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The Chinese film industry's soft power implications

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The Chinese film industry's soft power implications

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THECHINESE FILM INDUSTRY‟S SOFT POWER IMPLICATIONS

by
Jennifer Wing See Chau

A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
(EAST ASIAN AREA STUDIES)
August 2010

Copyright 2010 Jennifer Wing See Chau

ii

Table of Contents
Abstract iii
Introduction 1
Chapter 1: Film as a Form of Soft Power 10
Definition of Chinese Culture and Chinese-language Film 14
Success of American Film as a Form of Soft Power 16
Chinese Film as a Form of Soft Power 19
Chapter 2: Production and Distribution System of Chinese-language Film 25
Reform of the Chinese Film Industry 26
Distribution of Chinese-language Films in the United States 31
Film Festivals and DVD Distribution 35
Types of Chinese-language Films Distributed in the United States 39
Chapter 3: The Limitations of Chinese-language Film as Soft Power 42
The Impact of Chinese-language Film on American Audiences 42
Case Study of Summer Palace 48
Popular Genre for American Audiences 51
Case Study of Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon 58
Case Study of The Forbidden Kingdom 61
The Chinese Film Industry and Hollywood 67
Conclusion 70
Bibliography 75

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Abstract
Film as a medium has been utilized as soft power in many contexts, and China is
making a concerted effort to use their film industry in the same way. Chinese-language
film has the potential to be a form of soft power. Through the conveyance of a non-
threatening traditional Chinese culture in Chinese-language film, the Chinese government
hopes to influence American audiences‟ perceptions of China. The Chinese film industry
reforms have fallen in line with this policy. The increasing prevalence of joint
productions between the Chinese film industry and American studios means more
economic cooperation, as well as increased distribution of Chinese-language films in the
United States. The increased demand for these films demonstrates that Chinese-language
films can be used as soft power if American interest and demand can be sustained.
Chinese filmmakers and American studios have discovered that the formula of martial
arts, big stars, intricate cinematography, special effects, and elements of mythical China
will sell to American viewers. Hollywood has capitalized on this knowledge, while
China still struggles to use their own cultural products in their films. There are some
limitations to film as a form of soft power, as negative images of China could also
develop. If the Chinese film industry can produce high-quality films and sustain
American interest in Chinese-language films, then film can potentially be a valuable soft
power tool that can improve China‟s image.

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Introduction
Chen Yongxiong, the COO of Polybana (a Chinese production company), has
optimistically noted that “The Asian film market is trying to position itself better, and
many more Europeans and Americans have started to pay attention to the Asian film
market” (Coonan A10). In particular, China‟s film industry has started to gain the notice
of Hollywood studios and American audiences. The Chinese government has decided to
use their rising film industry to influence Americans‟ conceptions of China. In the past
few years, China has continued to fund and promote its “traditional” culture abroad.
They hope to use Chinese-language film as part of an overall push of Chinese soft power
to increase cultural influence and positive images of China overseas. Through Chinese-
language film, they intend it to be a form of soft power as it introduces Chinese language
and a non-threatening “traditional” Chinese culture to American audiences. This can
potentially create more positive images of China in American minds. There are also
limitations of the soft power capability of Chinese language film, where negative aspects
of China may come to the forefront in this soft power push.
Soft power is a potential tool in international relations. Many countries have been
embracing the concept of soft power as part of their foreign policy. It can be helpful as
soft power is supposed to promote a country‟s attractiveness through its culture, rather
than other potentially threatening aspects of a country such as military power. China has
numerous issues that American and international media tend to hone in on where China is
presented in an adverse way. Labor issues, trade deficit, human rights, and the lack of
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democracy due to a one party Socialist state are among the many issues that are
highlighted to the general public. To counter this, soft power can provide an ameliorating
effect where positive aspects of the country are also presented.
There are international relations specialists and political scientists who critique
the actual validity of soft power as a foreign policy tool and whether or not it does have
an effect. At the same time the popularity of soft power has risen, as indicated through
the increasing studies analyzing soft power. It has taken root in academia as a subset of
international relations. Since nation-states have actively endorsed the concept of soft
power, it is important to study the possible effects. While hard power (military
capabilities) and economic issues still hold the most influence in foreign policy, the
potential of soft power is coming into play in international relations as evidenced by
China‟s multiple attempts at soft power. One of China‟s main foreign policy goals is
“selling the idea that China will not be a threat to other nations,” which they have tried to
do through the means of soft power (Kurlantzick 62).
Within China‟s soft power push, avenues that have been undertaken to increase
their cultural power include Confucius Institutes which focus on exporting Mandarin
(China‟s official language) overseas. This places a focus on Chinese language where
China hopes to increase Mandarin‟s visibility and influence. The hope is that if more
people speak and connect with Mandarin, they will identify it as a Chinese cultural brand,
without it being “explicitly linked” to the nation-state of China (Kurlantzick 68). These
Confucius Institutes are funded by China, and are usually placed in universities or other
programs that will potentially involve a large number of participants. They have been
3

more successful in regions such as Latin America, where China has actively aided the
region economically. In this example, soft power is a complement to economic aid as it
helps to facilitate friendlier relations. Confucius Institutes have not fared as well in the
United States, where participants often do not associate the Institutes with China, but
rather see them as a funded option where they can learn Mandarin.
China has also actively appealed to successful Chinese diaspora to help foster
positive images of China in other countries. Chinese diaspora have brought capital and
business to China. It is valuable to note that the Chinese diaspora has a vast pool of
resources that China can pull from where, “One study estimates that diaspora China,
including Chinese from Taiwan and Hong Kong account for 80 percent of all foreign
investment in mainland China” (Kurlantzick 76). More importantly for soft power
purposes, the diaspora help promote the idea that China is not a threat in their
nationalized country, and since the diaspora China has courted are usually influential
members of their societies, this has helped promote a friendlier image of China. There
are limitations to this soft power push however, as the Chinese diaspora are not all
influential or successful. Many are just average members of the nation-state to which
they emigrated (Kurlantzick 61-81).
There has also been an increasing emphasis on the magnificence of Chinese
history or “traditional” Chinese culture (Kurlantzick 66). This de-politicizes a country as
“traditional” Chinese culture does not create an association with China‟s socialist
government, politics, or economy. It separates Chinese culture into a non-threatening
aspect, while at the same time hopefully leaving a lasting peaceful impression. China‟s
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stated intention of a “peaceful rise” in the world will be helped if those who lobby
politicians (as in America) begin to have more favorable impressions of China. Chinese-
language films are one of the soft power tools that China has backed to try to promote
“traditional” Chinese culture overseas.
In the past few decades, Chinese-language films have interested Hollywood with
their box office successes. American consumers have been left with lasting impressions
of China and Chinese culture through these foreign-language blockbusters. Before the
current strength of Chinese-language films from mainland China, American viewers were
introduced to Hong Kong cinema. Hong Kong cinema‟s most popular cinematic exports
were martial arts films, which prompted the rise of Chinese martial arts stars such as the
iconic Bruce Lee.
American consumption of Chinese-language martial arts films continued and soon
more ethnic Chinese stars began to emerge from this genre, including Chow Yun-fat,
Jackie Chan, Donnie Yen, and Jet Li. As martial arts films continued to proliferate out of
Hong Kong, they still only maintained a semi-cult status in the United States as
Hollywood-made films continued to dominate the American market. During the period
of Hong Kong cinema‟s boom, the mainland Chinese film industry began to experience
ministerial and policy changes. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the ruling party of
the People‟s Republic of China (PRC), enacted sweeping policy reform to the economy,
society, and government organizations throughout the 1980s, and a market economy
emerged in a still Socialist nation-state. The CCP observed the success of their island
neighbor and began to incorporate changes in their own film industry, eventually
5

emphasizing co-productions and joint productions with other nations‟ already successful
industries. Today, these industry changes are constantly updated, and with China‟s 2001
admittance to the World Trade Organization (WTO), American policy makers and other
foreign powers pushed China to open up its film market to foreign films and put in
provisions to increase competition in film production and distribution (Variety 6).
While the American film market is undoubtedly still dominated by Hollywood,
Ang Lee‟s international Chinese-language martial arts blockbuster Crouching Tiger,
Hidden Dragon (2000), made China‟s film industry take notice of the potential soft
power effect a well-done Chinese language film could produce. This prompted a visible
shift in China‟s film industry as there have been more attempts by various artists and
companies to enter the American market. The success of Chinese cinema overseas is
interesting as the Chinese central government still oversees the film industry, which
means that it is far from privatized as it is in the United States.
In the past few years, a handful of Chinese-language blockbusters have brought
profit and prestige back to the Chinese film industry, including Hero (2004) and Shaolin
Soccer (2001). The CCP hopes that Chinese-language film can become a soft power tool
that produces more favorable American opinions of China, in a similar manner to the
Hollywood films that have been able to penetrate Chinese society. As Paolo Sigismondi
noted in the American case, “…the diffusion of Hollywood content in China, legally and
illegally, increases the diffusion of the American influence in the region through the
diffusion of its language, music, and material culture embedded in Hollywood‟s
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entertainment artifacts” (273). China hopes to respond in kind through their film
industry.
An economic interdependence has arisen between the two industries. The nascent
Chinese industry is attracting numerous American film professionals who work in China
and maintain strong economic ties to the Chinese film industry (Jones 15). The fact that
many of the most successful Chinese-language films are now joint productions increases
the stakes for both countries to produce successful and profitable films. Many joint
productions are also with outlying Chinese-speaking territories or other East Asian
countries, such as Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Japan. The Asian regional market
for Chinese-language films is vast. Statistics have shown a rising interest in the region
for these films where the Asian market may actually be China‟s best opportunity to use
film as a form of soft power. However, for the purpose of this thesis, only the intentional
and unintentional efforts of China attempting to utilize film‟s potential soft power in the
American market will be discussed.
The soft power of film through the PRC‟s film industry is limited because not all
Chinese films that reach American audiences have always reflected positively on China.
Films produced in China have as their first priority a domestic purpose, which is to
support the CCP and maintain the stability of the nation-state. “Main melody” films are
made to promote these messages. These are of course not intended for distribution in the
United States. They can actually harm China‟s image overseas as censorship and
propaganda are “hot-button” issues for Americans. The Chinese-language films that are
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intended for the international market, including the United States, tend to be “high
concept” films which have more universal themes, downplaying issues of politics.
In this thesis, I will observe the current structure of a fluctuating Chinese film
industry, and potential implications of its rise in relation to Hollywood and Sino-
American relations. Chapter 1 explores how American film has been used as an effective
form of soft power in China. China in turn hopes to be able to utilize Chinese-language
film as a cultural product that leaves an impact on Americans. In the context of this
thesis, the definition of Chinese-language films extends beyond mainland China as it
encompasses outlying Chinese speaking territories as well. Since the concept of
“traditional” Chinese culture is being presented as a non-threatening cultural view of
China, this can also be exhibited through other nations‟ Chinese-language films.
In order to understand how Chinese-language film can cross overseas and create
an impact, an exploration of the Chinese production and distribution system is needed in
Chapter 2. A brief history of the industry since economic reform reflects the potential
problems and successes. The influx of co-productions and joint productions make
Chinese-language films increasingly transnational and transcultural, which begets the
issue of blurring national boundaries. The distribution system in the United States is also
important as it reflects how and what types of Chinese-language films reach an American
audience. The nature of that audience also depends on the avenue of screening, such as
through theatrical distribution, film festivals, or through DVD.
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In Chapter 3, I will expound on the negative and positive impacts of Chinese-
language film on American society and on Hollywood. Certain Chinese cultural products
have made inroads into American film techniques, including styles of cinematography
and martial arts special effects. The policies governing Chinese film could also hinder
the positive images as censorship and films showing China in a negative light harm the
soft power potential, as will be shown in the case study of Summer Palace. Wuxia, or
martial arts, is the only genre that has been able to capture the average American‟s
attention. A case study of 2000‟s Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon introduces the first
Chinese-language film that penetrated the American market and the ways that marketing
and increased distribution brought about success. While there have been a number of
successful Chinese-language films over the last decade, at the same time there has been a
conspicuous lack of box office hits within the past few years. What this suggests is that
China is still seeking a viable long-term strategy by which the export of film can be used
to enhance its soft power.
The case study of 2008‟s The Forbidden Kingdom reveals that Chinese cultural
products have become popular. Hollywood itself has been able to profit from Chinese
cultural products, especially in areas where China has been unable to do so. The
Forbidden Kingdom presents a formula China could attempt to follow to create Chinese-
language films that would sell to Americans.
It is clear that China‟s growing film industry is currently in flux and could
become an influential force in promoting Chinese culture and society in the United States
if it continues to produce successful films in the U.S. market. There is a growing interest
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in Chinese-language films and there has been a demonstrated financial success of these
films in the American market. This interest could start to flag if studios do not begin to
capitalize on it. There has been a lull in this trend as there has not been a Chinese-
language blockbuster film in the past few years, so China needs to more actively work on
promoting film as soft power. China‟s use of Chinese-language film as soft power can
help to facilitate friendlier relations between the two countries, but the CCP also has to be
careful of the negative impacts that film could produce as well.

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Chapter 1: Film as a Form of Soft Power
It can be demonstrated that film has had an impact on how a foreign society views
another society, and in that sense can be portrayed as a form of cultural diplomacy, if
used effectively. Cultural diplomacy is a form of soft power that emphasizes certain
aspects of a country‟s “culture”. Joseph Nye, who introduced the concept of soft power
into politics, sums it up as “the ability to persuade through culture, values and ideas, as
opposed to „hard power‟, which conquers or coerces through military might” (qtd. in
Institute for Cultural Diplomacy). Soft power‟s potential comes from the attractiveness
of its culture, foreign policies and politics, which create a positive image of the nation
(Guo 110). To emphasize the importance of culture as a soft power tool, in 2006 the
Chinese President, Hu Jintao, stated that “The one who takes commanding point on the
battlefield of cultural development will gain the upper hand in fierce international
competition” (qtd. in McGiffert 15).
Within that soft power definition, Milton C. Cummings‟ definition of cultural
diplomacy narrows down the aspects that cultural diplomacy seeks to concentrate on as:
“the exchange of ideas, information, values, systems, traditions, beliefs, and other aspects
of culture, with the intention of fostering mutual understanding” (qtd. in Institute for
Cultural Diplomacy). Cultural diplomacy gained prominence in world affairs after World
War II and the period of decolonization. It served as a tool to promote business relations
with other countries. In 1976, Willy Brandt, a German foreign minister, declared that
cultural diplomacy was the new “third pillar of foreign policy” (Meissner 184).
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With Nye‟s concept of soft power coined in the 1990s, the theory of cultural
diplomacy gained even more popularity as it fit into the soft power repertoire. The
concepts of public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy are constantly changing as scholars
continue to debate the terminology. The evolving dialogue on what public diplomacy
constitutes has even encompassed the reasoning that it can be achieved through
accidental means through private individuals and institutions, rather than just through
governments (Sigismondi 274). This means that film has the capability to be an
influential soft power tool as it can be harnessed to create positive images of a country, or
even accidentally through piracy to convey these images and cultural products.
This thesis uses the definition of soft power as a type of foreign policy that
intentionally or unintentionally promotes the attractiveness of a country, in order to
influence other countries without coercion, monetary or physical force. David
Shambaugh notes that soft power is important for China as “…the Chinese government is
more aware of its tarnished international image and is undertaking numerous coordinated
steps to improve it.” A recent BBC/Globescan poll re-enforces his observation as the
poll found that China‟s global image ranges from neutral to poor in Asia, North America,
and Latin America. To raise China‟s international image, the CCP is implementing
numerous soft power measures. An Office of Public Diplomacy has been established to
oversee China‟s soft power initiative, mirroring the United States‟ increased funding for
the State Department‟s Public Diplomacy efforts. China‟s State Council Information
Office has been tasked with “coordinating China‟s media and exchange organizations to
„go out‟ (zou chuqu) and establish a foothold in the international media environment and
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think-tank world.” This is no small affair as $8.7 billion has been appropriated for 2009-
2010‟s efforts at promoting China‟s soft power through media outlets that have gained
international recognition: China Central Television (CCTV), China Radio International
(CRI), China Daily, and Xinhua (Shambaugh).
Other Chinese soft power efforts include funding for English and Chinese
language television stations overseas, Chinese cultural exhibitions, and the 2010 World
Expo in Shanghai. As mentioned above, Confucius Institutes that teach Mandarin and
promote Chinese culture have been established worldwide. As of 2010, there are 282
Confucius Institutes and 272 Confucius Classrooms (Shambaugh). There has also been
an increase in emphasis on the magnificence of Chinese ancient history or “traditional
Chinese culture,” and appealing to successful Chinese diaspora to help foster positive
images of China in other countries (Kurlantzick 61-81). All of these different avenues
are actively funded to promote China‟s soft power and counter the negative images that
have accrued overseas owing to such factors as a poor human rights record and rising
economic strength. Within this soft power initiative, Chinese-language film is another
component that is funded and promoted overseas to hopefully facilitate friendlier
relations. This thesis focuses solely on Chinese-language film as one prong of the many
soft power measures pursued by China.
In this case, Chinese language film is being used to promote China‟s culture,
history and language to American audiences. This can then influence how Americans
feel towards China, as China hopes that an attractive culture would cast the country in a
more positive light. While it has not necessarily had a positive impact in America as
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statistics do not reflect rising favorable views towards China, the trend of Chinese
blockbusters is relatively recent, only occurring within the last few years.
Whether or not Chinese-language cinema has had a positive impact is also hard to
quantify as there is no statistical data reflecting a numerical value of soft power. When
surveys are taken regarding how other nations view China, or what factors they are
concerned with in China, they usually revolve around economics, politics, environmental
and human rights concerns (McGiffert 8). This does not indicate how Americans view
Chinese culture. To show that there has been an increase in favorability towards Chinese
culture and indirectly China, in Chapter 3, I analyze the box office numbers of Chinese
language films. Jonathan Taplin makes a laudable observation on how to quantify
Hollywood‟s soft power:
“The question of whether movies or other cultural outputs have actual soft power
effects can be argued, but the simple test of reading the local newspapers in a
foreign capital when the Hollywood Blockbuster Premier Circus comes to town
[sic]. It is guaranteed that Tom Cruise, Brad Pitt, Angelina Jolie or their like will
be on the front page of most papers and treated as a „News‟ event on the local TV
stations” (189).
While China‟s film industry does not have the same quality of products at the
moment as Hollywood, the government and the industry are hoping to attain that
measurable soft power over time. China must translate their own cultural products into
success in the American market if they want to obtain any sort of influence over the
American viewing public. Films have to be able to reach an audience as well as gain
popularity in order to have a soft power effect.

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Definition of Chinese Culture and Chinese-language Film
Chinese culture itself is hard to pinpoint due to varying definitions of culture. In
1970, an “enlarged concept of culture” that was broader than previous Anglo-Saxon-
based definitions was introduced as any human works that involved the social, material,
and spiritual realms of culture. Another definition that focuses on the “traditional
concept of culture” states that culture encompasses spirituality, fine arts, and philosophy,
while ignoring mundane life‟s activities and popular culture. With regard to Chinese
culture, it is even harder to clearly select the aspects that can be shown to be culture. In
Western academia, Chinese culture is sometimes narrowed to contain the language, social
and political thought (Confucianism is usually included) while excluding material items
and society (Meissner 182-183).
As can be seen, culture as a term itself is hard to define. For the purpose of this
paper, the focus will be on a general view of Chinese culture as the distinctive society,
history, language, morals, and people that are exhibited in Chinese language films. These
aspects are what average audiences would most likely take away from a Chinese film.
The Chinese films discussed will be mostly from the past decade such as Crouching
Tiger, Hidden Dragon, and Hero.
These films that are exported to the United States usually have the approval of the
Chinese government, but the CCP does not always have a say in other nations‟ Chinese-
language films that are exported to the United States. However, as China has opened up
its film market, many industry professionals are finding that they must comply with the
15

Chinese government‟s rules. Co-productions and joint productions with China continue
to increase so it has become much more difficult to even define what constitutes a
mainland Chinese film (Rosen, “Film and Society” 18-19). There is however a shifting
trend where the CCP has started to pay greater attention to the content that is being
exported to America as they are embracing the fact that China‟s “traditional” culture
should be exported overseas. Films that reflect negatively on China are not actively
promoted by the government, but they do reach an American audience. This will be
discussed in Chapter 2. Throughout this paper, the definition of Chinese-language films
parallels that of Sheldon H. Lu and Emilie Yueh-Yu Yeh‟s usage of the term in their
book Chinese-Language Film: Historiography, Poetics, Politics, where “Chinese-
language cinemas is a more comprehensive term that covers all the local, national,
regional, transnational, diasporic, and global cinemas relating to the Chinese language”
(2). Just as the international relations, public diplomacy, and communications fields are
constantly revising their terminology, film studies, especially Chinese-language film
studies, fluctuates with new research and data. Again, with the influx of co-productions
and joint productions where China holds a stake, this umbrella term of Chinese-language
film comes to encompass Chinese-language speaking nations such as Hong Kong,
Taiwan, Southeast Asian countries, and Singapore (Lu and Yeh 3). Even in the United
States, Chinese-American films that utilize a Chinese dialect could be defined under this
umbrella term.

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Success of American Film as a Form of Soft Power
In order to make the case that Chinese film can become an influential form of soft
power, it needs to be established that film itself conveys a culture and can increase
positive feelings towards that country. As Hollywood is the premier film industry in the
world at the moment, it serves as a prime example. Traditionally in foreign countries,
Hollywood films were the main medium for foreigners to extrapolate what American
culture was and to glean some understanding of daily life in the United States (Taplin
168).
Especially before the technological revolution of the past two decades, visual
images and soundtracks from film were the instruments through which other societies
viewed the United States. Paolo Sigismondi notes that:
“the phenomenon of transnational flow of entertainment content has been situated
within the evolution of the ongoing efforts by different states to communicate
with each other in what has been defined „the fourth dimension‟ in international
relations, following diplomatic, military and economic affairs: communications”
(275).
Besides mass entertainment, the 24 hour news cycle now makes communication a huge
factor in international relations as any relevant news that affects a country‟s reputation
can now be viewed at any time. Today, American culture continues to be streamed
through films, except that now it is also easier to gain access to this media, and it reaches
across economic classes due to that increased accessibility (Sigismondi 279). This is the
case in China, where Hollywood has infiltrated the Chinese market and is imprinting
concepts of American culture in peoples‟ minds. This is done through legal means as
17

China allows a certain number of foreign films to be imported. Culture is conveyed
inadvertently as well through rampant piracy of American films.
According to their agreement with the World Trade Organization, China allowed
20 foreign films to be imported for commercial viewing on a revenue sharing basis, and
about 30 foreign films to be theatrically released for a flat rate royalty (Variety 6). As of
2007, this has increased as well, where China now allows 70 foreign films to be
imported, rather than just 50, and has allowed a 5% increase in foreign broadcasting,
although only 20 revenue sharing films are still allowed (Taplin 179). With the
American films that are imported, “visual images and music are playing a key role in
today‟s penetration of American values and images in China” (Sigismondi 280).
American films do well when theatrically shown in China, but they also struggle against
Chinese protectionism within the Chinese market.
As of December 20, 2009, out of the top 49 all time box office hits in the Chinese
market, 21 of the films came from Hollywood. This represents 42.9 percent of all films
that had a theatrical release that have made more than a hundred million RMB (Chinese
dollars). Out of the 15 films that have made more than two hundred million RMB, 4 of
them were Hollywood products as well. This empirical data suggests the popularity of
American cultural products and that American films have diffused into Chinese society.
Many of the films that are at the bottom of the top 49 all time box office hits in the
Chinese market list are also American films, suggesting that perhaps the Chinese
government pulls Hollywood films out of theaters before they break the hundred million
RMB mark, protecting their domestic films (Rosen, “Film and Society” 17-18).
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The rampant piracy of Hollywood films has also increased the diffusion of
American culture into Chinese society. The MPAA, the United States‟ advocate for
Hollywood cinema, provides a 2004 estimate that the United States loses at least $3.5
billion worldwide through piracy, and that this number continues to go up yearly. As
noted, piracy can create unintentional soft power for a country. Piracy of films is notable
in China as it pierces through to classes and people that either could not afford theater
tickets or who might have the content censored. While American studios do not receive a
profit from illegal DVDs and distribution, their film products have the unintentional
effect of increasing the visibility of America to those who may not have other access. It
can even be argued that distribution of English speaking film through legal and illegal
means promotes English as a language beyond the Chinese elite (Sigismondi 277-279). It
is much cheaper to obtain an illegal DVD of a Hollywood blockbuster than it is to attend
a Chinese theater. In fact, while domestic Chinese films turn out decent box office
numbers, they produce little revenue through DVDs as Chinese consumers can acquire
illegal copies cheaply (Taplin 172-173). As Sigismondi sums up, “Current Chinese
consumers of Hollywood pirated content are therefore exposed to the combined effect of
American popular culture and the allure of US consumer products embedded in the story
lines” (280). This is clearly evident as Chinese youth attitudes towards the West (which
includes the United States) have been shown to be influenced by Western visual media,
indicating soft power success. In a survey taken in 2007 involving 33 Chinese
universities, 51.2% of survey participants replied that they identify with the American
cultural concepts being shown to them through American visual culture (Rosen, “Chinese
Youth” 244).
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It is evident that film has soft power potential as demonstrated through the case of
Hollywood films in China. As the Chinese people had access to more and more
American-produced media, the more the ideas of American culture communicated in
these films pervaded Chinese society. Because of their popularity and the vast revenue
potential of these films, access grew as the Chinese government loosened restrictions and
allowed more films into the country. As a result, the increased knowledge of and
exposure to American culture has led to a voracious appetite for more as piracy becomes
ever more prevalent, reflecting a positive attitude toward Americans and their culture. In
this manner, American film and other media have clearly influenced Chinese attitudes
toward the United States, and therefore can be considered an example of soft power.
Now that film has been established as a legitimate form of soft power, we move to
the reverse scenario: Chinese film as soft power in the United States.
Chinese Film as a Form of Soft Power
Seeing the potential of film as an influential soft power tool, the Chinese
government has decided that they must utilize “traditional” Chinese culture and film to
increase positive images of China overseas. Li Changchun, a member of the Central
Committee Political Bureau Standing Committee (the highest decision making body in
China), has noted that Chinese-language film is part of the “go abroad”/ “going global”
strategy which began in the year 2000. The “going abroad” strategy involves a
combination of bringing foreign investment into China to foster development, along with
spurring Chinese companies to become more transnational and to establish overseas
20

business operations. The state government will give more preferential treatment to
companies that are bringing Chinese business (hopefully exporting a positive image of
China) overseas, such as financial and taxation support, and official support for those
business endeavors (Xinhua, “China to further”). This is an official endorsement of using
Chinese film as an avenue of soft power.
Continuing to emphasize the goal of exporting Chinese culture overseas, China‟s
2005 economic and social development plan reports that, “We will energetically develop
culture, radio and TV, film, the press, publishing and sports. We will develop non-profit
cultural undertakings and promote fine traditional Chinese culture…We will promote the
sound development of commercial cultural undertakings” (Xinhua, “Report on China‟s”).
In 2007, Li Changchun also publicly stated that the People‟s Republic of China (PRC)
needs to extensively develop its radio, television, and film industry. With the
development of the industry domestically, China should also be utilizing and supporting
“film and television enterprises and enterprise groups with comparatively great strength
and international competitiveness,” which signals the CCP‟s desire to competitively enter
the international film industry. Li goes on to note that with a forceful opening of the
international market, then China can “push the Chinese culture to the world” (Xinhua,
“Politburo Member”). This government sponsorship of culture and film has continued
throughout the years to become an important part of China‟s attempts at soft power.
This year, the Chinese government again acknowledged the continuing
importance of promoting Chinese culture overseas through film. In Premier Wen
Jiabao‟s 2010 speech on the work of the government throughout 2009, he notes that “We
21

will draw upon and carry forward the fine traditional culture of the Chinese nation, draw
on and make use of the achievements of the cultures of other countries” (Xinhua, “Report
on the Work”). He emphasizes that the Chinese state will continue to promote the
development of the film industry and that they intend to make Chinese culture more
influential internationally.
Chinese film fits into the “go abroad” strategy as Chinese studios have become
more global in their business dealings. American studios now court Chinese studios for
distribution rights, co-productions, financing potential profitable ventures, and new
potential blockbuster films or concepts (Wallace). Chinese film companies have
established ties overseas that strengthen their positions domestically and internationally.
A National People‟s Congress deputy has noted that when the Chinese
government promotes Chinese language, it “will contribute to spreading Chinese culture
and increasing China‟s global influence” (Kurlantzick 67). This idea of Chinese-
language film involving more than just mainland China fits perfectly into the CCP‟s
strategy to use film to export a non-threatening Chinese culture abroad. While Chinese-
language film may not particularly persuade an average American to care about China or
Sino-American issues, it will help promote certain aspects of China in their minds that
are non-threatening militarily or economically.
David Bordwell believes that “Chinese films have gained the power to cross
national boundaries and be grasped by audiences around the world” (10). This falls in
line with Zheng Bijian‟s 2003 concept of China‟s “peaceful rise,” which the CCP has
22

officially endorsed. The promotion of China‟s “peaceful rise” is intended to provide a
counter to the fears of a “China threat” or “China collapse” (Moon 93). The political
specters of a dangerous socialist China that is a rising communist threat or a China filled
with a cheap labor pool stealing away American jobs fade away against the backdrop of
beautiful scenery, fluid action choreography, and mythical storytelling. This is again
why “traditional Chinese culture” is emphasized, as even a non-ethnic Chinese individual
can appreciate a “depoliticized „cultural China‟ set in the past” (Lu and Yeh 7). This also
pertains to why Chinese-language film rather than just mainland Chinese films can be
considered a soft power tool for China, as the successful Chinese-language films in the
United States tend to be steeped in a form of “traditional Chinese culture”. Lu and Yeh
sum up this theory where:
A third function of language and dialects in cinema is that filmic discourse
expands above and beyond the level of the national to create a fluid,
deterritorialized, global, pan-Chinese identity. Although the setting may be
somewhere in China, the film itself does not engage specifically geopolitical
considerations. This is especially true of certain film genres, such as martial arts
and action (6).
The CCP has put emphasis on traditional Chinese culture to counter other
potentially dangerous culture (i.e. Internet-based culture) and Western cultural influences
from creating instability in Chinese society (Meissner 185). Through film they can show
what they deem to be “traditional Chinese culture” domestically and internationally.
Werner Meissner asserts that “traditional Chinese culture serves to broaden the political
legitimacy of the Party, at home as well as abroad, at a time when the official ideology of
Marxism-Leninism is on the wane” (185). This can be seen as a form of internal cultural
23

diplomacy, while internationally, audiences view a culture that they find attractive as
traditional Chinese culture is not affiliated with communism, the Chinese government, or
current events.
Within the past few years, there has been a steady increase of Chinese films
entering outside markets. China is the third largest film producer, behind Hollywood and
Bollywood (India). China‟s 2009 box office revenue grossed roughly $908 million. This
is a 42.9 percent revenue increase from China‟s 2008 box office statistics (People‟s Daily
Online), and would make it the fifth consecutive year where China has had a 30 percent
industry growth (Rosen, “Film and Society” 1). Their budgets continue to increase with
bigger productions, and there are increasing exports of Chinese film to markets such as
the United States and the United Kingdom. Ellen Eliasoph, the former vice-president of
Warner China Film (Warner Bros.‟ joint venture with Chinese partners), predicts that "It's
the most natural thing in the world that China will have a world-class film industry" (qtd.
in Wallace). According to Stanley Rosen, the “most successful foreign language films”
in America and in some other countries have been Chinese language films (“Chinese
Cinema‟s International” 3). With an increasingly influential film industry and the
possibility of becoming a world leader in film, China has recognized the potential of
cinema creating positive feelings towards the country.
The CCP has shown throughout the years that they place importance on
“traditional” Chinese culture as a component of official policy goals. This is significant
as it shows that they have recognized the importance of cultural diplomacy. The Chinese
film industry‟s box office numbers indicate that it is a vibrant industry with a lot of
24

potential. Since soft power can increase friendlier relations between China and the
United States, it is necessary to continue to fund and develop soft power initiatives, along
with continuing to develop the film industry so that it can be a viable soft power tool. As
a part of a soft power push, Chinese-language films can display Chinese culture
effectively. The government does need to continue to work on ensuring that Chinese-
language films reach American audiences, in order for Chinese culture to be spread. To
understand the potential of Chinese film as soft power in the United States, an analysis of
the Chinese film industry and how Chinese-language films reach American audiences is
needed.

25

Chapter 2: Production and Distribution System of Chinese-language Film
The state organization in charge of production, distribution, regulation and
exhibition in China‟s film industry is the State Administration of Radio, Film and
Television (SARFT) (Walsh 67), which is overseen by the central government‟s State
Council (India‟s Chinese Embassy). Within SARFT, the Film Bureau specifically works
on policies related to Chinese film. The China Film Group Corporation is the largest film
enterprise in China, and they report directly to SARFT. The company‟s role is very
significant as it is state-owned, so policies and measures taken by its affiliate branches
are seen as reflecting the government‟s position. Its subsidiaries play numerous
important roles in the industry, such as the China Film Import & Export Corporation,
which is solely in charge of film imports into China (Archer Entertainment). While there
are other private Chinese film production companies that work with foreign studios,
China Film Group is the largest one with regard to co-productions, distribution rights to
China Film Group films, and other film-related ventures.
SARFT plays an important role in cultural diplomacy as they control the film
industry. It is also in charge of other organizations that import Chinese culture to the
United States, including the China Broadcasting Performing Arts Troupe, which has
toured more than 30 countries (Ministry of Culture). There has been a dedicated interest
in bringing Chinese culture and cultural products to American shores, as evidenced by the
numerous Chinese performing arts groups that have produced entertaining shows in
major American cities.
26

Reform of the Chinese Film Industry
In order to understand how Chinese films are distributed in the United States, a
background of the recent restructuring of the Chinese film industry is needed. With the
economic reforms of the 1980s, Chinese society experienced dramatic changes as
restrictions loosened and businesses began to be profitable. For the film industry,
reforms were slower in coming as the state considered film an important propaganda
medium and thus did not want to give up that control. The visual media played an
integral role in conveying the CCP‟s messages to the masses, so if that was given over to
privatization like other industries, the CCP could have potentially lost power. Yet with
other emerging technologies, including the internet and television, the ideological
importance of film lessened as audiences now have a wider variety of access to
information. Private film ventures began to slowly emerge as a free market system
finally reached the film industry. Films began to be produced for entertainment value
and profit, as will be discussed (Jihong and Kraus 421-422).
With the privatization of many previously owned state sectors, movie ticket sales
dropped dramatically and forced more reform of the film industry. Under state-owned
industries, state-sanctioned unions and work groups bought tickets in blocks and then
gave them to the workers. The newly privatized companies did not buy tickets for their
workers, and struggling state-owned industries no longer had the financial resources to
bolster sales.
27

This prompted the government to give up its monopoly over film production and
allowed private investment to enter the film industry. In 1993, massive reforms swept the
Chinese film industry, forcing the industry to re-visualize its production and distribution
system as studios were now unable to rely on government funding to recoup losses or
government support to push their films to work units and the general public. Studios now
had to realize an actual profit from their films, which resulted in underground studios (not
officially endorsed by the CCP) and private companies entering the industry (Reynaud
56).
The state-backed studios began to sell their production quotas to these private
studios once they realized that they did not know how to produce revenue in the new
market economy. These private studios had been producing underground cinema with
backing from private investors and had shown potential commercial viability. Reynaud
notes that, “What particularly displeased the Film Bureau was that many of these films
were shown in international film festivals and were awarded prizes. Meanwhile, they
were banned in China” (56).
The Ministry of Radio, Film and Television was given the task of supervising all
the film studios in 1996. This put the industry directly under the central government, and
eliminated the corrupt and confusing process of working under both a provincial
government and the central government. Film companies also began to consolidate under
industry leaders to increase efficiency, and foreign investment was encouraged (Jihong
and Kraus 429). This type of reorganization is similar to what China had done for other
partially state-owned sectors like the telecommunication industry.
28

In 2002, the illusion that the state-backed studios ran the film industry
disappeared as more reforms occurred. Now, the monopoly held by state-run studios
since 1953 was dissolved as the Regulations on Administration of the Film Industry
changed once again, thus allowing private production companies to directly apply for a
permit, rather than having to hide behind a state-run studio (Reynaud 56). However, the
government still holds a degree of control, regulating productions made with foreign
capital and foreign studios. In the domestic market, the Huaxia Film Distribution
Company was given the right to distribute foreign films in China, where previously only
the China Film Group had held the monopoly (Variety 6).
Censorship is still very much a part of the Chinese film industry, but it has also
been relaxed with reforms. Starting in 2004, studios no longer had to submit their script
to the Film Bureau for approval before production could start. Now, the Film Bureau
only requires a 1,000 word synopsis of the film being produced. While this is attractive
for foreign studios and investors, production can still be a delicate dance in China.
Investors have been hurt before in China‟s seemingly open business climate with foreign
businesses, so they can be wary at times as censorship, road blocks, and CCP interference
can delay production or even prevent release—the Film Bureau must approve the final
film copy before it can be released domestically or internationally (Jones 15). Even if a
synopsis is approved, the final film itself may not be approved, or stipulations could be
attached to the film in order for the Chinese government to allow its release.
Censorship in China extends beyond domestic productions; Hollywood imports
are also subject to this as films could be “shown in truncated form or denied any release,
29

owing to sex, violence, or the presentation of a poor image of China or Chinese people”
(Rosen, “Film and Society” 26). Some scholars believe that due to the prominence and
ability of certain directors and actors to gain overseas audiences, the Chinese government
has recently been more lenient on censorship (Taplin 178). This can be partly attributed
to the fact that the CCP wants to ensure that the content that reaches international
audiences presents a favorable image of China. Lust, Caution (2007), an American and
Chinese joint production, was allowed a theatrical release in mainland China despite the
fact that the film‟s political message did not fully support the CCP‟s goal of maintaining
domestic stability. The film was allowed to be produced in China, gained popularity
abroad, and because of that popularity, the CCP perhaps felt compelled to allow the film
to be screened in China, albeit in a truncated form with the most controversial scenes
deleted.
Along with commercialization of the Chinese film industry, a business model
closer to that of Hollywood was also adopted. This involved direct government support
and measures that included “vertical integration of production, distribution and exhibition
sectors, and a linkage of film and television interests” (Jihong and Kraus 420). Besides
the financial woes of the film industry in China, the government was also concerned
about the potential implications of an influx of Western culture, as foreign films gained
more access to the Chinese market once China joined the World Trade Organization. To
still maintain ideological power and to counter Western cultural “imperialism”, the
government required private studios to also make “major melody” films (propaganda
30

films that promoted the CCP‟s messages) along with their entertainment films (Jihong
and Kraus 422).
The two authors Wan Jihong and Richard Kraus note two important aspects that
forced the Chinese film industry to dramatically improve the quality of domestic films
and improve their business relations with Hollywood studios. First of all, Chinese films
needed to become of higher quality to compete even domestically with the glitzy,
technologically-advanced foreign films that were entering the market. Chinese audiences
were also becoming acclimated to a certain quality of cinema from American films, and
would not be interested in low-quality Chinese films (425-426).
The reform of the film industry indicates that the CCP has allowed the industry to
develop on its own, which bodes well for the production of higher-quality films that can
be attractive to American audiences. This shows that while there is still oversight by the
CCP through SARFT, the chances that the Chinese film industry can develop films that
promote “traditional” Chinese culture as soft power for China are higher since studios
have more freedom to pursue new storylines and attract American studios. There is
potential for the Chinese film industry to be a soft power tool as will be indicated by
increasing interest in the American market, however there are still limitations as there are
different types of films that reach American audiences that do not always promote the
soft power of China.

31

Distribution of Chinese-language Films in the United States
It was under the recently restructured film industry that focused on profit and had
greater freedom to work with foreign capital that higher quality Chinese films began to be
produced, making it more likely that they could be successfully exported overseas. The
restructuring also prompted Hollywood studios to start investing in China‟s film industry,
and to be intrigued by the prospect of Chinese films becoming possible blockbusters in
the United States. For American and other foreign companies, there are still many
problems associated with the industry, such as the uncertain environment of doing
business under the vague business laws of the CCP. In fact, American companies such as
News Corporation and Warner Bros.‟ exhibition arms have walked away from their
ventures with Chinese studios owing to the problems of an “uncertain regulatory
environment” (Walsh 66). But for the most part, the reforms have had a positive impact,
as Chinese-language films have had increased distribution from American studios. In
order for film to be a successful form of cultural diplomacy, it has to be able to reach that
audience. SARFT encourages American filmmakers to participate in joint productions in
China giving the American company a stake in the film, meaning the film would most
likely be distributed in the United States in order to recoup costs or hopefully make a
profit (Zhou 1). Since any production filmed within China needs to pair with a state-
owned company, this increases the overall business relationships between the two
countries as well (Klein 19).
There are three types of joint productions where foreign studios can work with
Chinese studios. The first type is a co-production, where both parties are investing in the
32

film and consequently share the risks, profits, and production responsibility. An assisted
production is slightly different as the foreign studio takes on most of the responsibility.
The foreign studio provides the investment, but uses Chinese resources such as labor and
location, while the Chinese studio plays an assisting role. Finally, there is the biggest
gamble of joint productions --an entrusted production--where the foreign party provides
capital investment and “entrusts” the Chinese party to do the filming inside of China
(Variety 6). To accelerate cooperation of production and distribution of Chinese films in
America, the joint production policies have also been reformed. They have a wider scope
where:
…the story setting is not restricted so long as the plot or primary characters are
related to mainland China; there is no quota for the participation of Chinese
creative personnel, with the exception of actors (one-third of major roles must be
Chinese); the scope of allowable cooperation has been expanded to include
television movies and digital films; and especially noteworthy, any Chinese
company with a film production license can participate in joint productions with
foreign countries (Variety 6).
This is significant as these joint productions are directly linked to China on screen.
Films are also being used as cultural diplomacy in Hong Kong. The island
territory was returned to China in 1997, but the society and the culture there has
developed to become visibly different from mainland China. According to Zhou
Tiedong, Hong Kong companies are encouraged by China to develop a system to
distribute mainland films so that the two areas create tighter economic relations (Zhou 3).
In 2003, the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA) between China and
Hong Kong was signed. This has helped the recent trend of blockbusters coming out of
33

China, as these Hong Kong films are allowed into the Chinese market as co-productions
without restrictions being placed on them that would otherwise be placed on foreign films
(Rosen, “Film and Society” 18). Since 2005, Hong Kong companies have been allowed
to have sole ownership of distribution companies on the mainland (Variety 7). American
studios have begun to monitor the Chinese industry, indicating that these studios see
Chinese-language films as potential blockbusters. These American studios hedge their
bets on what could be profitable in the American market, as exemplified by Zhang
Yimou‟s Curse of the Golden Flower. The film‟s U.S. distribution rights were bought by
Sony Pictures Classics before the movie had even finished production (King).
Feng Xiaogang, a Chinese director who has garnered huge box office hits in
China, has had difficulty getting studios to purchase the American distribution rights to
his films. His film Be There or Be Square had been the highest grossing domestic
Chinese film up until 2002. However, no American studio would buy the rights for it,
even at the paltry price of $30,000 (Jihong and Kraus 434). His 2006 film, The Banquet,
came out the same year as Curse of the Golden Flower, but was again unable to get an
American theatrical release (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s International” 17).
Big Shot’s Funeral, a 2001 film by Feng, was tapped by Sony Pictures Classics to
be released in the United States. Sony had actually invested in the production of this
Chinese film through its Columbia Pictures Film Production Asia subsidiary. When it
was released theatrically in 2003 in the United States, it only grossed $820 (Rosen,
“Chinese Cinema‟s International” 30). Big Shot’s Funeral was an example of a joint
venture with China that could not transcend the cultural and societal boundaries, an
34

important limitation on the influence of film as a cultural entity if it cannot be understood
by an American audience or if Americans are not interested.
Hollywood studios have to believe that a Chinese film is marketable to Americans
and that it would make a profit in order to purchase the distribution rights. Yet Chinese
films that have been successful overseas may not always be popular in China either
(Barboza), and Chinese directors know it. Since the CCP wants to emphasize
“traditional” Chinese culture in film as soft power, it can dampen the creativity of
Chinese filmmakers as they may have to make different types of film depending on the
audience.
When a Hollywood studio obtains the distribution rights to a Chinese language
film, it can then release the film theatrically, thereby reaching a broader mass audience.
There are two main ways to go about this. The film could be relegated to art house
theaters where it would gain a larger audience than film festivals since it would be more
accessible for commercial viewing. This would still only reach a limited number of
viewers who could attend these theaters. Moreover, those who had access to such
theaters might not be tempted to watch a Chinese language film if they knew nothing
about it.
Theatrical distributions are important for China‟s soft power film initiative as it
has the potential to reach a broad American audience. Increasing interest by Hollywood
studios is notable as it means more Chinese-language films are being screened in
American theaters. American studios have found that joint productions may not always
35

have a high pay off with a lack of interest by American audiences, which does decrease
the capabilities of film as soft power. If American audiences do not continue to show an
affinity for Chinese-language film, then its soft power potential is gone. The decline in
popularity of Chinese-language films in the American market over the past few years
shows that this possibility is highly likely.
Film Festivals and DVD Distribution
With international film festivals, the Chinese producer or director can submit their
films for consideration, where the festival committee then chooses which films to screen.
It is through showcasing at film festivals that many filmmakers hope that American
companies will become interested in purchasing the distribution rights. Even at the major
American film festivals, like Sundance, there are Chinese films that do not get picked up
by studios for theatrical release, such as Feng Xiaogang‟s The Banquet.
While many mainland Chinese films have found American distributors (films that
have the PRC as the main producer), by contrast, only a few Taiwanese films have been
picked up for American distribution (Chin and Qualls 35). This could have an impact on
American audiences‟ political views as more Chinese cultural products from mainland
China are available in the American market, rather than films directly related to Taiwan.
Since one of the PRC‟s main political goals is to ensure that other nation-states recognize
Taiwan as sovereign PRC territory and not as an independent nation, soft power can be
helpful in this aspect. Any slight advantage that the PRC can gain over Taiwan in the
36

American public‟s mind is helpful. Film can be difficult to use in this respect since joint
productions between Taiwan and China have increased over the years.
Some American distributors worry that Chinese language films would not be
profitable in the American film market as the films might appeal only to the limited
audiences that attend film festivals. In the past few years, more specialized film festivals
have started to develop, such as the Asian-American Film Festival in New York and the
Los Angeles Asian Pacific Film Festival. This signals a trend towards a niche market for
distribution of Chinese films. In the New York Film Festival in 2000, which has not had
a heavy focus on Chinese films in the past, there were four Chinese language films on
display (Chin and Qualls 35-44).
The problem with film festivals is that the number of people who participate in
the events is limited, so the films are only reaching a select audience. According to some
critics, this can be seen as Chinese film being used as high culture. The people who
usually attend film festivals may have more political and business influence, so that the
positive or negative images of China that they see on the theater screen may reflect back
on their decisions. The majority of Chinese-language films that reach this elite audience
tend to be gritty contemporary depictions of real life in modern China, such as Jia
Zhangke‟s works. Film festivals have themselves become an alternative market where
“lower-budget and more challenging films can find cheaper forms of international
distribution on DVD and pay television” (Walsh 70).
37

Mike Walsh describes the images that American audiences gain from these films:
“Grime and filth are everywhere and the vulgarity of a new materialism goes hand in
hand with the collapse of a spiritual centre to people‟s lives” (70). Naturally, this is not
how the PRC would like the country to be portrayed to the American public. As
discussed earlier, the Chinese government does take measures to limit this type of
exposure, but it does not always work. But the Chinese government does not necessarily
hope that Chinese films can be displayed through film festivals as they would only then
reach a limited elite audience. They would prefer that American studios view them as
commercial art cinema so that the branches of American studios that focus on
independent features would purchase distribution rights, such as Sony Pictures Classics
(Walsh 70). Film festivals are helpful for the Chinese film industry in other ways, such
as accumulating awards and accolades which add to the prestige and visibility of a
Chinese film.
Distributing Chinese-language films on DVD is also another way to reach a mass
audience. While it won‟t gain the large number of viewers over a short period of time as
theatrical showings that run for a few weeks would do, DVDs allow the viewer to buy
and watch the film at any time, thus bringing in money over an extended period of time
as long as they are available to consumers. This medium reaches an even broader
audience as well since viewers are not constrained by time as they would be if they had to
watch the film in the brief time it would screen in the theaters. Zhang Yimou‟s Curse of
the Golden Flower has made more in DVD sales ($7.05m) than it did in its theatrical run
($6.57m) in American theaters (Box Office Mojo, “Curse”).
38

DVDs can also be viewed more than once, and so the Chinese society and culture
in the films would be even more emphasized with more than one viewing. In 2007,
Netflix (a popular American online DVD rental service) decided to increase its Chinese-
language films collection by 200% (Taplin 180). A wider availability of Chinese-
language films has a two-fold effect. There is more of a selection of Chinese-language
films for American viewers to choose from, so there is a potential higher penetration rate
of a soft power effect. It also has the effect of bringing more Chinese-language film to
the Chinese-American diaspora which ties in with the PRC‟s other soft power initiative
of cultivating overseas Chinese diaspora. With an increasingly powerful Chinese
diaspora demanding imports and cultural products, this trend of Chinese-language film
gaining market power in America is likely to continue.
Taplin concludes from his research that “This global acceptance of Chinese film
(including major film festival awards) has led to increasing Chinese exports to the major
film capitals in Europe, Asia and North America” (180). The control and influence
exerted by the CCP reinforces the fact that the government is focused on how the country
is represented in the international cinematic community. Increasing theatrical
distribution, film festival viewings, and DVD distribution of Chinese-language film is
important as it indicates a rising American interest, which the CCP needs to take
advantage of in order to successfully use film as soft power.

39

Types of Chinese-language Films Distributed in the United States
Even with a reformed film industry and American distribution, there is an
inherent difficulty in producing films that would be a soft power tool as films in China
have to fulfill a domestic goal before its soft power/international goals. Chinese film‟s
main domestic goal is to condition the Chinese people into supporting the CCP as the
only legitimate Chinese government and maintaining the stability of the nation, which
can contradict its soft power potential as considerations for the commercial and artistic
viability of film can be de-emphasized in order to satisfy these goals (Rosen,
“Comments” 5-6). This is important to note as censorship over sensitive political content
or films that seem to have too much of a propaganda theme will not promote a favorable
view of China. Instead it can hurt China‟s image overseas, showing that film can actually
have a reverse soft power effect where it has the potential to negatively impact how an
American audience will view China. This effect is still minor at the moment as the
Chinese-language films that are distributed in the United States are usually limited to
three categories, where only one of them does not promote Chinese soft power.
First of all, there are the Chinese-language films that were domestic blockbuster
hits in China, and usually in the Asian market (Rosen, “Comments”). These may appeal
to American audiences, but success is not guaranteed. An example is Red Cliff (2009), a
blockbuster in China that made more than $44 million (Chu, 2009) but only brought in
$627,047 with its U.S. theatrical release (Box Office Mojo, “Red Cliff”). These films
have the implicit support of SARFT as they were allowed a release in China and
40

overseas. They may not represent the best soft power opportunities, however, as their
domestic success may not translate into American success.
The second category of film is those by the few brand-name directors recognized
in the United States. Zhang Yimou is probably the most recognizable name, while others
such as Feng Xiaogang and Jia Zhangke are established Chinese directors, but even their
releases may not garner American box office hits. As discussed, they may also have a
hard time finding an American distributor. Their DVD distribution prospects usually
bring in more revenue than their theatrical releases (Rosen, “Comments”).
The last type of Chinese-language film that will likely be given a theatrical
release on the American market may actually harm China‟s image, showing that film can
be a form of negative soft power. These are films that are not supported by SARFT and
are usually banned in China. Films and directors that create controversy tend to gain
some form of distribution abroad even if they are not profitable. An example of this is
Li Yu‟s Lost in Beijing (2007), since there was a controversial dispute over its content
and subsequent consequences, including the ban of the film‟s producer. This film still
gained a theatrical opening in the United States, but it was in the end a low-revenue film,
aided by a subsequent release on DVD (Rosen, “Comments”). Noting the types of films
that reach American audiences is important as it shows that there is a broad spectrum of
content that enters the American market. Within the Chinese-language films that are
screened in the United States, martial arts/wuxia has been the only appealing genre to
American audiences. This particular genre will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 3.
41

Gaining distribution is a necessary component for film to be used as soft power.
If it cannot reach the American audience, then there is no possibility of creating favorable
attitudes toward China. While the CCP does control what is exported to the United States
for the most part, they cannot always control the content that is distributed. This means
that the Chinese film industry does have soft power potential as films that show a non-
threatening “traditional” Chinese culture are being shown and distributed in the American
market, such as Zhang Yimou‟s films. There are not many that have translated into
American success and this can limit Chinese-language film‟s soft power potential.
Hollywood‟s perception of the Chinese film industry has been positively affected,
indicating that at least in the business sense, China has gained more distinction by those
in the film industry. A cinematic formula for Chinese-language films that seems to be
successful in the United States will be discussed in the next chapter. Chinese-language
film can also be negative soft power in the sense that controversial films will likely gain
some form of American distribution. This impact is alleviated a bit as these films do not
reach a broad American audience, so film‟s soft power potential is still valid. There are
numerous ways in which Chinese-language films have had a positive and negative soft
power impact on American audiences, which is the subject of the next chapter.

42

Chapter 3: The Limitations of Chinese-language Film as Soft Power
In the last chapter, I demonstrated that Chinese-language film is rising in
popularity with American distributors. China hopes to be able to translate Chinese-
language film into a soft power tool, in the same way that Hollywood films have been
successful in China. Cory Vietor, an American producer who has worked on many
Chinese films, comments that “the film industry in China is more and more international”
(Jones 15). China‟s rising international power can be inferred through the success of
some of their films in the international market, and the continuing interest expressed by
American studios and by the general American public for Chinese cultural products. As
will be shown, there have been some successful Chinese-language films in the United
States as indicated by high box office revenue, and the CCP hopes to continue this trend
as part of their soft power initiative. However, there are also many ways in which the
soft power potential of Chinese-language film is limited. An analysis of the ways in
which Chinese-language film has impacted American audiences is needed to demonstrate
this.
The Impact of Chinese-language Film on American Audiences
Besides stimulating an increase in interest amongst American studios, Chinese-
language films have had an impact on American films, which in turn has influenced
American culture since a good portion of American popular culture comes from the
entertainment industry. The growing Chinese film industry has influenced Hollywood
films where Sean Smith claims that Chinese cinema has helped to bring about such works
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as the Matrix trilogy, the Rush Hour trilogy, Quentin Tarantino films, Bruce Lee films
and Jet Li films. Elements from Chinese cinema and culture have insinuated themselves
into Hollywood products. Of the 346 movies that have grossed a minimum of $200.5
million worldwide (as of June 15, 2008), two of them were directly influenced by
Chinese culture. Number 141 on that list is Rush Hour 2 (2001), a sole Hollywood
production that featured Jackie Chan, another rising Chinese star Zhang Ziyi, Hong Kong
actors, and had other Chinese elements such as scenes depicting an American Chinatown.
Mulan (1998) (#176), another Hollywood film, is as much an homage to China as it is an
English animation centered on a Chinese legend set in pre-modern mainland China.
Remakes of Chinese language films should be noted as a soft power impact since an
American studio found the film‟s concept to be of high quality, where they then took
elements from that film and input them into an American film. Hong Kong‟s Infernal
Affairs (2002) was remade by director Martin Scorsese as the feature film The Departed
(2006) (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 10-27).
Chinese language films can become part of American popular culture if they
make a big enough impact on American society. Hollywood parodies of characters flying
through trees while fighting exhibit this pop culture effect (parodying Crouching Tiger,
Hidden Dragon). Since they also reach a mass audience, many viewers will have been
influenced by such films and hopefully relate them to China. Even if it is just the
beautiful cinematography that they remember, they will attribute it to China and Chinese-
language film. A representative of a Chinese production company, Forbidden City Film
Co., optimistically states that, “More and more Chinese films will become increasingly
44

international and can be sold in more countries, promoting Chinese culture” (Coonan
A10).
Another prospect of the Chinese film industry‟s soft power initiative is to produce
international icons who would represent China positively overseas. Zhang Yimou has
long represented high quality Chinese films to the West. Sean Smith poses an interesting
concept as he believes that Zhang Ziyi will be the next international icon with worldwide
prominence, similar to that of Sophia Loren. Zhang Ziyi has been featured in
transnational films and has even starred in pure Hollywood productions, including
Memoirs of a Geisha. Gong Li rose to international prominence with Zhang Yimou‟s
films and he has continued to cast her in his recent ventures (after a brief hiatus). She has
starred in Chinese productions, joint productions, and Hollywood productions. She was
actually one of the first Chinese superstars who became an American household name,
and continues to be a noticeable presence in filmmaking such as in the Hollywood film
Miami Vice (2006), and a new joint production, Shanghai (2010). These international
superstars do not represent China politically, again creating a de-politicized view of
China, but the general public will associate them as a Chinese cultural product. Having
recognizable cultural products such as international icons is an important aspect of soft
power. These international icons can help to promote the attractiveness of Chinese
culture. The downside to this is that China does not have many recognizable
international icons at the moment, limiting the amount of exposure the Chinese film
industry actually garners through celebrities.
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An increase in transnational film productions (joint productions) implies that
cinema can be used as a business tool for peaceful relations. The Promise (2005) had
China, Hong Kong, Japan, and South Korea all as co-producers. The main cast included
a Japanese actor, a South Korean actor, and two Hong Kong actors, all speaking
Mandarin (IMDB, “Wuji”). Another example of film creating business ties between
potentially hostile areas is Ang Lee‟s Lust, Caution. The film was co-produced by
Taiwan, China, the United States, and Hong Kong. It also had a controversial main cast
with a Hong Kong star (Tony Leung Chiu Wai), an unknown Chinese actress (Tang
Wei), and an American actress who is a Chinese expatriate (Joan Chen). Film can be
shown to be a soft power tool as it increases China‟s attractiveness to various countries
with peaceful and prosperous business ventures, again de-emphasizing China as a
political entity.
Lust, Caution did have its own controversies, demonstrating the limitations of
Chinese-language film as soft power. It received wide theatrical distribution in the
United States and is distributed on DVD, so it is available to a broad American audience.
However, since it had an NC-17 rating, it was still limited to an audience that had to be
old enough to view it in the theaters. As noted above, Lust, Caution was not highly
promoted by the CCP since it had a controversial political message where it seemed the
main Chinese character allowed a traitor to escape without punishment, exuded graphic
images, violence, and gritty images of World War II China. These images do not fall in
line with the CCP‟s domestic goal of promoting a harmonious, stable Chinese society. It
was allowed to be screened in mainland China with scenes deleted, while the full version
46

was screened in Hong Kong, Taiwan and the United States. The CCP was not happy that
this film portrayed China in a negative light, especially as it was screened abroad to an
international audience. This film serves as another example of how a Chinese-language
film can actually be a form of negative soft power.
This film did not promote China‟s “peaceful rise” image and the measures that the
CCP took to “punish” the film for being controversial definitely hurt China‟s image. The
film‟s main Chinese actress, Tang Wei, was blacklisted from working in China by
Chinese officials. This was presumably in response to her erotic sexual scenes in the
movie, and because many Chinese critics perceived the film to be un-patriotic (Ransom).
This hurt China‟s image in the media, further showing that film can actually have the
opposite effect of promoting the attractiveness of China. The scandal forced Ang Lee to
choose sides, which had a deleterious effect on relations between Ang Lee and the PRC,
as they had been trying to cultivate him as a “Chinese” director due to his successes in
the American market (Rosen, “Film and Society” 21-23).
Chinese-language film can also negatively impact Americans‟ views of China and
actually work against China‟s desire for soft power. As suggested earlier, the issue of
Chinese censorship aggravates American sensibilities as destroying freedoms of speech
and creativity, and this issue needs to be addressed if Chinese films want to compete
globally (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 33). As Americans become more interested in
Chinese cinema and pay more attention to China, they may begin to hear more about
censorship, which then could become a bigger issue. Jet Li has publicly raged against the
Chinese censors for banning his films. Two of his films were banned because one
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featured gangsters (Romeo Must Die), and the other featured a Chinese policeman who
killed people (Kiss of the Dragon). He notes that the censors restrict what can be shown
and asserts that they are illogical since "It leaves only the ancient Chinese stories to be
produced" (BBC). While this restricts the Chinese film industry, this is exactly the types
of films that the CCP wants exported to the United States as it de-politicizes the nation-
state and can make Chinese culture seem attractive and non-threatening.
The distribution of Chinese propaganda in films also needs to be limited, where
the government has to be careful to keep propaganda films separate from entertainment
films or else American audiences may sour on Chinese cinema. Many Chinese films are
read as subtle criticisms of China by Western film critics. Zhang Yimou‟s earlier films
have been read as criticizing various elements of China, ranging from patriarchy to the
Chinese Communist Party itself. His newer films set in the wuxia genre are sometimes
read as criticism while, paradoxically also sometimes seen as support for China‟s one-
party state (Barboza). Figures such as Zhang Yimou also have to be careful because if
they begin to seem to be linked too closely to the Chinese government it can taint their
reputation, which could run the risk of losing their domestic and international audience.
This would harm Zhang Yimou and China‟s desire to use Chinese-language film as soft
power, since Zhang has been the only consistent Chinese director to gain American
appreciation for Chinese films (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 20-28).
Since Chinese-language film has had a visible impact on American audiences and
American culture, it makes it all the more important for China to cultivate the Chinese
film industry in order to produce high quality Chinese-language films that will promote
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China‟s soft power. There are potential positive effects of these films such as a possible
increase in favorable attitudes towards China. Controversial Chinese-language films
have often been featured in the American news media. This means that the CCP has to
be cautious regarding their actions in the film industry. In some cases, having a scandal
attached to a film will make it sell better as it adds intrigue and hype. This can ruin the
positive images that China is trying to foster if they are unaware that many individual
actions are counter-productive to their larger strategic goals.
Film has high potential to be a soft power tool, as well as the capability to damage
American views of China. It is important for the CCP to note the dual possibilities of
Chinese-language film in their soft power initiative. Amongst the other soft power
initiatives, film is useful as it can have a lasting impact such as influencing American
culture and creating recognizable cultural icons through their celebrities. This translates
to increasing visibility of Chinese cultural products for American audiences, a notable
accomplishment of soft power. As noted in Chapter 2, controversial films do get
screened in the United States, having detrimental effects in terms of soft power as it
actually decreases China‟s attractiveness. Summer Palace is one of these films.
Case Study of Summer Palace
Films that are seen to reflect negatively on China are not supported by the
government to go abroad. This includes topics such as the negative effects of
modernization in Chinese society, criticism of the CCP, and the 1989 Tiananmen Square
Incident. As mentioned previously, these films can still be shown in film festivals around
49

the world, but they might face consequences back in China for having either screened the
film without government consent, or if their themes are seen as degrading to Chinese
society. They may also find that their distribution rights may not be bought by studios
due to a perceived lack of interest from American audiences, or government intervention
(Chin and Qualls 35).
The Chinese government actively works against films or directors that may reflect
China in a negative light (Walsh 70-71). Banning a film or director tends to shine more
light on that particular film and intrigues the American public, which the CCP would
prefer to avoid. A Film Bureau official, Zhang Hongsen, has criticized these films as
“shameful for the Chinese people” (qtd. in Walsh 71). Summer Palace is a prime
example of a film that was not supported by the CCP, yet shown to American audiences,
having a negative soft power effect.
This film revolved around a young country girl and her many relationships,
amidst the backdrop of protest for democracy and freedom in 1980s China. It follows her
sexual relationships closely, emblematizing sexual freedom: a sensitive topic in China.
The government felt that Summer Palace was overly erotic. It also contained scenes
from the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident, which is an event that is censored completely
in China; citizens cannot find any written information unless they search online through a
proxy server. Along with scenes that reflect social turmoil in Germany with the fall of
the Berlin Wall (signaling the fall of communism in Germany), Summer Palace
implicitly challenges the notion of a restrictive one-party communist Chinese nation-
state.
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Lou Ye screened the film at the 2006 Cannes Film Festival without approval from
the Chinese censors. Consequently, he was banned from film-making for five years and
copies of the film were ordered to be destroyed (IMDB, “Award-Winning”). The film
still screened at film festivals, and despite the ban, or perhaps because of it, the film was
picked up by Palm Pictures to be shown theatrically in the United States in a limited
release (3 theaters), along with DVD distribution (Box Office Mojo, “Summer Palace”).
Even with China‟s preventive efforts, a film that showed China in a negative light
was released to American audiences. This is the opposite of the goals of China‟s cultural
diplomacy as audiences are presented with features of China that are unattractive, such as
Summer Palace‟s scenes of Chinese citizens being shot at by the Chinese military in the
Tiananmen Square Incident. While SARFT does support films that show the positive
aspects of China‟s rapidly modernizing society besides films that show “traditional”
Chinese culture, films on contemporary China may not gain international distribution
(Walsh 71).
The lack of interest by American audiences towards films showing contemporary
China could be attributed to the view that the SARFT films that depict a happy Chinese
society are propaganda (Jihong and Kraus 430). While Zhang Hongsen criticized films
that create political dissent, he also acknowledged that Americans tend to thrive on
“negative images of contemporary China” which “are much more internationally saleable
[sic] in film festival circuits” (Walsh 71). This shows that market forces and American
studios have the ability to counter the attractive image of Chinese culture that the CCP
wants to promote, decreasing the CCP‟s oversight of film as a form of soft power.
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Films such as Summer Palace provide a counter-balance to China‟s soft power
push as it potentially decreases the attractiveness of China. However this is countered by
the fact that it was banned and only shown to a limited audience. If the Chinese
government does not impose a ban on a film, there is potentially broader American
distribution which reaches a larger audience, as long as the topic matter is interesting to
American audiences. There is increased interest in the West if there is a ban on the film,
but showings may be limited to film festivals and DVD releases. This is why China has
chosen to emphasize “traditional” Chinese culture rather than contemporary images of
China. Mythical elements of China‟s history and poetic martial arts choreography keep a
viewer entertained and intrigued by Chinese culture, while de-emphasizing China as a
modern nation-state. These types of films are discussed next as they have found a broad
American audience, showing the wide market for China‟s cultural products, promoting
the soft power of China.
Popular Genre for American Audiences
Most of the Chinese-language films that reach the American market are not
propaganda or banned films. There are three main conclusions that can be derived about
Chinese-language films in the American market. First of all, Chinese-language films
have been the most successful foreign language films in the United States. They have
done better than European films which had in the past been the most “successful arthouse
films”. The second conclusion is that within the many different Chinese genres, martial
arts films have had the most success in engaging the attention of general American
audiences. This may be attributed to the fact that with martial arts, the language and
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other negative aspects that people associate with subtitled films are not as important as
the intriguing action. Lastly, Chinese films have had “a higher „penetration‟ rate than
other foreign films, in that they have been given a much broader release in American
theaters” (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 13-15). This suggests the ample potential of
Chinese-language film as a soft power tool in the United States as American audiences
have shown a demonstrated interest in these films.
Statistics such as box office data and DVD sales are an indicator of the number of
people who have been exposed to Chinese language films and how popular these films
are in the American market. Among the top grossing foreign language films in the
United States, six of the top twenty five are Chinese language films. Out of those six
films, five of them were produced or co-produced by China. Other Chinese-language
films that were popular include Curse of the Golden Flower (2006), which is #36 on the
list, Chen Kaige‟s Farewell My Concubine (1993) is #52, and Lust, Caution is ranked
#56. The first two were produced by China, and the third was co-produced. Zhang
Yimou also has five more films within the top 200 highest grossing foreign language
films (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 21-25). This shows that Chinese films have reached a
massive audience so that key aspects of Chinese culture such as the history and language
have been successfully displayed to Americans.
As the most popular genre of Chinese film in the United States, wuxia films have
been the only ones that have been able to breach the Hollywood stranglehold on the
market. This started with Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon and has continued with more
recent blockbusters such as 2006‟s Fearless and Curse of the Golden Flower. Wuxia is a
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Mandarin word that means “chivalrous or valorous combat” and is usually used in
conjunction with armed martial arts such as swordplay. Its focus is usually on a
wandering hero who helps people. The wuxia genre began to gain influence by 9
th

century China, then became a regular Chinese fictional tale, and by the 19
th
century was
commonly used in Peking opera. It gained popularity in print format and then in the
1920s also developed into a film category. A slightly varied version of wuxia film
became popularized in the mid-1960s, when they became more realistic and emotional
(Klein 24).
Wuxia films tend to be in Mandarin, which is the official language of the PRC.
The term kung fu is given to Cantonese martial arts films. This serves as a distinction
between the advanced and successful Hong Kong film industry (predominantly
Cantonese films) and mainland China‟s growing film industry. Mandarin films have
been increasing in popularity as Hong Kong films have lost some of their vigor. Many
Cantonese speaking actors/Hong Kong actors, such as Jackie Chan, have successfully
migrated over to Mandarin language films where they have made an even wider inroad to
American audiences as China pushes Mandarin language films to American studios.
Comedies such as Feng Xiaogang‟s Big Shot’s Funeral (2001) and other genres
have not been able to gain popularity in the United States. Martial arts films have been
the only genre to snare American audiences who have traditionally resisted subtitled
foreign language films (Smith). Within martial arts films, Chinese language wuxia films
have been the only foreign language genre to “break out of the arthouse ghetto”. Even
brand name directors like Zhang Yimou are not able to bring in other genres to the United
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States. His film Keep Cool (1997), a comedy set in the 1990s, was not able to gain
Hollywood distribution (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 15-29). This is notable with regard
to film as a form of soft power since this means that other genres that could potentially
hurt China‟s image are not all that attractive to American audiences, thus not really
having much of a negative soft power impact.
The acceptance of subtitles in the United States is a positive sign for Chinese
films. It means that American studios are more likely to purchase Chinese-language
films as audiences have indicated that they are more willing to watch films with subtitles
than before. Michael Barker, co-president of Sony Pictures Classics, thinks it may be
generational, as younger audiences are now used to reading on screens through cable
news items and IMing (qtd. in Smith). This is also a ripe time for China to be exporting
Chinese culture as American audiences are more multi-cultural, which makes them more
receptive to ethnic films. A study in the 1990s found that younger audiences in the
United States have a higher rate of watching programs with multi-racial ethnicities than
older viewers (Beltran 56-64). This is important as each younger generation is bound to
continue to be more culturally diverse and accepting. The rise of international film,
especially Chinese-language film, can indicate that there is a growing receptiveness
amongst the American public, which gives soft power more credence as a tool to promote
Chinese culture. Again, another limitation is that overall, sub-titles are still considered
problematic by American audiences. .
However, the wuxia genre is still quite popular. In the United States, there are
certain elements that are almost deemed requisite factors for a Chinese wuxia film to do
55

well, creating a cinematic formula. It has to feature martial arts, so some critics have
begun to just call the genre martial arts films. Other characteristics include a historical
setting in pre-modern China (almost a mythical China), spectacle with special effects, and
international stars. These features increase the epic factor of wuxia films which in turn
raises the appeal of the genre to “mass-market cinema audiences in China and for
international art cinema distributors such as Miramax and Sony Pictures Classics in the
West” (Walsh 68). Roger Ebert suggests that the martial arts-styled Chinese films can
even be said to have been transformed into a genre that is suitable for “middle-class
consumption” (qtd. in Walsh 68). He notes that the wuxia films eclipse their violence
factor to create a genre that is poetic, graceful, and philosophical. This can help to
support China‟s position of a “peaceful rise” in the world order if the fighting in Chinese
films is not seen as violent, but rather more of a poetic dance. Even though Hero has
many martial arts fighting sequences, it is not seen as violent, but rather a graceful film
with morals that exhibits the traditional Chinese culture and history. This supports the
CCP‟s notion of promoting “traditional” Chinese culture, and it shows that it can be
attractive to an American audience.
There have been critiques of the recent success of wuxia films, such as
accusations that directors are catering to the West‟s expectations of Chinese culture.
Zhang Yimou has been denounced for shifting production to films that seem to be
“meaningless films about the follies of Chinese nobles” (Barboza). Chinese filmmakers
have to work within government goals, which include promoting Chinese culture, while
still maintaining creative plots and themes that are acceptable to the Chinese censors,
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demonstrating how the use of soft power through Chinese film is both a blessing and a
curse to the Chinese-language film industry. The CEO of a private equity firm SAIF
partners, Andy Yang, notes that “regulatory influence makes it hard to sell Chinese films
abroad.” American studios have been criticized for taking advantage of this system to
gain lower prices for distribution rights. While there are claims by Americans such as
Bob Pisano (head of the Motion Picture Association) stating that Hollywood “wants to
see the Chinese movie industry thrive and prosper,” Chinese filmmakers claim that they
receive unfair deals when they deal with American studios. Harvey Weinstein has
recently been accused by Feng Xiaogang of corrupting Chinese culture in films, and
resorting to trickery to snare lower prices for the distribution rights of Chinese film (Film
Business Asia).
Mike Walsh offers a counter to the critiques that wuxia films are a new form of
Orientalism that caters to the West. He notes that even though Zhang Yimou‟s last two
films have declined in their box office takes compared to 2002‟s Hero, it is of great
significance that all three Chinese films were able to have American “widespread
theatrical distribution,” especially when American independent ventures have
“increasingly dominated art cinemas” (Walsh 68). Chinese cinematic features do tend to
be “dumbed down” or edited by American studios into products that they feel will be
more appealing to American audiences (Quinlan). This can affect the reputation of
Chinese films, as the more sophisticated themes that the director included could be
whittled down by the studio, leaving it open for criticism as a new form of Orientalism.
Stephen Chow‟s Shaolin Soccer (2001) had scenes cut and was dubbed into English by
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Miramax before screening in America two years later (Quinlan). Chen Kaige‟s The
Promise was re-cut for its American release by Warner Bros. to the point where it made
no sense and was pretty much incoherent (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 17). Even the
official Chinese version was seen as incoherent nonsense by the Chinese themselves,
where an online Chinese parody of the film was more popular than the film itself. Again,
the soft power effect of film can be limited as incomprehensible films cannot promote the
attractiveness of a culture. In fact, it could make Chinese-language films seem
ridiculous in the eyes of an American audience. Again, since these edits can be out of the
Chinese film industry‟s hands once the foreign distribution rights have been purchased,
China‟s soft power intentions are curtailed if the film becomes distorted. It is an
important limitation to note of China‟s soft power push since the film and its contents are
no longer under the government‟s oversight. This also supports the argument made by
Chinese filmmakers that Hollywood is corrupting their culture to make it “sellable” in the
American market.
Critics quote the low Chinese domestic box office numbers of Crouching Tiger,
Hidden Dragon and note that it could not appeal to the Chinese themselves, and thus
Chinese language films are only being made for the West. Christina Klein offers an
explanation for the complicated distribution strategy on the Chinese side as a reason to
counter why the film did poorly in China, yet was a smashing success in the United
States and the United Kingdom. When Crouching Tiger was released in China, officials
pulled the film out of the theaters for a few months to try to get the private Chinese studio
who owned most of the rights to give up some of the distribution rights to the state owned
58

China Film Co-Production Corporation. This meant that by the time the film was finally
shown theatrically in China, most people who were interested in the movie had already
seen it on pirated copies, and so the official Chinese box office numbers were low (Klein
36).
Wuxia films have gained popularity and acceptance in the American market as the
past few years‟ box office data seems to indicate. However, the American market may be
reaching a saturation point regarding wuxia films, which will harm film‟s potential as soft
power. As A.O. Scott points out, many viewers have become jaded by the special effects
and choreography in wuxia films, so it has been increasingly more difficult to have a
Chinese-language blockbuster hit in the United States. Those who are still entertained
may eventually lose interest over time as more and more Chinese-language wuxia films
enter the American market (Scott). The potential of Chinese-language film as a form of
Chinese soft power decreases if the audience (in this case the American audience) is no
longer receptive or interested. In the next case study, the success of Crouching Tiger,
Hidden Dragon is analyzed as it was the first Chinese-language wuxia blockbuster hit in
the United States. This is necessary to discuss as the film‟s success has still never been
duplicated, and this case study provides a strategy that Chinese filmmakers and American
studios could follow to attempt to emulate this film‟s success.
Case Study of Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon
With a wide theatrical release, Chinese-language films dramatically increase their
presence, and marketing campaigns increase their visibility. Ang Lee‟s Crouching Tiger,
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Hidden Dragon was the first Chinese language film that really took advantage of this in
the United States. The success of this film has not been approached in the United States
since then, and its success contributed greatly to the rise of Chinese language films
gaining theatrical releases in the United States. In the United Kingdom, the film is also
said to be responsible for an increase in British consumption of Chinese-language films
(Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 8-11). Christina Klein notes the importance of this breakout
film for the Chinese film industry as, “It made the rare transition out of the art houses and
into the multiplexes, and in so doing became the most commercially successful foreign-
language film in U.S. history and the first Chinese-language film to find a mass American
audience” (18).
Crouching Tiger holds the title as the highest grossing foreign language film
(European films are included in this category) in America, with a lifetime gross of
$128,078,872 and, at its peak, played in 2,027 theaters. The film‟s rights were purchased
by Sony Pictures, and they revolutionized a new distribution strategy for a Chinese-
language film. In the United Kingdom, foreign language films usually opened in a small
handful of theaters. Crouching Tiger opened in 88 theaters and had a marketing budget
of $770,000. Trailers of the film were also murky, so that viewers did not directly know
that it was a foreign language film. With 10 Oscar nominations, a standing ovation from
the Cannes critics, and the fact that Ang Lee and the screenwriter visited London all
helped to propel the film into a mass theatrical release (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 11-
13).
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In the United States, two New York publicists were hired, and they used a
“grassroots stealth marketing campaign” to promote fervor over the release (O‟Dwyer,
qtd. in Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 12). Along with other marketing schemes, two
preview screenings of the film were held in New York City hosted by the popular rap
group Wu-Tang Clan, drumming up excitement (Rosen, “Chinese Cinema‟s” 12). With
so much hype and support behind the film, audiences were naturally drawn to the film as
it became a headliner in the theaters.
All of this was to promote a Chinese language film, one which according to Ang
Lee is steeped in traditional Chinese culture. Lee has stated that his film is a “Chinese
film” and that the emotional underpinnings expressed in it are “„the great Chinese theme‟
of literature, painting, and other art forms, something that „is just in our blood‟” (Klein
22). He is making the claim that Crouching Tiger is a “deeply rooted Chinese endeavor,
one that not only resonates with other works of Chinese art but that emanates from the
depths of the Chinese soul” (Klein 22). Even though Ang Lee is Taiwanese born, and has
Taiwanese and American citizenship, he is identifying the film with “traditional” Chinese
culture.
The film is also set in pre-modern mainland China, with ethnic Chinese actors.
The film is transnational in that most of the cast, director, and other production members
either have citizenship or ties outside of the PRC, and two mainland Chinese companies
were involved in the production process (Klein 19). One of those companies is the state
owned China Film Co-Production Corporation (subsidiary of China Film Group). This
film was a form of indirect cultural diplomacy and helped to spread positive views of
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China, even if it was not intentional on Ang Lee‟s part since he is not involved in making
China‟s foreign policy.
The success of this film is important to study since it began the trend of Chinese-
language films appealing to a mass American audience. The marketing strategies that
this film developed could be part of a formulaic approach that might bring in more box
office revenue for Chinese-language films. Chinese “traditional” culture was showcased
to the Western audiences, which helped the film sell as the plot and characters were
separated from politics and ideology. It can be inferred from the box office numbers that
millions of people found that culture attractive, which is the only indicator easily
available to measure soft power‟s impact. Emphasizing “traditional” Chinese culture and
de-politicizing the nation-state has been continued in other Chinese films. The case study
of The Forbidden Kingdom discusses the cinematic formula that has evolved from
Chinese-language films, and how Chinese cultural products are successfully sold to
American audiences by Hollywood, yet China has not been able to market some of their
own cultural products.
Case Study of The Forbidden Kingdom
The Forbidden Kingdom is a prime example of Chinese-language films‟
penetration into American culture and the interest that it has gained among audiences in
the United States. It shows that Chinese efforts at promoting Chinese-language film as
soft power have found some success as Hollywood studios are now using the same
cinematic formula as other Chinese-language films that have garnered blockbuster status.
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Hollywood is actually promoting Chinese soft power for China through showcasing
“traditional” Chinese culture and cultural products. This is another limitation of Chinese-
language film as soft power as there are Chinese cultural products that China‟s film
industry cannot translate to box office success due to domestic restrictions.
This film represents a successful Hollywood production derived from Chinese
culture, which angers Chinese filmmakers as they themselves have not been able to
successfully take advantage of their own cultural products. Headlining the film are
Jackie Chan and Jet Li, two of the more recognizable international icons in China‟s
repertoire. The Forbidden Kingdom is the first film they have ever been in together, even
though they have known each other for more than 20 years (Yan). It took a mostly
American venture to harness the two artists‟ box office power. Hollywood had this
ingenious idea before China could co-opt their own homegrown stars. Harvey Weinstein
of the Weinstein Company declared that, “If you get Jackie and Jet in the same movie,
you have box office gold” (DiOrio).
As with Hollywood‟s Kung Fu Panda, the United States was able to translate the
Chinese cultural icons of martial arts and the panda into marketable success in the United
States and in China. While some Chinese commentators denounced the fact that the
panda was made to look lazy, reflecting poorly on China, others noted that even if China
had tried to incorporate those same two elements into a film, it would never be able to
emulate Hollywood‟s success with the icons (Rosen, “Film and Society” 27).
63

The plot revolves around a teenage boy obsessed with kung fu cinema who
accidentally ends up in mythical ancient China with a relic that could save the imprisoned
Monkey King. He meets warriors along the way who teach him martial arts and they
band together to fight evil magical forces. While the film is considered mostly a
Hollywood product, it was co-produced with China‟s China Film Co-Production
Corporation and Hong Kong‟s Huayi Brothers (IMDB, “Company Credits for the
Forbidden”). The American producer was Casey Silver Productions (McNary and
McClintock). The amalgamation of these studios from different national origins is
indicative of how the boundaries of what is considered a Chinese film have blurred. It
also demonstrates the interest that China‟s film industry and cultural products have
developed overseas.
The American distributors of the film were Lionsgate and The Weinstein
Company (IMDB, “Company Credits for The Forbidden”). China, Taiwan, and Hong
Kong‟s theatrical distributor was Huayi Brothers (McNary and McClintock). This film is
an example of an American studio‟s foray into using Chinese culture to find box office
success. It had a budget of an estimated $55 million, and was part of the Weinstein
Company‟s aggressive push to tap into the Asian market with their $285 million Asian
film fund. It did well at the box office in the United States, China, and other countries
with a large Chinese diaspora, as well as internationally. In the first weekend alone, The
Forbidden Kingdom opened in the United States with an estimated $20.9 million
(DiOrio). It garnered an $11.4 million opening in China, and within ten days of its
worldwide theatrical release it had accumulated $61.3 million (McNary and McClintock).
64

The American total domestic gross was more than $52 million, while the total foreign
gross was almost $76 million. Out of the foreign gross, China contributed about $27
million (Box Office Mojo, “Foreign Total”).
This particular film did extremely well in the theaters because it exemplified a
formula that studios have begun to understand can potentially bring in high box office
revenues for a Chinese film. It was a martial arts film, with headlining Chinese stars,
amazing cinematography, special effects, and interesting aspects of Chinese culture. Jet
Li notes that “The challenge was to simplify the culture to make it accessible to a general
audience” (Yan). Choreography was done by Yuen Wo Ping, who also worked on
Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (Scott). The film was able to capitalize on those
aspects that American audiences have come to expect from a production related with
China, re-enforcing an earlier-stated theory that “traditional” Chinese culture de-
politicizes the country. American audiences were very receptive, as signified by the box
office numbers, while a non-threatening mythical China and Chinese culture were
exhibited. A.O. Scott believes that even though the plot is incomprehensible, since it
includes Chinese mysticism and “wildly inventive fighting,” it is “a faithful and
disarmingly earnest attempt to honor some venerable and popular Chinese cinematic
traditions”. Amidst all the other cinematic elements, the plot really was not clear, yet The
Forbidden Kingdom was an international success. This alludes to a subtle part of the
formula where the plot could be “dumbed down” for audiences. This formula may work
in the United States, but it will not necessarily sell Chinese-language films to other
audiences. Jackie Chan observed that:
65

After so many years of film-making, when we make American films like Rush
Hour, it only appeals to American audiences, but not South-East Asian ones.
Similarly, powerful Asian movies like The Warlords are well-received in the
whole of South-East Asia but can hardly be marketed overseas to Western
audiences (Yan).
The Forbidden Kingdom has been one of only three films that Lionsgate bought
the distribution rights to that has made more than $20 million in its opening weekend
(Mendelson). It was also able to attract new audiences that could become followers of
Chinese film. Lionsgate‟s domestic distribution president, Steve Rothenberg comments
that with the film, “We got the older, martial arts crowd which has been following Jet Li
and Jackie Chan for years, and the PG-13 rating helped us also get the teenaged crowd”.
It also drew an audience of 58% males, and 54% of viewers were younger than 25
(DiOrio).
Parts of the cinematic formula are being implemented in a Chinese film currently
in production called The Empires of the Deep. This film is produced by one of China‟s
richest men, despite his lack of previous experience in filmmaking. He has the goal of
producing Chinese films that can rival Hollywood spectacles. Empires has a large
budget, special effects, international stars, and contains elements of the rest of the
formula as it has “a combination of something mystical, something that satisfies your
bloodlust and something sensual” (qtd. in Wong). Edward Wong notes that this is “an
ambitious departure from the formulaic historical or Communist propaganda movies
usually churned out by the Chinese film industry”. It has soft power potential as it could
increase China‟s prestige in filmmaking if it succeeds and reaches a broad audience. The
film‟s success is far from assured; indeed, it could be a huge flop considering the
66

numerous setbacks it has encountered, such as having already changed directors three
times. It is notable too that while it will be made in China, the plot, the stars, and the
production process mirror Hollywood films, rather than Chinese films. This could
indicate a new phase in Chinese film where Chinese elements are de-emphasized in the
pursuit of profit. It could mean that film as a soft power initiative is no longer going to
be emphasized in soft power pursuits, or that there might be less and less oversight by the
CCP on the content that is exported to the United States. It will be interesting to observe
if more films will be produced resembling Empires, and whether or not this film is
successful in the American market.
The Forbidden Kingdom illustrates many conflicting issues inherent in trying to
use Chinese film as soft power. While Hollywood is unintentionally promoting the
attractiveness of Chinese culture through Hollywood films that feature Chinese cultural
products, the CCP has no oversight over these films, so negative soft power is a high
possibility as American studios do not suffer restrictions on their productions. While
Chinese film has a lot of potential, it suffers from restrictions such as censorship and an
emphasis on promoting “traditional” Chinese culture in their soft power initiative, which
limits the types of films that reach American audiences. A cinematic formula has been
shown to be successful, but the United States has been able to harness this better than
China. The CCP could use this formula in their soft power pursuit to attempt to attract a
larger audience. Again, the contradiction is that this formula appeals to an
American/Western audience, which is the goal of China‟s film as soft power initiative,
but the formula may produce films that will fail domestically in China.
67

The Chinese Film Industry and Hollywood
Despite the restrictions that limit the Chinese film industry, it is growing in
influence and has the potential to become a powerful competitor in the international
market. This is important to analyze as Chinese film has to have long term viability if it
is going to have soft power effect. As the world has globalized, the economies of scale
have developed where China has cornered manufacturing, and is slowly raising its
productivity in other sectors. According to Jonathan Taplin, large media (the Hollywood
entertainment industry) has dominated as one of America‟s main exports. There are
challenges coming from many countries, so that Hollywood could see its dominance
declining. China is one of those countries. One of Hollywood‟s main attractions has
been amazing special effects. China‟s rising technological skills with computer
generated special effects challenges the United States as “the need for culturally specific
story-telling skills is obviated by the wonder created by the special effects”. Chinese
development of super computers and worldwide software sharing has started to raise
China‟s competitive advantage in special effects (Taplin 172-176).
Upon assessing the viability of Hollywood‟s long-term dominance, Taplin found
that most of the growth in American film revenue has been accumulating from outside of
the American domestic market (174). There is a wider international market outside of the
United States so that there are many more opportunities for Chinese film, such as in the
Asian market. Rising film industries such as China‟s have the potential to take more and
more market share. They are slowly increasing in the quality of home-grown Chinese
cinema, potentially decreasing overseas American revenue. Chinese-language cinema
68

has also been developing more and more interest in the Asian regional market, as
Chinese-language films have been in high demand in the region (Coonan A10). Taplin
calls the brisk growth of regional media trade the “Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere” (177).
In the Asian region, Chinese-language films beyond the martial arts genre have gained
popularity (Taplin 178).
The size and power of the Chinese diaspora in the United States also contributes
to China‟s challenge to Hollywood. In 2007, the United States Census Bureau estimated
that there were about 3.5 million ethnic Chinese-Americans (U.S. Census Bureau).
Chinese distribution companies have been researching possible distribution possibilities
for Chinese-language films in the American market owing to demand from the Chinese
diaspora. There is also developing technology that would connect one‟s IP address to a
TV platform that could potentially allow the Chinese diaspora to view Chinese-language
films regardless of where they are in the world (Taplin 176). This would dramatically
increase the influx of Chinese-language film in the United States, and create accessibility
for a wider audience.
The changing economic dynamics of the Chinese film industry are important
because it means that Chinese soft power through film has the potential to succeed, given
the optimistic predictions towards the growing power and influence of the industry. The
Chinese film industry is still far from directly challenging Hollywood, but it has gained
massive potential in the last few decades. If China can corner a larger market share with
regard to the film audience, then its soft power impact would be broader.
69

As China begins to more effectively cultivate their home-grown stars, realize the
viability of their cultural products, and continues to promote “traditional” Chinese culture
in a proven cinematic formula, Chinese-language film‟s soft power impact can have
many positive effects in the United States. There are possible negative effects in the
sense that China‟s soft power effect is lessened, as seen through the case of Summer
Palace. Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon and The Forbidden Kingdom show traditional
Chinese culture and have potential soft power effects in emphasizing the attractiveness of
this culture. They also demonstrate a marketing strategy and cinematic formula that has
had success in bringing Chinese-language films to a mass American audience. These are
suggestions that the Chinese film industry could follow in their soft power initiative.
There are road blocks involved in trying to obtain a soft power effect through film, such
as the hurdle of maintaining American audiences‟ interest in these films. Continuing to
produce high-quality Chinese-language films will be a necessary component in ensuring
that Chinese-language film can be used as a form of soft power. The CCP must continue
to fund and cultivate the film industry, amongst other soft power initiatives, in order to
translate Chinese film into successful soft power.

70

Conclusion
Throughout this thesis, I have demonstrated that Chinese-language film has the
potential to be a soft power tool. Since soft power increases the attractiveness of a
country through its cultural power, Chinese-language film can be a useful tool in this
goal, if utilized properly. There are limitations with regard to the soft power effect,
where film can even be a form of negative soft power, as seen through the case study of
Summer Palace. Overall, Chinese-language films have had some influence in the United
States, such as impacting American culture and American films. If Chinese-language
films can gain American distribution, reach a wide receptive audience in the United
States, and translate into box office success, then China‟s soft power initiative has the
potential to cultivate favorable attitudes from the general American public.
The case of Hollywood film having a soft power impact in China shows that film
can be a powerful medium of soft power. Chinese-language film has been used to
promote the attractiveness of China. In the context of soft power, the CCP hopes film
can be used to influence the American public‟s perceptions without coercion, money or
physical force. Along with riding the success of other Chinese speaking nations‟ films,
the CCP is actively backing the Chinese film industry as part of their soft power
initiative, and recent policy changes to the industry will help to continue to promote
film‟s potential as soft power. The CCP must continue to fund and cultivate their film
industry if they want Chinese-language film to have long term viability, which is needed
in order to have a soft power effect through film.
71

Since soft power is derived from a positive cultural influence, the separation of
the political entity of China and the non-threatening culture of China is necessary.
Traditional Chinese culture is being emphasized, especially a mythical pre-modern China
that separates the politics of the state in the American audiences‟ minds. Joseph Nye
asserts accordingly that “real soft power comes from a society, not from government”
(Shambaugh). This has gained a measure of success as demonstrated through box office
figures and lingering cultural products that have been assimilated into Hollywood
productions.
The increasing prevalence of joint productions between the Chinese film industry
and American studios indicates that China‟s soft power initiative can continue as the
Chinese film industry is able to tap into Hollywood resources. American investment into
China‟s film industry means that Hollywood studios have a stake in ensuring the success
of joint productions. In this sense, Hollywood plays a role in helping China raise the
influence of its film industry and spreading Chinese culture as soft power. The
increasing number of American nationals migrating to China to work in the Chinese film
industry is indicative of the reputation that China has gained in cinematic circles, as well
as the rising strength of the Chinese film industry. Hollywood studios are eyeing the
large domestic Chinese market, so joint productions and investment between the two
industries will likely continue. While the Chinese government supports exporting
“traditional” Chinese culture and film overseas, the soft power potential of these films is
limited as American distributors can control the content once the foreign distribution
rights have been purchased.
72

The success of Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon introduced a marketing strategy
that American distributors found useful in making a Chinese-language film a blockbuster
success. This trend of Chinese-language films gaining traction in the United States
continued with the box office success of other Chinese-language martial arts films such
as Hero, House of Flying Daggers, and Fearless. Their substantial box office revenues
in the American market indicate a rising demand among American audiences for
Chinese-language films, which suits the Chinese government‟s goal as a larger and more
receptive American audience means more soft power potential. Film‟s capabilities as
Chinese soft power can diminish if the films do not reach their intended audience. Since
there has been a lull in interest in the American market for Chinese-language films, the
CCP and the Chinese film industry have to ensure that they produce entertaining and
high-quality films in order to utilize film as soft power.
Beyond a marketing strategy, there are other elements involved that can help to
garner American interest in Chinese-language films, composing a cinematic formula:
martial arts choreography, cinematography, special effects, big stars, and mystical China.
This formula was used in The Forbidden Kingdom and was shown to be successful in the
United States. The success of this formula may be limited, however, since support from
Western audiences may not be transferable to the Asian region. The example of The
Forbidden Kingdom serves as a prime indicator of how Chinese culture and Chinese-
language film have penetrated the American market, as Hollywood was able to translate a
Chinese cultural product into box office success. The Chinese film industry needs to
work on promoting their own cultural products and either overcoming their domestic
73

restrictions, or working within the CCP‟s goals to translate cultural icons into box office
success.
Other films will need to be produced using this formula to test its sustainability,
which is not necessarily self-evident. By contrast, China‟s recent production of
Confucius (2010) demonstrates that absent this formula, box office success in the
American market will be difficult to achieve. Confucius was a flop domestically in
China, and its distribution rights have not been purchased by any American distributors
(IMDB). The film is missing key elements of the formula such as martial arts, as even
Chinese viewers were expecting Chow Yun-fat to have a choreographed martial arts
sequence.
Further research is needed in this field as the trend of influential Chinese-
language films is relatively recent. Continuing data and statistical collection is vital in
order to provide further knowledge on Chinese-language film. Currently, success can
really only be measured through box office statistics, examples of successful films in the
United States, and the optimistic forecasting hypotheses of scholars. Since the Chinese
Communist Party has made soft power a high priority in its bid for a “peaceful rise,” this
field is likely to garner more and more interest in the near future. The dearth of available
data is already being mitigated through the rise of scholarly works that touch on Chinese
film‟s soft power potential, such as those by Stanley Rosen, Jonathan Taplin, and Paolo
Sigismondi.
74

There is no doubt that as China grows in hard power, soft power will be ever
more essential to counter the threat that Americans might feel from China‟s increasing
economic and military power. The Chinese government has recognized this need for soft
power, and amongst many of its soft power initiatives, the film industry can be an
effective tool in promoting Chinese culture‟s attractiveness. Cultural diplomacy between
China and the United States, easily facilitated by each country‟s fascination with the
other in an increasingly globalized world, has the potential to hold more influence than
traditional forms of diplomacy.

75

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract Film as a medium has been utilized as soft power in many contexts, and China is making a concerted effort to use their film industry in the same way. Chinese-language film has the potential to be a form of soft power. Through the conveyance of a non-threatening traditional Chinese culture in Chinese-language film, the Chinese government hopes to influence American audiences’ perceptions of China. The Chinese film industry reforms have fallen in line with this policy. The increasing prevalence of joint productions between the Chinese film industry and American studios means more economic cooperation, as well as increased distribution of Chinese-language films in the United States. The increased demand for these films demonstrates that Chinese-language films can be used as soft power if American interest and demand can be sustained. Chinese filmmakers and American studios have discovered that the formula of martial arts, big stars, intricate cinematography, special effects, and elements of mythical China will sell to American viewers. Hollywood has capitalized on this knowledge, while China still struggles to use their own cultural products in their films. There are some limitations to film as a form of soft power, as negative images of China could also develop. If the Chinese film industry can produce high-quality films and sustain American interest in Chinese-language films, then film can potentially be a valuable soft power tool that can improve China’s image.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Chau, Jennifer Wing See (author)

Core Title The Chinese film industry's soft power implications

School College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program East Asian Area Studies

Publication Date 08/01/2010

Defense Date 06/29/2010

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Chinese-language film,OAI-PMH Harvest,soft power

Place Name China (countries), USA (countries)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Rosen, Stanley (committee chair), Cooper, Eugene (committee member), Goldstein, Joshua (committee member)

Creator Email chaujw@usc.edu,jchau123@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m3239

Unique identifier UC177596

Identifier etd-Chau-3983 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-349944 (legacy record id),usctheses-m3239 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Chau-3983.pdf

Dmrecord 349944

Document Type Thesis

Rights Chau, Jennifer Wing See

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu