a specific focus on African American
parental involvement.
African American Parental Involvement
I was able to uncover only five articles examining African American parent
involvement, four at the elementary school level and one at the high school level.
Three of these five articles examined African American parents‟ attitudes, beliefs, or
practices related to parent involvement (Colbert, 1991; Bauman & Thomas, 1997;
Waggoner & Griffith, 1998). One article addressed African American parents‟
school involvement examining their perceptions on school staff and school policies
(Gavin & Greenfield; 1998) and the final meta-analysis article examined 10
th
and
12
th
grade students‟ academic achievement relationship and African American

44
parental involvement (Jeynes, 2005). The other studies utilized qualitative research
methods and one case study (Bauman & Thomas). Studies in this section examined
the relationship between home and school also.
Colbert‟s (1991) naturalistic ethnography study investigated African
American parent perceptions of their relationship with school staff. Colbert (1991)
conducted 23 open-ended interviews with African American parents of K-6 children
in a large Midwest metropolitan community. The parent sample included one college
graduate, three with college experience, and an average education of 11
th
grade. He
argued the historical and intercultural factors contribute to the relationship between
parents and schools as well. Colbert identified significant role differences between
home and school and suggested roles influence student progress. The divergence
between home and school may replicate the conflict between the dominant culture
and marginalized groups.
Colbert‟s (1991) study shaped four major findings. The first finding
indicated parents (65%) were unaware of the purpose of schooling, but recalled
significant consequences for misbehaving in school or not attending. The second
finding suggested parents (45%) were frustrated and angry with schools. Parents
handle this emotion with the school in different ways. Some parents felt powerless
while others characterized their relationship as non-assertive. Frustrated parents
believe school personnel are responsible for providing their children with a good
education. The third finding found that parents realized they lived in one world
while preparing their children to live in another world. Parents did not want their

45
children trapped into inner city economic occupations. They expressed fears of this
occurring. Parents often retained African American college role models for their
children. The fourth and final finding from Colbert‟s research point out passivity or
assertiveness correlated with satisfaction of child‟s academic progress and school
staff relationship. Passive parents (80%) were satisfied while assertive parents
(60%) felt dissatisfaction. The study‟s findings indicated African American parent
involvement stems from fear and dissatisfaction with the school. Parents often seek
other ways to support their child in academic areas. Farkas, Johnson, Duffet,
Aulinco & McHigh (1999) conclusion did concur with Colbert‟s (1991) by revealing
African American distrust with school staff‟s inability in meeting the needs of their
children. On the other hand, Colbert‟s lack detailed abundance often associated with
qualitative research.
Like Colbert (1991), Waggoner and Griffith (1998) examined perception
differences of teachers and parents. The researchers focused specifically on the
differences perceived within the interaction between home and school through
school volunteering. They interviewed volunteers and teachers from four schools in
low SES communities in Louisiana. While the researchers did not report the total
number of participants, 95% were African-Americans. The volunteer pool included
two parent families, single parents, grandparents, and other relatives as caregivers.
Perceptions differed between volunteers and teachers. Teachers‟ perceptions
of volunteers limited parent involvement to more traditional roles. Teachers also
viewed parent involvement in terms of school needs. Overall, teachers viewed

46
serving on the PTA and volunteering in classrooms as the extent of parent
involvement. Contrary to teachers‟ perceptions, parents considered involvement
inside and outside of the classroom and school. Parents viewed time spent on
homework, extending and introducing math skills at home, transporting children to
and from school as involvement. Parents further identified changes in home support
based on classroom observations. After classroom observations, parents indicated the
language used in the classroom continued at home with some parents extending
home support by learning new school subject matter to work with their children at
home.
Waggoner and Griffith (1998) showed teacher and parent perceptions differ
in ways, which define the interactions and relationships between each group.
Teachers view parent involvement in confined, specific, and a narrow group of
activities. Parents view their involvement in a broader scope that includes activities
at home supporting academic growth and at school as classroom observers as well as
classroom helpers. The Waggoner and Griffith study compared favorably to Colbert
(1991) that described parents supporting their children at home. However, the fears
and frustration of parents was not obvious in their study.
Positive conclusions from both studies corroborated suggestions about the
benefit of parental involvement at home and at school (Stein & Thorkildsen, 1999;
Epstein, 2001). Unfortunately, both studies also lacked details of findings and did
not provide many examples of data to support findings. Nevertheless, Waggoner and
Griffith revealed adjustments made by parents based on school terms.

47
Interactions between teacher and parents as noted in previous mentioned
study do affect the type of parent involvement given to the school and decided by the
parent. Parents perception of involvement include activities based from home such as
driving students as school daily is decided by parents as involved but may not be
considered involved by school standards. Bauman and Thomas‟s case study (1997)
on the interaction between an African American parent and her child‟s teacher
documents an intimate view of interaction between parent and teacher. Participants
in the case study were a university professor and a single mother of three. The
professor was on a one-year leave of absence teaching second grade in a low
socioeconomic community. The professor with the mother documented a journal
article based on their interactions throughout the year.
The interactions during the year revealed how the parent‟s and the teacher‟s
personal experiences affected their relationship. The teacher discovered that his
negative perceptions decreased low-income parents‟, particularly African-
Americans, expectations for involvement. The mother‟s personal educational
experience influenced her desire and need to communicate with the teacher. As a
child, the parent was pushed to excel and she used this model on her children. She
was actively involved in the PTA and visited the school frequently according to the
study. Both of these aspects on the case study would fuel the interaction and views of
both the parent and the teacher during the year.
The teacher‟s views of African American parents in particular would change
overtime because of the interaction with this parent. Continuing communication

48
with the parent and the parent‟s responses changed his expectations. The teacher
realized that socioeconomic status does not solely determine student success and race
does not predict school success or its value to a family. The study further showed
that low-income parents valued education while wanting a better education then they
received for their children and support teachers building literacy skills in their
children. The study exposed the power of relationships between parents and teachers
and the need for collaboration between them.
Although the case study showed collaboration between parent and teacher as
a powerful tool, the teacher in this study was a university professor. Whether the
nature of the relationship can be replicated with others is problematic given his
position as a professor. The power of collaboration found in this study is further
questioned if the parents‟ fears and frustration suggested in Colbert‟s (1991) study
are present. Bauman and Thomas (1997) proposed that a school knowing the
community and finding out the needs of the parents before embarking on parent
activities initiates parent-teacher interactions and the relationship between parent-
teacher throughout the year.
Gavin and Greenfield (1998) study determined the effect of teacher‟s support
for parental involvement on African America parental involvement practices in ten
kindergarten classrooms across four public schools. Seventy-six African American
families participated in the study, including ten classroom teachers. Teachers
responded to survey items on the following: support for parental involvement; beliefs
about home-school communication; school volunteering; home learning; parent

49
advocacy; and community collaboration. Researchers observed teacher
communications and teacher practices for requesting volunteers. Based on survey
results, they classified teachers as high or low encouragers of parental involvement.
The group of 10 teachers comprised five high and five low encouragers.
The study did not yield any statistically significant differences in the mean
level of parental involvement for either group of encouraging teachers. However,
differences between the high and low encouraging teachers were statistically
significant for influencing specific types of parental involvement. A parent of high
encouragers received statistically higher parent involvement scores than parents of
low encouragers. Parallel results between high encouragers and low encouragers
were found in the area of parent volunteering also. Gavin and Greenfield (1998)
indicated that low-income African American parents‟ limited resources created
issues due to employment and childcare needs. Knowing the needs of parents, guided
the teacher‟s emphasis on specifically one or two types of parent involvement rather
than a blanket approach. The types of activities suggested by teachers were based on
this knowledge of personal situations of parents. This produced a more effective
way to support parents in becoming involved in school wide and classroom
activities.
Gavin and Greenfield (1998) indicated that teacher encouragement of specific
types of parental involvement influences parents‟ decision and actions when
considering becoming involved. Teachers with positive attitudes towards parents
being involved and also willing to extend themselves to suggest ways or things to do

50
to be involved in the classroom versus teachers who did not encourage parents to
participate distinguished high versus low encouragement. The study suggests school
sensitivity to the needs of parents referring to knowing the community and planning
activities that take in consideration circumstances such as work hours of parents,
babysitting services, and language preferences.
Schools in low SES communities have a greater responsibility of being aware
of possible hardships and lack of resources of parents in the community
simultaneously developing change to meet the needs of families. Once the school
personnel has familiarized themselves with the community they serve, then they can
create resources in forms of parent mentors and childcare services to support parent
involvement. Similar to Bauman and Thomas (1997), Gavin and Greenfield believe
knowing the surrounding school community leads to meeting the needs of parents
through more specific areas of parental involvement. Previous research focused
primarily on White middle-class families. Gavin and Greenfield‟s research reveal
types of parental involvement from supporting child with homework, attending
school meetings, visiting classrooms, and meeting with classroom teachers that differ
for African American families, therefore deeming it necessary to further study these
differences.
Jeynes suggests that parental involvement is predictive of academic outcomes
for African American seniors. He further contends that SES confounds the predictive
validity of parental involvement and academic outcomes with respect to African-

51
Americans. When SES is related to parental involvement for African-Americans, the
outcomes remain positive but are statistically not significant when SES is included.
Jeynes offers five reasons that may account for the close relationship between
SES and PI. First, parents with higher levels of education, occupation, and income
are more likely to have determination and resilience as attributes and these
attributions are passed on to their children. Second, firsthand experiences with the
benefits of educations from parents who are financially stabile are more likely to
support similar beliefs about education for their children. Third, variation in family
structure may impact the relationship between SES and parental involvement. Poor
and single parents have less availability to volunteer during the school day compared
to high SES two-parent household. Fourth, high SES families have more disposable
income and are more likely to use their resources to purchase educational materials
including books, games, and tutoring services. Lastly, the attainment and source of
high SES itself is an expression of parent involvement. The ability and desire of a
parent to seek educational attainment and gain certain occupations in order to
provide better opportunities and better schools for their children is considered
parental involvement. Jeynes suggests that African American parental involvement
is positive regardless of SES but SES does contribute to level of involvement.
Conclusions drawn from these five studies suggest that African American
parents are not only interested in their child‟s education but contrary to schools‟
perception, viewed themselves as supportive (Bauman & Thomas, 1997; Waggoner
& Griffith, 1998). Those in high SES level have made sacrifices to achieve for the

52
sake of their children gaining the same results from education (Jeynes, 2005).
Parents changed, if necessary, to support the classroom lesson and activities through
learning new ideas and aligning school language with home (Waggoner & Griffith;
1998). Parents with financial surpluses used resources to support education such as
hiring tutors and buying books and educations games for home (Jeynes, 2005), and
responded to positive support from the teacher concerning parent involvement
(Bauman & Thomas, 1997; Gavin & Greenfield, 1998).
These studies revealed two areas of caution for teachers and parents. First,
perceptions on parental involvement differ for teachers and parents. African
American parents‟ view of involvement was broad and liberal, including support
given at home and daily attendance practice of students. Teachers viewed
involvement in more traditional, White middle-class patterns, consisting of
membership in the PTA and volunteering in the classroom. Second, the reason for
becoming involved primarily stemmed from fear and dissatisfaction with schools for
African American parents (Colbert, 1991). Teachers to say the least misunderstand
African American parental involvement, according to the literature. Many African
American parent involvement practices are considered not sufficient based on
traditional standards listed in the typology framework. Teachers and parents have
views that differ and seem negative toward each other that could lead to a lack of
traditional types of involvement.
The literature covered the role of social and cultural context to a limited
degree. Studies briefly mentioned the role of intergenerational influences and

53
parents‟ personal educational experiences as influential (Bauman & Thomas, 1997;
Colbert, 1991; Gavin & Greenfield, 1998; Jeynes, 2005). The influence of parent‟s
educational history and role models clearly contribute to parental involvement
practices and student academic success.
Finally, the research literature on African American parental involvement did
not describe the role of the school in persuading or dissuading parents from
becoming involved. The high encouragers, teachers who overly extend themselves
to develop a positive connections with parents through encouraging parents to
volunteer and suggest ways for parents to volunteer, of low-income parents resulted
in higher levels of parental involvement in classroom support and homework support
at home (Gavin & Greenfield, 1998) as with highly involved and less involved
parents yield academic increase also (Jeynes, 2005). Results from the literature on
African American involvement concur with the conclusions of Stein and Thorkildsen
(1999) and Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler (1997) agreeing parental involvement
practices are largely influenced by schools.
Teacher perceptions limited parental involvement too. Teachers often define
involvement based on classroom and school needs and ignore involvement based on
parental support and home activities (Waggoner and Griffith, 1998). Similar to
Chavkin (1993), this misperception contributes to the limited view on African
American parent involvement. Nevertheless, areas of school practices and
perceptions toward African American involvement are for the most part lacking in
the literature.

54
Parent Involvement Continuum
Due to low attendance at traditional parent-school functions such as PTA
meetings, school personnel judged African American parents are uninterested and
uninvolved. The comfort level for some minority parents in a setting highly based
on White middle class values along with their mistrust of the school‟s commitment
to their children are factors contributing to this perceived label of uninterested
(Morris, 2004). Miedel and Reynolds (1999) found that early parental involvement
correlated with K-8 reading achievement, retention rates, and special education
placement until age 14. Special education students‟ with involved parents‟ with
teacher communication, school meetings, and curriculum support spend fewer years
in special education classroom (Machen, Wilson, and Notar, 2005). Students in a
program such as special educations did show greater gains when parents are involved
in school and homework.
Parental involvement matters and it leads to change in academic achievement
for students. Critical Race theory offers an alternative interpretation of African-
Americans‟ relationship with public education and how race and racism affects
student outcomes (Morris, 2004). Recent studies examining alternative involvement
practices are limited in number but meaningful and powerful in the possibilities they
represent for parents of color. The following discussion will examine articles that
suggest other types of involvement not in the Epstein‟s (1995) Framework.
Auerbach (2007; 2001) article on parents‟ roles stemmed from her three-year
ethnographic dissertation on the role of working class parents‟ in education. She

55
conducted the study in a large, racially and socioeconomically mixed high school in
Los Angeles. Participants were part of a UCLA partnership program (Future
Project) for 30 students of color interested in college. Their teachers reported that
they have the potential for college too. From the Future project, she drew a small
purposeful sample of these students‟ parents. Auerbach examined the role of
working class parents who did not attend college but had college-going aspirations
for their children.
The study implores the field to reconceptualize the educational role of
working class parents of color. Sixteen parents from eleven families were part of the
study. Parents were ethnically diverse, including eleven Mexican and Central
American immigrants, 3 African-Americans, and 2 U.S.-born Chicanas. Their
education ranged from no formal education to credits from a university. Six parents
required interviews in Spanish. Parents‟ occupations ranged from skilled clerical and
sales to labor. Of the sixteen parents, 6 were single. Students GPA averaged 2.6
(Auerbach, 2007; 2001).
Parents interviewed in two in-depth, semi-structured sessions through a
systematic process of questions framed to elicit detailed stories. By using
hypothetical scenarios to probe parents‟ beliefs and feelings, the researcher listened
for emerging concepts about failing grades, college applications, leaving home for
college and Honors class access. The protocols for the second interview developed
after preliminary analysis of the data from the first interview. Researcher presented
questions in a conversational way for the perception of partners sharing knowledge

56
versus a customary detached research and subject approach. A total of fifty-two
hours of parent interviews were completed.
Based on a parent role construction theoretical framework, the study focused
on two basic questions. What do parents of color without college experience think
and do when they want their high school-age children to attend college? In addition,
what shapes their beliefs, goals, and support strategies? Parent roles are constructed
by changes in education policy and practice overtime, socioeconomics of the parents
and the socio-historical perspectives according to a person‟s value and position in the
world. By analyzing the outcomes of parents‟ day-to-day activities with their
children, she developed a clear concept of parents‟ beliefs in their roles.
Conceptualizing different ways to show parental involvement is enhanced
through defined strategies from parents. Parental involvement definitions range from
parent encouragement to parents correcting homework to prescriptions from
educators of what should be done at home by parents, and all from the point of view
of educators and in the reference to what is best for the school. Auerbach contents a
person‟s position in the educational system along with their class, race, ethnicity,
language status, and genders all shape how a person defines parent involvement and
the types of involvement a parent participates in and supports.
The researchers used open-ended semi-structured interviews of parents,
students, and school staff to reach clarity in areas such as defining involvement and
purpose of college. She triangulated Interview data with field notes from parent
meetings and other family-school interactions. She included information from

57
school databases, student transcripts and school documents. With this data, she
placed parents on a continuum for specific practices that guide or create access,
including the value they placed on support intensity. She categorized parents into
the following groups: moral supporters, ambivalent companions, and struggling
advocates (Auerbach, 2007; 2001).
The findings tend to confirm the limits of the current partnership model that
does not recognize the constraints and struggles of marginalize people of color. In
contrast to Epstein‟s Six Types of Involvement, Auerbach‟s (2007; 2001) study tries
to illuminate working class parents as protectors and advocates. The characteristics
found common within the three categories are:
Moral supporters: parents are hands off but show the way from afar; type of
support is use of indirect guidance through motivation, approval, and
encouragement; locus of support is primarily at home; origin of support stems from
their belief in the child and perception of child‟s ability; goal of support is to initiate
success; frame of reference is their home.
Struggling Advocates: parents are hands-on ready to take on challenges; type
of support includes advocating, negotiating for access, and seeking information;
locus of support is both home and school; origin of support stems from family
aspirations of mobility, belief in parents making the difference and not trusting
schools; goal of support is to change life of child and access to other opportunities;
frame of reference is middle-class college goers.

58
Ambivalent Companions: parents are part of the journey, more focus on
friendship; type of support includes encouragement, protection, assistance when
requested by child; locus of support comes primarily from home; origin of support
family stem from closeness to child and avoiding parent struggles with child; goal of
support is maintain relationship, keep child safe, and reinforce self esteem.
It is not easy to negotiate the common strategies within each category when
using a partnership model. The partnership model does not accommodate these
nontraditional forms of parental involvement. The partnership model fails to address
exclusionary feelings and parents of color‟s desire to protect their children from
racism, low expectation, and sexism (Auerbach, 200l; Lareau and Horvat, 1999).
Based on findings, she contends mainstream parent involvement research is under-
theorized in its methods and is often insufficient in its concept of parent roles among
diverse populations.
Currently the majority of research on parental involvement is based on large-
scale surveys and Auerbach (2001) disagrees with this as the only major type of
research on the genre. The researcher states such surveys have difficulty in capturing
the complexity and variation obscured by the construct of parental involvement. She
and others call for more qualitative, naturalistic approaches (Baker & Soden, 1998:
Auerbach, 2007). Research on parent involvement has stopped with a narrow focus
on the Framework of Six Types allowing other findings to exist only within this
typology hence lacking other possible theories of involvement. Auerbach does not
mean universally to apply the study‟s role typology to all working-class parents of

59
color but to illustrate the need for refining mainstream theoretical frameworks
(Auerbach, 2007).
Auerbach (2007; 2001) argues that the disproportionate distribution of
human, cultural, economic, and social capital limit parental involvement options. At
the same time, schools devalue the resources that low SES families possess. She
argues for the reconceptualization of traditional involvement. She claims that schools
ignore the nontraditional strategies that parents of color employ and any roles they
play outside of the partnership model. The research expands on current theories of
practice. She invites more in-depth focused studies on the role of marginalized
parents and the categorizing of parental involvement outside of school goals. She
recognizes the tension some parents have with schools; thereby calling for an
exploration of parental involvement as defined by the parents themselves. She calls
for an understanding of parents‟ race, class, and gender identities. Parents‟ voice and
family history serve as valuable information about their relationship with schools as
institutions.
Similar to Waggoner and Griffith (1998) and Bauman & Thomas (1997),
Auerbach‟s (2007; 2001) findings suggest parents‟ constructs of involvement differ
from those of schools. Parents indicated more broad concepts of involvement in
contrast to narrow school related specific involvement. Unlike Colbert (1991), the
study does paint a picture using rich descriptive language allowing the reader to
engage with participants while delivering a strong voice from parents of color. Race
is not ignored as in most research on parent involvement but the study‟s

60
methodology and purpose embrace it. Despite limitations, the study succeeds in its
request for a reconceptualization of involvement practices.
Critical race theory (Ladson-Billings, 1998, Ladson-Billings and Tate, 1995)
has an affinity with many of the conclusions that Auerbach reached. Unlike the
traditional partnership model, Auerbach‟s parental role continuum framework
addresses and embraces race, recognizing the presence of race in every aspect of
American society. Current parental involvement practices seem to be restricted to
parents of privilege who have the time to help in the classroom and chaperon
daytime trips (Ceballo, 2004; Auerbach, 2001). Some parents have the ability to
attend schools during the day on a daily basis because they may be stay at home
parents or work for themselves.
This privilege of being available to support school is not a negative by far but
forms of involvement should be available for parents who do not have the freedom to
attend during work hours. Activities such as parent conferences held in the middle
of the day and morning assemblies honoring student achievement should not be
scheduled only during times when a large number of parents work. It should not be a
privilege to participate in your child‟s education.
Teachers‟ high expectations and white-biased expectations of parent
involvement activities at school places low SES African American and Latinos at a
disadvantage when compared to White parents (Ceballo, 2004). For teachers, the
greater presence of White parents on campus leads them to believe that non-White
parents do not care. This leads to deficit thinking among teachers and perpetuates

61
the myth of the uninvolved minority parent (Valdes, 1996; Valencia & Black, 2002;
Auerbach, 2007).
Ladson-Billings (1998) contends that in the United States rights are not based
on being human but are distinctly connect to ownership. Ownership is kinship to
wealth. Those who are owners are more likely to have wealth and greater control of
their destiny. Power, privilege, and ownership afford those the opportunity to be
involved during the day at schools, something that many working class parents
cannot do. It affords them the opportunity to attend better schools, live in safer
communities, and the ability to make choices and decision for you.
Ceballo (2004) examined parenting strategies in a qualitative study on the
academic success of Yale University Latino students. Although this review does not
encompass parenting strategies, findings from the study reveal parenting practices
toward education that a critical race framework would accommodate. The study
consisted of 10 qualitative interviews of 20 to 22 year-old Yale University Latino
undergraduates, either low-income Mexican or Puerto Rican heritage students.
Ceballo drew her sample, 5 males, and 5 females, from Latino student organizations.
She used a 60 minute semi-structured, open-ended interview format. Four students
came from homes with at least one parent earning their high school diploma. All but
one participant, a Catholic high school graduate, attended public high schools.
Results from the study revealed four common themes. First, parents value the
importance of education. All students confirmed their parents‟ constant commitment
to education. Parents‟ prior experience rather than the lack of experience with

62
school contributed to their own belief systems and practice with their children.
Similar to Bauman & Thomas (1997), parents‟ school experiences impacted
decisions made for their children. Parents had limited knowledge of the significance
of being accepted to Yale but knew college education was important.
Next, the second common theme is parents‟ support of their children‟s
autonomy. Although parents committed strongly to their children‟ education, they
did not overwhelm or crowd them. Ceballo (2004) found that parents trusted their
children make the right decisions about daily homework and school projects. Parents
were cheerleader, gave consistent verbal support, for their children knowing the child
was capable and discipline in schools based on the values received from parents.
Students recalled filling out all forms about school and asking parents simply to sign
the forms without knowing what they signed simply because they were moral
supporters as defined by Auerbach. Similar characteristics of Moral supporter are
motivating, encouraging, trusting child, and positive opinions of a child‟s ability.
Both studies indicated these traits as positive practices on the continuum of parental
involvement from parents of color (Auerbach 2007; Ceballo, 2004).
Finally, the third theme is parents‟ nonverbal support for academic
achievement. Students reported that their parents‟ did not help them with homework
or idea for big projects. Instead, students reported on nonverbal support. For
example, students recognized that their parents would not allow them to work even if
their small wages would support the family. Some parents bought school supplies a
month in advance. Most of their parents excused students from chores, attending

63
church and visiting relatives if they had to do schoolwork. Students told of parents
making certain the home environment was conducive for studying. Many gave an
account of opportunities to study in the bedroom alone even if they did not have their
own bedroom. Parents tried to assure they had quiet in the home when it involved
homework. Historically, African American parents have taken on extra work and
provided opportunities for their children to attend school although it was a constant
struggle to make a living (Perry, Steele, Hilliard 2003; Gates, 2002 ).
Similar to Latino parents in Ceballo‟s (2004) study, parents‟ demonstrated
education was more important than anything else. Parents demonstrated the
importance of education through the following practices: giving their child the
opportunities to study although child‟s chores were not completely; on Sunday when
the entire family went to church the child had the advantage of staying home to study
if needed; when a extra family member working would increase the household,
students were allowed not to work and focus on completing school; and with limited
space in homes children were given the opportunity to study in rooms alone although
they may not have had their own bedroom. Parents of color value education.
Summary
Findings gathered from this review examined necessary facets of education to
develop a clear understanding of the significance and value of exploring African
American Parent involvement. There are five premises that are developed from the
review. The first premise is public education was not designed to be aloof or a never-
ending chase to gain the knowledge offered for success and survival. Originally, it

64
was designed to institutionalize European immigrants to the ways and norms of the
United States in homes of creating a common culture (Gryphon & Meyer, 2003).
African-Americans and Africans, freedmen and the enslaved, were educated
minimally to serve others and were punished beyond reproach when caught seeking
education (Haley, 1976). The secret and covert plight for educations historically
taken by African-Americans (Clarke, 1996) contributes to their relationship with this
current race based educational system. It is imperative to examine this relationship
between African-Americans parent involvement and public schools from a critical
perspective. The second premise is Critical Race theory illuminates discrepancy
stemming from history and influencing the present relationship between African
American parents‟ involvement and schools. Studies available that correlate the
genre of CRT and African American parent involvement are limited. This review
demonstrates the value of CRT and necessitates it perspective when examining a
system that by designed eliminated the ancestors of children failing academically in
the current system.
The establishment of CRT as the appropriate framework is further solidified
through the history of parent involvement in particular the history of African
American parents. Education for African-Americans was denied based on race.
Ladson-Billings‟ (1998) first considerations and Solórzano‟s (1998) tenet 1 of CRT
contend race is involved in every aspect of the United States and it will be always.
Continuing to ignore race by not including it as a major variable through colorblind
or people are all the same lens silences an important perspective from the other side.

65
The inclusion of race in this review attempts to listen to and therefore validate the
perspectives of marginalized people on the subject of parent involvement. CRT used
in this review allows race to initiate a different definition of parent involvement.
The third premise is Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Parent
Involvement guides parent involvement practices in most studies (Jeynes, 2005;
Epstein 2001; Henderson & Mapp. 2002). Thoroughly examining this framework
defined, established, and prepared background knowledge necessary is when
comparing the framework of six types often referred to as traditional with perhaps
non-traditional types of involvement. Several studies reviewed based involvement
on these types (Epstein, Simon, and Salinas, 1997; Simon, 2001; Marcon, 1999) but
did not look exclusively at African American parents and students involved in the
study requiring an examination specific to this group.
The fourth premise is African American parent involvement examination
within this review was limited due to the limited studies currently available
consequently a major premise for the purpose of this study. The need for such a
study was evident in the literature specific to African American parents exposing the
misalignment between African American parents and their relationship with
teachers, administrators, public schools (Colbert, 1991; Bauman & Thomas, 1997).
Information presented illustrated questions about the differences in the definition of
parent involvement between teacher and parent, the influence of the parent‟s
experience with education, and the controlling factors SES has on parent

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involvement practices as well (Jeynes, 2005; Waggoner & Griffith, 1998; Bauman &
Thomas, 1997: Colbert, 1991; Gavin & Greenfield, 1998).
The fifth premise is behaviors and practices of parents that are not easily
placed within the Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Involvement must be
given considerations. Auerbach (2007; 2001) and Ceballo (2004) illuminate
possibilities not offered by Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Involvement
while simultaneously negating the uninvolved parent label connected with many
parents of color. The review demonstrated the types of involvement often ignored
such as student‟s perfect attendance; poor parents working extended hours and
allowing their child to focus on school; and the use of consejos, personal narratives
that include a moral and often a warning discouraging following a path leading to
failure.
Overall, the review produced doubt in the current parental practices accepted
as the only correlated activities that yield significant possibilities to increase
academic achievement of people of color. The purpose for scrutinizing the practice
and including race is the chance of decreasing the achievement gap and the
possibility of saving the life and simultaneously cultivating the future of a child.

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CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Parent involvement affects academic achievement (Epstein, 2004) but recent
research tends to ignore the involvement of marginalized low-income parents of
color. The proposed study addressed some of the gaps in the parental involvement
literature by focusing on the impact of parental involvement among working-class
African American students enrolled in college. Extended interviews with working
class African American college students, including independent interviews with their
parents or guardian, collected information on parental involvement practices. Critical
race theory is used as the overarching theoretical framework for this study. However,
the research questions are framed from the parent involvement research by Epstein,
Auerbach, Ceballo, and Jeynes. Critical race driven interviews allows for
counterstories, perspectives of the participants, and illuminates the voices of
marginalized low-income people.
Furthermore, Chapter Two detailed research showing that working class,
minority parents want their children to do well in school (Lareau & Horvat, 1999;
Epstein, 2001), and that parental involvement provides the support that students need
to be academically successful, including college (Lareau & Horvat, 1999; Epstein,
2001; Henderson & Mapp, 2002; Liontos, 1992).
Research Questions
In this section, I describe the research methods for the present study. I start
by stating my research questions, research design, and procedures I used for data

68
collection, interviewing, and data analysis. I conclude this chapter with a discussion
of research limitations. The following research questions guide the study.
1. Did Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement used by working
class African-American parents contribute to their students‟ success? Were
these six types articulated and available to working class parents throughout
their K-12 experience?
2. Did aspects of institutional practices contribute to a decrease in parental
involvement for working class African-American parents? Were working
class African-American families aware of institutional structures and
procedures affecting their involvement level and restricting the type of
involvement?
3. Did involvement roles of working class African-American parents consist
of similarities to alternative practices found in Auerbach (2001) research?
Research Design
A qualitative approach is concerned with the rich, real, deep, and valid data
developed from human personal actions, beliefs, and values in an inductive method
(Patton, 2002). The task of research design is to make sure that the evidence gathered
allows us to answer the primary question as unambiguously as possible (Jones &
Lyons, 2004). Qualitative research is grounded in the assumptions that features of
the social environment are built as interpretations by individuals and that these
interpretations tend to be transitory and situational (Patton, 2002). The variations of

69
parent involvement include minuet nuances and lend themselves to the intricacies of
qualitative study.
Participants
The participants in this study were chosen purposefully. A criterion-based
selection of participants was performed for the study. This selection requires that the
research set in advance established criteria or list of attributes that participants must
possess (Patton, 2002). Current models of family-school partnerships through
traditional parent involvement and research studies in the field offer little insight in
questions of race and access (Auerbach, 2007). These models of partnership
between schools and parents fail to acknowledge the ways that parents‟ roles in
education are reflections of social inequality affecting students (Ceballo, 2004).
The legacy of deficit thinking, racism, and mutual distrust often separate
parents of color from the school (Auerbach, 2007; Colbert, 1991). Most studies
involving African American parents and involvement establish the correlations
between current accepted practices of parental involvement with middle to upper-
class families while ignoring the possible practices of working and lower class
families (Fields-Smith, 2004; Colbert, 1991). The practices of working class parents
is currently neglected and often examined from the position of non-involvement and
their involvement may be through non-traditional activities (Ceballo, 2004;
Auerbach, 2007). Consequently, working class African-Americans who have
successfully guided their children to college and who children are now junior or
seniors would be a good source to capture this experience. Criteria for parent

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participants will be (1) African American, self-identified; (2) parent or guardian- self
reported; (3) socioeconomic status – self reported; and (4) have a child or children
who are a junior or a senior at one of the campuses of the California State University
system. Criteria for student participants will be: (1) African American, self-
identified; (2) junior or senior in college; and (3) from working class family.
The initial contact referral area will be at one of the California State
University campuses. I gathered my interview sample from prospective participants
from sociology classes at this university. They received a brief description of the
study, both in written form and through my formal presentation.
Procedures
Data Collection
The qualitative research method an audit trial is used for this study to ensure
replication. The process of documenting the materials and procedures that used in
each phase of the study is an audit trail (Patton, 2002) and included: Interview
Screening Protocol (Appendix A), Background Information Form (Appendix B),
Parent Interview Questions Protocol (Appendix C), Student Interview Questions
Protocol (Appendix D) and the Sample Data Audit Form (Appendix E). Epstein‟s
(1995) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement, Auerbach‟s (2007, 2001)
Parent Involvement Continuum and critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate,
1995, Solórzano, 1998 & Ladson-Billings, 1998) was used to categorize information
received from participants as well. The use of information from the Background

71
Information Form about the participant, collected data from initial contact by phone
or email, and data received during the interview ensured proper triangulation.
This collective method was used to compile the self-reported parent
involvement practices for working class African American through interviews.
Interviews from the parents and or guardians of students along with students
performed. Throughout each interview, thematic coding of themes used to align
responses with Epstein‟s Six Types of Parent Involvement, Auerbach‟s (2001) study,
and critical race theory.
Interviews digitally recorded, later reviewed, and transcribed. Although the
digital recorder can assure accuracy when quoting the interviewee, it can have
intimidating affect or encourage exaggerated performance (Patton, 2002). This is a
known limitation of the interview process and all steps taken to limit the possible
obtrusiveness of the recorder. The digital recorder placed in a non-distracting
location and the participant advised of its presence. To increase clarity and combat
tape recorder anxiety, additional probing questions may be necessary. The identity
of the participants concealed to protect their rights as humans. Each family group
referred to by a pseudonym. Pseudonyms will replace actual names on all
documentation providing participant anonymity. Participant demographic data
recorded to enable study replication.
Interview Procedures
An interview guide and protocol guide were developed based on literature
review conclusions, research inquiries, review of instruments used in prior studies of

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African American parental involvement, and prior studies of parent involvement
including questions adapted from those used by Auerbach (Fields, 2006; Auerbach,
2001; Chevalier, 2003). The interview was taken with possible follow up inquiries
by phone or email if necessary. All questions pertain to the child‟s education from
birth through college. The interview focused on questions based on critical race
theory, Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of parent involvement practices:
parenting, communication, and volunteering, learning at home, decision-making, and
community collaboration, along with Auerbach‟s (2001) study, and end with closing
questions. The time, date, and place of the interview based on availability of parent
and/or student. The interviews, one-hour to two and a half hours, were open-ended
questions using a semi-structured approach. Participants‟ responses recorded,
summarized, and reviewed by participants to ensure accuracy.
Data Analysis
Patton (2002) suggests coding transcripts of recorded interviews and field
notes into units of information categorized by emerging themes. According to
Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement, the coded
responses placed under appropriate involvement categories with questions
addressing critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano, 1998 &
Ladson-Billings, 1998) in addition to Auerbach‟ (2007, 2001) Parent Involvement
Continuum. Collating responses within the types performed along with an
assessment of the response. Thematic coding of questions allowed responses to be
interpreted with reference to parent involvement practices, too.

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Limitations and Delimitation
Possible areas of limitation may be: parental involvement activities are
influenced by several different factors and; validity of the study will be limited to
reliability of the instrument used and participants‟ honesty. The researcher‟s ability
to articulate accurately participants‟ voice and the participants‟ willingness to share
openly considered limitations of the study.
The studies delimitations include the social factors of race and
socioeconomic status of parents. Possible findings from the study may not represent
the views of other African American parents in the area, especially those in different
socioeconomic brackets. The study will be limited to African American parents of
adult children who are juniors or seniors in college to obtain specifics about this
group. Another, delimitation is the amount of time available to conduct the study and
the perspective from the parent and student only about school related experiences.
Summary
Parental involvement is at the forefront for being capable of decreasing the
achievement gap. Limited insightful knowledge from the perspective of the group
most affective by the gap needed to contribute to the change of current conditions in
education between African-Americans and others. The best way to investigate the
possible practices of working class African American parents with adult children in
their junior or senior year of college is by using qualitative research.

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CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
Introduction
Are there findings, which suggest that working-class African-American pre-
college parental practices impact the four-year college enrollment and attendance of
their children? In this chapter, I present the results from personal interviews of
parents and students organized by the research questions below.
1. Did Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Involvement used by working
class African-American parents contribute to their students‟ success? Were
these six types articulated and available to working class parents throughout
their K-12 experience?
2. Did aspects of institutional practices contribute to a decrease in parental
involvement for working class African-American parents? Were working
class African-American families aware of institutional structures and
procedures affecting their involvement level and restricting the type of
involvement?
3. Did involvement roles of working class African-American parents consist
of similarities to alternative practices found in Auerbach (2001) research?
I rely on three interrelated theoretical frameworks, Epstein‟s Framework of Six
Types of Involvement (1995, 2004), critical race theory (Solórzano & Yosso, 2000;
Ladson-Billings, 1988), and Auerbach (2007, 2001) Parental Involvement
Continuum, to make sense of each subject‟s responses to my interview questions.

75
The first section of this chapter begins with a brief demographic review of
this study‟s subjects. The second section spells out the correspondence between the
frameworks, the interview guide, and participants‟ responses. The discussion
articulates key findings and emergent common themes within interviews. I present
my findings by sections corresponding to the three theoretical frameworks. I do so
in a manner that recognizes each subject‟s voice while respecting his or her
perspectives and their experiences.
Demographics
I began my search for African-American college students of working class
parents by seeking a California State University with a significant percentage of
African-American students. I settled on a local California State University with the
largest percentage (27%) of African-American students among all California State
Universities (6% for all campuses). It had more than double the percentage (12%) of
the second place campus.
The original plan of the study to interview four males and four female
students and their parents became a greater challenge than initially imagined at the
start of the study. Recruitment, as designed in the methods outlined in chapter 3,
focused on Sociology classes to solicit students. The recruitment presentations
resulted in eighteen potential participants. Of the eighteen potential participants, two
were African-American males. Of the classes that received the University
Presentation Site Screening Protocol (Appendix A), three African American males
enrolled in the classes. All were present at the time of the presentation. After the

76
initial presentation, I telephoned and/or emailed each student listed to conduct the
Background Information Form (Appendix B) for working class families. It was
necessary to make several calls and numerous emails to begin initial contact and
schedule interviews.
The female potential participants narrowed from fifteen to 6 after 4 did not
response to emails or calls, 3 decided not to participant, and 2 made arrangements to
interview however canceled several times or did not show up to scheduled interview.
The 2 males who signed up initial did not give telephone numbers but did give email
information. I have emailed each person numerous times and continued to receive no
response. In an effort to gather information from males, I asked female participants
to refer males they knew and from such referrals, 2 males participated in the study.
My request was for males at CSU but the response came from outside the CSU
setting. Not intended but happened as a natural process of recruitment.
The results of recruitment at the university and referrals to students outside
the university yielded the final numbers of five parents and eight students. All
participants are African-American. I conducted interviews with five female parents.
Two of the parents are parents of students at CSU and three are not parents of
students in the study but their children are in college. The following sections
describe pertinent details about each group and include a thumbnail sketch of the
subjects interviewed.

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Parent Group Characteristics
I contacted parents in the study through their children. Three of the five
parents were interviewed without their child to corroborate their experiences. I asked
students in the study to request their parents take part in the study. Even so, the
recruitment outcome was limited. The five parent participants contributed
enormously to the study. All parents in the study are working, two of them self-
employed. The average age of the parents was 43. Of the parents, two of the five
were divorced. The annual salary averages ranged from $30,000 to $50,000. The
number of children the parents had ranged from one child to five children. Parents‟
education ranged from high school graduate to current college graduate student.
Participants’ Thumbnail Descriptions
The following section introduces participants in their own words. Within this
section, I reveal some of their background information to provide a context for some
of the findings in this chapter.
Fatima
Fatima is a mother of four and currently self-employed. She has successfully
managed as a divorced mother to support all four of her children to college. With the
support of both her parents, her involvement in their education range from direct
involvement at the school site to more involvement with her children at home.
Racism shaped the involvement level and commitment to assuring her children
received the best education available in the public setting. Although not seen as a
sacrifice to her, which she made for her children and their education, she based her

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job locations on their nearness to the children‟s schools. Fatima wanted to be able to
visit the school during lunch if possible or necessary. Supporting each one of her
children in cultivating their God given talents was the major motivation for her
involvement.
Bridget
Bridget is the mother of Brandy and to her own accomplishments created a
path of her success laid with determination and tenacity. While in college, she
became pregnant and left college to work and to be a mother. As a single parent, she
was determined to support her child in becoming a productive citizen. Her
commitment to parenting leads her to different ways of providing for her family from
social services, to self-employment, and to becoming a college graduate. Now she is
a doctoral student and educator. Her support of Brandy continues even when her
daughter‟s incarceration derailed Bridget‟s original plans. Her personal educational
choices are an example and powerful testament of will and strength that both mother
and daughter share on their educational paths.
Gwen
Gwen is a mother of five and currently works in the public school system.
Gwen is Kristen‟s mother. She supports her children throughout choices they have
made. She has decided to go back to school and complete her college experience as
well. Before marriage and children, she had the opportunity to attend college through
a scholarship to a private university but chose family. Given her educational
background and wealth of personal experiences, she has contributed to the success of

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her children. Gwen is a powerful woman who has continued the commitment to the
growth of her children even as adults without her husband who passed away. As a
widow and mother, her story is one of triumph as well as she returns to the university
after completing classes at a local community college.
Cathy
Cathy is the mother of Steven as well as two other children. She currently
works with special needs students in local schools. She has worked with her children
to help them develop the areas in life they enjoy and focus on what will make them
happy. Cathy‟s support of Steven in particular has been a balance between trust and
self-confidence. She has always been confident in what she knew he had within him
to become successful. She gives him the same support and trust as a young adult in
college and upholds the belief in his decision after college as well.
Simone
Simone is the mother of two children who are nine years apart. As one has
recently graduated with a master‟s degree, the other child is about to enter college.
Both of their experiences have come at different times in her life career wise and
financially. She has worked in education for several years within private church
schools, in childcare center environments, and lastly the public middle school
setting. Her recollections infuse experiences from both of her children. Simone‟s
tenacity has helped her to persevere through hardships of her own, which have given
her children an up close and personal model to emulate.

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Student Group Characteristics
Of the eight students, six are female and two are males. Both male
participants were referrals and both attend school out-of-state. The number of
siblings of the participants male and female ranged from zero to five. Of the eight
students, two participants were the only children in their family. Female students
average between the ages of 22 and 35 years old, four of the six were seniors, four of
the six live at home, and their grade point averages (GPA) ranged from 2.7 to 3. 74.
One of the female students is the mother of two young children. The two male
students were both 21 years old with one being a senior and the other is a junior.
Both lived away from home and their GPA average is 3.5.
Students’ Thumbnail Descriptions
Brandy
Brandy is a full-time junior in college who contributes part of her success to
the collective effort of her mother and other family members. She is the daughter of
Bridget who took park in the study as well. Concurrently with school, she works.
Her mother supports her financially and mentally. A member of a single parent
home, Brandy spoke often of the support received from her grandmother, aunts,
uncles, and cousins. Due to influences outside the home she went to jail before
completing to college. She was unable to continue college and considers herself
behind but not left out. With a grade point average of 3.0, she will graduate a year
later than she expected. She continues to work and to go to school to earn a Bachelor
of Arts. She plans to go to graduate school in education.

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Jade
Jade is a junior. A child of divorce, mostly her father reared her. She
currently receives his support financially while in college. She lives at home
affording her the benefit of being a full-time student because of this support. Her
high school experiences include education at a school with predominately-affluent
White students in an upper class community. Jade did not complete high school in
the traditional manner because of limited attendance during her senior year. Jade
credits not completing high school on time due to the friendships she acquired while
in school that encouraged her to hang out and ditch. She enrolled in continuation
school to complete requirements for her diploma. After taking time off from school,
she later returned to school at a junior college eventually transferring to the CSU
school system. With the grade point average of 3.47, her major plans after graduation
include graduate school to earn her master‟s degree and eventually attend law school.
Tiffany
Tiffany is a mother of two and works part-time while in school. Her
educational background began with Catholic schools. As a senior, she is older than
average due to beginning work directly after high school, because of her father‟s
illness and her need to contribute to her family financially. After losing her job, she
had the opportunity to make a change and decided to attend school full-time. She
attended community college before attending California State Unversity. Today, she
uses word phrases and techniques from her mother about education with her own
children. A spiritual person, Tiffany contributes her success to God and his grace.

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With a grade point average of 3.56, her immediate goals after graduation are to gain
better employment and apply to graduate school
Angela
Angela is a junior and full-time student. She lives at home with her parents
and is one of five siblings. She currently has a 3.47 grade point average. Her journey
to college was not average but started sooner because she skipped a grade in
elementary school due to her above average academic achievement. Although
succeeding in a class with students older than she was, her ability alone did not stop
some negative treatment from other students because of her young age. She credits
her parents‟ communication and involvement as a main reason for her continued
academic success. Although teased by other children because of her achievements,
she did not succumb to pressure by putting less effort in her class work to appease
them. Angela received two scholarships for her perseverance and intelligence. After
earning her undergraduate degree, her immediate goal is to enter graduate school to
become an industrial or organizational psychologist.
Karlisa
Karlisa is a senior and a part-time employee now living with her
grandparents. Both her grandparents and her aunt raised her. They continue to
support her educationally and financially. After high school, she attended a local
junior college. Once completing requirements to transfer to a university, she attended
a California State University several miles from CSU used in the study eventually
transferring due to the long distance from home. Currently earning a 2.7 GPA, her

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goals after college include earning a full-time position within her current place of
employment. She has not decided whether to continue to graduate school but she will
seek a better position at her current place of employment.
Kristen
Kristen states that she will beat the stereotype Special Education students
endure in school. She is a senior and currently has a 2.5 grade point average. Her
mom participated in the study, too. She is a student receiving Special Education
resources. As part of this program, the school placed her in classes to support her
academic needs. She did not let placement in such classes stop her. She went
directly to a four-year university out of high school. At the age of 24, she boasts
nearly 10 years of job experience with a major retail firm and plans to work in the
retail industry after college. Her goals may include a Master‟s Degree but she has not
set definite plans.
Noah
Noah is a full-time senior and part-time employee at a private university out
of the state. His adolescent school experiences are all in California. He attended
public schools until high school when his parents placed him in a private high
school. He felt the private school setting was more nurturing and they manage to
support students in a more genuine way. Going to an out-of-state school has been
valuable in learning to be responsible and self-reliant according to Noah. After
college, he plans to attend graduate school and with his degree be able to provide for
himself and be dependent on his parents.

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Steven
Steven is a full-time junior on an academic scholarship at a private out-of-
state university. He describes himself as outgoing and very personable. His mother
agrees with him. His major is in math after a high school teacher introduced him to
the fun and the effective ways to do math. Although he has lived in different cities,
his family made sure he stayed in the same school district regardless of distance from
their home. He has not set goals beyond college. His major goal is to be happy with
whatever the goal may be when the time comes to make that decision. This is how
he has been able to live a life focused on present day success and not on any past
failures. His family provided him with support not stipulated on receiving all A‟s on
his report cards but on doing the best that he could do.
The philosophy of doing your best to obtain a full scholarship and to succeed
as a math major seen in his achievements. Although neither he nor his mother knows
his grade point average, he has gain continued success each year maintaining his
scholarship along with the responsibility of being out of state. He speaks of being
free and not being suppressed with pressure from his parents. Steven‟s parents gave
him the opportunity to explore his strengths and for this benefit, he speaks of being
grateful.
Each participant has their own story contributing to an immersion of findings
offering extended insight of parental involvement. The next sections will discuss
findings and how their relation to the theoretical frameworks.

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Presentation of Findings
I will present parent and student responses in formats to better understand
and illustrate the findings as they relate to the theoretical frameworks spelled out in
chapter 2. I will begin the following sections with the summary of the results as they
correspond to the research questions in chapter 1 and their direct relationship to
Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Parental Involvement. I will follow
with a discussion of findings within the context of critical race theory asked through
research question 2. Finally, I close with a discussion of finding aligned with
Auerbach‟s (2001) Parental Involvement Continuum asked through research
question 3. Each section will conclude with a summary of the findings through
visual representation and discussion.
Research Question 1 Findings
Did Epstein‟s Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement used by
working class African-American parents contribute to their students‟
success? Were these six types articulated and available to working class
parents throughout their K-12 experience?
The following sections will present findings organized by each parental
involvement type and state individual responses from participants. There are six
sections all headed with the parent involvement type being examined. The section
will conclude with a visual depiction of principal research findings and discussion.

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Type 1 Parenting
From Epstein‟s (2004) Framework of Six Types of Parental Involvement,
parenting underlines how the school can support parents with becoming more
familiar and similar to the structure, routines, and procedure of school than it is to
parenting or raising a child. It does not focus on rewards and consequences but
develops routines and system that had better accommodate parents‟ ability to provide
the student with support. Offering classes and giving parents the opportunity to learn
new skills such as completing their GED or aiding with parenting skills would be
part of Type 1.
Parents in the study recalled school support of the home being more
superficial as so did the students. Either group did not mention specific areas such as
educational programs or parenting classes. When asked what support the school
provided to families, events were hard to recount. Even so, most (10 of 13)
remember the school sending supplies to complete a project. 11 of the 13 recalled
teachers supporting students and parents after school in areas of homework or class
work not understood by the parents or students. All participants remembered
following systems and rules not necessarily taught at school. Nevertheless, these
systems assumed and reminders of such practices often stated during meetings such
as Back to School Night and Parent Conferences. Parents and students understood
the importance of books, practicing skills at home, and providing support in areas of
weakness. Responses to parenting varied between participants and I have listed them
below:

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Fatima:
I did read to my kids, I bought educational toys and games. I played learning
games with them like they said at school.

Brandy:
My mom read to me all the time and I saw my grandmother read all the time.
My mom would buy those activity books for me to do every summer.

Sally:
When the school had book fairs she bought books, and reinforcement
workbooks were always big in our house.

Jade:
For certain projects, I remember the school giving materials to complete
projects, but I cannot remember anything else.

Brandy:
In high school, we were taught how to conduct study groups and we learned
how to study together and that helped us in school, the school also sent
materials home if I did not have any at home, like construction paper, nothing
major, in a sense that could be major.

When responding to the support school contributed to the home, one parent
felt the school did not offer the same kind of support to African-American families
as it did to Latino families. She recalls the school offering information in Spanish
and the atmosphere catering to Latin families primarily when the school her daughter
attended served a majority of Latin students.
Bridget:
She was unfortunately the only one, African-American in her class up to the
5
th
grade. It was really hard for her and I guess the teachers didn‟t relate to
her and so with them there wasn‟t any like home to school assistance unless
if you had problems. I would go up there and ask them. If she would have
been Latino she would get more assistance because that‟s the kind of
relationship parents had with teachers.

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Overall, parenting consisted of responses that revealed the connection to
systems such as appropriate bedtime, exposure to reading, developing skills received
in school, and creating value in learning through time and commitment from the
family.
Type 2 Communications
Communication is a parallel pathway between families and schools however
in the framework the onus is on the school to provide ample, timely, and
understandable information to the families of students to contribute to their academic
success. Epstein‟s (2004) framework states activities such as yearly conferences,
effective newsletters, information distributed about school policies, and week or
monthly student work sent home are means of appropriate communication between
the school and the parents. Responses in the area of communications in this section
where correlated between the parents and the students. Similarities found in areas of
the frequency of communication and the quality of communication between the
home and the school.
All thirteen participants, parents and students, stated major annual events
such as conferences, back to school and open house all attended regularly. These
major annual events communicated by the school in a successful way through grades
K to 12 grades. As the students reached middle school, a change in communication
occurred as mention by all five parents when asked to discuss communication
between the school and their home.

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Bridget:
I may have gotten called once in high school. Teachers didn‟t initiate any
contact. The only home to school communication was me initiating it. I think
that‟s a middle school thing and high school too. Both in middle school and
high school the contact was one way.

Cathy:
If you tried to find out information about your child and he wasn‟t in trouble
then they wanted to know why. You only got contacted if you child was in
trouble.

Gwen:
My husband would go to meetings and go to school to find out what was
going on because he had the more flexible schedule. It was easy for him to
go. He would go on his own.

Fatima:
They hated to see me coming. But I went regularly because that was my
child. One teacher told me you don‟t have to come here every day.

Simone:
I went on my own and I talked to everybody. I would often go on my lunch
hour. I gave the teachers my cell number. They didn‟t ask I just let them
know to call me if they needed me. Because of who I am, I always bought it
up first I took the initiative and did that for both of my kids.

Students discussed their parents being highly visible during their elementary
years and not as much in middle and high school. According to the parents and the
students groups, the culture and the setting of the schools changed. Students recalled
flyers, newsletters, and automated phone calls from schools as forms of
communication beyond the regular report cards and later progress reports during
middle and high school. Responses from the students when asked to describe any
written communication between your home and the school were:

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Jade:
They would send stuff home all the time like notes and stuff. I would hide
stuff. I let them get what I wanted them to know. Especially in high school,
the report cards that were mailed home I always got the mail first and I go all
the calls because my parents work. It caught up with me in the end.

Tiffany:
My parents attended the parent conferences and that is about it. They had
more contact in elementary maybe because my sister was there but overall
about 20 times based on conferences.

Brandy:
My mom asked for a weekly report in middle school. Other communication
besides the report cards depended on the school. Most sent home stuff about
getting out early, parent meetings, notices about testing, field trips, and after
school programs.

Noah:
Other than report card time, we got newsletter about once a month from the
school. My mom checked up at the school about every three months to see
how I was doing regardless if good or bad. She didn‟t want to see it on paper
she wanted to talk to the teacher at random.

Angela:
My parents contacted the school mainly from first to eight grades regarding
my report card but not in a negative way. They build a relationship with my
principal and it was typically around report cards.

Kristen:
In elementary school they sent announcements, bulletins, and newsletter that
talked about recent updates, free day or events. In junior high not much but in
high school, yes we had a newsletter came to the house it came through the
mail.

Steven:
They would send email to parents and pretty often. My parents knew when
my report card would come before I did.

Written communication, according to participants, varied from school to
school often during the transition between elementary, middle, and high school.

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Overall, parents initiated verbal communication between the school and the home.
Schools tended to initiate communication if the situation was negative. Among the
parents (5), all recalled a conference held because of an interaction between school
staff and their child. From the student participants, six of the eight recounted face-to-
face meetings involving occurrences that required parents talking directly to the
teacher or the school administrators. When asked a two part questions about a time
they visited the school because of an activity or because they just wanted to talk with
to a staff member, participants responded accordingly.
Brandy:
I remember a time my mom had to come to school when I was in elementary
because I would not take off my coat. They said I was insecure but I had
high grades and never talked out of turn or got in trouble but they called her
and said she needed to come in for a conference. I got to keep my coat on
because my momma said if they don‟t buy you clothes and take care of you
then they can‟t tell you how to wear it.

Tiffany:
I remember once they called in middle school when I was accused of stealing
something. There were two people in the class with the same name but
different spellings by one letter. It turned out it was not me and other than
that they only contacted my mother during parent conferences and that‟s
about it.

Noah:
One time in the ninth grade year; teacher didn‟t like me I felt she was being
kind of racist, I was the only black kid in class; always been good in math
and she kept giving me like Cs and Ds. I would study the stuff the whole
night before with mom and I would get it and the teacher did not like me;
grade got bad kept happening and she took me out of the school, that another
reason why I left the school my freshmen year.

Kristen:
We lived so far away from my high school that my mom gave us permission
to write her name on a note if we were late. So he, the counselor, did not
believe me and he called her. He told her she could not do that and she said

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give me that in writing. If it is a rule, then you can put it in writing. She
would go to bat for us because she didn‟t allow us to mess up or someone
else to mess us up.

Cathy:
She [the teacher] called a lot because he didn‟t like her so the class didn‟t like
her. We had a long conference and everybody left after a long conference
with the teacher. This tried to carry over into middle school because it was
the same gifted group. I begin getting calls and I helped him stay focus.

Bridget:
There was a phone call in elementary that I did not understand. The teacher
called and said Brandy will not take off her coat in class. She called my job. I
asked if she was acting up or if her grades were bad and she said no. I almost
hung up in her face calling my job for that. I thought something was wrong or
something had happen to my child. I went up there and told them if she is
insecure let me worry about that but as long as she was doing her working
and not getting in trouble then leave her and her coat alone.

Simone:
Sometimes I would just go and see the counsel, they didn‟t call I just be by. I
was very well known at the school because I talked to everybody, the
security, staff and, custodians.

The schools‟ receptivity to communication from the participants' perspective is a
variation of suggestion found in Epstein‟s (2001) Framework. Overall,
communication consisted of responses that revealed the connection from high-level
communications in elementary decreasing to low level communications in middle
and high school. Participants‟ recollection of communication from school staff,
teacher, or administrator focused for the majority, 10 out of 13, on a negative
experience.

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Type 3 Volunteering
The role of volunteering by parents is high on the list of ways to improve
academic success for students. Participants in this study (13) all agreed to volunteer
is to give your time and 8 out of the 13 describe volunteering further as giving of
your resource services through finances or goods. A resource could be a relative
taking the place of the parent, using your money to purchase food or materials for the
classroom, using your car to transport children, or participating in the candy drive.
Epstein‟s (1995) Framework explains volunteering in a two-tier approach examining
the schools role as well as the parent. The school is responsible for recruitment,
assessing parents‟ talents and interest to identify areas best suited to volunteer
annually, and organizing phones trees to name a few. The parents‟ responsibilities
include recruiting other parents and attending school for volunteer opportunities.
Opportunities to volunteers lessened as students went into middle school
according to 4 of the 5 parents. Students did not directly connect parents‟ change of
frequency on the campus as negative. Consequently, students‟ thought the reason
was positive and based on their ability to handle school and their ability to be
responsible. When asked to give examples of involvement with their child‟s
classroom and the frequency of visits responses from the parents are similar.
Gwen:
In elementary I was there more plus I worked at the school. It got different as
they got older. They (the school) are not as open to you going to the
classroom in middle and high school. They wanted you to go to the meeting
but you could not even talk. The meeting was an open meeting for the general
pop but basically closed meeting because you could only listen. I started
pulling back too because he was older.

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Simone:
I was in the field and teachers were very amicable with me in elementary
primarily. I would take a group and we would read and talk about the story.
As she grows older, her interest changed and my visits changed.

Cathy:
Elementary was just more open to volunteer or observe than middle and high
school. Volunteering well I supported the teacher than Steven would be taken
care of, not just to help teacher but on behave of my son. He would be taken
care of him educationally. The more I volunteered the more he‟d get that
support. It works out for all of us. In elementary, they always asked where
you were and in high school and in middle they kind of asked why you were
there.

Parent participants further give examples of what it means to volunteer and its
significance.
Gwen:
My being present at the school was more to put a face to my child. Teachers
would treat child better if he knew she belong to somebody. That‟s Joann‟s
daughter and Shelia sister‟s etc. I was there to help the school but my kids as
well.

Simone:
I spoke and talk to everybody on campus and made sure they knew my
daughter and knew me. I went to the school to support the school but to let
my daughter know I was there and she better act right.

Fatima:
I wanted to go and work with the activities. I may not be in the classroom but
like dress kids for a play, or activities like teacher appreciation. I wanted the
teacher and my kids to know I cared.

Students, 5 of the 8, recalled parents being members of the school‟s Parent
Teacher Organization. The five parents held officer positions on the board while they
were in elementary. When asked the frequency of the volunteer activity all eight

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students recalled parents being especially involved during elementary school.
Volunteer activities of coming to the school and of visiting the classrooms continued
through middle and high school. Although to a minimal degree, as stated by three of
the eight student participants, when these activities are compared to the frequency
during elementary years. Overall, students stated parents level of involvement
changed because it was not as needed because they were older and they were given
more responsibility. Responses illustrating this perception are listed below.
Brandy:
In elementary she was there every day. We didn‟t have a car so she walked
me to school and walked to pick me up. She would get there early sometimes
and come to the class or stay for a while in the morning when she walked me
to school. In middle school I can remember about 4 different occasions and in
high school 4 or 5 times. I think her support was more at home and she knew
what I would do and not do. She taught me to control myself.

Parents and students analysis of the differences between volunteering and
observations throughout are dissimilar. Three of the five parents articulated the
importance of elementary school being the infrastructure or building blocks of their
children‟s education. Therefore, they needed to be involved during this process
more than in elementary. Responses revealing this decision are listed below:
Gwen:
Elementary school is the basic foundation. I knew it had to be strong. I had a
voice in this. I had build confidence “for the bigger pond”. So, if I was there
during this time, I could make sure they left strong.

Cathy:
I knew he was fine. He had books as his toys and could make anything out of
legos. I didn‟t need to worry about school especially when he was so
prepared in elementary.

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Changes within the level of volunteering based on the need according to the students
and the parents of this study. The definitions of volunteering differ between the
participants and the schools.
Type 4 Learning at Home
Learning at home is the direct link academically between school and home.
Epstein (2004) suggested practices include families knowing the expectations for
each grade level, interactive homework, assisting families with homework support,
summer homework, and college workshops. Learning at home includes the home
preparing students to excel by mimicking and continuing the procedures and routines
initiated at school.
Parents and students in this study spoke of setting the foundation early during
elementary school and of the guidance given by parents to build consistency and
discipline. All thirteen participants recalled homework being valued and the support
given throughout the K – 12 years. Of the eight students, five received additional
support through a tutor while five of the eight received support from their siblings,
family members, or neighbors. Parents spoke of clear expectations established at
home, for how schoolwork is presented and how schoolwork is completed. All
thirteen participants remember having a schedule for homework that included no
television. Several of the participants (11) remember doing homework in another
room and remember parents being available for any questions during this time.
The major connection of the school to the home participants could remember
the school sending home materials as needed to complete homework projects. When

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asked what the school did to support school at home, 3 of the 13 recalled a
relationship with a staff person while 10 of 13 recalled materials sent home. With
regard to learning at home, responses are:
Tiffany:
My mother‟s relationship with my principal in elementary and middle school
promoted me to grow close with my principal and provided some type of
guidance you know promotion toward my academics

Jade:
I remember certain projects they gave us materials to complete the project
I can‟t think of anything else

Steven:
My drama teacher was great and taught me about watching movies with a
critical eye and my math teachers saw that I was good in math and supported
me in to doing well.

Karlisa:
They would send out newsletter telling you things you could do in the
community and places you could go to get support with school.

Gwen:
Elementary school was good with connecting with home. In Middle school, it
depended on your relationship with the teacher some were just too busy and
did not try to push beyond the norm.

The connection between the home and the school, within the context of Type 4
Learning at Home clearly display common the school support as providing materials
such as paints, pencils, and paper to complete school projects.
Type 5 Decision Making
As part of Epstein‟s (2004) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement,
parents should be involved in some aspects of decisions made at the child‟s school
and at a higher-level involved at the local school board. Supplementary decision-

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making activities include parent networks, action team membership, advisory council
participation, and PTA or PTO membership.
Parents and students (9) in this study recall taking part in the Parent Teacher
Association or Parent Teacher Organization. Seven of the nine participated more
during the elementary years than during the high school years. The two parents who
participated continuously did so for different reasons. One parent participated
because the private school demanded so and because the private school provided
ample opportunities for parents to volunteer their services. The other parent felt she
had no choice because her child was in a classroom, which she considered did not
have her child‟s best interest. She believed it was necessary to protect her child from
a teacher she thought was prejudice. On days this parent could not attend, the
grandmother went in her place.
Parents‟ involvement decreased during middle and high school and
respondents discussed varying reasons for this change. Most respondents, 12 of 13,
said that middle school and high school participation in decision making leveled off
due to time constraints between the school and between their work schedules.
Parents mentioned the times meetings offered were inconvenient for working people.
The school conducted most meetings in a different language making it
uncomfortable for those who did not understand the language. Responses stated by
participants listed below.

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Fatima:
There were a small amount of working parents at the meetings most were
stay at home moms. I could attend the meetings in the evening or go to some
for a short time during my lunch break if in the daytime.

Simone:
I was a member but could not go to all the meetings because they were at the
time I had to work.

Kristen:
My mom and dad were involved in the PTA in elementary. I just remember
my dad coming to the school whenever he wanted because he had a job that
allowed him to come to school more than.

Karlisa:
My grandparents weren‟t members but my auntie who was a teacher was
there and I know she went to meetings.

Jade:
I remember going to meeting with my dad. I didn‟t know was going on I just
remember being at the meetings with them.

Gwen:
I attended and participated in the meetings when my kids were in elementary
but in middle school and especially high school you could only listen at the
meeting and you couldn‟t talk, I wasn‟t on the board so we could just go but
couldn‟t talk so what was the point in going.

One parent who was not a member of the Parent Advisory Council (another
type of Parent Teacher Organization) expressed why being an educator now she has
a new understanding of parent organizations. She discussed further her lack of
knowledge about the power of a parent. The statement regarding Parent Advisory
Council is as follows:
Bridget:
At the time she was in school, I did not know that I could be on the advisory
council. I did not know what it was. I didn‟t know about the rights parents
have as parents like I do now that I am in the field. I didn‟t know that I

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should know. No one explained to me what all the meetings where and what
they were for. The school I work for now has a handbook about school and
parents role. I don‟t recall getting one back then or anything like it.

Parents responsibility and their role on boards such as the PTA where know
by 4 of the 5 parents and the students recall their parents being part of such
committees but at a surface level.
Type 6 Collaborating with the Community
The community in which the school is located supports students‟
performance when the two work together. Epstein‟s (2004) Framework of Six Types
of Parent Involvement examines the connection between the school and the
community as part of the success of supporting parental involvement. The school
provides support for the community by utilizing resources and creating a venue
where they can work together. This develops the school as a place to go for support
beyond the school curriculum. Schools can offer activities for children during the
summer months, after school sports team membership, and family activities such as
annual festivals or health fairs. Activities school can implement to create community
collaboration are partnership between schools and businesses, the school providing
information about community cultural and recreational events, and creating all-
inclusive services such as health, job training, and counseling for school families
(Epstein, 2004). Differences became very prevalent when families live in a different
community than where students attend school.

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Participants saw the collaboration between the school and community very
differently. About half, 6, felt the community did not embrace the school and did not
work with the school. Next, four thought the school and the community worked well
together although they did not live in the same community. Lastly, three participants
expressed mixed perceptions based on religion. Those families attending schools
affiliated with the church perceived their relationship with the school and with their
religious beliefs. Responses from participants regarding the relationship between the
school and the community listed next.
Simone:
The relationship with the school and the community was much higher in
elementary but not as high in high school. You didn‟t see the parents as much
then.

Noah:
The school was far away from my house so I didn‟t know what was going on
much with the community but I could tell the difference between public and
private school. In public you were on your own especially having to take the
bus so far. But in private school, you felt like you belong to the community.
If public, it was like you had to figure stuff out yourself.

Steven:
Much of our community activities were with church not much with the
school.

Jade:
Because most blacks didn‟t live in the area of the school, I didn‟t see it as
much. The school was predominately white. For black students, the school is
just in the community but we‟re not part of it. I went to cultural stuff on my
own in my community.

Angela:
Yes the school and the community embraced each other. There were all kinds
of parades and I remember the city council actively involved in the school.

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Karlisa
I worked at the local park and the park and the school always shared
information. Kids at the school went to the park for activities. The school
shared information and tried to get the community involved.

Bridget
When she was elementary, the school worked with the community but when
she went to a different area for middle and high school, they did not embrace
the African-American community. Programs focused on developing
relationship did not include African-Americans.

Benefits students and schools could receive from collaborating with the
community are seen very differently depending on the location of the school. If the
family shares this same community, and the racial identity of the majority of the
students at the school, then according to the participants in this study the
collaboration happens with ease.
Research Question 1 Results
Interview questions coded to illuminated practices correlating to the work of
Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement exposed common
practices among working class African American parents as well as common
practices among schools. The involvement level of parents during elementary school
compared to that of middle and high school distinctly draw a parallel to Epstein
(2004) and to critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano, 1998).
The following section will discuss the connection with Epstein‟s framework.
Participants in the study reported the involvement level between elementary
and upper grade, grade 7-12, changed. During the elementary years, parents were
allowed to be involved in a variety of ways and they were made to feel like partners

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in the education of their child. This relationship changed as students went into higher
grades. Based on participant reports, Type 2 Communication, and Type 3
Volunteering from Epstein (2004), there was a break down in the system. This
miscommunication denied parents the opportunity to remain involved at the same
level and with the same sentiment. Further explanation of both Type 2 and Type 3 in
the following paragraphs describes the results affecting African American parental
involvement in these two areas.
Communication, Type 2, holds schools and parents responsible for
maintaining regular contact. Areas of communication beyond parent conferences and
monthly progress reports according to Epstein (2004) include effective newsletters,
information shared with parents on policies, programs, and reforms. Additionally,
school rules are clear and concise and annual surveys used to obtain the reactions
from parents and students regarding school. These activities serve as communication
between the schools and the parents. If an annual survey were in place at any of the
schools attended by the students in the study, then communication between family
and schools may have changed the difference between elementary, middle, and high
school parental involvement.
Parents recalled limited communication between themselves and the school.
Schools did not communicate in a timely manner. One student‟s attendance failure
lead to calls after the student was kicked out of school and two other students
received calls after fails (F) were placed on their permanent grade reports. The

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communication between school of the participants overall did not contribute to
academic success.
Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement unlike
Auerbach‟s (2001) primarily places communication as a responsibility of the school
and does not consider the conversations about school between parent and child as
school involvement. Participants in the study spoke specifically about conversations
and events consistently told by parents to remind them of the significances of school
and a college education. Auerbach‟s (2007, 2001) Parental Involvement Continuum
considers this a form of communication, which is deemed parental involvement.
Many students in the study (7) recalled such stories or words of wisdom. These
pearls of wisdoms or honest stories of personal struggle by parents because of their
educational choices guide the student participants and prompt their decisions.
Ceballo (2004) describes such conversations as consejos often told between the
parent and the child. Furthermore, these stories shared with students in the study
from other members of the family and from community members too. Students
spoke of grandparents, uncles, and neighbors sharing stories of situations to beware
of and moreover sharing stories of the pride the students brought them as well as
how proud they were of the students accomplishments.
Volunteering, Type 3, ask parents to extend their time given to the school to
include leadership positions such as being the class parent and developing school
safety through participating in parent patrols. Families in this study not given the
same opportunities to volunteer throughout the student‟s educational experience.

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Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement in the area of
volunteering did not have the opportunity to contribute to academic success. In the
upper grades, it was not utilized. Working class parents not given the opportunity to
contribute to the academic success through volunteering as determine by Epstein.
Parents who remained consistent regardless of the change of responsiveness
or change of school regulations within the middle and high school offices have
children who went directly to 4-year universities without interruption. Students
spoke of their parents coming to school unexpected and their awareness of this fact
leading them and perhaps the school to react differently toward these students.
Gwen spoke of her husband having move flexibility with his work schedule as a bus
driver and this allowed him to continue to visit the school although the “feeling of
welcome-ness” had disappeared. Volunteering was more than time and money but it
was a connection with the teacher and their children. Commitment to volunteering
and being visible at the school site was based more on the desire to show the students
“belong to someone” and less for volunteering in the school office by filing papers or
by answering telephones.
Interpretations of the results indicate findings of Type 5 Decision Making and
Type 6 Collaborating with the Community as areas of weakness when correlating the
relationship with working class African American families. Results imply parents are
not given ample information to contribute or participate in the decision-making
happening at the school or at the local school board level. Families in the study
recalled addressing the board because of negative circumstances with their children.

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Four of the five parents presented at a board meeting for a negative reason. The one
parent unaware she had could attend board meetings did not know they were
available to parents.
Type 6 Collaborating with the Community takes on a different meaning for
the majority of the participants who attended school outside of the community in
which they lived. Collaboration between the school community and the community
surrounding the school was positive. Participants spoke of local parks participating
with the school in sports events and food giveaways. Collaborations of four schools
included community boosters sponsoring events for fundraising. Participants
attended schools outside of their home community because the relationship was
different from the school near their homes. School attendance for the six of the eight
student participants was in predominately-White affluent areas. Community
collaboration begins to look differently when the subject of class and race be
considered.
Conclusion of Result for Question 1
Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement may very
well contribute to academic success of students. The results of this section of the
study propose the framework‟s positive correlation is limited because it lacks three
important components. The first necessary component is implementation of the six
types at a meaningful level throughout a student‟s primary grade experience,
kindergarten through twelfth grade. The second necessary component is
differentiation among the parents‟ expectations and their relationships. There are

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marked differences between working class parents and affluent parents, which must
be considered when offering a framework of involvement. Results from this study
expose the difference of availability during the school hours, which are the same as
their work hours. The last component addresses the difference of perspectives on
what it means to volunteer. Results from this study suggest parents see their presence
in the classroom observing as a form of volunteering. Beyond the involvement
difference, the positive academic correlation to parent involvement cannot be
examined without the presence of race.
Principal Research Finding for Question 1
Concluding the findings from research question one, the next sections
summarizes briefly with a discussion of what it all means. The findings because of
participants‟ responses yield two principal research findings. Both findings discussed
in the following sections and both findings represented through a visual depiction.

Figure A: Volunteering Definition

Principal research Finding 1, Figure A, is a visual presentation. The figure
depicting the difference in what is means to volunteer between Epstein‟s (1995)

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framework and participants‟ in the study, definition of volunteering. Similar to
perception of parents in the Waggoner and Griffith‟s (1998) study and the Colbert‟s
(1991) study, parents in this study viewed volunteerism differently than the
framework. Parents in all three studies, including this study, viewed volunteering
through a broader perspective. Volunteering included things such as supporting the
child with attending schools consistently therefore increasing attendance patterns,
purchasing items such as food or materials to donate to the school or classroom, and
sending family members to participate on fieldtrips or to help at school functions
were all considered forms of volunteering by participants. The narrow definition of
schools on volunteering focuses primarily on situations that include time spent at the
school site.
Teachers and school expect parents to be available to give time to the school
and to the classroom based on the needs of the school. The need or want to
volunteer for parents was two-fold and concurred with studies by Bauman and
Thomas (1997) and Colbert (1991) with parents there to help and support the teacher
but also their to send the message of support to their children. The act of
volunteering was an act of sending the message the parent cares. The message
extended, based on responses, to connect the teacher with the child on a deeper level
in the hope of making the teacher more accountable to the family and not just the
student. The findings of volunteering being two arrows going in a different direction
suggests changes to the consideration of African-American parents being
uninvolved.

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Principal research Finding 1, Figure B, depicts the level of parent
involvement in elementary versus middle school.

Figure B: Elementary Vs High School

In the elementary setting, participants recalled being asked to come and being asked
what happened if they did not come to school. Parents‟ responses included them
feeling as if they were wanted and as if they were needed on the elementary
campuses their children attended. Similar to Gavin and Greenfield (1998), and
Bauman and Thomas (1997), this study suggests parents will come if they perceive
they are wanted. Gavin and Greenfield‟s (1998) findings of the percentage of
volunteering from parents increase when supported by a high encouraging teacher,
correlates with the differences between elementary and middle and high school
volunteering.
Parents‟ discussion of a major reason for the difference in volunteer activity
at the upper grade levels includes the difference between treatment, acceptance, and
perception from the middle and high school office staff, teachers, and administrators.
The ability and the desire to volunteer are stifled by such perceptions. Colbert

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(1991) and Jeynes (2005) finding‟s regarding parents perception is influenced by
their own educational history contributing to their parental involvement practices are
suggested in this study also. Participants‟ with siblings recalling the middle and high
school setting as unfriendly surely use this history to guide future decisions about
their volunteer practices. These two principal research findings reveal similar
information found in other studies with the focus on African-American parent
involvement and they expose areas within the current parent involvement genre that
are ignored.
Research Question 2 Findings
Did aspects of institutional practices contribute to a decrease in parental
involvement for working class African-American parents? Were working
class African-American families aware of institutional structures and
procedures affecting their involvement level and restricting the type of
involvement?
Epstein‟s (2004) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement coded
questions from the interview were examined in research question number 1. The
focus of question 2 is critical race theory (Solórzano, 1998; Ladson-Billings & Tate,
1995) and the following section will expound on responses from participants. This
section will begin with overview of Solórzano‟s (1998) tenets and Ladson-Billings &
Tate (1995) considerations as critical race theory points of definition. Next, the
discussion will reveal responses correlating tenets and consideration as discovered

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within interview questions, followed by Epstein‟s (2001) Framework of Six Types of
Parent Involvement and College access knowledge correlated to Tenet 1 and end
with Tenet 4. The section will conclude with a visual depiction of principal research
findings and discussion.
Critical Race Theory Review
As introduced in the Chapter 2 Literature Review, Solórzano (1998) used 5
tenets of critical race theory to examine education. Tenet one identifies race and
racism as related. Tenet 2 identifies White privilege and discusses the dangers of a
colorblind society. Tenet 3 discloses social justice as a beginning to improving
education for people of color. Tenet 4 examines their perceptions of people of color
as a vehicle to understanding and vehicle to empowering them. Tenet 5 reveal
critical race theory as a multidimensional theory expanded throughout several
disciplines.
Additionally, I will review Ladson-Billings & Tate‟s (1995) 3 considerations
introduced in the literature review, which include guiding issues of critical race
theory similar to Solórzano (1998). Consideration 1 agrees race is significant in
America. Consideration 2 states ownership rights are move valued than human rights
in the United States. Consideration 3 stress race and property should not be ignored
when understanding equity. Questions asked of the students and of the parents
coded to increase interpretation and increase relationship of information gathered
under critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate 1995; Solórzano, 1998).

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Critical Race Theory Tenet 1and Consideration 1
CRT tenet one is present in the communication between the families and the
schools. This section will discuss communication as it relates to CRT through tenet
one and consideration 1. Tenet one admits race and racism are part of America and
will always be an important part of American society. This is similar to CRT
consideration one (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) that state race is significant in
America. Participants recalled negative incidents at school when asked to recall a
time when they communicated with the school. The challenges of attending school
far from home as well as being a minority demonstrated from their stories.
Brandy:
My mom requested weekly reports on her own when I got to middle school
and gave her telephone number to all my teachers and asked them to call if I
wasn‟t doing well. All my weekly reports said I was doing fine then my
progress report card came back with a Fail. When my mom saw this she went
to the school and the teacher acted as if he did not care. He seemed mad at
her for questioning him. She had a meeting with the principal and the teacher.
The principal asked the teacher was it true my mom had ask him to call if I
wasn‟t doing well. He said yea. They changed my class after the meeting. In
the other class I got an A but my grade was still a C because of the F. My
mom was really mad about that.

This story resembles Fatima‟s who had to go to the school because the school
decided without parent input or testing her child should be in special education when
her child was in kindergarten. Fatima shares her story:
My daughter was very quiet in kindergarten and the teacher never took the
time to see what she knew. When I got there, they wanted me to sign papers
so she could go into a special education classroom. They did not like that I
questioned what the teacher thought. I knew my daughter knew all the things
they said she didn‟t know. I asked her to say her ABCs and read numbers in
front of them and she did. I knew she could do it because she was learning

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that in a private preschool I had paid for. She was in public school cause I
couldn‟t pay for it anymore. So, I didn‟t sign the papers and the teacher was
angry because she was embarrassed.

Others participants tell similar stories when communicating with the school.
Parents who took the initiative to question school authority were perceived as
troublemakers. Bridget recalls seeing a note on her child‟s cumulative record during
a meeting she requested.
Bridget:
I would go to the school every day because I walked to pick her up and one
day I asked to speak with the teacher and accidentally seen her {cumulative
record} it was like a heads up to next teacher like this parent will give you
problems. They act so nonchalant when it came to her grades and whether
she did her work or not that I had to ask and stay around and that was giving
them problems?

Most participants (11) expressed that communication about behavior and class work
did not occurred often and early. Consequently, communication did not happen
unless the student was doing something wrong. Even when the school said the
student was misbehaving or failing class, the school did not deliver this information
to parents in a timely manner. Jade discusses her senior year and school counselors
in the affluent and predominately White high school as follows:
I think they, I don‟t know, I didn‟t feel like I got counseling support. I didn‟t
even think they cared at [affluent school] that‟s the vibe that they gave me.
My parents might see it different maybe it was my age. Maybe my parents
saw something different, it got the point that I would go to the first class and
then I would ditch. It got to the point I didn‟t even go to class after my 3
rd

period class, I just stop going cause I wanted to hang out. It caught up to me
but it took a long time to catch up to me, because when my father found out
had 40 absences. Someone called later or sent something home one or the
other. It was just too late, I was hanging out with the wrong crowd on campus

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and they were kind of to me happy to get me out of there. They saw us
because I was hanging with the wrong crowd on campus and I was doing
other things I wasn‟t suppose to doing, it was kinda like they were happy to
see me go.

Jade did not complete the requirements to become a senior although she was
allowed to take senior pictures. Her picture was also in the yearbook as a senior. She
did not graduate instead was transferred to an adult school because of the many
absences. Communication action was taken, as in all the cases but after there was no
recourse to change the consequences. Many aspects of these personal narratives
suggest race was part of the initial decisions made by the school.
Critical Race Theory Tenet 2 and Consideration 3
This section will discuss the relationship between CRT tent 2 and
consideration 3 as they relate to questions asked about parenting. Under the section
on parenting, I asked participants how many K-12 schools they or their child
attended. Most participants, nine of 14, attended more than three schools. Tenet 2
challenges the idea of the dominant ideology and examines the reality of the
contribution of race to the value of the group. CRT consideration three (Ladson-
Billings & Tate) demands an understanding of the relationship between race and
property as it connects to equity. Students attending several schools often outside of
their community for a better education directly related to CRT Tenets 2 and
consideration 3. Jade had the experience of her parents moving to a more affluent
area for her to receive a better education. She recalls her experience:

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Jade:
We moved to a more affluent area so I could get a better education. They
[parents] thought this was a good place for me to learn I guess but it was just
ok. The school in this area only offered a small amount of permits. If you
gave an address they would check, so if we moved into the area even though
we were on the outskirts, I could not be put out, to me they only did random
checks on African-American students. They would have to leave school and
check into another school cause they lived out of the area. My parents
thought it was better but I didn‟t think it was better.

Other students experienced different school settings for similar reasons.
Steven‟s parents went to extremes to assure his educational experience was a point of
consistency regardless of where they lived. He shares his experience.
Steven:
I went to public schools all my life even though I moved around a lot I stayed
at schools in the same city. Even when we lived very, very far away, I got to
stay at the same school. I stayed in the same school because of my father. No
matter where we live he drove me to school.

His parents decided that despite their living arrangements his school experience
would be stable. Tiffany attended Catholic she and her family was not Catholic. Her
recollection for this choice was because of the local public schools‟ reputation. She
explains further.
Tiffany:
The community school was not good based rumors that were in the
community like class size too large and disorderly kids. My parents sent us to
another school to get a better education.

Noah‟s reason for leaving public school was similar to Tiffany. He recalls:
I went to public my whole life and public school was not for me. We went to
different school to visit and see better place. I eventually left public and went
to private school, catholic.

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Simone‟s living situations and coping with teacher‟s relationships with her daughter
lead her to move her daughter from school to school in search of a better situation.
Simone explains:
We moved to different areas and some was because of lots of trouble with
teachers. My daughter went to about nine different schools. She would argue
back and sometimes they would put her out.

Fatima was in search of better opportunities for her children as well when they
attended schools outside their immediate community. Her reasons were,
I didn‟t have anything against the schools in the community I just wanted
them to go to a school that would teach them the best. I called the school
board office and got the list of schools and sent my children to the best
schools on the list.

The choice to attend school outside of their home community appears necessary and
appears vital to assure academic success of their children. This decision displays
decision-making by the parents although outside of the suggested activities listed by
Epstein (1995). Parents‟ recollection of participation in decision-making at the
school and the board levels was often in defense of a negative school decision.
The responsibility of educating their children lead parents to seek several
ways to assure what they believed would be a better education. Although parents
went to extremes to assure this, the dominate ideology prevail in decision-making.
Similar to CRT Tenet 2, parents decisions about which school to send their child
relates to the value of the dominant group. More than half (6 of 13) of the
participants were familiar with the process of decision-making at the school site or

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school board. Three of the five parents had gone before a school board. Each of the
three parents went before the board in search of answers to unfortunate situations.
Overall, seven participants did not know how to contact the school board and
what the role of the board was in relations to education. Great sacrifices in cases of
students‟ education made however, school level decision-making was not a key area
of concern for parents unless forced to due to circumstances between their children
and the school. Those parents who did contact and who did go before the school
board spoke about their experience below:
Gwen:
I went to the board for several different reasons. But I guess the one that
stands out was to have a principal removed. She was really wrong for the kids
and the school suffered because of her.

Cathy:
I went in front of the board because of my child‟s grade. If I knew they were
not going to help, I would have had a lawyer. I went to get my child grade
change for PE. He had a disability and could not participate so they gave him
a D. They gave him another assignment. When I went before the board more
like take it or leave it. I was not satisfied. They just said it really didn‟t matter
but wouldn‟t change the grade. They had a take it or leave it attitude.

Fatima:
I went to board because a dean in middle school said „you people‟ get out of
my office. When I called to talk to him he or the principal would not talk to
me. I told them I was going downtown and they say go. I made my complaint
and then they wanted to meet with me. I went to the board office several
times to find out test scores and to learn my rights as a parent because no one
tells you.

Students were not exactly sure if their parents went to the school board or made
presentations before the board. Of the eight students, six were sure if their parents
needed to go before the school board, then they would know how to do it.

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Additionally, the rights and power of the parents addressing the school board was
partially known by the participants.
Critical Race Tenet 4 and Consideration 3
This section explains the connection between learning at home and
volunteering as it relates to CRT. I will begin with discussing the connections
between learning at home and conclude with the connections between volunteering.
Learning at home for our students and parents created by a mix of reasons from self-
sufficient students to changes in school procedures. Support from parents and
families correlate with CRT tenet four which recognizes the voice of the voiceless.
The label of the uninvolved parent for many marginalized people is not taking into
consideration activities at home beneficial to learning as well as the rationale for the
differences. Most students (8) felt that the strong infrastructure developed in the
primary years was the basis for support at home. Parents describe their children as
self -motivated and self-sufficient regarding homework and school projects as they
got older. Some students (5) spoke of the types of assignments changing from
projects such as volcanoes and mission in elementary school to more papers making
it difficult to get support at home. Learning at home support changed according to
the grade level. Participants‟ responses to Learning at home included the comments
below:
Fatima:
We had projects in elementary that most of the time we did as a family. With
all the support in elementary my children were pretty self-sufficient. I worked
and they knew they needed to work together. They learn to work together.

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Sometime the oldest would complain a lot but they worked to help each
other.

Brandy:
Her support at home increased by her presence a school was different. She
continue to support me at home and let me know the goal was college. We
worked together and she still supports my learning at home. I am in college
and I still depend on her financially.

Gwen:
I always told my children they present their homework and that‟s a picture of
yourself since they were little. They knew this from the beginning and they
had to do their best and it continued throughout school.

Noah:
I think in change at school but not at home. It increase and decrease during
elementary, middle, and high school. She could not always help me at home
but I took SAT classes and she got me tutors when she couldn‟t help me.

Angela:
When I entered high school the active support decreased the discipline given
to me earlier wasn‟t needed. I got to a point they didn‟t have to tell me to do
my homework but were there if I had any questions. Because of the discipline
I was already in the habit of doing what I knew how to do.

Steven:
My parents raised me to be a certain way. They put things into me to make
the right decisions. This made me feel like they didn‟t need to do too much. If
I was lacking they would come behind me to make sure everything is right.

Findings indicate the voice or perception of families in the study regarding learning
at home and CRT Tenet 4 are similar and they include a variety of activities.
The relationship between community and school questions connects with
CRT considerations 3 (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) specifically equity‟s
association with race and property. Learning at home includes the infrastructure of
the community such as libraries, parks, local culture centers, and of course the

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school. When asked about the permanent structures in the community that support
education most (11) participants did not use services such as libraries and bookstores
in their home community. Many participants used their local parks for community
activities. More than half (6 of 13) recalled spending time at the park either as
volunteers or enjoying the festivities. Most (9 of 13) participants attended schools
outside their immediate community making it necessary to distinguish between the
home and the school community in relation to community collaboration.
Participants‟ discussion of events in the community follows.
Cathy:
We took the kids to the school community library. We didn‟t live in the area
but we went there because they had a good reading program for the summer.
The kids would get free books for reading. We did that every summer.

Gwen:
My kids went to school far from the house for the most part we did things
with our church. They did a lot with the church, youth events picnic and stuff
like that.

Brandy:
I worked at the park and we would have egg hunts and turkey give-a-ways
during the holidays. The park would have parades and activities for the kids.
During the summer, they would give out free lunches.

Tiffany:
Anything we did in the community was church related. Not much to do in the
community.

The church and the park played a large part in shaping the participants. Participants
considered the church and the park as the connection to the home community and the
school. CRT in Learning at Home is somewhat similar but relates to Tenet 4

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significantly seeking to expose knowledge from marginalized groups as vital and
relevant.
More than half (7 of 13) considered donating money, products, and sending
others in their place as examples of volunteering. Most (11 of 13) reported that the
time spent in school and actually working in class helping, the teacher changed
between elementary school and high school. Parents‟ goals for volunteering differ
from the schools‟ goals. The voice of the voiceless presented in CRT Tenet 4 is
evident in the difference between Epstein (1995) and the families in this study. Cathy
shares her experience when trying to volunteer at her child‟s middle school.
Cathy:
They didn‟t really want me there. I called to shadow my child one day and
they didn‟t want to let me do that. They wanted me to go help in the office,
file papers or something. I wanted to see the environment my child was in, I
wanted to follow him and work in the room. They were not very happy about
that. It is as if they thought something was wrong because I wanted to know.

The experience of Simone as a parent was different from Cathy‟s experience. She
says that she was in the field of education so she had a better understanding of
volunteering. During her time in the classroom, she was able to take a small group
and she read with them. It went well and the teacher asked her to come back again.
Simone:
Because I was in education, I worked in childcare for a long time. I knew
how to work with groups and stuff like that. I went in the class when my
children were younger and I would work with a group. I read to them and
help them with their work and then I pulled another group. I think it went
well because the teacher wanted to know when I was coming back.

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She did not volunteer during middle and high school but did stop by unexpectedly to
check on her son‟s behavior and academic progress.
Simone:
Middle and high school were different. I think the kids were more
embarrassed and the teachers didn‟t really want you there to like be in the
class and volunteer. But that did not stop me from poppin‟ up whenever I
wanted to. My kids never knew when I would come but they knew I could
come anytime. I would do that every once in a while when they were in
middle and high school but I didn‟t stay in the class like in elementary.

Fatima‟s experience with volunteering was always outside the classroom and
changed overtime as her children attended middle and high school. The school did
not advise parents to visit the classroom and prefer parents to join in other ways. She
recalls things she did to volunteer.
Fatima:
I never went to the classroom to volunteer. I would help out with festivals
and things like that. If I could do it I would, make stuff and help plan like
teacher appreciation with the kids stuff like that never in the classroom.

Reasons for parents being at school and parents not being there depend on student‟s
grade level. Parents‟ views of volunteering changed naturally or by force of
circumstances. What volunteering consists of, how often, and to what capacity varies
among families but is similar and does not compare exactly to the framework. The
reason for parents visiting or volunteering, according to students, is because the
students knew what to do because of the foundation laid during elementary when
their parents were more involved. The students elaborate best on the change of
parental presence from elementary to high school.

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Angela:
Even though the active support decreased I can‟t say it was negative. The
foundation was laid and they did not have to do as much.

Noah:
My mom was always there but she never crowded me. Especially, after I got
older and got a car. My mom would come to the school but not like in
elementary maybe only during the conferences and stuff like that. I pretty
much knew what to do because she taught me.

Brandy:
My mom didn‟t come as much when I was in middle school because at first I
was going to school far away and had to take a bus. So she didn‟t come out
there and she brought back because of that too. When I came back to the area
where we live she would walk me to school. She was there but did not really
come to my class because I knew what to do. I knew I had to go to work and
do well just like she was going to work and doing well. She had instilled that
in me ever since I can remember.

The differences in involvement were at times beyond the control of parents.
Critical Race Theory Tenet 4 and College Access
Results from the participants when examining college access yield a
relationship with CRT Tenet 4 (Solórzano, 1995) also. Students and parents‟
knowledge of entering college, the fine points to gaining access financially, and
advice from family units are the areas of focus for the coded questions in this section
of the interview. Questions found four of the eight students did not enter
universities directly after high school. All parents (5) wanted their children to go to
college. All five parents thought of the financial obligations. One parent was told
going to community or junior college was better than going directly to the university.
She continued this path to the university level for four of her five children until her
professor told her it was not necessary. The youngest of the five had the opportunity

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to go directly to the university from high school. Some of the participants (2) search
for colleges outside the state by focusing on the best college for the least expense and
focusing on colleges willing to give scholarships. Of the eight students, two are
attending college on academic scholarships. Some of the responses about college
entrance listed next.
Kristen:
After high school, I didn‟t feel ready for college but my mom helped me with
the paper work cause she was in college and had gone through a lot of it
herself. I received a cal grant and lots of support from my mom.

Cathy:
We only applied to Private school out-of-state and a local university. The
local university was a given but because of his grade point average we
weren‟t sure about private school. We he got the acceptance letter for the
private university we were so happy I remember we dance and the neighbor
probable thought we won the lotto.

Tiffany:
I did start college right after high school. for my mom the goal was
graduating high school. She couldn‟t really see college and graduating high
school was a very high expectations. My dad was sick so I went to work to
help the house. When I told my mom I wanted to go to college, she was like
you do. But she supported and help me once she realized that‟s what I wanted
to do.

Jade:
I didn‟t finish at the high school. I went to the community college after adult
school then I stopped and I worked. My dad always said I should go back to
school. After I went back, he has supported me the whole way. He is still
there for me.

Angela:
I am receiving two scholarships right now. One day I was at the school and
went into the office and filled out the information. I am on academic
scholarship. My parents still support my extracurricular activities at the
university. They didn‟t help me with the paperwork but I knew what to do
because of them.

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Steven:
I got an academic scholarship. My dad help me fill out the application. He
basically read afterward and help me change some of the things I said to
make sure it showed all the volunteer work and he helped me say the right
things on the application and in the interview.

Bridget:
They would say you‟re hovering over her let her live and your too strict, at 18
it was hard, even though I saw her going to college everyday and she didn‟t
have any homework and she was in college. Come to find out she wasn‟t
going and got in trouble with the law. Now we gotta get back in 110% and
we have to make up for what we lost because she went another direction.

The knowledge of college access for participants varied tremendously. CRT Tenets
(Solórzano. 1998) and considerations (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) offered a
dynamic and revealing connection between race and education within this study.
Ultimately, all students (8) went to college along with two of the five parents
returning to school for college degrees.
Research Question 2 Results
The following section examines results from the study as they correlate to
critical race tenets and considerations (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano,
1998).
Critical race theory offers a contemporary perspective on the effects of
discrimination practices and the outcomes within structural system such as education
(Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Critical race theory 5 tenets in education as
discussed by Solórzano (1997, 1998) and 3 considerations as discussed by Ladson-
Billings & Tate (1995) are used to examine the results of this study. Interviews with
both parents and students excluded direct questions about race, discrimination, or

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racism. This was designed specifically to avoid a persuasion or bias leading the
participants toward such responses.
As the interview transformed from formal into conversational moments,
participants‟ responses progressed from superficial replies to extended dialogue
ending often with participant asking if they answered the question or got off track
from the original question. Parents in the study were quite perceptive of the
differences between their parent involvement during elementary and their parent
involvement during middle and high school. Consequently, they examined these
differences from the perspective of their own changes in availability along with the
changes in the school setting and changes in the middle school and the high school
not found in elementary school.
Tenet 1 from critical race theory (Solórzano, 1998) describes race and racism
as omnipresent. Tenet 2 of critical race theory examines the ideology, which benefits
whiteness. CRT consideration 2 human rights based on property ownership, and
consideration 3 knowledge of equity based on race and property. Families in the
study did not directly state race was the reason students attended schools outside of
their home community but responses about the difference between schools did. As a
result, from the difference their stories illustrate CRT Tenet 1 and Tenet 2 along with
CRT considerations 2 and 3.
Parents, 4 of the 5, in the study and 6 of the 8 students attended schools or
sent their child in areas other than in their own home community. Results reveal
parents believed schools outside of the areas afforded better opportunity for their

127
children. In each situation, all agreed the other school was better due to certain
values not found in the home school community. Two areas in particular where
shared most often by all participants. The first area is the large number of students
per classroom at the home school. The second area was the feeling of freedom and
safety not afforded to students in the home school environment.
Each issue, whether safety or overcrowded classrooms are examples of
problems within the school setting, which affect inner city schools largely. Parents
from the differences in the schools recognized the issue of safety. The home school
had large fences surrounding it. Fences throughout the school locked at all times.
The opposite was found when the students and the parents spoke of the schools in the
affluent areas. Schools in these communities embrace the community instead of
being afraid of it. Families spoke of open space, no large fences, and no security
guards. Schools in the affluent areas gave the sense of freedom, openness, and
togetherness.
The opportunities afforded by this new environment did not come without its
cost. In each instance, families discussed the problems in the more affluent
predominately White schools. The mark of the dominant ideology in Tenet 2 and
consideration 3 of critical race theory (Ladson- Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano,
1998) outline is framed in the setbacks of being educated as a minority in this school
setting. Critical race theory with respect to education examines the notion of
Whiteness as it connects to property, power, and privilege. The freedom of the
students and of the schools in the affluent predominately-White area brought a safe

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feeling. Through the privilege of living in a this area with less or no graffiti, having a
view of the ocean from you school playground versus the view of bars from your
school playground is a reference to the dominant ideology living better therefore
receiving a better education.
The mark of privilege understood by African American families exhibited by
their desire and their actions to attend the better schools regardless of extended
circumstances. Participants explained the circumstances and the consequences in the
effort to receive a better education. Families‟ idea of the affluent schools as the place
to educate their children resulted in choices consider extreme but necessary in the
search for the better. Jade‟s family decision to move into the affluent area is a
strategy chosen to guarantee education consider better than in a not affluent area.
Although Jade‟s family lived on the border of the city limits, it was enough to secure
the education her family believed would contribute greatly to her academic success.
Class and race contributed to the decisions made by families because class and race
divide communities.
Conclusion of Result for Question 2
Three main results from the study in the area of critical race theory (Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano, 1998) sum up this section. First, families
considered the academic quality of education of their child‟s school as valuable.
Second, families believe the environment especially safety as important to their
child‟s success. Third, families sought means perhaps extreme to obtain an
educational advantage for their children. The issue of race and of class is apparent

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because the majority of schools of choice were outside of the community and in
White affluent areas.
Principal Research Finding for Question 2
Concluding the findings from research question 2, the next sections
summarizes briefly with a discussion of what it all means. The findings as a result of
participants‟ responses yield two principal research findings. Both findings are
discussed in the following sections and both findings are represented through a
visual depiction.

Figure C: Better Schools

Principal research Finding 2, Figure C, is a visual presentation of the findings
correlation to critical race theory (Solórzano, 1998; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
Three significant events occur to form the decision of the best education for
participants in the study based on race.

130
Beginning with the first downward arrow, parents‟ choice to send their
children to schools outside of the community is due to dire situations at the
neighborhood school. This related to CRT in education. In the literature on CRT,
Ladson-Billings (1998) address the state of schools within the inner city
communities that are attended by African-American students as founded on
institutional and structural racism. She further examines the benefits of other
communities due to Proposition 13 suggesting the benefits and the rights of property
ownership. This connects directly with the second arrow listing ways for students in
the study to attend a better school. Students in the study moved out of their area and
into a community that contained a successful school. This community that has a
successful school happens to be in an affluent area that is predominately White.
The final downward arrow in Figure C, directly speaks to CRT Consideration
3, stating to understand equity requires examining the interaction between race and
property. The structural racism discussed by Ladson-Billings (1998) and mentioned
unknowingly by a parent in the study when speaking of the mire differences in the
school appearance, location, and surroundings connect the CRT tenets and
consideration firmly. Figure C as a visual representation allows clarity between each
phase taken by participants to attain what they believe is a better education and
critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano, 1998).
Principal research Finding 2, Figure D, depicts the negative outcome for
students when communication between school and parents is minimal and delayed.

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Figure D: Communication Direction

The importance of communication between the parents and the schools was
found throughout the literature on parental involvement (Henderson & Mapp, 2002;
Epstein, 2005; Field, 2006 & Field-Smith, 2004).Within this study, it was found
parents of students at schools outside their community received information
regarding a punishable act by their child after the consequence. All situations
remembered by participants lead to fixed negative consequences. In figure D, the
arrow shows the direction of three boxes and each box list the step and action in one
direction.
The limited communication between the school and the home, followed by
negative interaction, ends with a fixed outcome. From receiving grades of F or being
kicked out of school, due to lack or limited communication between the school and
the home, the fixed result could not be changed. Revealed through critical race
theory (Solórzano, 1998; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) tenet 2 and consideration 1

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reflect on the use of race and the power of dominant ideology. As one parent
participant explained her perception of the school‟s confusion with her concern for
her daughter‟s grade, the correlation between the dominate ideology supports the
myth of the uninvolved parent being a parent who does not care. It is suggested the
necessary communication to prevent negative consequences was not required
because of the group being affected.
Research Question 3 Findings
Did involvement roles of working class African-American parents consist of
similarities to alternative practices found in Auerbach (2001) research?
The following section of this chapter conveys the connection between
working class African-American students and parents with Auerbach‟s (2007)
Parental Involvement Continuum introduced in the literature review. I adapted the
parent and student interview instruments from Auerbach (2001) dissertation. I re-
coded question under each type of parent involvement from Epstein (2004) to focus
on the Auerbach (2001) model.
I divided this section into themes similar to Auerbach unlike the first section
divided into sections based on Epstein (2004). After a brief tally of results based on
the Epstein‟s (2004) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement, I will begin the
discussion of the finding in three sections: moral supporter, struggling advocate and
ambivalent companions. My purpose is to better illustrate the association between
the coded interview questions and Auerbach‟s (2007) Parent Involvement
Continuum.

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Epstein (2004) and Auerbach (2001) Findings Correlation
Questions coded to gain a better understanding of parental involvement from
the perspective similar to Auerbach (2001) yielded the following findings as related
to Epstein‟s (2004) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement. In the area of
parenting, all 13 participants recalled parents going above and beyond to assure they
had a strong foundation set at home with scheduled homework times and prepared
areas to study. Of the 13 participants, seven of the 13 remember having other family
members represent them at school functions if they were not available.
With respect to communication, advice about projects and homework was
sought from family members first, 13 out of 13, followed by coworkers and their
employers, 8 out of 13. In terms of volunteering, nine of the 13 believe volunteering
could mean more than giving of your time but included money, other members of the
family, providing transportation for school functions, and visiting the classroom for
behavior purposes.
Regarding learning at home, resources used by the participants (8) were
family, neighbors, coworkers and employers. In the area of decision-making,
participants 10 out of 13 received advise from their own parents first and for nine of
the participants this was the only advice gathered. Furthermore, in the area of
collaborating with the community, social events outside of the school were church
functions and activities, park festivals and programs and volunteer work for the
homeless considered linked to education. These finding linking Auerbach (2001)

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with Epstein (2004) consequently reveal the involvement only from Epstein‟s (2004)
perspective making it necessary to explore findings as Auerbach (2001) did also.
The following sections will reveal the commonalities between this study
referred to as the path of involvement and three defined types of involved parents
from Auerbach‟s (2007, 2001) study. Following the correlation, the section will
conclude with a visual depiction of principal research findings and discussion.
Moral Supporter correlation to the Path of Involvement
Moral supporter provide guidance though encouragement and approval
mostly from a position outside of the students as defined by Auerbach (2007).
According to Auerbach (2001), this type of advocate stands often behind the student.
In a sense like a cheerleader but when necessary will stand next to or in front of the
student. The parent will take the lead in situations when crucial but often supports
the student in the background. From either position of the parent, they look to the
student as the guide for his or her own destiny.
Within this study, four of the 13 participants compliment this group similar to
Auerbach‟s (2007) research. A brief description and their stories illustrate the
connection.
Noah
Noah‟s experience throughout school whether formal years or college years
have been driven by him and his family. Beginning with middle school and entering
high school, he was allowed to go and visit high schools to see which one was best
based on what he liked. He spoke often during the interview about his opinion

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mattering. His parents asked him what he thought, and how he felt about school
decisions like what school he would attend. They asked how he felt about decisions
with regard to the school. He was allowed to participate in other aspects of school as
simple as what he wanted to eat for lunch. His thoughts and feelings were respected.
The role of his parents remain supportive but behind the scene throughout
high school. He recalls his Mom visiting perhaps three to four times a year randomly
but never over barring. While in high school, he had the opportunity to be involved
in programs that taught study skills and preparing for college. He also took SAT prep
classes and other weekend programs that supported college preparation. When it was
time to go to college, they sat down as a family and decided on what his goals were
and where he felt he could be successful. He explains the process:
Noah:
Yes, we all sat down and look at different colleges, looked at price, where in
the country I wanted to go. We look at type whether public private location,
black non-black location basically and where I can get the best education
from my opinion and what they thought and where I could get the best
education for the cheapest price those where the key things that played a role
in my decision of where I went.

His parents made a point to follow his lead and give support when and where it was
necessary.
Cathy and Steven
Cathy and Steven are mother and son that exhibit similarities to the
characteristics of parent advocates who are moral supporters. Both speak highly of
each other and the decisions made as parent and student. Steven often explains the

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groundwork laid by his parents mainly his mother and her support that allowed room
for growth, mistakes, and trust. He spoke of how she did it.
Steven:
She raise me to raise myself” by “giving me a stadium to be raise in with
room to stretch myself, didn‟t force me to get straight As but would see the
teacher as soon as it was a C but it wasn‟t like my mom would conference
with the teacher every day.

He often spoke of how she let him do his own thing and how they trusted him.
During the interview, he explains this trust after his parents were called to school
when he misbehaved in class. He tells the story.
Steven:
My dad came to school because I got in trouble in school. He came and
yelled at me in front of the teacher. There was a real trust thing they had with
me. They knew they raised me well and knew I had a good head on my
shoulders and knew that I could control myself.

Cathy recalls this incident at school as well. She remembers Steven made a mistake
but would not do it again. After the incident at school, if she did receive a call it
would be for talking and she would speak to him about it but trusted he would
improve.
The parent as moral supporters are clearly defined through his experience his
senior year and going to college as a freshmen. His beginning college out of state in
his own words demonstrates further the connection to moral supporters.
Steven:
Years prior to high school, we raised you to be a certain way. We input things
into you to make the right decisions. This made them feel like they didn‟t
need to do too much. If I was lacking they would come behind me to make
sure everything is right. Like my parents got the application because my

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brother went there {university} before me. They just made sure I had it in on
time. They might ask, did you make your appointment for your SATs and if I
didn‟t they would remind me. My brother went before me he could point me
in the right directions. My father came out to college with me as the
authority figure beyond him. My father went with me to certain offices but
did not really talk or ask question in the office. He just went with me to
assure I was taken seriously. I did the majority if not all the talking and
asking questions.

The trust and support described by Auerbach is revealed in this family structure as a
moral supporter.
Angela
Angela‟s path to college begins long before she was born. Her parents did not
give her many options other than persevere and succeed. Her parents began with
introducing her to the next grade level the summer before she attended so she would
have a hard start on curriculum for that particular grade level. After skipping a grade
in school, the home foundation began to match the school. She spoke consistently
about discipline and about being able to do things on her own because of the
structure and values instill by her parents. Her parents were motivating and her
parents gave her the tools to excel. When speaking of the role her parents played in
her entering college, she quickly states the fact she had no other choice. A story
about her father says it best:
Angela:
My dad encouraged me. He is a very intellectual person and he feels like
settling for B just isn‟t good enough. He used discipline to keep me on the
straight road. After a while, he did not have to tell me to do homework I
would know to just do it as soon as I got home. He would use trying to go to
college as your motivation if that‟s what you want to do if that‟s what your
goals are in life you have to excel in school to get there. As I got older, they
trusted me and my decisions because the foundation was laid and they did not

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have to do as much. Education was the driving force to succeed in life and
given the structure during my younger years, I was not in need of more
discipline already in the habit of doing what I knew how to do.

Three of the four participants who reflect moral supporters enrolled in college
directly after high school. The other is a parent. Two of the three are receiving
academic scholarships as well. The next sections introduce parents and students who
reveal characteristics similar to Struggling Advocates based on Auerbach Parental
Involvement Continuum.
Struggling Advocates Correlation to the Path of Involvement
According to Auerbach (2001), parents with more of a direct link in their
children daily decisions and a causal relationship with their activities tend to be
struggling advocates. Parents and students in this category are in the middle of the
continuum. They also tend to receive their strategies from middle-class college
goers and their own personal experiences with school perhaps not positive. Of the
thirteen participants, 2 students and 2 parent student pairs demonstrate some of
Auerbach (2001) findings. A brief description and their stories illustrate the
connection.
Gwen and Kristen
As a mother of five and once as student offered a full scholarship to a major
private university, Gwen knows too well the benefit of an education. She also knows
the educational system is not always a supportive and nurturing place for students.
She has advocated for all her children regardless of their decision to stay in school or

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choose a path outside of school. With Kristen, this journey to college was different
for the others because she is a resource student. She was in the special education
program during her formal years in school and she had the opportunities to use
support services in college.
Gwen worked hard to create a strong foundation and always made sure
Kristen could rely on her to support her in school and especially when dealing with
adults. Kristen spoke consistently about her mother‟s support at school and her
parents‟ goal to make sure she achieves higher goals. She recalls her mother “having
her back” and making sure “no one at school messed over us”.
Kristen:
All the time in elementary, she would be there. I thought she worked there.
We weren‟t able to fool around too much because she was there.

Kristen remembers her mother asking if she “wanted to work hard like
daddy” and often “used this personal story about her (mom) choice to forgo a full
scholarship to USC. Kristen recalls this story and often uses this story for motivation
as well. She elaborates:
I don‟t wanna let me down and I don‟t let her down. Her story reminds of
this.

She remembers her elementary experience and her mother‟s presence. She recalls
more details about her mother at school.
Kristen
as “all the time in elementary. She would be there so much I thought she
worked there. She was part of that and she would get involved in this. We
weren‟t able to fool around too much because she was there. She volunteered

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for girl scouts and drill team. She filled out paperwork and raised money for
school.

If there was a difference to be made, then it was in the life of her children, Gwen did
not leave it up to the school solely or chance.
Gwen speaks of her role, as a parent to be involved to assure the school knew
her children were not alone in the process. She states:
The teacher gotta put a face to you they gotta know you, know that I am
concerned about you and they don‟t threat you any kind of way

This motto is the driving force as struggling advocate that contributed greatly to
Kristen graduating from college.
Bridget and Brandy
The story of Bridget the mother of Brandy begins with a parent trying to
figure out how to support her child academically. From student to classroom teacher
and current doctoral student, Bridget has shown Brandy through hard work and
perseverance nothing can stop you. When asked about the path taken to support
Brandy in school, even after her child was incarceration, she gives a short but
powerful description.
Bridget:
I went to school and dropped out and then I had my baby. We went on with
our lives and the she came home from school one day and asked me how to
fractions. I could not help her with the work and I knew I had to learn it for
myself so I could teach her. I realized I didn‟t know enough so I went back to
school. That started or jump started my education. I needed to go back to
school to try to exercise my brain. I fell in love and still now I have that love
with learning. I went to a community college and took an African-American

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study class and I learn so much about my history I felt like it was my duty to
go to school.

Bridget unable to do fractions leads her to return to school and she became
hooked on learning. Although Brandy‟s education was interrupted, her mother
continues to support her and advocate for her learning. Brandy recalls her mother
having clients, whose hair she did, telling her mother about schools. Many of her
clients were in the field of education and many guided Bridget with ways to
communicate with school staff. The same clients offered support with college
requirements and school deadlines. Bridget remembers her support she fondly refers
to as “her village” giving her insider information to better equip her during meetings
with school staff. She often stated she took examples from what the more affluent
did and she mimiced it for her daughter.
Bridget:
I used my village. Whatever I wasn‟t able to do I knew I could call somebody
for help. Besides my family, at that time I was braiding hair and I got a neat
clientele that was educators and they would come in the shop and see my
daughter. I would talk to them about her school stuff. My daughter and I
would see the benefits through the clientele. I would get information from
them and it would help me and her cause we where both in school.

Bridget‟s goal for Brandy was college. Brandy and she both spoke of a story
of how one learned and the other taught the importance of an education. Bridget
recalls the story this way
Bridget:
When she misbehaved in school, her punishment would be you have to walk
in my shoes for a day. She would have to do that. That was punishment. You
could do what you were suppose to do or get up at 5:00, go to work, from

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work go to school at night then study all night go to bed then start all over. It
was punishment to show what happens when you don‟t have an education.

Bridget continues to support Brandy and remind her, the future is for her to create
through hard work and self-determination. The path although filled with mistakes
and repeats is a path they take together.
Simone
Simone being part of the system understood her children to need a support
that gave them the protection and the freedom to learn. When her daughter was going
through a rough time beginning in middle school, she moved to different areas and
because of some unfortunate encounters with teacher, her daughter attended about 9
different schools. Simone was very aware from her experience it was necessary to be
there and support her children through getting to know the teachers. She recalls her
relationship with teachers:
Simone:
I never waited for teachers to talk to me. I gave all of them my number and
an open door to call me whenever about my children. I knew that my
daughter and her teacher had to work together. I knew she was going to
question and talk back and she had to have teachers who could handle her
and know how to talk to her. I was there to make sure she [daughter] knew I
was there for her and we were in this together.

She did not wait for them to call her but eagerly shared her cell phone number with
teachers and offer immediate access to her. Simone also gave the teachers the
contracts she created to agree on expectations for all three involved, the student, the
teacher, and the parent. She describes how she worked with her children‟s teacher.

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Simone:
I made sure the teacher and my children knew what was expected. I would
take a contract to school for both my daughter, the teacher, and for me. I
made sure we all knew what was expected of us. I wanted my daughter do
well and I knew I had to be involved in order to keep her and the teacher on
the same page. I made sure I knew everyone at the school too so they would
look after my daughter. I knew the whole school from yard supervision to
security, everybody.

Beginning as a paraprofessional, teacher assistant, and becoming a teacher, Simone
made choices she felt necessary to assure a successful educational path for her
children ending with her daughter earning two college degrees.
Fatima
The experience of inner city schools and inadequate administrators and
teachers created a struggling advocate in Fatima. She refused to allow school
decisions to deny her children their educational right to receive the best the school
system had to offer. From the beginning with a teacher deciding her kindergartner
needed to be placed in special education and another treating her son unfairly
causing her to go to the class daily, changed the relationship with the schools. Fatima
became more powerful by gaining knowledge to help her children survive public
school. She removed her children from a school where she considered the principal
weak and she called the board when a dean used a racial slur to address her child.
She was at the school for her children and she felt it was “important for the child to
know your own their side”.
Fatima:
I had to make sure my children and the school knew I was there for them. I
work hard to make sure they got everything the school could give them. I was

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there all the time but more to be there if my children needed me. I took jobs
near the school so on my break if I needed to I could go up to the school. I
would make sure my shifts at work did not get in the way of me being there
for my kids at school. It was a lot of work but now the twins are in college
and both are doing well and almost finished.

Being a teen mother and a divorced mother with four children, Fatima knew
the benefits of education and she did not want them to escape her children. She
spoke to them about college beginning in elementary and they always knew it was
part of the plan. Although she felt kids could learn anywhere, she wanted her
children to have the same opportunity of other children in schools that excelled even
if out of the home community. She discussed the reason for pursuing the best school
regardless of distances from their home.
Fatima:
Kids can learn anywhere. In certain schools, physical safety does not affect
your learning. Certain areas, people walk to school and it‟s a better
environment. You can‟t tell me you do not have a different feeling about
school if looking at the ocean versus looking at graffiti and bars. Some kids
are just free at school. They never get expose to stuff; environment does not
make a difference.

Participants in this group tackled challenges and successes in the educational system
as a team. Teammate is a vivid description of parents as struggling advocates.
Ambivalent Companions Correlation to the Path of Involvement
Three participants demonstrate the Ambivalent Companions characteristics.
Auerbach (2001) categorized this group as support that includes encouragement,
protection and assistance. The focus relies more on being a part of the journey as

145
oppose to controlling or guiding the educational journey. A brief description and
their stories illustrate the connection.
Jade
Jade had many tutors and cannot recall a day her parents did not help her with
school or whatever she needed. They took a large step to secure what they (parents)
believed to be a better opportunity and moved into the borders of the school district
in a more affluent area. In the school boundaries, legally they could not be asked to
leave based on home address. Many African-American students were asked to leave
once it was determined their addresses were temporary and not permanent. During
the interview, Jade went into another room to get clarity from her father. He replied
to the question of others who gave him advice by state he knew what to do. He also
stated, “that sounds like a child with a problem to me. I didn‟t need to ask anybody I
knew what to do for you.” She admits hiding notes and letting her parents see what
she wanted them to see, she did not graduate from high school but attended adult
school.
Jade‟s Dad especially has taken this journey with her as she strives to
complete college as a senior in her thirties. She finishes in May and plans to get her
master. Through it all, her family has continued this path with her and regardless of
how long it takes; she is still encouraged to go as far as she can go. Her plans include
her dad‟s wish for her to go to law school.

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Karlisa
The collective effort of grandparents and an aunt have supported Karlisa in
earning a college degree. Her grandparents have given her the opportunity to go to
school by supplying financial and moral support. Both groups have continued to
reinforce the importance of getting a college degree and Karlisa has taken this
information in pursuing this goal. She begins this process with the help of her aunt
who is a teacher. She and her aunt filled out the paperwork together and they worked
together to figure out the possibilities such as college and finances. Both
grandparents and aunt provided living arrangements, purchase books, and
contributed to tuition. The family motto is “always move forward”. This educational
journey for Karlisa has been for the family also.
Tiffany
The goal for Tiffany‟s parents was to graduate from high school. The goal of
graduating from college was a distant reality in the beginning for Tiffany. As a high
school graduate, she had met the goal. After joining the work force, she realized
achieving a college degree would increase her possibilities and could contribute to
her income. She went to her mother and told her she wanted to go to college. A little
shocked at first; her mother quickly accepted the idea and join Tiffany on the path to
a college degree. Tiffany‟s mom education stop at middle school and this goal of a
college degree became a family goal. Tiffany‟s mother was very supportive and she
provided childcare for her when she return to school at a community college.
Tiffany‟s parents instill in her to “never give up and aim high, it may be

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unachievable but let nothing stop you”. Tiffany and family travel the journey to
college as a united effort.
Research Question 3 Results
The perceptions of parents on the meaning of volunteering at schools, the
possibilities afforded by education and the value of present experiences and past
lessons revealed through the results of findings from research questions number 3.
The final research question of the study illustrates parental involvement
outside Epstein‟s (1995) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement. Modified
from Auerbach‟s (2001) study on the involvement of parents in the Future Project.
The project is a public school program in conjunction with UCLA for 30 high school
students of color. Students must show an interest in attending college as well as their
teachers confirming their potential to be admitted to college. Auerbach used a
purposeful small sample of working class parents with little or no college experience.
In addition, parents wanted differently for their children. The parent continuum was
derived from her three-year ethnographic dissertation. This section discusses results
from findings related to the Auerbach (2007, 2001) Parent Continuum.
Parents and students in the study did align with findings from Auerbach‟s
(2007, 2001) Parental Involvement Continuum. The common patterns within the
study results linking to the continuum are the value and the use of the entire family,
the significance of personal experiences and lesson learned, and the activities
defining parental involvement by working class families.

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Families in the study agreed members outside of the immediate family
contribute to the education of the student. Similarly, students spoke of family
members who supported their education. Generational ties between grandparents
and students were responsible for developed expectations, and motivation.
Participants in the study revealed the success of the student was the success of the
family. An education obtained by the student is the pride of the entire family
consisting of mother, father, brothers, sisters, grandparents, uncles, aunts, and
cousins. The Epstein (2001) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement
discusses parental involvement but the word parent assumedly to mean mother and
father defines the term. The support of the student among working class parents in
this study came from all family members. The parental involvement at the school
and in support of education came from all family members.
Involvement from the perspective of parents solely, eliminates the
significance of family support. Participants in the study defined parental involvement
to include members of the family outside of mothers and fathers. The education of
children within the family is the responsibility, the pride, and the accomplishment of
the entire family. The entire family holds the student accountable. Family members
served as motivators by their actions and their experiences also. The next section will
discuss how students supported through lessons experienced by their family
members.
Auerbach (2001) and Ceballo (2004) found in their study of parental
involvement stories or consejos often told to children to expose them to the

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consequences of actions. Lopez (2001) illustrates parent involvement through the
power of personal hardship and experiences shared by parents with their children.
His study examined the involvement of parents in education through exposure to
hard work. The value of education by an immigrant family is shown to their children
by the intense labor of the parents. The consequence received from a lack or a
limited education is shared with children of one immigrant family. Lopez contends
this is parent involvement. Parents showed their children firsthand the possibility of
their life if education is not achieved.
This type of involvement, the use of storytelling, is not listed in Epstein‟s
(1995) Framework of Six Types of Involvement. Nevertheless, participants in this
study told similar stories. This strategy was used as motivation, deem purposeful,
and common. The experiences and lessons learned by parents were shared in hopes
of students not meeting the same fate or students having the same experiences. Six of
the eight students recalled being told stories of hardship while four of the five
parents used their tribulations to motivate their children.
Parents using their experience to encourage and motivate their children
regularly are a strategy found in other studies by parents of color (Auerbach, 2001;
Ceballo, 2004; Lopez, 2001). Telling stories of experiences and communicating them
often to develop better choices in their children is a form of parent involvement.
Activities defined as involvement differ for parents of color. Common items
mentioned by families in the study results in activities different from those listed in
Epstein (2001) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement.

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Activities that qualify as involvement are the same as those listed in Epstein‟s
(1995) Framework however, those discuss by the participants of this study differ in
purpose. Volunteering in the classroom or office are activities listed within the
framework used by parents in the study. The reason why a parent participant will
volunteer exposes the difference between Epstein‟s activities. Results of the findings
suggest parents volunteer to show their support of the teacher but foremost to show
the teacher their child has a loving parent. Participants in the study indicated
volunteering for the school or spending time in the classroom was beyond supporting
the school or the teacher but more to show the teacher their child “belong to
someone”. The participants in this study imply the teacher knows their child has a
parent willing to give their time. This develops a stronger commitment from the
teacher. Parents did define volunteering as giving of themselves but also perceived
volunteering as more than time.
The findings indicate parents perceived activities of volunteering differently
from the framework model with respect to time. Parents (4 of the 5) mentioned
money given to support activities such as fundraisers, items sent to school for
support such as food, paper goods, and materials or sending a family member to
support an activity as volunteering. Students (6 of the 8) regarded other family
members giving their time along with sending food, and buying items for classrooms
or school functions as a form of volunteering. The ideal of what it means to
volunteer differs in purpose and activity between Epstein (2004) however, it is
similar to Auerbach (2001).

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Conclusion of Result for Question 3
The results from this study relating to Auerbach‟s (2007, 2001) Parental
Involvement Continuum proposes three major results. The first results are parents are
very aware of the importance of education and family members share this awareness.
Family members, grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins, value education and this
promote accountability for the student. The success of the student is the success of
the family. The second result is parents used stories of past experiences, benefits of
education, and current circumstances to produce consequences for lacking an
education. The final result relating to Auerbach of the study implies families‟
perceptions of volunteering differ from the most common model of parental
involvement. Parents are involved for a different purpose and are more likely to see
the use of money, goods, and other family members as volunteering. The results
indicate parents within the study are not uninvolved but involved differently.
Additionally, the results of the findings illustrated the used of Epstein‟s
(1995) Framework of Six Types of Parent Involvement in schools differ during the
educational experience of children. During elementary parents of color are more
involved than in middle and high school. Parents are considered less involved and
they are labeled as uninvolved during middle and high school (Baker & Thomas;
1998). Involvement can be due to changes in the organization of the middle and
high school. The difference in middle and high school parent involvement could be
due to the location of the school. Several students in the study attended schools in
predominately-White affluent areas. Parents‟ belief a school is dominant based on

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the location directly aligned with critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995;
Solórzano, 1998). Epstein‟s framework nnot established in schools based on reports
in turn creating difficulty in a determination of the affect of the practice.
Nevertheless, the results add to the extant research on parental involvement.
Principal Research Finding for Question 3
Concluding the findings from research question 3, the next sections
summarizes briefly with a discussion of what it all means. The findings as a result of
participants‟ responses yield three principal research findings. Findings are discussed
in the following sections and findings are represented through one visual depiction.
The visual depiction of principal research findings for question 3 are three
open doors side by side. They represent the new involvement practices found among
participants that correlate with Auerbach (2007, 2001) and that are not found in
Epstein (2004, 1995). Each door symbolizes the doorway to a new area of practice
for African-American parents towards recognizing how they are involved.

Figure E. Doorway to Change

153
The first door titled Voices Differ suggest information from working class African-
American parents be solicited and used to inform universal practices and activities
for parental involvement. Similar to CRT Tenet 4, giving voice to the voiceless,
listening to and developing practices for parent involvement will encourage a more
inclusive group of activities.
The differences revealed by the participants correlate with literature from
Auerbach (2007, 2001) also. Participants, similar to Auerbach, supported their
children‟s educational development by providing time, space, and rules during
homework. The significance learned from listening to the voices of African-
American parents and family members is vital to increase the involvement of this
group.
The second door titled Family Commitment suggest family is used more in
cultures such as African-Americans that are “we” oriented as opposed to Eurocentric
values that stress independence earlier similar to “I” oriented cultures. Family
members work together to complete regular tasks such as homework and they work
together to complete major task such as graduating from high school. The success of
one member of the family is the success of all members of the family. The family
values and the family resources is an area of parent involvement that should be
explore to assure the involvement practices recommended are culturally relevant.
The third door titled Family Resource speaks to the power of counterstories.
CRT examines stories of marginalized groups as a way of counter balancing stories
told not including their perspectives. These stories, in this study, go beyond simply

154
balancing the account but create relevant and cultural possible selves through living
examples set by family members. Whether the possible self is positive, a family
member who has obtain a successful career through education or a negative self, a
family member whom is incarcerated for a bad decision, both serve a valuable
purpose. Through these stories, told at a very young age and similar to stories
Auerbach (2007, 2001) found as advice stories told by parents and family members
regarding the consequences of decisions, students make significant decisions about
their future. Although a different type of involvement from visiting the school site
often, nevertheless it is valuable to the students and to the parents.
Summary
Findings presented in this section developed a picture of the involvement of
working class African-American families that details the effects of Epstein (2001),
critical race theory (Solórzano & Yosso, 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1998), and
Auerbach (2007; 2001). Analyst of conversations revealed in this chapter taken from
the students and the parents continued in chapter 5.

155
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY
This chapter will review the purpose of the study, followed by the
conclusion, and then admit delimitations and limitations. Lastly, this chapter will
discuss recommendations for the future studies.
Introduction
The percentage of African American students entering a four-year university
directly after high school is small with fewer students graduating from high school
(NCES, 2004). Although many students drop out before high school those in high
school are ill prepared to compete with current level of achievement. Based on the
achievement gap, African-American students not on grade level are two or three
grade levels behind their White counterparts (NCES). Without an internal
examination of practices by African American parents with their children entering
college, contributes to improving the support given to African American students
and their families will continue to yield negative results.
The Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to first accumulate then examine practices of
working class African American parents with students in college to determine if
reported practices aligned with commonly accepted parental involvement practices in
the field. In addition, the study examined the commonalities between parental
involvements practices not included in the Epstein (2004) Framework of Six Types
of Parent Involvement. Lastly, the effect of race on parental involvement through the
critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano, 1998) as one of the

156
theoretical frames to determine if practices utilized or considered valuable. Using
personal interviews, students from a local state university and available parents were
interviewed using questions adapted from Auerbach (2001) and coded to solicit
details similar to the three theoretical frameworks, critical race theory (Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano, 1998), Epstein (2001) Framework of Six Types of
Parent Involvement, and Auerbach (2007, 2001) Parental Involvement Continuum.
Specific details from interviews combined to compare and analyze reported practices
and find commonalities within these practices.
Conclusion
Findings and results in this study add to the grand literature of parental
involvement. In addition to studies by Epstein (2004), Auerbach (2001), Ceballo
(2003), and Lopez (2001), this study validates the use of race and socioeconomics
when examining parental involvement. The examination of parental involvement
void of race and social status is an incomplete examination. Additionally, this study
advocates the use of theories such as critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate,
1995; Solórzano, 1998) to illuminate valuable differences. The differences gathered
with socioeconomic status and race support parental involvement frameworks to
consider both as necessary when examining involvement.
This examination of parental involvement approaches the genre from the
practices shared by African American parents and students. The participants of the
studies have met the requirements of completing high school and are in the process
of completing college. The high school dropout rate for African American students

157
is high in comparison to their White counterparts (Field-Smith, 2004). This study
examined parental involvement in a backwards designed to find strategies of families
with children who advanced to college. The designed targeted African American
college students and parents is an addition to literature examining parental
involvement.
As detailed in the chapter 2 literature review, studies focused on parental
involvement propose types or frameworks (Epstein, 2004), examine parents trained
as teachers at home (Albritton, Klotz & Roberson, 2003), identify parent roles
(Auerbach, 2007), and consider perceptions of involvement from African American
parents (Colbert, 1991; Chevalier; 2003). These studies are significantly different
from a study exploring strategies after students have entered college. The originality
of this study continues with the focus exploring a group of college students from a
certain socioeconomic class and ethnicity. Although studies exist with the focus of
African American students or African American parents with parental involvement
(Fields-Smith, 2004; Gavin & Greenfield, 1998; Jeynes, 2005; and Morris, 2004)
they did not examine involvement from participants in college. The study reveals
original aspects however as in all research includes delimitations and limitations too.
Delimitations and Limitations
Limitations placed on the study intended to divulge information pertinent to a
particular racial and socioeconomic group. By looking exclusively at African
American junior and seniors within a working class community, the purpose
involved gathering practices of parental involvement from the perspective of three

158
distinctly different frameworks. The use of each framework focused on areas chosen
to gather information based on twenty years of parental involvement research, the
effects of racism, and differences of involvement between minority working class
and Eurocentric practices.
The delimitations concentrated the findings and results for a very narrow
perspective however; this created other unexpected limits as well. Limitations of the
study included self-reported interviews with the possibility of inflated descriptions
and relationships to increase positive portrait of parents. Another limitation of this
study is the lack of males from the California State University. Although the
California State University has the largest number of African American of all the
public universities within the state system, the numbers of African American males
is small.
The delimitation of the study that specified African American males and
females from the Sociology department created a limitation. In classrooms where
recruitment presentations occurred, there were a total four African American males
between three classrooms of 51 students. Two African-American males originally
agreed to participate but did not follow through on numerous emails. After a second
set of recruitment presentations, both agreed again to participate and both have not
responded to numerous emails.
In an effort to examine the contributions of African American males, two
males used in the study are students from private out of state universities received
through referrals. The two males are native California students from working class

159
families. They both have roots in the inner city. Although both males do not attend
California State University, all other criteria of the participants match the original
study design. An additional limitation of the study is the influence of factors that
cause parents to become involved. The reason parents become involved varied from
their own personal experiences as children to the relationship between themselves
and the school. Limits from the study notwithstanding, information enhance present
literature of this genre.
Recommendations
There are definite implications for defining and accepting parent involvement
activities of working class African American parents and their families. Parents
perceive volunteerism differently from the leading research framework on
involvement. Although minority parents have been seen as the uninvolved parent,
the differences in defining a major function, volunteering, of parent involvement
indicate that an effort should be made to include these activities and to examine more
directly these differences. Inclusion of their practices contributes to improving the
literature.
Parents‟ reasons for being involvement are not in isolation. Many factors
inhibit their time spent at school sites and participating in classroom. Schools that
meet the needs of the families affected the choices parents make when deciding to be
involved in their child‟s school. Their decision and their concerns implied local
schools are not as safe, offer less resources, and are not visually pleasing. The
bigger issue of safety and academics are scopes outside of this study however; they

160
elicit the need to examine further the reason for these differences as well. Families
feeling compelled to send their children away from their home community is an
involvement choice. This also introduces factors about socioeconomic status and
race affecting parents differently. Depending on your status and your racial
background, your experience with involvement at the school will vary.
The major implication is parents of color are involved and their involvement
is portrayed differently. The differences do not represent being uninvolved but
demonstrate a difference. Parental involvement is not a one size fits all field.
Although we can find commonalities among involvement, there is not one set or type
that can increase academic success for students. There are common practices that
relate to academic success and these practices, based on this study and others like it,
should include the perspective of people of color.
Essentially, this study concludes that in order to affect parental involvement
practices of working class African-American three major events must take place.
The first is local, state, and federal programs focused on increasing parent
involvement must begin with definitions and frameworks inclusive of the difference
afforded parents through their race and socioeconomic status. This inclusive design
does not create a separate single system but expands the current models. Second,
equity of public schools beginning with the physical appearance to examining the
number of students in each class must be address. The necessity of having to leave
the neighborhood school to seek a better education is problematic for all families
involved. Third, middle and high schools must evaluate their practices to develop a

161
continuous level of involvement stemming from the parent‟s and the student‟s
elementary school experience. Parental involvement remaining high through a
child‟s school experience will effect academic achievement. The findings and results
of this study enhance the body of work on parent involvement and it creates a need
for similar larger scale studies to dismantle the Achievement Gap.

162
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APPENDIX A. UNIVERSITY PRESENTATION SITE SCREENING PROTOCOL
University Presentation Site Screening Protocol
Class: ____________________
Date: ______ Start Time: ______ End Time: ______
Researcher:

[Presentation]
Hello
I am a student from the University of Southern California Rossier School of
Education. I am currently researching the parenting practices of African American
parents towards education and schools who currently have an adult child in their
junior or senior year in college. This study is of case study design and is
implemented through interviews. The purpose of the study is to reveal practices that
may differ from traditional practices of parental involvement.

The information from this study will be used to inform practice and holds important
implications for the gap existing between African American student achievement and
others. Possible practices found could hold relevant information for public schools
relationship with African American parents also.

By participating in this study, your input will contribute to twenty years of research
in the field of parental involvement and may enhance current accepted practice and
begin the reconceptualization of the literature, research, and definition of parent
involvement.

Please indicate your interest by placing your name, email, and phone number on the
sheet being passed around. The preliminary interview will take about 10 to 15
minutes and it can be by phone. The interview should take about an hour to an hour
and a half and it will be arranged based on your availability.

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APPENDIX B. BACKGROUND INFORMATION FORM
Pseudonym: ____________________
Parent Title: Mother, Father, Grandmother, Guardian, Foster Parent (circle appropriate status)
Student Level: Junior Senior
Number of children (brothers/sisters):
___________ ages________ gender: ___male ____female
___________ ages________ gender: ___male ____female
___________ ages________ gender: ___male ____female
___________ ages________ gender: ___male ____female
Children‟s level of Education/GPA(Your GPA): ___________________________
Family Background (as self reported via initial contact by phone)
Socio-economic status: __________________________________
Parent Employment Position: _________________________________
Parent Education Level: High school Grad./Junior or Community College/College
Grad.

Household Income Range: less than $30,000 $30,000 - $50,000
Age of Parent:______
Ethnicity: African American______
Referenced Exclaimed Data: What information from purposefully sample was
provided about the family? (i.e. race, social status, number of children in college)

172
APPENDIX C. PARENT INTERVIEW QUESTIONS PROTOCOL
Start Time: ______ End Time: ______ Total Minutes: ______
Date: ____________________ Place: ____________________
Interviewee: ____________________ Interviewer: ____________________

Descriptions of interview:
This interview will be conducted over a period of one hour to an hour and a half. Its
purpose is to gain greater insight of parental practices of working class families
based on having an adult child in college. The study hopes to reveal practices that
support education but may not align with more accepted practices. The questions will
try to elicit information in areas of Critical Race theory, Epstein‟s Framework of Six
Types of Involvement (Epstein, 2005), and alternative methods of support outside of
the partnership model. Some questions from this study are adapted from a previously
used instrument studying parent involvement (Auerbach, 2001).

[Beginning of Interview]
Thank you again for agreeing to participant in this study. Your time is very valuable
and appreciated so as mention in the presentation in your class this interview will be
tape-recorded. Can I tape record the interview. This interview will begin with
questions about some of things you did that contributed to your child‟s education
followed by your interaction and communication with their school, and activities you
did to support education outside of school campus. Do you have any questions for
me before we begin?

Parental Involvement Practices
The next group of questions refers to the time when your child was in school
between preschool and high school.

Parenting
Explain things you did when your child was young to support their learning?
(Epstein = E)

Can you tell me some things you did at home to create a learning environment for
your child? What are some examples of things you did to support education?
(Auerbach = A)

173
Were there times you went out of your way to help your child with their education?
How many public schools has your child attended between preschool and high
school? Can give you me more information on why your child attended different
schools? (Critical Race Theory = CRT) (A)

When your child went from elementary to middle to high school what were some
things you did and some things you said to support their transitions? Can you give
me some examples of what you did to support their transitions such as provide
transportation, provide lunch, etc.? (A)

Communication
Can you talk about a time you contacted the school regarding your child? Were there
other times you contacted the schools although the school did not call you? (CRT)
(E)

How often did you talk to your child‟s teacher, school staff, or administrators? What
happen during these interactions with teachers or school staff? (E)

Can you tell me about a time you attended the school because of activities or because
you just, wanted to talk with the teachers? How did the school and teacher response
to your visit? (E) (CRT)

Tell me about time you spent talking with your child about school? How often were
your discussions about the teacher, peers, or school administrators? (A)

Did you discuss teachers, friends, or homework? What was the common advice
given about a common school related conversation with your child? (A)

How often did the school send information home from school? Did you send
information in writing to school requesting things from the teachers or site
administrator? Would you or did you feel comfortable requesting things from the
school either inn writing or verbally? (E) (CRT)

Tell me about how often the school communicated how well your child did in class?
(E)

Volunteering
What does volunteering mean to you at your child‟s school? Can you give me some
examples? (E)

174
Share examples of your involvement with your child‟s classroom teachers and
visiting the school at time during his/her formal school years? (E) (CRT)

What was the frequency of visits during elementary to high school? What were some
of the changes between frequency and length of visit as they moved through school?
Can you give some examples of the changes to school visits? (less or more visits and
why) (A)

How did the school share information about volunteering? Who can? What needs to
be done by volunteer? How often?

Learning at Home
What are some things you did to help your child learn at home? (A)

Talk to me about ways you supported your child with homework, school projects,
and/or assignments at different grade levels? (A)

Can you talk about some things you did to help your child graduate from high school
and entire into college? (A)

What were some of the kinds of free time activities you encourage? -Involvement
with sports or clubs you encouraged (A)

Tell me about people who supported you and your child with their activities,
homework, or projects for school? (A) (CRT)

What are some ways the school supported your school assignments at home? (E)

Decision Making
Were you a member of your child‟s school organization such as Parent Teacher
Association or Parent Teacher Organization? (E)

Share examples of how you made decisions about your child‟s activities, class
assignments, anything at school. Who else was involved with decisions made? (A)
(CRT)

The school board makes several decisions for our schools. How would you contact
your school board member representing you child‟s school if necessary? (CRT)

Can you talk about someone in your child‟s life you decided could support you with
decisions about their education outside of your household? (A)

175
Collaborating with the Community
Tell me about times your family spent at community functions or local places in the
community? Are there family events you and your family attended? (A)

Which community activity was permanent in the community allowing you to take
your child often? Library, park, local market, etc How often did you and your child
attends locations in the community that supported learning school? (CRT)

What was the relationship of the school with the community? How did the
community embrace the school? (E)

What are some family or community events and activities in your opinion that
connected with your child‟s education? (E)

University Involvement
Can you tell me how involved you were when your child decided to go to college?
Give me examples of your involvement during their freshmen year. (A) (CRT)

Can you share conversations you had with your child about what they are going to do
after college? What are your expectations for your child once they finish college?
(A)

176
APPENDIX D. STUDENT INTERVIEW QUESTIONS PROTOCOL
Start Time: ______ End Time: ______ Total Minutes: ______
Date: ____________________ Place: ____________________
Interviewee: ____________________ Interviewer: ____________________
Descriptions of interview:
This interview will be conducted over a period of one hour to an hour and a half. Its
purpose is to gain greater insight of parental practices of working class families
based on having an adult child in college. The study hopes to reveal practices that
support education but may not align with more accepted practices. The questions will
try to elicit information in areas of Critical Race theory, Epstein‟s Framework of Six
Types of Involvement (Epstein, 2005), and alternative methods of support outside of
the partnership model. Some questions from study are adapted from a previously
used instrument studying parent involvement (Auerbach, 2001).

[Beginning of Interview]
Thank you again for agreeing to participant in this study. Your time is very valuable
and appreciated so as mention in the presentation in your class this interview will be
tape-recorded. May I begin the interview? This interview will begin with questions
about some of things you and your parents did that contributed to your education
followed by you and your parents‟ interaction and communication with school, and
activities you and your parents did to support education outside of school campus.
Do you have any questions for me before we begin?

Parental Involvement Practices
The next group of questions refers to the time when you were a child in school
between preschool and high school.

Parenting
When you were younger, what were some things your parent to support your
academic growth? Can you tell me some examples of things they may have purchase
or advice they sought from others? (E)

Tell me about things your parents did to create an educational environment at home?
Did they purchase items, classes, activities, and things similar to these? (A)

177
How many public schools did attend between preschool and high school? Tell me
about some of the reasons you may have changed schools or stayed at the same
school. (A) (CRT)

As you transition from elementary to high school, describe things you parents did to
support these times? Did they buy school supplies, provide transportation, provide
lunch money or fill out application to receive reduce or free lunch? (A)

Communication
Student progress, through report cards, is given consistently to parents. Tell me about
other times your parents may (or may not) have contacted the school about you? Tell
me some examples of why they may have contacted the school. (E)

How often did your parent talk to your teacher, school staff, or administrators? What
happen during these interactions with teachers or school staff and your parent? (E)
(CRT)

Tell me about times your parent attended the school because of activities or because
they just, wanted to talk with the teachers? How did the school and teacher response
to your parents‟ visit? (E)

How often did your parent discuss teachers, friends, or homework with you during
your formal school years (K-12)? Tell about common advice given about a common
school related conversation between you and your parent? (A)

How often did the school send information home from school? Describe any written
communication between your home and the school? Would your parent feel
comfortable requesting things from the school either in writing or verbally? (E)

How often did the school send communications home about your school progress?
(Report cards, progress reports, notes, invitations, etc.) (E)

Volunteering
What does volunteering mean to you? Membership on PTA, school council. (E)

Share examples of your parent‟s involvement with your classroom teachers and
visiting the school at time during your formal school years? (E) (CRT)

What was the frequency of visits during elementary to high school? Were there
changes between frequency and length of visit as you moved through school? (A)

178
How did the school share information about volunteering? Who can? What needs to
be done by volunteer? How often? (E)

Learning at Home
Think about assignments such as homework or projects given during you school age
years, describe the support you received at home? (A)

Did support change or decrease at different grades? (A) (CRT)
What are some things your parents did to help you graduate from high school and
enter into college? (A)

Often students play sports or have other extracurricular activities. Describes
activities you participated in during you formal years. (A)

Besides your parents, tell me about other people who supported you with school
related activities? (A)

Can you tell me about things the school did to support activities at home? (E)
Decision Making
Were your parents a member of any school organization such as Parent Teacher
Association Parent Teacher Organization? (E)

Can you recall how your parents communicated with school board members or other
organizations that made decisions for the school? (Attend meetings, went to district
office to complain.) (CRT)

Can you tell me about someone your parents received advise from when it came to
you education? (A)

Collaborating with the Community
What activities do you and your parent participate in within the community such as
cultural programs, recreational, or social events? Are there family events you and
your family attends? (A)

What was the relationship of the school with the community? How did the
community embrace the school? (E)

179
Tell me about times your family spent at community functions or places in the
community? (E)

University Involvement
What role did your parent have in your going to college as a freshman as far as
paperwork, finances, daily schedule, transportation, living arrangements? Did you
receive a scholarship? How was paperwork handle? (A)

Do you and your parent talk about plans once out of school as far as what to do or
what they should do? What are you expectations once you finish college? (CRT)

Can you share conversations you had with your parents about what you will do after
graduation? Tell me about discussions your parents had with you about their
expectations for you. (CRT) (A)

180
APPENDIX E. SAMPLE DATA AUDIT FORM
Pseudonym: ____________________
Interview Questions
Protocol
Date of
Interview
Transcript/Tape
Number
Page of
Quote/Theme

Self Efficacy-Parent
Beliefs

Parenting

Communicating

Volunteering

Learning at Home

Decision Making

Collaborating with the
Community

Defining Parent
Involvement

Researchers Notes

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Probing in purpose, this study examines the parental involvement practices of working class African-Americans parents during their children's elementary, middle, and high school experiences eventually leading to college. Although research consistently demonstrates involvement of parents contributes to positive educational outcomes for students, the African-American parent is considered uninvolved. The contemplation of their involvement is measured by a system that does not take into consideration the effects of socioeconomic, race, and racism. Critical race theory, Epstein's Framework of Six Types of Involvement, and Auerbach's study are the theoretical frameworks used to explore the practices of this group.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Sims-Guillory, Shilby (author)

Core Title The path of involvement: educational practices of working class African American parents of college students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publication Date 08/03/2008

Defense Date 06/18/2008

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag achievement gap,African American,alternative practices for parent involvement,College students,Epstein's framework of six types of parent involvement,OAI-PMH Harvest,parent involvement,working class African American parents

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Baca, Reynaldo R. (committee chair), Fischer, Linda, A. (committee member), Ragusa, Gisele (committee member)

Creator Email shilbysi@usc.edu,sjs9050@lausd.net

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m1528

Unique identifier UC173455

Identifier etd-Guillory-2235 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-114734 (legacy record id),usctheses-m1528 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Guillory-2235-0.pdf

Dmrecord 114734

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Sims-Guillory, Shilby

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu