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Hanging out on Crenshaw: examining the role of racial identity on the academic acheivement of black students at a southern California community college

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Hanging out on Crenshaw: examining the role of racial identity on the academic acheivement of black students at a southern California community college

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Content HANGING OUT ON CRENSHAW: EXAMINING THE ROLE OF RACIAL
IDENTITY ON THE ACADEMIC ACHEIVEMENT OF BLACK STUDENTS AT A
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA COMMUNITY COLLEGE

by

Robert Hill

A Dissertation Proposal Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2008

Copyright 2008 Robert Hill

ii
Dedication

The philosophical inspiration for conducting this research was to define and
determine the concept of “keeping it real” amongst Black college students. Hence, in
accordance with that philosophy, I would like to borrow a quote from the immortal
“Notorious BIG”. This dissertation is dedicated to “all the teachers that told me that I
would never amount to nothing…it was all a dream” (Notorious BIG)…y’all know how it
flows. Actually, this dissertation is dedicated to the one teacher that always told me that I
could and that I would as opposed to I can’t or won’t. Similar to the master teachings of
Socrates and the development of the Socratic Method, the dialogue between my personal
Master Teacher of life and I has been lifelong and luckily continues to this day. My
personal Master Teacher is not just a teacher of life; she is actually a “real” teacher and has
been for over 40 years, the first Black teacher in Orange County. She has served her
profession with honor and class while being a single parent and Master Teacher to her two
sons David and Robert Hill.
If you have not figured it out by now, I am dedicating this dissertation to my mama
Barbara Ann Hill. I would not be writing a dedication at all, for anything, if it were not for
the sacrifice of my mama including but not limited her defense of me being labeled as
educable mentally retarded in third grade. From that moment forward, my mother worked
two and sometimes three jobs in order to send my brother and I to private schools where I
eventually excelled. Often times those additional jobs included cleaning toilets to make ends
meet, “making a way out of no way.” Mom was not only the consummate professional, she
was the quintessential single mom who had an uncanny way of motivating and inspiring the
best from my brother and I with limited means. Words within the context of this dedication
fall well short of expressing my love, gratitude, and sincere thanks to my mama for being
my Master Teacher and my mama. Mom, I would pick you as my mama every day of the
iii
week and twice on Sundays. I love you mama! We did it! From “mentally retarded” to
the “Blue Collar Scholar” baby bay bay!
I would also like to give a “shout out” to my older Brother, D. Hill. I love you too!
Thank you for saving my ass on more than one occasion at Monroe, Wilson, Newport
Beach, Stanton and I am sure there are other places as well. Thank you for being the best
role model a little brother could ever have.

iv
Acknowledgement

“It takes a village”, a popular and commonly used African proverb, is an
appropriate metaphor for my acknowledgments. It definitely took the support of an entire
village to undertake and complete this endeavor. I would like to thank the following
individuals for their contributions towards my success and ultimately my completion of the
dissertation process.
I would like to start off with the individual who personally mentored, tutored, and
counseled me through the entire conceptual process, Dr. Thomas A. Parham. Thank you
Dr. Parham for sharing your precious time with me, “one on one”, taking me from the
embryo stage to the actual birth of a new understanding of racial identity and the Nigrecence
process. It was a difficult and challenging process with an expedited leaning curve but you
are an excellent mentor and teacher as well. In a similar vein as my mother, I consider you to
be Master Teacher of life as well. The irony of our relationship dates back to when I was a
teenager, I remember a speech that you delivered at the MLK celebration and you talked
about Nigrescence and I was hooked from that moment. Who would have ever that very
speech would be my initial experience Nigrescence and later use it as the conceptual
framework for my dissertation. Now that I have studied under your tutelage, I look forward
future scholarship work with you. Once again, Thank you Dr. Parham for working with me,
I could not have completed this process without you.
In addition, I would also like to thank Dr. Ilda Jimenez y West and the Doctoral
Support Center (DSC), you and your staff were there for me during crunch time and
without that support I would just be another ABD(er).
I also want to thank my advisor, Dr. Estela Bensimon for the countless amount of
time spent with me when I did not necessarily have the entire academic acumen down to a
science. Thank you for accepting my left of center concepts and helping me work them into
v
an academic framework. Thank you Dr. Bensimon. I would also want to thank my
dissertation committee members including my Chair, Dr. Denzil Suite, committee members
Dr. Brandon Martin, and Dr. Shalamon Duke. Thank you gentlemen for your
professionalism and commitment to the process. Your suggestions truly made this process a
genuine learning experience.
Lastly, I want to thank a host of folks that mentored and inspired me to engage in
this process including finishing the process. Thank you to the following individuals:
Barabra Hill, David Hill, Barbara Riggins, Nora, Jude, and Jose Kaufman, Spencer and
Mary Browning, Reverend Stanley L. Harris Dr. Joseph Kertes, Dr. E. Jan Kehoe, Dr.
Ricardo Perez, Lori Ann Farrell, Malaika Kitau “Kiki” Burt, Kathaleen Collins, Erin
Gruwell, Roger Schultz, Janet Hund, Dr. John Karras (KRS 1), Dr. Daphne Jones-Artis,
Dr. Mike MacCallum, Dr. Matthew Lawrence, Dr. Arthur Byrd, Dr. Toni DuBois, Deatrice
Shernell, Dr. Phylis Hall, Bertha Baraza, Dr. Ed Bush, Javier Villasenor, Reggie Blaylock
(Reggie “B ”), Janelle Williams, Dr. Joel Levine and a special thank you to my beautiful
daughters, Vanessa, Tori, and Jessica, for allowing me to partake in this endeavor while at
the same time sacrificing your daddy during some difficult developmental years, you are my
light and my energy, this was all done to give you are better life. I hope you understand the
sacrifice(s).
6
Table of Contents
DEDICATION………………………………….....................................................................................ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT……………………………………………………………………………..iv
LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................................................8
ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................................................9
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................1
PURPOSE....................................................................................................................................................4
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY...................................................................................................................6
HISTORICAL CONTEXT (BRIEF INTRODUCTION)......................................................................................7
ANTECEDENTS OF RACIAL IDENTITY .......................................................................................................9
CONTEMPORARY MODELS OF NIGRESCENCE ........................................................................................10
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT .....................................................................................................................12
SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................................................14
RESEARCH QUESTION .............................................................................................................................15
CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE..............................................................................................16
INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................................16
HUMAN DEVELOPMENT..........................................................................................................................20
SELF-ACTUALIZATION – CARL ROGERS................................................................................................21
AFROCENTRIC DEVELOPMENT AND PSYCHOLOGY ...............................................................................23
HISTORICAL CONTEXT (DETAILED) .......................................................................................................25
EARLY FORMS OF RACIAL IDENTITY......................................................................................................28
KENNETH AND MAMIE CLARK ...............................................................................................................31
RALPH ELLISON ......................................................................................................................................33
FRANTZ FANON.......................................................................................................................................35
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK – CROSS’S (1971) NIGRESCENCE THEORY .............................................38
REVIEW OF RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT......................................................................................43
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT .....................................................................................................................47
OPPOSITIONAL IDENTITY ........................................................................................................................49
ATHLETIC IDENTITY................................................................................................................................52
RACIAL IDENTITY AND ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT...............................................................................53
CHAPTER SUMMARY...............................................................................................................................56
CHAPTER 3 METHODLOGY..................................................................................................................57
INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................................57
QUANTITATIVE METHODS......................................................................................................................59
QUALITATIVE RESEARCH........................................................................................................................60
MIXED METHODS....................................................................................................................................60
STUDY DESIGN........................................................................................................................................62
SAMPLE SELECTION ................................................................................................................................63
X COLLEGE DEMOGRAPHICS..................................................................................................................65
DESCRIPTION OF THE “SHAW”................................................................................................................66
INSTRUMENT (RIAS B) ..........................................................................................................................67
MEASURING ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT................................................................................................69
DATA COLLECTION.................................................................................................................................70
SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS ...........................................................................................................70
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL ...........................................................................................................................71
DATA ANALYSIS .....................................................................................................................................72
CHAPTER SUMMARY...............................................................................................................................73

7
CHAPTER 4 RESULTS.............................................................................................................................75
INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................................75
RESEARCH QUESTION .............................................................................................................................75
DATA ANALYSIS .....................................................................................................................................75
RACIAL IDENTITY ATTITUDE SCALE SURVEY RESULTS .......................................................................76
QUALITATIVE DATA ...............................................................................................................................86
SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................................................90
CHAPTER 5 FINDINGS ...........................................................................................................................91
INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................................91
QUANTITATIVE FINDINGS.......................................................................................................................91
Challenging the Anti-Intellectual Myth...........................................................................................92
Gender Differences Amongst African Americans ..........................................................................93
QUALITATIVE FINDINGS .........................................................................................................................95
Race and X College experience........................................................................................................98
Importance of education ...................................................................................................................99
Rejection of “acting white” ............................................................................................................100
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS .......................................................................................................................101
CHAPTER 6 SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS ....................105
INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................................105
SUMMARY OF THE STUDY.....................................................................................................................105
DISCUSSION...........................................................................................................................................108
CONCLUSION .........................................................................................................................................111
IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE...............................................................................................................112
INSTITUTIONAL IMPLICATIONS.............................................................................................................115
IMPLICATIONS FOR FACULTY ...............................................................................................................117
Improved Pedagogical Strategies...................................................................................................117
Extended Education and Professional Development ....................................................................117
Committee on Diversity and Student Equity.................................................................................118
IMPLICATIONS FOR STUDENTS..............................................................................................................118
Camouflaging, code switching, and developing social capital ....................................................118
Striving for excellence ....................................................................................................................119
IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH ................................................................................................120
LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ................................................................................................................121
CLOSING ................................................................................................................................................123
REFERENCES..........................................................................................................................................124
APPENDIX A: INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH................................137
APPENDIX B: PERSONAL ATTITUDES INVENTORY...................................................................139
APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ..........................................................................................144
APPENDIX D: CONSENT LETTER(S) ................................................................................................146

8
List of Tables

Table 1. X College Demographics 66
Table 2: Years Attending X College 77
Table 3: Type of Student 77
Table 4: Educational Goal 77
Table 5: Racial Self-Designation 78
Table 6: Stages of Nigrescence 78
Table 7: RIAS Respondent Scores 80
Table 8: RIAS Scores Disaggregated by Gender 80
Table 9: Demographics of Respondents 81
Table 10: R.I. Subscale Average, Fall 2007 Enrollment, and GPA 81
Table 11: Respondents Grades by Gender 82
Table 12: Courses Taken by Gender 83
Table 13: Racial Identity and Course Outcomes 83
Table 14: Type of Student – Self-Reported 85
Table 15: Educational Goals 85
Table 16: Self-Identification by Race 85
Table 17: Respondent Comments 86

9
Abstract

The main purpose for conducting this investigation is to examine the
relationship between academic achievement and the racial identity of Black college
students attending a Southern California Community College. Nigrescence (the
process of becoming Black) and racial identity has been studied extensively
however, absent from the current literature are studies conducted with community
college students as a sample population. This current investigation is unique and
adds to the existing literature by employing community college students as its
sample population. This study emphasizes the racial identity attitudes of Black
students attending community college in Southern California.
Moreover, this investigation uses a mixed methods research design
optimizing the best practices of quantitative and qualitative measures producing
richer and comprehensive data pertaining to this sample population. Additionally this
study also provides an extensive review of literature on Nigrescence and racial
identity including some historical antecedents informing racial identity.
Subsequently, 76 students participated in the racial identity attitude scale survey
(RIAS B), the quantitative component of this study, while 8 students participated in
semi-structured interviews.
Findings from this study should prove to be valuable for educators and
administrators within the community college system as well as the K-12 system and
four-year colleges alike. More importantly, this study seeks to inform readers about
(1) within group variation amongst Black college students (2) normal/healthy
10
development is not normal for African Americans due to racism and social
oppression and (3) lastly, this study hopes to provide empirical support that academic
excellence is related to a strong Black Identity.

1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this research is to provide an alternative study addressing the
development and advancement of Black students attending X community college in
Southern California. As a result of conducting research in this area, I will provide the
reader with a holistic view of the Black male experience from an Afrocentric frame
of reference.
According to the National Center for Educational Statistics (2005), Black
male undergraduates are the least retained group male or female, from all
racial/ethnic groups in higher education. This is not to say by any means that Black
women do not encounter unique challenges, conversely, they encounter their own
challenges to higher education. However, further examination of issues confronting
Black females, in general, and more specifically higher education, is outside the
scope of this study. This particular study provides a baseline for further examination
pertaining to issues unique to Black males in higher education. The educational
sphere is not the only societal issue concerning Black males. Several non-academic
challenges affect Black males and their overall development. Over the span of
approximately 30 year, Black female enrollment has exceeded the enrollment of
Black males in four-year colleges (Allen, 2004)
Enrollment trends show that Black women have increased since 1971 by
almost seven percent. Black women represent almost 65 percent of the enrollment in
2
higher education (Special Report: African American college graduation rates:
intolerably low, and not catching up to whites 2002).

The achievement gap is most apparent in college and graduate school
preparation (Allen, 2004). Almost half of the participants in a study conducted by
Ford and Harris (1995) were considered underachieving and the majority of those
participants underachieving were Black males.
Another example examines the rate of incarceration of Black males as an
isolated social indicator suggests that something must be done. Therefore it is
incumbent upon educational professionals to further investigate those non-academic
issues such as what is going on in their immediate communities, homes, and
ultimately their minds.
According to a recent study produces by the Justice Policy Institute (JPI)
(Western, Shiraldi, & Ziedenberg, 2003), in 2000, 791,600 Black males wee
incarcerated in 2000 in contrast to 603,032 enrolled in colleges or universities. This
is a dramatic shift from comparative data collected in 1980 that reported 143,000
Black men behind bars and 463,700 enrolled in colleges or universities.
In a recent report issued by th Bureau of Justice Statistics indicates that
approximately 50 percent of the people incarcerated in the United States are African
American (approximately one million), and that a Black male born in the 1990’s has
25% chance of spending some time in prison during his lifetime (Beck, Allen, &
Harrison, 2001). This data provides a snapshot of the challenges confronting Black
males while providing justification for possible solutions addressing these issues.
3
While theories pertaining to the development of Black males such as “acting
White” or the notion of an ascribed philosophy of “anti-intellectualism” are attractive
and popular, particularly among some policy makers and social activists, they tend to
lack empirical support. In general, macro- and micro-explanations about the
declining performance of Black males relative to their White and female peers
requires more empirical research. More notable social indicators affecting Black
males: According to Noguera, 44% of all Black men are functionally illiterate , the
high school drop-out rate for Black males is also high with 20% to 30% of urban
Black male youth leaving school prior to graduation, Black men earn 73% of the
income of White males, with the average Black male with a college degree earning
less than the average White male with a high school diploma (Noguera, 1997).
Further, according to a study conducted at Arizona State University, 1996 graduation
rates for African American males at 300 of the nation’s largest colleges dropped
from 35% to 33% (Arizona State University, 2004), one in five Black men lives in
poverty as opposed to 1 in 12 for White men (Arizona State University, 2004). Black
men hold an unemployment rate that is 2.3 times higher than White men (Arizona
State University, 2004). African American men are 14 times more likely to die of
murder than White men.
To fully comprehend the systemic issues and problems that stunting or
retarding the healthy growth and development of Black males in the U.S., a careful
review of pertinent literature is presented. This review includes sections on the
historical transition of Africans to America, antecedents to racial identity and
4
Nigrescence theory, followed by a section on contemporary models of nigrescence,
and studies examining academic achievement and Black males.
Purpose
Although a considerable amount of research involving racial identity has
been conducted in recent years, previous research examining the effects of racial
identity on academic achievement is scarce. This study examines the relationship
between racial identity and the academic achievement of Black males attending X
College. This study seeks to examine the unique effects of Cross's Nigrescence
Theory, as measured by the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS) (Parham & Helms,
1981) and its relationship with academic achievement. A detailed explanation of how
academic achievement is measured is outlined in chapter three. More specifically, I
plan to conduct research that examines how African American male students' racial
identity status impacts academic outcomes and achievement.
Three particular studies demonstrate empirical evidence of a strong
relationship between racial identity and academic achievement while determining
how racial identity is valued by African Americans. Cokley (2001) and Graham
(1997) provide empirical support that indicates a relationship between racial identity
and academic achievement. Findings from both studies concluded that African
American females are more likely to associate academic achievement with a strong
Black consciousness, while African American males are more likely to disassociate
academic achievement from their racial identity. Taking into consideration the
aforementioned studies, my investigation deviates from the previously mentioned
research. This research is conducted with a specific group of Black males, within a
5
specific environment within a specific system of higher education. Hence, my
research seeks to contribute to the existing literature regarding Black males, racial
identity, and academic achievement. Based on some previously mentioned trends,
data, and statistics concerning Black males, the importance of this study is extremely
significant. Albeit, the investigation is not generalizable due sample size, however, it
may inform future studies to use a larger sample base from multiple institutions.
Essentially, the purpose of this study is to demonstrate that “all” Black people
are not alike. To the contrary, amongst Blacks there is significant in-group and out-
of-group variability. In the most pedestrian form this means that Black people
demonstrate variance across several indicators. For example, some Blacks are liberal
and some conservative, some Black people prefer being called Black and some
prefer being called African American, some Blacks are considered militant and some
are considered White washed. This leaves a lot of room for interpretation of what is
considered “Black”. My research seeks to define “Blackness”. Allowing students to
determine what they consider as being Black, why is that important, and how it
relates to academic achievement? In terms of student development, this is critical
information because it begins to address some of current issues facing Black males in
higher education.
Because of the role that community colleges play regarding African
American students, it is important to emphasize the fact that this study proposes to
use Black males attending community college as it sample population. This
contributes significantly to the limited research on racial identity and Black males
attending a community college.
6
Significance of the Study
Much has been made about racial identity in the field of psychology,
however, current literature on racial identity is fraught with a minimal amount of
research on the relationship between racial identity and the academic achievement of
college-going Black males. This is critical considering some of the current trends of
underachievement pertaining to Black males in higher education. Why is this
important? It is important because it is based on the current culture that certain Black
males adopt which is heavily informed by images transmitted through the media
outlets, such as music videos, the Internet, news, or other sources glorifying a ghetto
fabulous
1
or “thug life” mentality. “More than any other group of men in our society,
Black males are perceived as lacking in intellectual skills. Stereotyped via racism
and sexism as being more body than mind, Black males are far more likely to be
affirmed for appearing to be dumb, well-educated Black men have learned to act as if
they know nothing in a world where a smart Black man risks punishment” (Hooks,
2004, p. 3). Authenticity is considered an essential value in terms of an unwritten
code of ethics for those socialized in the “hood”. A mentality does exists within
Black culture that one is not considered “Black” or “Black” enough if he or she did
not grow up in the ghetto or the hood
2
. Therefore, if one aspires to do well in school,
speak proper English, wear a shirt, tie, and sport coat one can be considered a
“sellout” or “Uncle Tom”. This study intends to gain an understanding of what it
means to be “Black” and determine ultimately if a relationship exist between that

1
Ghetto Fabulous is a slang term used when someone demonstrates norms and behaviors associated
with urban culture. The term ghetto is popular amongst the hip-hop population

2
“Hood is short and slang for neighborhood or environment in which one grows up in
7
racial identity and academic achievement. The French word Nigrescence literally
means the process of becoming Black. This is extremely important in terms of
developing a healthy self-concept and rejecting some of the negative stereotypes
associated with being Black. This is further explained in subsequent sections of this
proposal.
The significance of this study is that it takes into account the limited amount
of research on the relationship of racial identity and the academic achievement of
Black males. Most racial identity studies examine in-group distinctions and treat
Black people as a homogenous group , which could not be further from the truth. All
Black people are not alike. In addition, it is significant because the investigation is
conducted with a sample of Black males attending one of the 109 California
Community Colleges in the Southern California Region. Therefore, this study is
outlined as such that it narrows down the research focus to the racial identity and
academic achievement of (Black males), at a specific location (X College), within a
specific educational system (California Community College System).
Historical Context (Brief Introduction)
“Psychological freedom, a firm sense of self-esteem, is the most powerful
weapon against the long night of physical slavery. No Lincolnian emancipation or
Johnsonian civil rights bill can totally bring this kind of freedom” (H. Boyd & Allen,
1995, p. 737). In order to understand the psychological development (abnormal)
relating to Black people, it is important to provide some historical accounts of the
sojourn of “Africans” to the New World and the effects of slavery on the
psychological development of Black people. Issues of psychological identity
8
development in terms of the “New World” date as far back as the 1500’s and some
of the manifestations of the Slave Industry (Franklin, 2000). Thus, since the arrival
of the African to the “New World”, they have always experienced a subordinate
position within a hegemonic society and have always experienced various forms of
oppression (education, employment, housing, etc).
As previously stated, race and identity have been topics of discussion
throughout the African’s existence in America. Manuscripts such as John Hope
Franklin’s From Slavery to Freedom (2000) and Lerone Bennet Jr’s Before the
Mayflower (1993) both provide chronological histories of the journey of primarily
African slave to the new world.
Franklin and Bennet Jr provide explanations pertaining to the experience of
what it means to be Black in terms of the historical struggles (social oppression and
hegemony). This offers clear examples of what Black people have encountered in the
past and continue to encounter today. Once again, an emphasis must be placed on
these antecedents to gain perspective on the psychological and identity transition
from African to Negro to Black to African American. In the 20
th
Century, DuBois
(1903), Clark and Clark (1947) Ellison, (1952), and Fanon (Fanon, 1963; , 1965a)
add to the existing literature on the psychological development of Black people in
America and internationally. The work of these scholars informs the research
conducted by William Cross (1971; William E Cross, 1991) on Nigrescence Theory
which is the theory of choice informing this investigation.
9
Antecedents of Racial Identity
The contributions of DuBois (1903), Clark and Clark (1947), Ellison (1952),
and Fanon (Fanon, 1963; , 1965a) are precursors to the racial identity development
process for Black people. DuBois (1903) was the first scholar to delve into some of
the trauma suffered by Black people. DuBois’ (1903) articulated some of the
challenges confronting Black people in America and the struggle of having to
reconcile two identities (‘twoness”), one of African heritage and one of American
heritage both with equal merit. Clark and Clark (1947) provided vivid insight into
how Black children viewed themselves in comparison to White children. Ellison
(1952) addressed the issue of invisibility as a Black person in America and the
effects of having no status in American society. Lastly, Fanon (1963) directly speaks
to the effects of colonization on Black people from an international perspective.
These scholars have looked at race, identity, and oppression as factors influencing
the psychological development of African Americans within the context of a racially
and socially oppressive environment. Such contributions shape racial identity and the
development of Nigrescence Theory, particularly as a segue into the Black Power
and Civil Rights Era.
Identity development specific to Black people gained momentum as a result
of the Civil Rights movement and the struggles Black people encountered during this
period. Nigrescence represents the psychological adjustments of Black people to a
systematically oppressive environment. Oppression is an unnatural phenomena that
instigates unnatural human behavior as a result, individuals quite often adopt a very
angry militant stance, while others may seek to more closely identify with their
10
oppressor in order to insulate themselves against the effects of oppression (Parham
et al., 1999). However, some might argue that a societal response to this oppressive
state for Blacks peaked during the Civil Rights era therefore implying that a limited
review of the literature pertaining to racial identity as a contemporary phenomenon.
A more thorough review of the literature reveals that several scholars have
contributed to the construction and development of theories associated with race and
identity. Such contributions have informed what exists within the contemporary
models of psychological Nigrescence and racial identity.
Racial identity has received a significant amount of attention over the last
three decades (Carter, 1995; Carter & Helms, 1988; Cross, 1971; William E Cross,
1991; Helms & Parham, 1990, 1996; Milliones, 1980 ; Nobles, 1986, 1991, 1992;
Parham & Helms, 1981; T. Parham & J. Helms, 1985). Most of the research
conducted on identity development is self-contained within the field of psychology.
A need exists to examine identity development within the context of academia,
specifically relating to African American men in higher education.
Contemporary Models of Nigrescence
Some of the contemporary Nigrescence models (B. Jackson, 1975; C
Thomas, 1971; Williams, 1978) examine racial identity attitudes or the identity
development of African Americans over the course of time equally accounting for
within-group variations. Authors such as Taylor (1991) are critical of the lack of
empirical research supporting the notion that these models are developmental in
nature. Subsequently, he endorses Milliones (1980 ) concept of Developmental
Inventory of Black Consciousness in conducting his research. Milliones construction
11
of the Developmental Inventory of Black Consciousness unveils the resiliency of
African Americans. Some of the aforementioned contributions to racial identity are
important contributions to the literature on racial identity. While similar models of
racial identity development exist, Cross is referenced here because it is among the
most frequently cited by writers of Black racial identity development. Introducing
the Cross model along with other models such as Milliones is important because (1)
it briefly acclimates the reader to various ways to examine the identity development
of African Americans (2) it begins to investigate the in-group variability of Black
people and (3) provides alternatives to the popular Cross (1991) model. While
Cross’s model is not a stand alone model on the identity development, it is the model
chosen for this research because of its versatility with stages of development.
Cross’s (1971) original model introduced the concept of a Negro to Black
conversion. The Cross Model (1971) was a direct outcome of the Civil Rights
Movement and a motivating factor in the Black Pride Movement of the 1970’s.
Some of the criticisms associated with the Cross model includes an inability to
associate attitudes with psychological stages, and, subsequently such attitudes do not
necessarily occur in a linear progression. Conversely, they occur through a dynamic
process and often individual’s recycle through stages or even skip some of the stages
that Cross’s revised model illustrates (Parham, 1999). It is clear the original Cross
model does not escape criticism. Some scholars identify the lack of Black
Nationalism and are critical of the pejorative description of the Cross Model (Akbar,
1984, 1989; Azibo, 1983, 1990, 1998 ; Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Hilliard, 1997).
Notwithstanding, the model is considered one of the more prominent models and is
12
frequently referenced in studies pertaining to the racial identity of African
Americans. A more in-depth review of the literature pertaining to the Cross models
are expressed in upcoming chapters.
The Cross model is operationalized through the development of the Racial
Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS) developed by Parham and Helms (1981). Currently,
there are three different versions of the RIAS (RIAS A, RIAS B, and RIAS L).
Parham and Helms (1981) developed the RIAS while examining the racial identity
attitudes of Black college students’ preference for Black and White counselors
according the original Cross model. A subsequent study conducted by Parham and
Helms (1985) examined the effects of racial identity attitudes of Black students and
self esteem. The studies by Parham and Helms (1981, 1985) are significant because
they provide a blueprint by which to identify the various racial identity attitudes of
an individual according to the Cross (1971) model of psychological Nigrescence.
Academic Achievement
A disproportionate amount of the literature pertaining to Black students
focuses on underachievement. Several noteworthy studies have examined the
experiences of Black students attending predominantly White institutions revealing
the academic difficulty encountered by Black students (Allen, 1992; Fleming, 1985;
Mow & Nettles, 1990;Nettles, 1988). In recent years, researchers have found that
socio-psychological factors such as racism and alienation have contributed to
African American student attrition and academic difficulty in college (Aronson,
Fried, & Good, 2002; D'Augelli & Hershberger, 1993; Fleming, 1985; Tinto, 1993).
If socio-psychological factors influence academic achievement for African American
13
college students, it is reasonable to suggest that racial identity could play a major
role in the cognitive development of African American students. Bell Hooks (2004)
illustrates some of the challenges growing up as a Black male with some of distorted
perceptions of masculinity. She articulates that if a Black male in some
neighborhoods demonstrates an aptitude for learning the face the possibility of being
ridiculed their peers and considered “soft”. This study is unique in that it is going to
examine academic achievement through the lens of racial identity. Subsequently,
little is known or empirically examined pertaining to the influence of racial identity
attitudes and academic achievement.
Although a significant amount of the literature is hyper focused on the
underachievement of Black students, it is important to provide an alternative
commentary to the excessive proliferation of academic underachievement of African
Americans. If nothing more than a commitment to social responsibility, it is
necessary to provide examples to the contrary.
To the contrary, all is not wrong pertaining to Black student success or
achievement. It is imperative not to fall victim to the research, Black people have a
longstanding history of valuing education dating back to slavery, they do succeed,
and they do achieve academically as well. This is a recent phenomena (Signithia
Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Ogbu, 2004). Examples of such success stories include the
Ben Carson story, Director of Pediatric Surgery at Johns Hopkins or George J.
Mckenna III an Assistant Superintendent known for the transformation of
Washington High School. Other notables include Marva Collins founder of Westside
Preparatory School in Chicago, Asa Hilliard’s work on reawakening of the African
14
Mind, Gordon Berry’s (UCLA) profiles of positive Black students. Hill Harper’s
(CSI –New York) “Letters to a Young Brother” is a contemporary literary example
addressing some of the maladies confronting young Black men with an impetus of
changing their paradigms by “keeping it real”. The aforementioned stories of
success are a synopsis of positive examples of Black people making differences in
relationship to academic success and will be further explicated in subsequent
chapters.
Summary
To that end, this Chapter briefly provides rationale for a historical
background on the identity development of African Americans throughout the 20
th

Century. The purpose of Chapter 1 is to introduce the reader to the broader context
of identity development. Hence it was imperative to make reference to (Clark, &
Clark, 1947; DuBois, 1903; Ellison, 1952; Fanon, 1963) on the understanding of the
complexities associated with the identity development of African Americans.
Likewise, it is just as important to include some of the contemporary literature of
identity development as well e.g., (Carter, 1991; Carter & Helms, 1988; Cross, 1971;
Cross, 1991; Helms & Parham, 1990; J. Helms, 1986; Milliones, 1980 ; Nobles,
1986; Parham & Helms, 1981). Chapter 1 provides justification and support for
conducting this particular study based on the proliferation of research within the field
of psychology. This chapter provides some positive examples in order to give a sense
of hope and not fall victim to the negative trends in the literature pertaining to
African Americans. Finally, Chapter 1 emphasizes two distinct messages (1) that
“normal” identity development is not possible for African Americans due to the fact
15
that their development occurs within the context of a socially oppressive
environment and (2) most importantly Chapter 1 informs the reader that Black
people are not all alike and thus the importance of the Cross (1991) model and the
RIAS developed by Parham and Helm (1981). Chapter 2 will provide a more in-
depth, rich context of the aforementioned contributions of the identity development
of African Americans and its relationship with academic achievement.
Research Question
The research question informing this investigation is as follows: What is the
relationship between the racial identity attitude of Black students attending X
College and their academic achievement (academic achievement is defined in
Chapter 3)?
16
CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Introduction
Chapter Two provides an exhaustive review of literature related to the
research question and variables informing this investigation. Keeping this in
consideration, it is important to mention that in order to gain a working
understanding of how complex racial identity development is for Black people and,
subsequently, how it affects stated outcome variables academic achievement; it is
necessary to provide a foundation of their development and how they differ from
dominant culture. Cursory knowledge of Human Development will assist in attaining
a comprehensive understanding of development.
Some of the basic principles of human development consist of living a long
and healthy life (physically, psychologically, emotionally, and spiritually), being
educated, maintaining safety and security, and having adequate resources. For the
purpose of this particular investigation, we emphasize the work of Carl Rogers. Carl
Rogers provides a foundation to introducing developmental concepts to the dialogue
on development, taking into consideration that the development process for African
Americans is not a normal process based on several factors.
African Centered scholars such as Wade Nobles (1976), Kobi Kambon
(1992), Naim Akbar (1989) and Thomas Parham (1989) argue the need for cultural
congruence when examining the development of African Americans, suggesting that
their development process is an abnormal process in comparison to dominate culture.
African Centered scholars refer to this as ordered and disordered behavior. They
17
illuminate factors contributing to this abnormal development such as the historical
oppression encountered by African Americans. Some of the common themes that
arise as a result of expressing the variance between normal development and the
development of African Americans will help shape this research and provide texture
for this investigation.
Although this chapter makes reference to various human development
psychologists it is important to emphasize the work Carl Rogers because of its
relationship to the development of African Americans. Recognizing and
understanding the difference between normal and healthy development and the
abnormal and unhealthy development of African Americans provides a natural
transition into a brief history of Africans in America.
This chapter includes a brief section on the history of the Africans in America
provided by John Hope Franklin's (1994) From Slavery to Freedom and Leronne
Bennet's (1982) Before the Mayflower. This is yet another contributing factor in the
development of African Americans and, more importantly, how they are viewed
globally and domestically and ultimately how they view themselves as a result. This
concept of self-identity promotes ground-breaking investigations and observations
from scholars, including one of the greatest minds in our society W.E.B. DuBois
(1903).
W.E.B. DuBois (1903) was one of the first Black scholars and he was one of
the first people to examine some of the effects of oppression, slavery, and the overall
treatment that Blacks experienced in America. DuBois expressed the internal
struggle of having to negotiate two identities, one of African descent and the other of
18
American cultural values. This internal conflict establishes a foundation of racial
identity. The scholarly works of Kenneth and Mamie Clark (1947), Ralph Ellison
(1952), and Frantz Fanon (1963; Fanon, 1965a, 1965b) also contribute to the
foundation of racial identity which are further explained in subsequent sections of
this chapter.
In Chapter One, Nigrescence is defined as the process of becoming Black
with the actual word Nigrescence having French origins. Nigrescence embodies the
impetus for conducting this investigation. Finding solutions to address the issues
confronting Black males within one of the many micro-systems in our society,
education, can possibly provide some alternatives to progressive interventions for
Black males.
Several Nigrescence theorists (Jackson, 1975; Milliones, 1980 ; Parham,
1989; Thomas, 1971; Williams, 1978) have investigated racial identity as a
predicting variable in relationship to a host of outcome variables. However, for the
purpose of this investigation, the utilization of the Cross Model of Nigrescence suits
the needs of this inquiry. Also, the Cross Model is operationalized through the
administration of the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS B) developed by Parham
and Helm (Parham & Helms, 1981). Identifying racial identity as the predicting
variable in this investigation is important in terms of determining the Racial Identity
Attitudes of Black males. The importance of this investigation relies on the
relationship between the predicting variable (racial identity attitude of student), and
the outcome variable (academic achievement). Consequently, an exhaustive review
19
of the literature on academic achievement is necessary, the next section of this
chapter provides a review on academic achievement.
In addition to the literature on academic achievement as well as racial
identity, the review of literature includes a small section on athletic identity because
a significant amount of the students interviewed acknowledging membership in
athletics thus presenting yet another aspect of identity to negotiate. In a similar vein
as DuBois commentary on the duality or “twoness” of the American Negro and how
complex that dual identity consists of. Black athletes not only have to negotiate the
duality of being Black and American but also the identity of being a Black student
athlete as well. Consequently, a brief overview of athletic identity could be
beneficial for readers.
The focus of this section examines research on academic achievement from a
general, perspective to a more specific focus on the unique aspects and complexities
associated with the academic achievement of Black students. This section of the
review emphasizes academic achievement and how it relates to African Americans
with a focus on the comparisons between Black females and Black males. The
culminating section of this chapter summarizes the outcomes of the review of
literature. The summary of the chapter brings together all of the key concepts leading
up the conceptual framework informing the investigation as well as the research on
the academic achievement of Black males. It will also provide a transition to the next
chapter.
20
Human Development
In order to fully comprehend student development, having some basic
understanding of human development is beneficial. Human development dates back
to Darwin’s theory of evolution specifically the premise that untrained infants have
similar traits as early man which in turn provides a landscape for the evolution of the
human species. Since human development is chiefly responsible for influencing
student development, a brief introduction to some of the basic principles relating to
human development is integrated within the context of this investigation. Several
student development theories are based on Erickson’s (1968) theory of human
development. The Erickson model is based on Freud’s work on psychoanalysis.
Feud’s developmental theory does not escape criticism, but it is relevant for this
particular study, including Freudian followers such as Erik Erikson (1968).
Psychoanalysis is not without criticism however; it has been praised as well and has
managed to do survive its critics. Two main elements of concern, is that the theory is
oversimplified, and that the over-emphasis on sex was unbalanced.
Erikson (1968) subscribes to the theories based on Freudian concepts. Similar
to Cross’s (1971) Negro to Black conversion and the RIAS developed by Parham
and Helms (1981), Erikson (1968) associates developmental stages with prescribed
tasks. Erikson’s (1968) developmental theory consists of eight stages. Development
is based on successfully completing each stage and various tasks within that
particular stage of development. Consequently, once an individual successfully
completes a stage, development is stronger. Conversely, when a developmental
stage is compromised, then problems occur and development is not comprehensive.
21
One of the more positive aspects of Erikson’s stages of development is that
it illustrates developmental stages through adulthood. Erikson’s stages provide a
framework in which to operate. The more important aspects of Erikson’s (1968)
theory of psychosocial development are the successful completion of stages informs
a healthy personality. Also, as previously stated, failure within a certain stage as an
impact on an unhealthy development and a low opinion of self. This is an important
factor in relationship to this particular study because it emphasizes the distinctions
between the development of “healthy” or “unhealthy” development.
Self-Actualization – Carl Rogers
Carl Roger’s (1951) Self-Actualization Theory differs significantly from
Freud and Erickson’s (1968) in that his theory emphasizes experience as the highest
authority as opposed to the conscious mind. Rogers’ ideas on development includes
as it main premise, a positive regard for self. Such a philosophy of acceptance, love,
and approval from others pertaining to “healthy” development as a profound
meaning in relationship to the development process for African Americans whose
development occurs within the context of a socially oppressive environment. Just as
important is the acceptance of one’s self. Roger’s (1951) is one of the significant
contributors to the field of psychoanalysis and his main philosophy is client-centered
therapy.
Rogers’ (1951) client-centered theory is based on years of experience dealing
with patients. One of Roger's basic principles of his client centered theory that
deviates from Freud’s theory asserting that people are generally good or healthy.
The actualizing tendency is the ability of every life form to develop to it fullest
22
potential. Rogers contends that life forms are not just about survival yet the ability
to exist in the best possible way is optimal.
Rogers defines a healthy individual as “fully functional”. Rogers also
believes that we should be guided by the Organism Valuing Process, this is the
(OVP). Similar to some principles of Aforcentricty, Rogers suggests the natural trust
of instincts intuitively. A basic presumption is that one only has the ability to trust
their own feelings based on the actualizing tendency.
In terms of education, Rogerian theory relies on the interactive relationship
between the client and the therapist and the learning process through experience, this
interactive relationship plays a critical role in the learning and development process.
Rogers once stated “The facilitation of significant learning rests upon certain
attitudinal qualities that exist in the personal relationship between facilitator and
learner” (Carl Rogers, 1969, p. 305). Freedom to Learn (1969; 1983; 1993) provides
an excellent example.
Rogers’ concepts are easy to understand and are interdisciplinary, therefore
Education benefits greatly from these contributions as well as Psychology. Placing
emphasis on the client or person and the therapist or the teacher serving as the
facilitator has great practical purpose for this investigation. However, it does not take
into consideration the ethnic or cultural adjustments specific to the experiences of
African Americans that are well documented previously in this literature.
Development pertaining to African Americans must apply strategies with an
Afrocentric foundation as opposed to concepts constructed from Eurocentric
foundations.
23
Afrocentric Development and Psychology
Williams (1975) identified the purpose of Afrocentric psychology as setting
forth definitions, conceptual models, tests, and theories of the normative behaviors
informed by the experiences of people of African descent. The exclusion of
Afrocentricity in popular developmental models discounts the effects on people from
African heritage with a history of oppression, misrepresentation, and psychological
abuse. Without question, the fundamental entity historically affecting Black people
in the New World has been social oppression and cultural domination. Two of the
more common forms of oppression consist of racism and economic exploitation. In
order to analyze the development of African Americans and their adjustment to the
castigations of social oppression, it is appropriate to explore alternative concepts
with an Afrocentric worldview as opposed to Eurocentric worldview.
Nobles (1986) reviewed many contributions of prominent European-centered
psychologists and concluded that the Eurocentric approaches to inquiry as well as the
assumptions made concerning people of African descent are inappropriate in
understanding people of African Descent. The psychology of African people is
complex to say the least; the advancement of research as well as practice must be
developed, conducted, and applied based on a worldview operating from an African
framework. Nobles (1986) suggests that African psychology is necessary because (1)
European psychology has neglected to convey a comprehensive response of the
reality of Black life. “In fact, its utilization had in many instances, resulted in the
dehumanization of Black people” (p.64) and (2) the philosophical basis of European
psychology “which claims to explain and understand ‘human nature’ is not authentic
24
or applicable to all human groups” (p.64). Several researchers e.g., (Baldwin &
Bell, 1985; Kambon, 1996; Montgomery, Fine, & James-Meyers, 1990) have taken
into consideration the values associated with an Africentric worldview and integrated
it into their respective research.
Akbar (1981) contends that the primary goal in terms of the human
experience is knowledge of thy self. Hence, for all psychologists in general but more
specifically, Black psychologists, the development of assessment resources
identifying African-centered values, beliefs, and norms advances implications for
working with people of African descent. Parham (2002) further asserts that a
paradigm shift from the standard, universalistic European-centered view to the more
specific perspective in relationship to African Americans of an African-centered
worldview can have a positive outcome on the effects of psychological services to
African Americans, hence addressing the issue of unhealthy development.
Referring back to Roger’s (1951) Self-Actualization Theory and the
development process under normal condition provides a framework in which to
operate from and provides the reader with an understanding of human development.
However, if research is to be conducted with African Americans specifically Black
males, as the sample population, a basic understanding of (1) healthy or normal
development is not just a one size fits al (2) incorporating an Afrocentric
developmental framework can provide more answers in terms of healthy
development for Black males.
Working knowledge of the distinction between a Eurocentric Worldview and
an Afrocentric Worldview poses the critical question relevant to this proposed
25
investigation. What is a psychologically healthy Black male? This study assumes
that the psychological wellbeing of Black males has a positive relationship with
Academic Achievement. Racial identity is an aspect of Afrocentric developmental
psychology suggesting African Americans have a cultural identity that needs to be
considered when conducting research and its applications.
White and Parham (2000) define African psychology as “an attempt to build
a conceptual model that organizes, explains, and leads to understanding the
psychosocial behavior of African Americans based on summary dimensions of an
African American worldview” (p.23). Asante (1989; Asante, 1999) states that
Afrocentricity is concerned with the critical analysis of African phenomena and is
often centered in the European experience even when attempted by Africans. Thus
Asante (1987) asserts that those conducting research with Africans as subjects should
be situated in the middle of African history and culture is a fundamental necessity for
effective instruction. In order to understand why the development process is different
for Africans it is necessary to understand their journey, their treatment globally and
domestically, and their adjustments to a socially oppressive environment. The next
section introduces the researcher to those experiences providing an understanding of
the contributions to the unhealthy psychological development of African Americans
and a distorted self-concept.
Historical Context (Detailed)
John Hope Franklin’s (2000) From Slavery to Freedom and Lerone Bennet
Jr’s (1993) Before the Mayflower chronicles the journey of Africans to the Western
World ending in slavery. The behavioral and psychological manifestations resulting
26
from the rigid restrictions imposed on the male slave is easily identifiable in Black
males today (Akbar, 1984). From Slavery to Freedom is considered by many as the
bible of Black History. Franklin (2000) takes precautions in not adding his own
personal biases to the manuscript. Generally speaking, society has a basic knowledge
of the history of Africans in America. Chronicles of specific periods in regards to the
history of Africans in America provides a rationale or justification of the unhealthy
psychological development process for Africans based on oppressive conditions.
Essentially, the chronicles of African history support the argument that it can be
expected that African Americans would be challenged in the development process
based on a history of oppression.
From Slavery to Freedom, perhaps provides the most thorough accounts of
oppression documented. This manuscript provides a vivid illustration of the atrocities
associated with the industry of Slavery. Contextualizing From Slavery to Freedom
addresses issues such as race, class, and gender.
In Leronne Bennet Jr.’s (1993) Before the Mayflower much like From
Slavery to Freedom provides a descriptive chronological analysis accounting for
medieval African empires and the maturation of the African in America. The title
alone Before the Mayflower addresses the misrepresentation of Africans in
American History articulating that Africans preceded the discovery of the English
mainland colonies prior to the pilgrims.
The psychological damages associated with the struggles for acceptance by
African Americans is as long as their existence in America. Their original experience
of being brought over as slaves has been compounded by centuries of acts on the part
27
of the larger society to reinforce their status as inferior. The 1787 Constitution of
the United States represented slaves as "three fifths of all other persons"; the
Supreme Court, in the 1857 Dred Scott case, reaffirmed slaves as property; the 1896
Supreme Court case of Plessy v. Ferguson upheld the policy of segregation. It was
not until 1954, when Brown v. Board of Education dismantled segregated schools,
and 1964, when the Civil Rights Act (not exclusive to African Americans)
guaranteed broad citizen protections, that the legal underpinnings (Franklin, 2000;
Fredrickson, 1988) for treating African Americans as unequal and unacceptable were
rescinded. The significance of this legal and social history is the "racialized"
interpersonal environment bestowing invisibility upon African Americans through
second-class citizenship.
The plight of Black people led Kardiner and Ovesey (1951) to characterize
the "Negro" as being psychologically damaged by oppressed status and treatment.
Likewise, admonitions about inequities in two separate Black and White
communities have become routine documentation for each generation (Hacker,
1992). An outcome associated with an oppressed state of being includes a devalued
self-worth. The oppressor is allowed to disregard or devalue the attributes of the
oppressed. This hegemonic juxtaposition of African Americans in the larger society
places them in a reactive state and impacts their psychological development.
Membership in an oppressed racial or ethnic group, however, differs significantly
from membership in the oppressed gender. Whereas maleness and femaleness
typically are organized by cultures into categories that stand as bipolar opposites, this
is not the case for members of oppressed racial or ethnic groups. There are many
28
things that an African American child can do that will get him or her characterized
as “acting Black” or “acting White,” but there is very little that a White child can do
that will prompt such labeling. Practically the only possible behavior of this sort
would be to speak “Black English,” a skill that is nearly nonexistent among White
Americans (Boyd, 2002; Dyson, 2007).
This requires African Americans to contend with group notions of superiority
demonstrated by Whites. Development of a healthy African American identity is an
ongoing challenge. Development for African Americans reflects the atrocities of
slavery, oppression, and racism therefore it is a process of carving out a self-
definition in spite of, because of, and inclusive of notions of White superiority and
Black inferiority. The psychological ramifications stemming from oppression are
manifested in subtle forms of behavior. Such behaviors can be deemed as
unacceptable based on a Eurocentric Worldview hence, the post slavery era for the
Negro, Black, and African-American influences racial identity.
Early forms of Racial Identity
The earliest forms of racial identity and the effects on the identity
development of Africans is manifested through the writings and teachings of such
notable scholars such as W.E.B. DuBois (1903), Kenneth and Mamie Clark (1947),
Ralph Ellison (1952), and Frantz Fanon (1965). Much of the early research viewed
African American racial identity within the context of this group's stigmatized status
in American society, with little regard for the role of culture. Psychological identity
development gained momentum in the late 1960s. Psychologists, primarily African
Americans, began to redefine African American racial identity with particular
29
emphasis on the uniqueness of their oppression and cultural experiences.
However, such momentum would not be possible without the groundbreaking work
of DuBois (1903)
DuBois (1903) views racial prejudice as a by-product of America's history of
slavery and exploitation. Racial prejudice is viewed within the context of the White
society's need to resolve the dissonance between the high moral ideas that embody
being an American and America's immoral treatment of African Americans. DuBois
(1903) eloquently articulated the double consciousness that resulted from the
inherent struggle of being both a "Negro" and an American. DuBois’ articulates the
impact of this dissonance in this statement: “One ever feels his two-ness, —an
American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled [sic] strivings; two
warring ideals in one dark body” (p. 5)
In the Souls of Black Folks (1903; 1989), DuBois poses the question of what
can be considered as Racial Identity by contemporary societal standards as either an
American, a Negro, or the combination thereof as an American Negro. DuBois’
poses the question of a dual consciousness and ask if there is the possibility of being
an American Negro. Am I Black or American? This schizophrenic conflict with the
American/Negro is a continuous historical struggle with race and identity.
DuBois’ latter writings in the 1930’s and 1940’s, places emphasis on class
disparities. Black Reconstruction (1935) and Dusk of Dawn (1940) poignantly
addresses slavery, colonialism, segregation, privilege, and exploitation and how
these issues further exacerbate the racial division of Negroes and the dominanance of
White culture. Essentially this creates what is known as a world of race. The White
30
world consists of the dichotomous contrast between a capitalist and working class
ideologies in which working class ideologies receiving limited privileges.
Conversely, the Black world constitutes those within the group that are excluded
from and subordinate to the dominant culture. DuBois states that membership within
either of these entities is less the result of biology or ancestry, but rather it is more
ascribed as a result of the socio-political systems that categorize humans into races or
“worlds” subject to competing classes.
DuBois’ final conception of race is associated with his Marxist philosophical
beliefs. In his autobiography Dusk of Dawn (1940) he explains his personal evolution
pertaining to identity development and relying less on scientific definitions of race.
Based on his own personal genealogy, he concludes how absurd the conception of
race is, suggesting that the walls of race are not clear nor is race mutually exclusive.
Essentially, at this stage, Dubois’ contends that racial identity is socially constructed.
Power serves as the main discourse for domination and inequity as opposed to
congenital differences between people.
Ultimately, the question could be asked pertaining to DuBois’ relationship
with racial identity. However, any dialogue regarding race identity must include a
reference to DuBois. DuBois was one of first to examine the competing interests of
being a American and Negro and how conflicting is was to have to identify with both
aspects racially. Additionally, DuBois sets the tone for subsequent research such as
the Clark and Clark (1947) study regarding doll preference. Historically speaking,
DuBois contributions are essential to the understanding of racial identity
development.
31
Kenneth and Mamie Clark
In what may be one of the most influential lines of research within
psychology, Clark and Clark (1947) conducted the famous doll study, the findings of
which were cited in the Supreme Court decision declaring school segregation
unconstitutional (Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 1954). Using Black and
White dolls as materials in their study with Black children ranging in age from 3 to 7
years of age, Clark & Clark had the children answer certain questions pertaining to
racial preference. The study revealed that a significantly lower percentage of Black
children chose Black dolls to play with. Overall, a significantly higher percentage of
children chose White dolls to play with. As a result of the Clark and Clark study, it
was discovered that Black children develop racial awareness much earlier in the
developmental process than White children. The Clark and Clark (1947) study was to
gain a further understanding of situations in which race has meaning and racial
identities are formed. Despite some methodological shortcomings, similar results to
the Clark and Clark (1947) study revealed the same outcomes using different
methodologies. Findings based on the Clark and Clark (1947) study suggests that
Black children appear to internalize racial stigmas thus developing a low concept of
self.
Kenneth and Mamie Clark (1939) also examined at the psychological self-
concept of African Americans based upon the stigmatized status in American
society. Clark (1965) contends that prior to the 1960’s African Americans were
forced to either devalue themselves based on their treatment in American Society or
devalue the broader society as a result of the level of prejudice they experienced
32
against them. This is consistent with the unhealthy, stigmatized, identity
development as DuBois’ (1903) accounts of the American Negro.
The connection of skin color with racial identity is examined throughout
various literature on children’s understanding of racial comprehension (Clark, &
Clark, 1947). Clark and Clark (1939) suggest that racial identification is indicative of
a particular self-consciousness. Early determination of a self-consciousness based
upon racialized social conditions and discrimination has the potential to induce
psychopathology and mental health problems later in the developmental process for
some individuals (Clark & Clark, 1939). According to Clark and Clark (1939),
Blacks have internalized negative notions about being Black and thus feel disdain for
their racial group and try to create physical and social space between themselves and
their racial group. The seeking of White approval and assimilation to White norms
and behaviors (deracination) is an aspect of anti-self issues. Because being White is
consistently constructed as better than being Black, it is natural for a sense of self-
hate to develop amongst Blacks experiencing this preference (Clark & Clark, 1939).
Prior to the Clark and Clark (1947) research, it was commonly believed that
young people were unaware of racial differences and that discrimination and
prejudice was a function of a more mature development stage (Allport, 1958).
However, the ground-breaking research of Clark and Clark (1947) indicated that
young children did indeed notice the physical characteristics that mark racial group
membership and that they often expressed clear biases in favor of specific groups.
Many relatively contemporary studies (Aboud & Skerry, 1984; Aboud, 1987) that
33
young children (pre-school age) formulate negative concepts about members
outside of their own racial group.
The discovery of ethnic and racial prejudice in children appears to have
weakened social learning explanations for the development of racial identity
attitudes suggesting that these attitudes develop gradually over time as a result of
repeated exposure to biases in adult culture. The contributions of Clark and Clark
(1947) is extremely useful particularly because this study chooses to use Cross’s
Nigrescence Model as the conceptual framework and Parham and Helms’ (1981)
Racial Identity Attitude Scale operationalizing Cross’s Model. Clark and Clark must
be considered as early contributors to the process of racial identity development. The
concept of invisibility articulated so precisely by Ralph Ellison is the culminating
example leading to racial identity development.
Ralph Ellison
“I am an invisible man…” (Ellison, 1952, p. 3) this revelation could not be
more appropriate in terms of this discussion on the early contributions to the racial
identification process and how it affects the psychological development of African
Americans. This quotation signifies that being Black in America is equivalent to
being invisible. One of the prominent themes existent in Ralph Ellison’s Invisible
Man (1952) is one of invisibility and how one achieves this status. Ellison’s
depiction of the Black male experience in the 1950’s explores issues such as racial
identity and awareness as well as some of the tensions associated with the
subordination of Blacks, particularly males, in American society. Subordination
takes form through the culturally rejected values associated with being African,
34
American, or Negro as DuBois (1903) contends. Being stripped of any relevance
pertaining to customs and values customary of a certain culture forces that culture to
adhere and adopt alien standards and norms as acceptable behavior.
Perhaps most significantly, Ellison’s (1952) novel illustrates and embodies
some of the challenges concerning Black men in society who are more often than
treated as if they are invisible.
Ironically, Ellison (1952) also mentions high visibility describing the status
of Blacks is based on preconceived stereotypes used to sensationalizes their
existence in America. Such distorted images make Blacks the center of attention
however this paradox between high visibility based on various stereotypes and
images is complicated the lack of worth for the Black males. Unfortunately, based on
the aforementioned reference to visibility associated by cultural stereotypes,
individual choice may be preempted by such stereotypes.
Ultimately, it is this paradox of invisibility informing negative stereotypes of
Blacks and males in particular and Ellison’s (1952) depiction is one of the first to
bring prominent attention to this discovery. Much like the Clark and Clark (1947)
investigation, preference for White dolls in light of the negative stereotypes
associated with Black people continues in contemporary popular culture. In “Makes
Me Want to Holler”, Nathan McCall (1994) relates how, as a child, he would spend
hours upon hours absorbing the images of White people on television, “drinking in
the beauty of their ivory skin, which seemed purer, cleaner” (p. 9). Now more than
ever, young Black males are confronted with and unable to escape negative societal
images.
35
Oppression in the broadest sense of the meaning is one of the main reasons
for a poor self-concept and developing a sense of self-hatred. Bell Hooks (2001)
states that many factors influence the current social status of Black people,
particularly Black males, promotes the persisting internalization of self-hatred,
resulting in low self-concept. Once again, reflections associated with Ellison’s
(1952) tales of invisibility are critical to the identity development process and should
be considered early forms of racial identity. One last factor leading to the
psychological state of being for Blacks worldwide is along the lines of and the
effects of slavery however it is articulated as the state of oppression through the
impact of colonization. Frantz Fanon (Fanon, 1952; , 1963) points out the
psychological ramifications of the colonized mind. Hence, Fanon addresses racial
identity from a much more global perspective.
Frantz Fanon
The 1960’s represented a time in America when social commentary was at a
premium particularly in relationship to the status of Black Americans. However,
such commentary was not necessarily removed from the transgressions and
commentaries on social change in Third World Africa. A revolutionary psychiatrist
and social change activist, Frantz Fanon, added to the commentary literature on the
oppressed and the colonized. Frantz Fanon emphasizes the psychological
consequences of colonialism within his writings (Fanon, 1963, 1965a, 1965b, 1967a,
1967b).
Fanon’s (1967a) Black Skins, White Masks, illustrates the global trappings of
oppression, colonialism, and European influence on the African mind. This particular
36
piece of literature denotes the struggle Blacks from the Antilles face and
demonstrates a preference towards a European identity as opposed to an identity
associated with being African. Similar to DuBois’ work, the work of Fanon is
generally treated as irrelevant by the dominant academic culture with the exception
of Grier and Cobs (1968). The Grier and Cobs (1968) study focused on internalized
rage as a causal factor for race-related pathology. This exacerbates the concept of
dual consciousness and greatly elaborated on Fanon's revelations on racism as it
manifests itself in the psychiatric disorders of men and women of color. Subsequent
investigations of personality development in subordinate populations supported the
validity of dual consciousness and the pathological effects of racism.
Fanon is inextricably linked with post-colonial theory, Fanon has experienced
a resurgence of sorts on his analysis of oppression and liberation and the African
mind. It is easy to link all of Fanon’s writings together under the umbrella of racial
discourse, however, it is important to point out the inherent differences between
Black Skins, White Masks (Fanon, 1967b) and The Wretched of the Earth (Fanon,
1961). Fanon’s perspective on the dehumanizing effects of colonialism was
developed based on his experiences living in Algeria. Upon his arrival to Algeria his
focus was, in fact, a racial discourse under the auspices of colonialism.
In Black Skins, White Masks, Fanon characterizes the colonized mind as
being deeply affected by the historical foundations of social oppresion. Fanon
vigilantly refers to the way in that colonizer has influence over the psychological
development of the colonized. Fanon further asserts that as a result of being
colonialism, the colonized is dehumanized.
37
He posits that the structure that is colonialism needs to be eradicated possibly by
violent means if necessary I order to develop a positive sense of self. Fanon also
debates the fact that no pre-existing culture prior to colonialism survives. In fact, has
an impact on the transformation of both the colonized as well as the colonizer. Fanon
endorses a revolt against the establishment of colonialism because that is the only
means in which the philosophy surrounding the shortcomings associated with
colonization.
Some of the positive outcomes as a result of revolution consists of the
development of an entirely new way of thought and operation independent of
colonialism. Thus an entirely new society can be formed and integrated in a
equitable manner. “there is not only the disappearance of colonialism, but also the
disappearance of the colonized man” (Fanon, 1967b, p. 197).
Fanon’s writings and teachings has resurfaced in contemporary literature
recently, Fanon’s contribution to the discussion on the ramifications of social
oppression has been well documented and actually provides a template in which to
grasp the concept of social oppression particularly from a global perspective.
Consequently, Fanon inspires a quest for the liberation of the colonized mind.
Ultimately, the work of Fanon (1967b; Fanon, 1976) provides an
international perspective on the deep effects of oppression and how people from an
African heritage and culture are treated as well as how they respond to such
treatment. The transformational and developmental model expressed by William
Cross (1971) takes into consideration the outcomes of Fanon’s work as well as the
contributions of DuBois (1903), Clark and Clark (1947), and Ellison (1952) on racial
38
discourse, social oppression, and liberation of the colonized. The Cross model
(1971) draws from all of the aforementioned scholars in developing his
transformational model.
Theoretical Framework – Cross’s (1971) Nigrescence Theory
Racial identity has been one of the most heavily researched areas focusing on
the psychological experiences of African Americans. Racial Identity Development
pertaining to Black people originated in the 1970’s with Nigrescence stages of
development introduced by Cross (1971) and Thomas (1971). Since its inception
during its infancy, racial identity researchers have grappled with the significance and
meaning of the construct (Cross, 1991). Black Identity Development is a topic
receiving increasing attention in the counseling literature. The majority of work in
this area has focused on Black racial identity development, with an additional body
of work appearing recently on White racial identity development (Janet Helms,
1990).
Accordingly, when Cross (1971) published his now famous article in “Black
World”, he was describing the psychological changes that Blacks progress through in
response to the struggle of systemic oppression and dehumanization of Black people.
As a result, he developed his model specifically based on the experiences of Blacks,
which has had broad appeal because it has served as a heuristic of the psychological
changes that most disenfranchised and marginalized groups go through en route to
developing a positive self concept (Cokley, 2005).
Since the 1980’s, the construct of Black Identity Development has been
popular within the field of counseling and counseling literature (Parham & Helms,
39
1981). One of the functional outcomes of the construct is determining healthy
development relating to Black people. Cross used the construct of identity
development as an explanation for the development of positive Black identities. The
transformational process developed by Cross (1971) that he self-defines as
“Nigrescence” (French origins meaning the process of becoming Black) (Cross,
1971). Essentially, the Cross model is a process in which African Americans
psychological traverse through stages associated with racial identity attitude. Racial
Identity Attitudes associated with four of the five stages in the (1971) Cross original
model is operationalized and measured by an instrument developed by Thomas
Parham and Janet Helms (1981). This assessment instrument is explained extensively
in Chapter Three – Methods.
Using Cross's (1971) Nigrescence Theory and Parham’s Racial Identity
Attitude Scale, Nigrescence researchers have uncovered significant relationships
between various stages of racial identity and a host of mental health indexes, such as
self-esteem (Helms & Carter, 1990; Parham & Helms, 1981; Parham & Helms,
1985) feelings of anxiety and inferiority (Carter, 1991; Parham & Helms, 1985)
others have developed alternative racial identity models (Jackson, 1975; Thomas,
1971; Williams, 1975), Cross's model has been used most often in empirical studies
and has become the standard stage model of racial identity. A review of dissertations
pertaining to African Americans reveals that racial identity has been an increasingly
popular area of inquiry for graduate students. These studies have overwhelmingly
relied on the original Nigrescence model (Cross, 1971). The original Nigrescence
40
model described developmental stages that Blacks in America go through to
obtain a psychologically healthy Black identity.
Cross (1971) and Helms (1990) when an individual encounter some type of
event causing the individual to question their previous stage of racial identity thus
motivating that individual to begin the process of moving through different stages of
racial identity development. The common definition used by both Cross (1971) and
Helms (1990) expresses that n encounter encompasses the not so subtle aspects of
prejudice and racism. At this stage, it is impossible to the individual to ignore the
fact that have been victimized by racism An encounter may consist of an remote
occurrence of discrimination or it can be a shared form of exceptional encounters
throughout time and, much like a time bomb, can be ignited by one last confrontation
with racism.
In the 1990’s, racial identity, and the development of a worldview became
more visible in multicultural research, and original models of racial identity
informed the creation of expanded models and measures of racial identity and
consciousness (Ponterotto & Mallinkrodt, 2007). One of the more critical
components for racial identity development models is the prediction that various
racial ideologies (Sellers, Rowley, & Chavous, 1997) are organized in a
developmental hierarchy. The basic developmental rhythm across racial identity
development models is the movement from assimilation ideologies to more
nationalistic ideologies (Sellers et al., 1997). In original racial identity models (e.g.,
Cross, 1971; Helms, 1990), pre-encounter or conformity ideologies, dominated by
pro-White and anti-Black attitudes, were expected to occur developmentally earlier
41
than other ideologies. As previously stated, Cross's Nigrescence model for Black
identity development has informed future studies and still remains to be the most
utilized framework for Black identity development. Nigrescence, as defined by
Cross, is the process of becoming Black and is characterized by five stages that are
each reflective of different sets of attitudes and worldviews (1) pre-encounter, (2)
encounter, (3) immersion-emersion, (4) internalization, and (5) internalization-
commitment. Cross’s (1971) original model of Nigrescence described a stage model
in which Blacks experience a negative to positive change in Black self-concept. The
original Nigrescence model was adapted by Cross (1991) and Cross, Parham, and
Helms (1991) to allow more flexibility and variability in attitudes within and across
the stages. The most commonly used instrument in racial identity studies is the
Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS; Parham & Helms, 1981); however, the
psychometric properties of the RIAS have been criticized in the literature for its low
reliability and construct validity (Ponterotto & Wise, 1987).
Individuals within the pre-encounter stage view the world from a Eurocentric
frame of reference and tend to degrade things that are associated with Blackness
while validating things associated with White culture. In the encounter attitude stage,
individuals experience some event that causes them to reinterpret their world. As a
result, they come to the conclusion that their old identity is inappropriate, and begin
a motivated search for Black identity. The immersion-emersion attitude stage has
two sub-phases. In the immersion portion, the individual immerses himself or herself
in Black culture and terminates contact with Whites as much as possible. In addition,
the individual becomes embedded in Black culture and develops a greater affinity
42
with Black people while rejecting White people and White culture. This sub-phase
also is characterized by feelings of anger and hostility. An individual identified with
immersion/emersion attitude, educates him or herself about African culture and
engages in an emotional and spiritual cleansing with other supportive Blacks. This
stage is considered a transitional stage in which an individual within this stage begins
to become less reactive and angry and begins to progress to the next stage within the
model. In the fourth stage, internalization, the overwrought and self-protective
feelings of the previous stage are replaced by a more secure, calm disposition. This
stage follows the transitional emersion stage, a sense of comfort with others Blacks
is normal and a willingness to approach the world from a more pluralistic, non-racist
perspective is emphasized. Thus, anti-White feelings decline to the point at which
friendships with Whites can be renegotiated. The final stage, internalization-
commitment, is similar to the internalization stage, except for the fact that people
within this stage tend to be involved in political activities to show continued
commitment to Blacks, in addition to having all of the attitudes associated with
internalization. Because the fifth stage is not entirely differentiated from the fourth
stage, it is usually omitted from research studies.
The Cross (1971) model is useful because it articulates intra-group variability
amongst Black people and helps to develop an understanding of some of the identity
issues associated with developing a healthy identity. It also illustrates some of the
confusion with identity and the progression one assumes during the process of Black
identity development. Baldwin and Bell (1985) contend that a negative sense of self
is a direct outcome of the environment an individual is exposed to. If an individual is
43
a part of a hostile environment lacking the opportunity for validation affirmation,
then it is more than likely that a negative sense of self is developed. Nigrescence
models serve as a necessary response to the resolution process that most Black
people are likely to experience.
Review of Racial Identity Development
As previously stated, the Cross original model (1971) has been the
theoretical foundation for numerous racial identity studies. Cross’s psychological
developmental model is the most utilized identity development model in empirical
studies (Want, Parham, Baker, & Sherman, 2004). Albeit the Cross model is one of
the more prolific racial identity models used in empirical studies, by no means is it a
stand alone model. Other models (Jackson, 1975; Miliones, 1973; Thomas, 1971;
Williams, 1978) have made significant contributions to the development and
understanding of the Black identity development process. Thomas (1971) Milliones
(1973), and Jackson (1975) have been referenced significantly in various empirical
studies as well.
Black Racial Identity was originally presented by Thomas (1971) and
subsequently expanded by Cross (1971). The works of Charles Thomas (1971) and
William Cross in the early 1970’s provide a theoretical foundation for most of
identity developmental measures in use today. Charles Thomas (1971) argued that
Blacks progress through stages in transition from rejection of their own racial group
to racial and group acceptance. Thomas’ (1971) model is important because it
provides the theoretical groundwork informing and stimulating the development of
research and instruments assessing Black Racial Identity.
44
According to Thomas (1971), the individual is initially characterized by a
state of confusion in relationship to self-worth. Thomas (1971) contends that being
Black is constantly compromised by something other than one’s true self. Once again
the common theme under-girding this concept is unhealthy identity development as
an outcome of oppression. Thomas (1971) authored philosophy and concept called
Negromachy, a form of mental illness afflicting Blacks prior to the onset of the
Negro to Black movement, in describing this mentally unhealthy state. Negromachy
is defined by Thomas and Thomas (1971) as that which is ruled by confusion of self-
worth. Thomas further asserts that this creates a dependency upon White sociological
definitions of self, similar to Fanon’s (1967b; Fanon, 1976) observations. It is said
that the Afro American suffering from Negromachy demonstrates character traits
such as compliance, subservience, repressed rage, and over-sensitivity to race. The
Thomas (1971) model, similar to the Cross (1971) model describes how social
environmental factors initiate movement to a more healthy psychological state
through a developmental process.
In Boys no more (1971), Thomas expresses that the needs of Blacks requires
new roles, new behaviors, and new outcomes because racial identity is a necessary
component in improving the quality of life for Blacks in general. Thus allowing the
removal of stigmatization and barriers created thereof and progressing to self-
actualization as defined by Carl Rogers (1951). This enables Blacks to restructure
old roles and develop new roles that are more acceptable and valued socially. Once
again the work of Thomas informed subsequent advancement in terms of identity
formation particularly the Cross Model (1971).
45
In a study conducted by Jake Milliones (1974), it was discovered
according to the stages within the Nigrescence process, that Blacks in Stage 1 held
similar identity beliefs towards their reference group, not unlike those of racist
Whites. This study constructed developmental inventories for the Thomas and Cross
Models. Milliones (1974) created the Developmental Inventory of Black
Consciousness (DIBC) identifying various stages. Subjects consisted of 160 Black
freshmen and sophomore males from a southern Black college. The results of the
construct validation study were consistent with the view that as Black identity
progressively unfolds there is a corresponding relinquishment of internalized White
stereotypes of the Black self.
Subsequent research on Black Identity Development inspired by Thomas is
inclusive of the work of Bailey Jackson (1975). Bailey Jackson’s (1975)
contributions to Black Identity Development re-emphasizes the need for Blacks to
develop a sense of healthy development associated with racial development. Jackson
is recognized nationally and internationally as one of the leading theorists in the area
of Racial Identity Development. Cokley (2002) wrote, that Jackson (2001) points
out, that a true Afrocentric perspective may be influenced by racial oppression but is
not defined by that oppression.
Perhaps the single most important study utilizing the Cross Model was
conducted by Williams (1975). What was monumental about this particular study
was that it attempted to determine whether distinctive attitudes, values, and beliefs
are associated with each stage of the Cross (1971) model. Subjects in this study
consisted of 57 Black Americans ranging from 18 to 45 years of age, 30 females and
46
27 males. The sample was drawn from Black undergraduates and graduate
students, Black doctors, nurses, social workers, and nurse’s aides. Williams
interviewed each subject in-depth and one on one, utilizing an open-ended interview
schedule based on the 28 stage-related descriptive statements developed by Cross for
the Hall, Cross, and Freedle study (1972). Results from this study indicate that Stage
I (Pre-encounter) subjects had a strong anti-Black bias, perceived other Blacks as not
trustworthy, and they did not see being Black as an important part of their lives. Not
one person from this stage was a member of a Black organization and their
worldview incorporated the belief that Black people, and not the system, were to
blame for the Black situation. Notably, persons in Stage III (Immersion-Emersion)
were actively involved in Black organizations, approximately 75%. Persons in Stage
III demonstrated more anti-White sentiments. Lastly, subjects in the Internalization
stage showed pro-Black attitudes higher than those subjects in Stage I but lower than
those subjects in Stage III. Subjects in this stage were critical of Whites but more
rational and less emotional than those in Stage III. A relationship existed between
two measures of self-esteem and advanced stages of development however
acceptable statistical significance was not reached.
The Cross (1971) model continues to be one of the more popular identity
development models used in various empirical studies on Black identity
development. Parham (2004) suggests researchers should not employ a strategy of
using only one measure of racial identity over others. In doing so, reduces the
advantage of utilizing multidimensional models of racial identity. Therefore, the
appropriate measurement of racial identity specific to one research project may not
47
be appropriate for another. Hence, based on this logic, the Cross model is the
model of choice for this research project. The following section reviews some of the
literature pertaining to academic achievement concentrating on academic
achievement and Black students.
Academic Achievement
Research primarily focusing on African American college students
emphasizes two distinct components of research (1) the differential experiences of
African American students in comparison to White students (2) comparing academic
outcomes of African American students attending predominantly White institutions
(PWI’s) to those attending historically Black colleges and universities (HBCU’s). A
proliferation of research on the academic achievement of Black students focuses on
the differential effects of Black students attending predominantly White institutions
of higher education and those attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCU’S). For example, research has shown that Black students attending
predominantly White institutions do not do as well as Black students attending
HBCU’s (Allen, 1992; Davis, 1994; Fleming, 1984; Mow & Nettles, 1990; Nettles,
1988; Sellers, Chavous, & Cooke, 1998). Academic achievement in relationship to
African American college students has been and continues to be a topic of interest to
several scholars and researchers (Allen, 1991, 2004; Fordham & Ogbu, 1986;
Rowley, 2000; Sellers, Chavous, & Cooke, 1998; Steele & Aronson, 1995). As
previously stated, academic achievement does not merely consist of academic
ability, however several factors can play a role in the academic achievement of
African American students.
48
A report conducted by the American Education Research Association
(2004) reports that the distance in achievement between White and Black College
students is becoming smaller. The report indicates several factors as possible
contributors to this discrepancy and the underachievement of Black students such as
“negative stereotypes, academic and cultural isolation, lack of support from faculty
and peers, and persistent racism and discrimination” (Gordon, 2004, p. 3). According
to Pascararella and Terenzini (1991), factors such as what happens once a student
comes to campus has more relevance on academic and self-concept than the
dynamics of the racial composition and the size of the institution. Pascaella, Smart,
and Nettles (1987) found a positive but indirect effect of attending an HBCU on
academic outcomes. Confronting hostile campus environments can have an adverse
impact on academic achievement (Fries-Britt, 1997; Noldon & Sedlacek, 1996;
Person & Christensen, 1996; Smedley, Meyers, & Harell, 1993)
Several studies (Allen, 1991; Fleming, 1984; M. Nettles, Theony, &
Gosman, 1986; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991; Sedlacek, 1987) have focused on the
academic and social factors affecting the academic achievement of Black students.
Further examination of these non-cognitive factors influencing academic
achievement is necessary for researchers and practitioners alike in higher education
to identify factors contributing to the success of African American students. Freeman
(1999) confirms that academic ability is not necessarily the reason why Blacks
withdraw or dropout of college, rather it can be attributed to non-cognitive factors.
One of the more important non-cognitive factors pervasive in the academic
achievement literature worthy of consideration pertaining to student withdrawal is
49
the role of out of class experiences on academic achievement (Terenzini,
Pascarella, & Blimling, 1996). Terenzini, Pascarella, and Blimling (1996) discovered
a positive relationship between contact with faculty members outside of the
classroom and the academic and cognitive gains. Their research on faculty
relationships outside the classroom is based on the research conducted by Vince
Tinto’s (1975) original student departure theory stating students’ satisfaction with
faculty members and positive student-faculty interactions can distinguish students
who persist from those who drop out of college.
Oppositional Identity
In addition to the aforementioned factors influencing the academic
achievement of African American students, the “anti-intellectual” literature
continues to gain momentum. The relationship between academic achievement and
acting White, initially introduced by Signithia Frodham and John Ogbu (1986)
provides the framework for the “acting White/anti-intellectual” discourse. This “anti-
intellectualism” or “oppositional” identity is based on their original work (Fordham
& Ogbu, 1986). This research is controversial and lacks the necessary empirical data
supporting this philosophy. Essentially the development of an anti-intellectual or
oppositional attitude is a response to “acting White”. In her book, “Keeping it real:
School success beyond Black and White”, Prudence Carter (2005) argues that
resistance to “acting White” is more of an attempt to maintain cultural identity as
opposed to embracing or rejecting standards of academic achievement. Shaun Harper
(2006) makes reference to Kanye West’s (2004) The College Dropout which
features dialogue of a Black male collegian with character traits associated with
50
“acting White”. West’s (2004) album implies that postsecondary education is
unwarranted and overrated. Harper (2006) further asserts that most of the literature
on the relationship between education and Whiteness is conducted at the K-12 level
and that the higher education literature on the “burden of acting White” is limited,
and non-existent at the community college level thus requiring further examination at
this level of higher education.
The role of identity and the academic achievement of African Americans
remains a disputed issue. Some theorists posit that success in academic domains is
related to low identity salience for African American students. Fordham and Ogbu
(1986) argued that African American students who minimize their connection to
their cultural backgrounds increase their chances of succeeding in academic
domains. This phenomenon, described as “the burden of acting White,” contends that
Black students become raceless to compete in academic domains. Kevin Cokley
(2003) states that a strong need exists to further extend research pertaining to the
non-cognitive and/or cultural factors influencing Black underachievement. Cokley
(2003), challenges the assumptions and findings of the work of John McWhorter
(2000), an African American scholar suggesting that Blacks self sabotage as a
cultural trait informing a “cult of anti-intellectualism”. McWhorter suggests high
academic achievement for African Americans is a cultural characteristic associated
with “acting White”. Cokley (2003) points out that McWhorter’s (2000) work is
mainly anecdotal and lacks intellectual responsibility suggesting McWhorter’s thesis
is a widely spread misconception.
51
McWhorter’s work is merely a contemporary version of Fordham’s and
Ogbu’s (1986) previous work on “acting White”. Graham (1997) also asserts that
limited empirical data exists supporting the notion that Blacks prefer to underachieve
because academic achievement is associated with “acting White”. In a study
conducted by Spencer, Noll, Stoltz, and Harpalani (2001) utilizing the racial identity
attitude scale developed by Parham and Helms (1981) concluded that high pre-
encounter attitudes (more Eurocentric values) were negatively correlated with
academic achievement while high internalization (Pro Black/Afrocentric) scores
were positively correlated with academic achievement dispelling any the
aforementioned misconceptions of academic achievement and “acting White”.
Conversely, Graham (1997) discovered gender differences in what Black
students determined as “valued” in terms of indicators of academic success. For
females, a positive relationship existed between “being valued” and being perceived
as hard working and getting good grades. In contrast, the boys in the study were less
likely to select high achieving classmates as persons they admire. Cokley’s
interpretations of the findings in his (2001) study on racial identity and academic
motivation was that discrepancies based on gender (females) demonstrated a positive
relationship between racial identity and academic motivation whereas it had a
negative relationship for boys. Cokley’s interpretations suggest that as boys become
older and progress through the educational system they become more disengaged and
detached from the educational process. It is noted that Cokley’s study does not
measure the relationship between racial identity and indicators of academic
achievement but it does establish the argument that more studies need to be
52
conducted to either validate or reject the “anti-intellectual” myth and the “acting
White” concept. For the purpose of this study, further investigation pertaining to the
racial identity of African American students and academic achievement will
contribute to the limited body of literature focusing on this research topic. In addition
to the further investigation of racial identity, oppositional identity, and academic
achievement, because of the connection between the participants in this
investigation, athletes hanging out in the “Shaw”, and participants in the study that
are Black student athletes, some consideration regarding Athletic Identity is
warranted
Athletic Identity
In relationship to the “real” Crenshaw Boulevard in Los Angeles, California,
there has always been a cross section of urban youth culture or hip-hop culture and
sports in the form of fashion as well as participation in local sports. Equally, the
“Shaw” at X College replicates some of the cultural nuances of the “real” Crenshaw
Boulevard where the cross section of sports, oppositional identity, racial identity, and
hip-hop culture all come together.
Subsequently, what is considered Athletic Identity? Burke (1991) defines
“identity” as a connection between prescribed roles that one associates with.
According to Stryker (1968) potency of a person’s identity is contingent upon the
relationship and association with predetermined roles. Brewer, Van Raatle, and
Linder (1993) define Athletic Identity as an individual’s propensity to fulfill a
prescribed role including norms and behaviors associated with that particular
identity. This is also informed by how others perceive what this role or identity
53
should constitute, i.e. the media, other players (pros and amateurs), entertainers,
etc. Horton and Mack (2000) posit that athletic identity has an impact on the
cognitive development of athletes and non-athletes. They also contend that athletic
identity increases their social networks. Athletic Identity, similar to the Racial
Identity Attitude Scale, is operationalized through the Athletic Identity Measurement
Scale (AIMS).
Essentially, the relationship with Athletic Identity and this particular study is
the identification with a specific culture including the roles and behaviors expressed
within that culture. Due to the fact that some of the participants of this study are
athletes, it would be interesting to find out their Athletic Identity and the relationship
that might have with their racial identity as well as their academic achievement
Administering the AIMS is beyond the scope of this particular study however, it will
be mentioned as a recommendation for future studies. James Davis’ (2003) research
identified that Black male were more concerned with becoming popular through hip-
hop and athleticism.
Racial Identity and Academic Achievement
As previously stated, most of the research on racial identity and academic
achievement is conducted at the K-12 levels. There is a limited amount of research
literature using college students as the sample population (Cokley, 2005). Racial
identity is defined as the emotional and psychological manifestations associated and as
a result of a history of social oppression. Due largely in part to the fact that the origins
of racial identity exist within the field of psychology, there is scant amount of the
literature is dedicated to the educational environment.
54
Inasmuch, to fully comprehend the impact of racial identity and how it may
be useful in understanding race, identity, and academic achievement, further
examination of racial identity models is necessary. Witherspoon et al. (1997)
conducted research examining the relationship of racial identity as a predicting
variable and academic achievement as the outcome variable. The strongest predictors
of GPA were immersion attitudes. Participants in the immersion stage according to
Cross’s (1971) psychological Nigrescence model, measured through the RIAS
(Parham & Helms, 1981), reported lower GPAs. Results from the Witherspoon study
imply that Black students immersed in Black culture show an affinity towards an
anti-white ideology and philosophy and as a result reject academic achievement
because they associate academic achievement as an element of “acting white”. The
Witherspoon study supports the Ogbu (1986) theory.
Additionally, Lockett and Harrell (2003) used college students as their
sample population also examining the relationship between racial identity and
academic achievement using the RIAS B measuring the racial identity attitudes of
the participants. Findings from their study revealed a positive relationship at the
internalization stage with GPA
Another instrument developed to measure racial identity is the
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI). Chavous et al (2003)
implemented the MMRI to examining the interaction of racial identity and academic
achievement in order to provide more information while utilizing alternative
instrumentation than the RIAS B, the more commonly used measurement of racial
identity. In similar study conducted by Sellers et al. (1998), it was discovered that
55
lower GPA’s were a result of either too much emphasis on race or not enough
emphasis on race. Incidentally, on a more moderate level, their study revealed that
the ability to relate to other oppressed minority groups is positively related to GPA.
Conversely, Chavous (2003) found no significant direct relationship between racial
identity and GPA for any of the racial identity subscales in a sample of high school
students.
During the course of the last twenty years, a plethora of ideologies, concepts,
theories, and philosophies have been developed addressing the academic
underachievement of Black students. (Allen, 1991; Cokley, 2003; Davis, 1994, 2003;
Ford & Harris III, 1995; Fries-Britt, 1997; Harper, 2006)
Such competing philosophies include but are not limited to Majors and
Billson’s (1992) accounts of Black masculinity and being cool and John Ogbu’s
(1988) anthropological contributions on oppositional identity and related
psychological perspectives, or the self fulfilling actualization resulting from societal
stereotypes based on Claude Steele’s (1997) research on stereotype threat.
Some scholars contend that a strong sense of identity informs high
achievement amongst African American students (Phinney, 1990; Ward, 1990).
Chavous et al. (2003) found that high identity salience in addition to an
understanding of the subtleties of societal discrimination is positively related to
academic success in relation to Black students. The conflicting and competing
findings from the investigations of racial identity and academic achievement
demonstrate the schizophrenic nature of these constructs.
56
For the purposes of this study, we will focus on the psychological
perspectives associated with racial identity development on academic achievement as
the theoretical framework informing this research.
Chapter Summary
In sum, this chapter provides an exhaustive review of literature investigating
the relationship of racial identity and academic achievement. Factors contributing to
racial identity such as a healthy developmental process are explored within the
context of this chapter as well. Given that the developmental process for African
Americans is not “normal” or a healthy process, this chapter provides a historical
blueprint of the experiences of Africans and African Americans globally.
Commentary from some of the most prominent African Americans in contemporary
society write about these experiences. Cross’s psychological Nigrescence model is
introduced as the theoretical framework informing this particular study. The chapter
concludes with review of literature identifying the two variables in this study, the
predicting variable (Independent Variable), racial identity and the outcome variable
(Dependent Variable) academic achievement. In short, this chapter provides the
reader with the necessary elements to develop a better understanding of some of
factors affecting African Americans and their development and how such factors
influence their academic achievement.

57

CHAPTER 3
METHODLOGY
Introduction
This study explores the relationship between the Racial Identity Attitudes of
students attending X community college in Southern California and their academic
achievement. Moreover, the purpose of this study is to determine whether the
students’ racial identity has any bearing on their academic achievement. An
imperative facet to take into thought when recommending the research context for
this particular study is to understand that there are various methods of inquiry,
quantitative (experiments and surveys), qualitative (narratives, phenomenology,
ethnography, grounded theory and case studies) and mixed methods (sequential,
concurrent, and transformative). Quantitative inquiry has been accessible to the
fields preoccupied by human and social scientist for quite some time. On the other
hand, qualitative research has not been in existence as long as quantitative methods
however, over the past few decades, qualitative methods have gained momentum
(Creswell, 2002). Mixed methods research is in its infancy and still developing.
Inasmuch, the literal meaning of methodology is defined as a body of methods, rules,
and postulates employed by a specific discipline (Creswell, 2002). The research
methodology used for this study comprises a mixed methods design utilizing both
quantitative and qualitative research.
Subsequently, the decision to use a mixed methods research design was based
on pre-existing literature on racial identity and the lack of studies utilizing a mixed
58
methods design. The literature revealed that a majority of inquiries used
quantitative and statistical data with a limited amount of studies using a qualitative
design. Regardless of the research design or methods used, qualitative research can
provide to be very beneficial, if it is implemented in a way that leads to new
revelations into a particular phenomenon. Qualitative research fill in the blanks left
from quantitative methods and promotes depth and richness.
Conversely, the strengths of quantitative research provides answers for who,
where, how many, how much, and what is the relationship between variables
specifically racial identity and academic achievement of Black males. However,
quantitative research does not provide for the why and how as exemplified in
qualitative research. Specifically, research related to racial identity has relied on
quantitative research methods. Helms (1989) articulated some problems associated
with quantitative methods of research and suggested some that pointed out
methodological problems related to racial identity and basic assumptions about
traditional quantitative methods such as dilemmas and concerns related to research
with racial and ethnic minority groups. The utilization of semi-structured interviews
for this particular study represents the qualitative aspect of the mixed-method
research design for this study. Hence, employing a mixed method design will
provide new insight and contributions to the existing literature on racial identity.
This chapter focuses on the employment of research methods and design
specific to this particular research study. First, I will provide brief summaries of
quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods research. Then I will elaborate on the
59
benefits of incorporating mixed methods research. Thereafter, I will provide a
description of the data to be collected and analyzed.

Theoretical Framework of the Research Design
Quantitative Methods
Creswell (2002) suggests that quantitative research reflects a post positivist
ideology regarding knowledge. Moreover, some of the essential elements
constituting quantitative research consist of cause and effect. Experiments and
surveys are utilized to collect data through established instruments resulting in
statistical data to test various theories. Quantitative methods are suited to estimating
the direction and magnitude of a causal influence on development. Whether using
classic, random-assignment experimental methods or a quasi-experimental approach,
the goal is most often an unbiased estimate of the effect of a predictor on a
developmental outcome (Shadish, Cook, & Campbell, 2002).
Namely, Many researchers who use quantitative analyses to understand
causal impacts of a treatment or phenomenon intend to eliminate selection effects,
however, quantitative approaches, testing particular hypotheses may not help discern
the full range of explanatory processes that hold in any particular cause–effect
relationship. Hence, this is how qualitative approaches to research can be used in
relationship with quantitative research and essentially fills in the gaps of the
research. Such is the case with this proposal. Subsequently, I present some of the
advantages of using qualitative research followed by the advantages of using the best
of both approaches in a mixed methods approach to research.
60

Qualitative research
Over the past four decades, qualitative research has gained considerable
momentum in social science research. Denzin and Lincoln states (1994) that “the
extent in which the qualitative revolution has taking over the social sciences and
professional fields is nothing short of amazing” (p. 9). Qualitative research is a
broad approach to social phenomena. Important characteristics of qualitative
research includes taking place in a natural setting, is emergent rather than tightly
prefigured, focuses on context and is fundamentally interpretive (Marshall &
Rossman, 2006).
Albeit qualitative research has progressed and increased momentum, a
domination of traditional quantitative research exists amongst many conservatives
thus the development of a justification for the use of qualitative methods is often
necessary specifically within the context of the racial identity research domain. The
situation today is less quantitative versus qualitative but how research practices lies
somewhere on a continuum between the two. Therefore, this can be used as
justification for employing qualitative methods.
Mixed Methods
Several summaries and handbooks focusing on integrating qualitative and
quantitative data collection and analysis methods in the social sciences have been
published recently. Onwuegbuzie & Leech (2005) argue for combining the
contrasting “Qs” (polarized quantitative and qualitative methods tracks and courses)
into, for example, integrated bilingual, pragmatic research methods courses in
61
education. Many, but certainly not all, research situations may be particularly
suited to mixed qualitative and quantitative approaches. Both words and numbers
can shed light on causality. However, the contributions of qualitative and
quantitative methods are different, and the combination can provide a richer picture
of a causal association than either can alone (Axinn & Pearce, 2006).
Furthermore, the distinction between quantitative and qualitative research has
occasionally been described as variable- versus individual-centered. However, this
distinction is not accurate in that both qualitative and quantitative research can be
conducted at either the population or individual level of analysis. However, one
strength of qualitative research is its usefulness in identifying isolated cases that may
uncover an entirely new area of inquiry (Pearce, 2002). Many quantitative methods
used in developmental science summarize information about groups of individuals
rather than identifying and exploring unusual cases in depth. The ability to identify
and then conduct follow-up detailed exploration of atypical cases may be a particular
strength of qualitative approaches. This can occur in two ways. First, a qualitative
analysis can uncover a new developmental phenomenon. This can open up the
opportunity to explore its predictors in quantitative studies. A quantitative analysis
could uncover an unusual developmental phenomenon, with qualitative research
employed to investigate it in more depth. In the context of a mixed qualitative–
quantitative study, the match between kinds of quantitative and qualitative methods
should be considered in addition to the usual match of method to research question.
One method might be chosen specifically to fill in the gaps or shortcomings of
another.
62
For example, a survey study such as the racial identity attitude scale
(RIAS-B), operationalizing Cross’s Nigrescence theory, examines the racial identity
attitudes of students without inquiry as to why they might self identify as Black as
opposed to African American. Qualitative answers to this question could provide
tremendous insight pertaining to racial identity. Consequently, qualitative methods
allows an opportunity to further investigate this particular question as well as others
through data collection methods such as focus groups, observations, or semi-
structured interviews therefore adding depth and richness to the study. For another
example, if group process and discourse are important elements of a construct (e.g.,
peer perceptions) but have not been a focus of research using one set of methods, a
data collection method that provides group dynamics data, such as semi-structured
interviews or focus groups, could be chosen for the next phase in the research.
Accordingly, based on the aforementioned factors pertaining to the some of
the critical contributions of both quantitative and qualitative research provides the
necessary rationale to use a mixed methods approach in the data collection for this
investigation. The RIAS B survey instrument and measuring the academic
achievement of the sample of students, comprises the quantitative component of the
study and I am proposing to use semi-structured interviews for more in-depth
perspectives.
Study Design
In relationship to the qualitative component of the mixed methods design it is
important to understand the theoretical sensitivity and bias of the researcher.
According to Patton (2002), “the researcher is the instrument” (p. 14). The researcher
63
is influenced by their life experiences both personal and professional, hence
contributing to a source of theoretical sensitivity and bias regarding this inquiry.
Developmental researchers should consider the nature of the relationship between
themselves and their participants when choosing between qualitative and quantitative
data collection and analysis strategies. Direct contact with participants is usually not
an option when conducting secondary data analysis, particularly with survey or
administrative data. A researcher may wish to complement such secondary analysis
with a data collection strategy (qualitative or quantitative or both) that allows more
direct contact with a particular population. This more direct contact can result in a
more comprehensive understanding of a developmental phenomenon.
If the two sets of methods are to be used with the same participants, one issue
to consider is how the relationship between researcher and participant changes across
data collection modalities. This change in relationship quality may have
consequences for data quality. On one hand, conducting qualitative interviews first
can establish a level of rapport that is crucial for collecting rich and personal
accounts. On the other hand, some quantitative methods may be more likely to
provide confidentiality or anonymity (e.g., computer-assisted survey administration).
Pilot samples and research testing different approaches and obtaining information on
participants' experience of the range of data collection methods can help inform
choices regarding particular combinations.
Sample Selection
Participants in this study will include 44 Black males and 30 Black females.
The sample population for this study consists of students attending a California
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Community College. Ages range between 18 and 30 years, attending
Southwestern Community College consisting of both first and second year students
who have completed a minimum of 15 units. If a student happens to be outside the
aforementioned age range, special consideration may be granted to participate in the
study on a case-by-case basis. Data will be collected during the in the Fall 2008
semester. Participants for the study will consist of volunteers recruited by the
research team. If the sample size is too small given the criteria (e.g., specified race,
gender, age range, in their 1st or 2nd year, and completion of at least 15 units), the
parameters will be adjusted (e.g. age requirement extended to 35 and/or units
completed lowered from 15 to 9) to allow for more students to qualify.
To recruit participants for this study, the researcher has established a rapport
with students who frequent the area of the campus described as “Crenshaw
Boulevard”. A term coined by the researcher. This is further explained in the
description of the area. Students were asked if they are willing to participate. If they
agree, a time will be given when the RIAS will be administered. For those who
cannot make the initial administration of the RIAS B, the researcher will offer an
alternative time to accommodate their schedule. In addition, students were given a
consent form, in coordination with the Institutional Review Board for X College ,
where the study is conducted, authorizing permission for the researchers to look up
students’ academic records. Participants were assured that results would remain
confidential and reported in aggregate form.
Also, participants personal information was gathered for follow up research.
In addition, the researcher also solicited volunteers from staff, faculty, colleagues
65
and other sources such as campus social and academic organizations. Once
identified, participants were given instructions on how the instrument would be
administered. The instrument was administered in a joint group session at a
predetermined location on campus.
Once the administration of the RIAS has been conducted and collected,
further data is collected through semi-structured interviews. (McCracken, 1988)
advised that the selection of interviewees should not follow quantitative sampling
rules, as they do not constitute a sample in the quantitative sense. He suggested the
following guidelines for the selection of potential interviewees: they should be
strangers; they should be few in number (fewer than 8); and they should not possess
special knowledge or ignorance of the topic at hand. In addition, the investigator
should strive to have some contrast within the sample in terms of one or more of the
following characteristics: age, gender, status, education, and occupation. These
guidelines were followed in selecting the participants for this study.
X College Demographics
X College is one of the 109 public community colleges located in
Southern California. It was established in 1961 and is in close proximity to the
Mexico International Border. College approximately serves 21, 000 students offering
over 285 associate degrees and certificate options. The average age of students
attending College X is 25 years of age. For demographics disaggregated by race
please see table 1.

66

Table 1. X College Demographics
Ethnicity Headcount %
African-American 1,107 5%
American Indian/Alaskan
Native
109
.005%
Asian 485 2%
Filipino 2,476 11%
Hispanic 12,512 60%
Other Non-White 50 .002%
Pacific Islander 204 .009%
Unknown 992 4%
White Non-Hispanic 2,898 14%
Grand Total 20,833

Description of the “Shaw”
Hanging out on Crenshaw Boulevard is a term of endearment coined
specifically by the researcher to describe areas on College campuses that are
essentially hangout areas for students of mixed cultures, more specifically Black
students. The real Crenshaw Boulevard located in South Central Los Angeles and is
known as a resource for the transmission of urban cultural expression similar to those
displayed within certain areas on middle school, high school and college campuses
selected as “the” hangout spot. Essentially, “Crenshaw” or the “Shaw”, for short, is a
metaphor used to describe various hangout spots with an urban appeal and presence
and can interchangeably and the researcher uses these terminologies to describe hang
out areas where a majority of Black folks hang out on campuses. The researcher
contends that these areas of cultural transmission are a nexus for racial identity
attitudes and are critical to this particular investigation.
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Thereupon, the “Shaw” is important and relative to this investigation due
to its possible connection with racial identity. Incidentally, when you envision what a
“typical” college student looks like it is safe to assume that students in the “Shaw”
do not resemble that perception. Most of the students in the “Shaw” represent
contemporary urban fashion inspired by a hip-hop culture such as oversized clothing,
white tees, athletic hats, and various fashionable hairstyles. This culture
demonstrated by Black students within the “Shaw” is what Cross (1991) identifies as
immersion/emersion, a stage within the racial identity continuum of Cross’s
Nigrescence theory. A possible assumption associated with “Shaw” culture as it
relates to Cross’s Nigrescence theory and racial identity, is that students might
associate being “real” or being “down” (a term used to identify as a “real” Black
person) with being immersed/emmersed in Black culture, hence the administration of
the RIAS B can assist in determining students’ baseline racial identity attitudes
followed up with interviews.
Subsequently, a brief description of the “Shaw” presents a synopsis of an
environment that is metaphorically associated with racial identity and how some
students might identify with this ideology. Therefore the “Shaw” is much more than
just a place for social construction, it is indeed an entity or a place of comfort and
familiarity for specific student cultures. Therefore the RIAS B is an excellent choice
as the instrument determining the racial identity attitudes of students in the “Shaw”.
Instrument (RIAS B)
Thomas Parham and Janet Helms (1981) first introduced the Racial Identity
Attitude Scale (RIAS) into the literature approximately 25 years ago. The RIAS was
68
used as a measure to predict Black college students' preferences for White and
Black counselors. The RIAS has clearly been the instrument of choice for many
graduate students and professionals. Studies in which researchers used the RIAS
have been published in journals such as the Journal of Counseling Psychology, the
Journal of College Student Development, the Journal of Multicultural Counseling
and Development, the Journal of Black Psychology, and the Journal of the National
Medical Association.
For the purpose of this particular investigation, the Racial Identity Attitude
Scale (RIAS) issued to assess students' level of racial identity (Parham & Helms,
1981). The first version of the Racial Identity Attitude Scale was RIAS A (Parham &
Helms, 1981); RIAS (B) was developed by re-analyzing the factor structure of RIAS
A and redistributing some items (Helms, 1990; Helms & Parham 1996). Based on
factor analytic results, Helms and Parham (1996) made revisions to the RIAS (A)
resulting in the development of RIAS (B) instrument. The RIAS B measures four of
the five statuses of racial identity attitudes from Cross's (1971) racial identity theory:
(a) Pre-Encounter - viewing the world from a White frame of reference, (b)
Encounter - transitioning from idealizing Whites to viewing African Americans more
positively, (c) Immersion-Emersion - embracing African Americans and rejecting
White culture, and (d) Internalization - having a positive attitude toward one's own
racial group and being more tolerant of the White majority. The RIAS (RIAS-B)
consists of a 30-item, Likert-type scale (5 = strongly agree to 1 = strongly disagree).
For each item, students are asked to rate the extent to which each statement described
their attitudes and perceptions (e.g., "I believe that being Black is a positive
69
experience," "I feel good about being Black but do not limit myself to Black
activities," "I feel excitement and joy in Black surroundings," and "I believe that
because I am Black, I have many strengths"). Higher scores on the RIAS are
associated with higher statuses. The full version of the RIAS B is included in the
appendices of racial identity.
The RIAS has demonstrated evidence of construct validity (Ponterotto &
Wise, 1987). The RIAS has also been tested to examine the statistical properties of
the items and has shown a high degree of internal consistency. Parham and Helms
(1981) reported Cronbach alpha values of .69, .50, .67, and .79 for the Pre-
Encounter, Encounter, Immersion-Emersion, Internalization scales, respectively.
Measuring Academic Achievement
A five-point scale issued for grade point average determination (A through F
representing scores of 4 through 0 respectively). Additional indicators will include
course success rates (success = scores of A, B, C, and pass / no success = scores of
D, F, and No Pass) course retention (all grades other than W and I), and student
persistence (completion of at least one course in the semester).
In addition to the administration of the RIAS, comprehensive questionnaires
is integrated with the RIAS survey to assess motivation and attitudes towards
education, specifically higher education. Goal completion is assessed in
consideration of the stated goal (e.g., if an associate's degree is the goal and the
student completed two years of college, this is valued differently than if a bachelor's
degree is the goal). The questionnaire will also be used to obtain information
70
regarding prior enrollment in other colleges or total units earned from previous
colleges.
One form of measurement of academic achievement for those participating in
the study are grade point averages based on a 4 point scale, A = 4, B = 3, C = 2, and
D = 1. Qualitative measures of research for academic achievement were gathered
through the administration of semi-structured interviews. Interview protocol will
consist of questions designed to extract an in-depth perspective of identity and
academic achievement. The principal investigator will conduct the interviews. The
interview protocol is included in the appendices.
Data Collection
As previously stated, data is collected through the administration of the RIAS
B, academic records and interviews. Multiple sources of data collection provide the
opportunity to triangulate the data therefore increasing the rigor of the findings
(Patton, 2006). In addition, the review of the literature also provides content
knowledge on in two salient areas (1) Racial Identity and African Americans and (2)
Academic Achievement and African Americans thus informing and framing the
design of this investigation.
Semi-Structured Interviews
Semi-structured interviews are considered a very sound form of qualitative
procedures based on an inherent connection to details within the interview structure,
it allows the opportunity to receive unadulterated feedback from individual and
experience the world as the interviewee does. Interviewees are encouraged to share
any thoughts, feelings, perceptions or opinions about racial identity. The goal is to
71
engage in in-depth qualitative interviewing in which the interviewee's perceptions
are of paramount importance and in which the interviewer becomes part of the
research process (Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, & Harris, 1993; J. Ponterotto & J.
Casas, 1991). Semi-structured interviews are intended to be fairly in-depth, yet
shorter and more structured than the fully unstructured interview. Semi-structured
interviews are ideal when the researcher is interested in a broad range of persons,
situations, or settings. A semi-structured interviewer also has a clearer sense of the
specific subtopics to be covered in the interview” (J. Ponterotto & J. M. Casas,
1991).
Semi-structured interviews are used as a method of inquiry because of the
depth of data they can provide and the importance of obtaining the essence of each
participant's perceptions of their experiences. Subsequently, integrated within the
context of the semi-structured interviews with the aim to extract deeper responses
pertaining to racial identification, educational values and aspirations, and self
reported academic achievement. The questions for the interviews primarily reflect
some of questions from the RIAS B for more in-depth responses. Moreover, this is
reflected in the data analysis. Semi-structured interviews were administered to
provide a holistic picture of the meaning of racial identity for students attending X
College.
Interview Protocol
Theories regarding identity development informed the development the
interview guides for semi-structured interviews essentially linking interview
questions to available theories and literature sources. McCracken (1988) asserted that
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a review of the literature should aid in the construction of an interview guide by
establishing the domain to be covered during the semi-structured interviews: “By the
end of the review, the investigator should have a list of topics for which questions
must be prepared” (p. 31). Inasmuch, questions seeking a deeper understanding of
the phenomena have been constructed.
The interview protocol will consist of questions addressing the following
content areas: personal meaning(s) of (a) race and (b) academic achievement. One
specific interview question for this study: “What is it like to be a member of your
race on this campus?”
Data Analysis
The main difference in the analysis of data between quantitative and
qualitative data is that quantitative analysis relies on numerical representations to
materialize while qualitative data analysis requires more standardized procedures and
methods to gain an understand of the data. Data analysis is a systematic search for
meaning. One of the most important steps in the research process is analysis of data.
Quantitative analysis is commonly known as statistics primarily descriptive and
inferential. However, qualitative research, discussion of analysis clearly is not as
common as is the case for quantitative research. On many occasions, novice
researchers do not give appropriate attention to data analysis subscribing to a one-
size-fits-all approach to data analysis. Hence, this can lead to interpretations that are
not consistent with the underlying data affecting interpretive validity and theoretical
validity (Maxwell, 2005). Denzin and Lincoln (2005), one of the more commonly
73
used texts on research methods , pointed that minimal attention is attributed to
qualitative research.
As a result, one of the criticisms of qualitative research is the lack of
standardization of qualitative research. This relative lack of standardization is the
focus of considerable misunderstanding. Failure to adequately articulate standards
for assessing qualitative analyses, or even denying that such standards are possible
has fed a common perspective that qualitative analysis is unsystematic and
subjective.
Accordingly, in an attempt to reduce subjectivity, interview data collected
was transcribed. LeCompte and Goetz (1982) recommend the use of mechanical
recoding of data with the intention of reducing threats to internal reliability. General
themes that naturally emerge from the data was identified sorting major and minor
themes as well as themes that do not fit the hierarchy. These themes will be reported
in the results section of this study.
Chapter Summary
In brief, this chapter provides a roadmap in terms of the research design in
accordance with the conceptual framework of Cross’s Theory of Psychological
Nigrescence. The Rias (B) measures the four subscales corresponding to the Pre-
Encounter, Encounter, Immersion-Emersion, and Internalization stages of the Cross
Model. Using the mixed methods research design, RIAS B represents the
quantitative component of the research design while the qualitative part of the design
is in the conducting of interviews. Subsequently, mixed methods research designs are
growing in popularity with strong justification because the unique ability of a mixed
74
methods research design to integrate both methodological entities for enhance
meaning of the research (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2003 ) In essence, such a design
serves this proposed study well.

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Chapter 4
Results

Introduction
The main purpose of this study was to determine if students’ racial identities
impacted academic achievement. This chapter presents the results of the descriptive
and correlational analyses. Additionally, the results and findings of this study are
informed by the following research question.
Research Question
The research question informing this investigation is as follows: What is the
relationship between the racial identity attitude of Black males attending X College
and their academic achievement (academic achievement is defined in Chapter 3)?
Data Analysis
A survey on Racial Identity was administered at X College (X COLLEGE)
during the Fall 2008 semester. Students were asked to participate if they were of
African-American heritage. Such participants were asked to provide their name and
student ID number so that their course enrollment at the college could be examined
in conjunction with their responses to the survey.
This study was conducted in order to learn more about a student population
that traditionally does not perform as well as their peers (Allen, 2004; Bush & Bush,
2005). At X COLLEGE, a recent study on student equity indicated that, during the
2005-2006 academic year, Black students showed a success rate of 52.1% in pre-
collegiate level courses, while the success rate for all students in these courses was
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58.8%. Similarly, in transfer courses, the success rate for Black students was
65.0% while the overall success rate was 70.3% (College, 2005). Subsequently, the
aforementioned data is an impetus for this investigation and determining factors
associated with lower percentages pertaining these success indicators.
Consequently, the Racial Identity scale may offer insight into the relationship of
cultural background and school success for these students. Such findings could
impact the way in which the college’s student services departments align and partner
with student groups and clubs to increase academic achievement among a student
population that has fallen behind its peers academically.
Qualitative modes of data analysis provide ways of discerning, examining,
comparing and contrasting, and interpreting meaningful patterns or themes. Data
analysis is a systematic search for meaning. This investigation used a mixed methods
design enhancing the richness and the depth of the study. Creswell (2002) discusses
the purpose of “meaningfulness” is based on the specific goal of the research. He
also elaborates on how that data can be manipulated and re-analyzed through various
means.
Racial Identity Attitude Scale Survey Results
76 respondents, 59% male and 41% female completed surveys.
Approximately half the students had been attending X COLLEGE for less than one
year, and nearly one third indicated that they were first-generation college students
(see table 1). More than three fourths of the students reported that they are Excellent
or Good students (see table 2). Approximately 70% of the students reported that their
educational goal was to transfer to a four-year college and obtain a bachelor’s degree
77
(see table 3). An interesting gender difference is that females reported this goal
more often than males (76% and 66%, respectively). When asked about the racial
designation they most often use to refer to themselves, two thirds indicated they use
the term Black, and 55% use the term African-American (see table 4). Students were
allowed to select more than one option, so percentages may equal more than 100%.
Table 2: Years Attending X College
Overall Male Female
# % # % # %
Less than 1 year 38 51.4 25 56.8 13 43.3
1 to 3 years 33 44.6 19 43.2 14 46.7
Between 3 and 7 years 2 2.7 0 0.0 2 6.7
7 years or longer 1 1.4 0 0.0 1 3.3
Total 74 100.0 44 100.0 30 100.0
No Response 2 0 0
Total 76 44 30

Table 3: Type of Student
Overall Male Female
# % # % # %
Excellent 18 24.3 11 25.0 7 23.3
Good 40 54.1 23 52.3 17 56.7
Fair 15 20.3 9 20.5 6 20.0
Poor 1 1.4 1 2.3 0 0.0
Total 74 100.0 44 100.0 30 100.0
No Response 2 0 0
Total 76 44 30

Table 4: Educational Goal
Overall Male Female
# % # % # %
Associate's degree 14 19.2 12 27.3 2 6.9
Transfer for bachelor's degree 51 69.9 29 65.9 22 75.9
Career maintenance or development 1 1.4 0 0.0 1 3.4
Undecided 1 1.4 0 0.0 1 3.4
Other 6 8.2 3 6.8 3 10.3
Total 73 100.0 44 100.0 29 100.0
No Response 3 0 1
Total 76 44 30
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Table 5: Racial Self-Designation
Overall Male Female
# % # % # %
Black 49 66.2 29 65.9 20 69.0
African American 41 55.4 23 52.3 19 65.5
African 7 9.5 6 13.6 1 3.4
Negro 6 8.1 6 13.6 1 3.4
Other 10 16.2 5 11.4 3 10.3

The Racial Identity scale consists of subscales related to Pre-encounter,
Encounter, Immersion, and Internalization attitudes with respect to Racial Identity.
Each attitude has been found to be associated with certain characteristics (see table
5).
Table 6: Stages of Nigrescence
Stages of
Nigrescence
Racial Identity Attitudes
Pre-encounter Pro-white, anti-Black Attitude

Encounter This is typically called the transitional attitude stage.
Some event or action transpires forcing an individual to
re-evaluate their perspective in terms of identity

Immersion-
emersion
This stage represents a turning point in the conversion
from the old view to the new frame of reference. Becomes
immersed in Blackness

Internalization This attitude is associated with self-confidence with one’s
Blackness. No longer conflicted with new-world views.

Average respondent scores on each of the subscales are presented in the table
below. Figures are based on a five-point scale, ranging from 1 (low) to 5 (high). On
average, students scored highest in the Pre-encounter stage, followed by the
Immersion stage. Table 6 displays the minimum, maximum, mean and standard
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deviation for the RIAS subscales. Respondents’ scores could range from “1”
(Strongly Disagree) to “5” (Strongly Agree). Higher scores indicate a higher level of
agreement with the survey items that comprise each subscale. For example, the
relatively low mean internalization score (1.77) indicates that respondents’ strongly
disagreed or disagreed with internalization statements. The mean pre-encounter score
(4.05) and the mean immersion score (3.44) respectively, indicates that more of the
respondents’ agreed with pre-encounter and immersion survey items. Accordingly,
the subscales play a significant role in explaining what stages of racial identity
development are strongly associated with the attitudes, behaviors, and experience
corresponding with the stages.
As indicated in table 6, respondents demonstrated the highest mean score (4.05)
in the pre-encounter stage. This score contradicts some of the assumptions of the
researchers that the highest mean score would either be in the immersion or
internalization stages particularly because of the fact that most of the participants self
segregate in an area on campus commonly and lovingly known as the “Shaw”.
However, the second highest mean score of the respondents’ is within the immersion
stage. This score is more aligned with the assumptions that race is associated with
the fact that students hang out in this area known as the “Shaw”. It is noted however,
that a dichotomy does exist between the pre-encounter and immersion stages as
indicated by the respondents’ scores according to the survey items.

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Table 7: RIAS Respondent Scores
N Minimum Maximum Mean Std. Deviation
Pre-encounter 76 1.79 4.93 4.05 0.54
Encounter

76

0.75

4.25

2.88

0.71
Immersion

76

0.67

4.89

3.44

0.68
Internalization

76

0.50

2.92

1.77

0.43

Table 8 provides scores on each of the subscales presented by gender in the
following table. No significant differences between males and females were found in
average subscale scores. This deviates from the literature specifically on oppositional
identity on the surface based on the assumption

Table 8: RIAS Scores Disaggregated by Gender
Male Female
N Mean Std. Deviation N Mean Std. Deviation
Pre-encounter 44 4.12 0.47 30 4.05 0.50
Encounter 44 2.99 0.70 30 2.75 0.63
Immersion 44 3.43 0.65 30 3.54 0.52
Internalization 44 1.73 0.40 30 1.84 0.40

At the time of this report, GPA data for the Spring and Fall 2008 term was not
available. Analyses of Fall 2007 course outcomes are presented in the following
tables, in relationship to Racial Identity subscale scores, for survey respondents who
were enrolled in Fall 2007 (n=54). Demographic characteristics for these students,
according to their X COLLEGE records, are shown in the table below. Note that
students who are multi-ethnic likely participated in the survey, which may explain
the reports of students of Other/Unknown and Latino race/ethnicities.

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Table 9: Demographics of Respondents
Gender # % Age in F07 # % Race/Ethnicity # %
Female 22 40.7 <20 28 51.9 Black 47 87.0
Male 32 59.3 20-24 18 33.3 Other/Unknown 5 9.3
25-29 5 9.3 Latino 2 3.7
30-49 3 5.6

Racial Identity subscale averages, as well as average Fall 2007 enrollment and
GPA data, for these students are also presented below. Male students attempted more
units than did females students, though their number of units completed was nearly
identical.
Table 10: R.I. Subscale Average, Fall 2007 Enrollment, and GPA
RI Subscale Overall Male Female
Pre-encounter 4.11 4.15 4.07
Encounter 2.93 3.02 2.80
Immersion 3.56 3.56 3.56
Internalization 1.80 1.77 1.85

F07 Units Attempted 11.4 35.6 33.0
F07 Units Completed 8.0 22.8 23.1

Fall 2007 GPA 1.92 2.11 1.64
% Course Success 62.3% 60.8% 65.7%
% Course Retention 89.2% 88.2% 91.4%

Interestingly, male students achieved higher GPAs, but female students
showed higher success rates. This occurs because, of the courses successfully
completed, male students were more likely to earn a grade of A while female
students earned more B and C grades, as shown below. This can be a result of some
of the course taken by some of the male respondents. Some of the male respondents
indicated to the researcher that they were involved in intercollegiate sports and that
during the time of this survey that they were in season. They also indicated that as a
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result of being in season with their particular sport of choice, a high concentration
of courses that they take are athletically related i.e. weightlifting or a football class,
such classes are typically taught by coaches.
In addition, X College Athletics has a large number of Black participants
specifically Black males, and many of these student athletes typically hang out in the
“Shaw”. Hence, this is worth mentioning in terms of gaining a further understanding
of the area as well as the identity associated with hanging out in the area. However it
is clear that an oppositional identity (Ogbu, 2004) as indicated in the literature is not
demonstrated with this group.
Table 11: Respondents Grades by Gender
Male Female
# % # %
A 56 36.6 9 12.9
B 19 12.4 20 28.6
C 17 11.1 14 20.0
D 13 8.5 10 14.3
F 27 17.6 6 8.6
Credit 1 0.7 3 4.3
No Credit 2 1.3 2 2.9
Withdraw 18 11.8 6 8.6
Total 153 100.0 70 100.0

These disparities in grades earned may be related to the types of courses taken
by the students. The most common subjects taken by these students in Fall 2007,
separated by gender, are presented below. By far the most common subject taken by
the male students was Exercise Science, while female students were most likely to
enroll in Math and Communication

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Table 12: Courses Taken by Gender
Male Female
Subject # % Subject # %
ES 48 31.4 MATH 12 17.1
MATH 16 10.5 COMM 9 12.9
HLTH 10 6.5 ENGL 7 10.0
HIST 7 4.6 PD 6 8.6
MUS 7 4.6 ES 4 5.7
ENGL 6 3.9 PSYC 4 5.7
RDG 6 3.9
COMM 5 3.3
PSYC 5 3.3
SPAN 5 3.3

Racial Identity subscale scores were examined in conjunction with Fall 2007
course outcomes. Both GPAs and course success rates were included as outcomes in
the following analyses, since these variables differed for males and females. In the
following table, results of the two types of correlations are presented for the entire
cohort and disaggregated by gender.
Table 13: Racial Identity and Course Outcomes
Correlations
Overall Female Male
RI - GPA RI - Success RI - GPA RI - Success RI - GPA
RI –
Success
Pre-encounter 0.10 0.23 0.00 0.15 0.14 0.28
Encounter 0.22 0.13 -0.11 -0.27 *0.40 0.34
Immersion *0.39 *0.46 0.29 0.47 *0.47 *0.45
Internalization 0.05 0.00 0.40 0.20 -0.19 -0.11

Significant correlational findings (at the p < .05 level) are asterisked. For the
group overall, Immersion subscale scores positively correlated with GPA and course
success. No subscale scores significantly correlated with GPA or success among
female study participants; this may be due to the small sample size for female
participants (n=22). The 0.47 correlation between Immersion and course success,
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was found to be not significant at p = .05. A p-value of less than .05 is needed to
consider the correlation significant; this narrow margin may reflect a need for a
larger sample to properly examine this issue further.
Both Encounter and Immersion subscale scores were significantly, positively
correlated with GPA among male study participants, and Immersion also showed a
significant correlation with course success. Correlations of this size indicate that
there is medium strength correspondence between these two factors, where
correlations of 0.1-0.3 are weak, 0.3-0.7 are medium, and 0.7-1.0 are strong.
Consequently, this finding, in accordance with the research question suggests
that students demonstrating a strong association with their racial identity and culture,
in this case, their “Blackness” has a positive relationship with academic achievement
for Black males. Ironically, based on the data, this is not necessarily the case for
Black female students. However, as stated previously this can be due to the fact that
there was not an adequate sample size of female students in this particular study.
Additionally, the focus of this study is on Black males and issues pertaining to Black
females are beyond the scope of this investigation.
In addition to completing the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS),
respondents also were encouraged to self-report what kind of student they were. A
general understanding of the respondents’ self-awareness in terms of their academic
success will inform qualitative responses to academic achievement. Respondents
were asked what kind of student they perceive themselves to be? Table 11 shows
those results.

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Table 14: Type of Student – Self-Reported
Overall Male Female
# % # % # %
Excellent 18 24.3 11 25.0 7 23.3
Good 40 54.1 23 52.3 17 56.7
Fair 15 20.3 9 20.5 6 20.0
Poor 1 1.4 1 2.3 0 0.0
Total 74 100.0 44 100.0 30 100.0
No Response 2 0 0
Total 76 44 30

Table 15: Educational Goals
Overall Male Female
# % # % # %
Associate's degree 14 19.2 12 27.3 2 6.9
Transfer for bachelor's degree 51 69.9 29 65.9 22 75.9
Career maintenance or development 1 1.4 0 0.0 1 3.4
Undecided 1 1.4 0 0.0 1 3.4
Other 6 8.2 3 6.8 3 10.3
Total 73 100.0 44 100.0 29 100.0
No Response 3 0 1
Total 76 44 30

Table 16: Self-Identification by Race
Overall Male Female
# % # % # %
Black 49 66.2 29 65.9 20 69.0
African American 41 55.4 23 52.3 19 65.5
African 7 9.5 6 13.6 1 3.4
Negro 6 8.1 6 13.6 1 3.4
Other 10 16.2 5 11.4 3 10.3
Note: Since respondents are able to select more than one option, the total percent
may not equal 100. Percentages are based on the total number of parents responding
to this item (i.e., 74 overall, 44 male, 29 female).

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Table 17: Respondent Comments
About their Ethnicity/Heritage 7
Being black is in the blood. It's honoring & respecting your culture and
heritage. Not the crap that's promoted on B.E.T.
1
I am a person who is fortunate to be black, but I am more fortunate to
be a person who is black but found love, support & shelter with a white
family who adopted me at the age of 16 & loved me more than my own
biological family! Love sees no color & family.
1
I am full-blooded Puerto Rican but find myself being compared to
blacks because I have many friends who are black.
1
I am proud of my heritage and appreciate all of my history. It proves
how strong we are as a people when I see all the changes and
accomplishments over the years. If we don't care about us, who will?
1
I believe that race is not the only thing that defines a person. While
there is African American culture there is more to life than a check
mark in a box. I am a proud African American but a human being first.
1
I love being a young, black, educated man. I think I forgot to mention
good looking.
1
I love being black and I have no problems with other races. 1

About the Survey 4
Interesting survey. I'm half-black & half-white. Very thought-
provoking questions.
1
Please let me know the results. Thank you. 1
These questions are funny! 1
Unneeded questions, very ignorant and offensive questions. 1

Contact Information 1
nokidz21@hotmail.com 1

About the School 2
I think that African Americans should be involved more in campus
activities!
1
The reason I'm not satisfied with X COLLEGE is because I have big
dreams that Southwestern cannot make come true like the luxury of a
university.
1

Qualitative Data
This section will focus on the findings of grounded theory study using semi-
structured open-ended questioning to explore factors salient in the development of
racial identity in individuals. Qualitative methods were used for data analysis. The
87
primary method for data collection was the in-depth interview. Interviews were
transcribed, coded, sorted, and integrated to uncover recurrent themes. The process
of constant comparison continued until a hierarchical model was developed that
described the experience of participants. The results are presented through themes
generated from the interviews and quotes from participants are utilized to support the
themes presented.
Three essential themes emerged as being important in the process of racial
identity development and the relationship with academic achievement from the data:
(1) race was not an important aspect of their experience at X College ; (2) education
was universally important for future success; (3) rejection of oppositional culture or
“acting white”, subsections include but are not limited to support from family and
friends and the desire to be a good student. The themes are used in describing and
summarizing the similarities found among the participants. Following is a discussion
of these themes as they relate to the racial identity of Black males and how that
relates to academic achievement and the existing literature pertaining to Black males
and education.
The environmental context of X College did not have an impact on the
participants in terms of race and identity. Participants seemed unaffected by the
environment. The findings show that the environment did not have a relationship
with their experience at X College s. Excerpts in this section emphasize this
philosophy. Two of the participants stated that race was not a factor while attending
X College :
88
JC: umm it is not too bad…umm I haven’t experienced…any…ya know…
direct racism…I don’t think I have had too much trouble…um...I am being
biracial because my father is black and my mother is white….I guess I kind
of…and I have always had this…I guess I look Mexican…in a way that
might have something to do with the fact that I have not noticed too much but
generally I don’t think there is too much of a problem I had a pretty good
time here

GS: I dunno, I don’t really think anything big of it. Like

However, there were some feeling associated with identifying as Black rather
than African American
JLH: no…it is the same thing. Well there is kind of a difference. It
depends on who is saying it because if people are like all black people are
like…they are using it in a derogatory meaning but if you say African
American is more…kind of…I personally think…more proper. I really don’t
care how people perceive me this is why I selected Black.

JC: that’s…umm... well…like I said…my father is black and my
mother she is a blend of…Italian, Indian, and French. Ummm…I think
Black is like a slang… you know what I mean…usually…usually i’ll identify
myself as African American…but umm…on paper like you said… if there is
a choice to mark Black or African American…it doesn’t really matter to me
but I can see there is a political significance. Most of my friends use the term
black so it is kinda more down to earth thing or in a way…it is ghetto…we
don’t go around and like hey eh did you meet this guy…he is Black….we
don’t say African American

KS: I prefer Black…but Black and African American is the same
thing…I like Black more…it has a little more of an edge to it.

RH: I honestly don’t think so…but it just depends on the
person’s…some application… some cases it is black and some cases it is
African American or Non Hispanic…I would say Black because it is
easier…I don’t like African American because I was not born in Africa and I
did not move here and get citizenship. I did not get a green card or a blue
card or a yellow card…or whatever card it took for me to live here.

Findings from the qualitative responses of the students indicate that education
is one of the most important factors to these students. Based on the literature review
in Chapter 2, this speaks directly to overcoming the psychological oppression or the
89
colonized mind as articulated by Fanon (1967b) or the self-hate as depicted in the
Clark and Clark study (1947). Consequently, as indicated in the research, the
qualitative data adds to the overall depiction that a positive racial identity contributes
to an ethos of academic success.
Regarding the importance of getting an education

GS: the number one way to achieve anything, like if you don’t want to get
stuck in a dead end job.

JLH: you need education...to me… it is very important…very important!

JC: education is… that’s the ticket to the top…you cant do anything in this
world without education…or you can but it is not going to be very lucrative
unless you are going to be a drug dealer…man that’s not easy…yeah it is real
important…any minority group that trying to break out of that
shell…education is so important…you know…we need more Black people in
professional environments today.

KS: without an education you really cannot do anything in life…so whether it
is good or bad you have to have it. So… I guess…consider it something
good…to be successful in life.

Family and friends encouraging academic success

JC: um…in my experience…I come from a family that most of my
umm…my immediate family and friends are all gang bangers…it sounds like
an ugly picture…but they don’t do anything but encourage me…I mean
so….it I more a sense of they know how hard things have been for
them…and they just don want to see their friends and family make that same
mistake…it is actually quite important to them.

GS: uh, no, not that I know of…not that I have seen. I have never seen any
blacks get harassed for getting good grades

The importance of being a good student

GS: yeah I think so…me personally…I don’t care what people think if I am a
good student…I am not going to care what somebody thinks…like if I am too
good to be anything…I am a student…I am a good student…that means it
makes me even more better…for me I really don’t care what other people
think of me especially if I am good student
90

KS: I think it is…because like in one of my classes I am sometimes I might
feel like somebody might not expect much from me because I am Black and I
am an athlete…but I kinda like when people think that about me then I show
them that I am one of the smartest in the class…I flip the script.

RH: ummm yeah I would think someone is cool if they are a good student.

In relationship to the research question, the findings conclude that there is a
relation between the racial identity of Black male students attending X College and
their academic achievement. However, there are limitations associated with this
investigation, which are discussed, in the subsequent chapter.
Summary
Three essential themes emerged as being important in the process of racial
identity development and academic achievement from the data. These themes
include the following: (1) race was not an important aspect of their experience at X
College; (2) education was universally important for future success; (3) rejection of
oppositional culture or “acting white”, subsections include but are not limited
support from family and friends and the desire to be a good student. The following
chapter will discuss these themes in further detail.
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Chapter 5
Findings
Introduction
This chapter provides an illustration of the quantitative and qualitative findings
resulting from the data gathered while connecting the findings of the relevant literature
on the academic experiences of African American students. In addition to articulating
the findings from the data, this chapter also provides a connection between the literature
and the results of this current investigation. Lastly, a summary of the chapter is
provided as a synopsis of the findings and a transition to the next chapter.
Quantitative Findings
This section of chapter 5 provides the reader with the quantitative findings from
this current investigation in relationship to the relevant literature on racial identity and
academic achievement. Accordingly, the results from this study challenge some of the
popular thoughts and concepts pertaining to Black students. Subsequently, this study
refutes one of the more popular theories pertaining to the academic achievement of
Black students, Ogbu’s (1986) concept that Black students reject academic success
because of its perceived association with “acting white”. Data from this study also
demonstrates an alternative to the contemporary literature pertaining to gender
differences and the academic achievement of Black students. Most of the literature
regarding gender differences amongst Black students emphasizes that Black females
are outperforming Black males significantly in education, however results from this
study indicates Black males are moderately outperforming Black females in grade point
average. This is a deviation from most of the literature on the academic experiences of
Black students. Hence, the quantitative data from this study presents alternatives to
some of the existing literature on the education of Black students and this section
compares and distinguishes that literature from the results of this study.
92
Challenging the Anti-Intellectual Myth

One of the more popular theories articulating an opposing philosophy towards
embracing education while seeking more of an affiliation to reference group orientation
for African Americans was developed by Signithia Fordham and John Ogbu (1986).
Fordham and Ogbu’s oppositional and collective identity theory posits that Blacks
show a preference and a desire for being “authentically” Black or “real” as some
students in this investigation have alluded. Inasmuch, Fordham and Ogbu also posit
that Black students associate academic achievement with “acting white” thus adopting
an “anti-intellectual” persona. This is extremely relevant pertaining to this particular
investigation specifically regarding how an “anti-intellectual" persona might inform
one’s overall identity.
Meanwhile, there is an increasing amount of research (Bush & Bush, 2005;
Cokley, 2003; Ford & Harris III, 1995; Graham, 1997; Harper, 2006; Spencer, Noll,
Stoltz, & Harpalani, 2001) contributing to the rejection of the “acting white” or “anti-
intellectual” concept. For example, in their examination of Black students and
academic achievement, Horvat and Lewis (2003), discovered that Black students
complimented and welcomed the academic success of their peers. They also
recommended as a result of their investigation, that further examination of the diversity
or variation amongst Blacks be taken into consideration when considering whether
students adopt an “acting white” identity. In her book, “Keeping it real: School
success beyond Black and White”, Prudence Carter (2005) argues that resistance to
“acting White” is more of an attempt to maintain cultural identity as opposed to
embracing or rejecting standards of academic achievement.
The quantitative findings of the investigation support some of the empirical
research on Black identity being associated with “acting white”. In addition to the
93
results from the administration of the RIAS B, some relative data pertaining to
academic achievement was gathered further supporting that participants in this
investigation demonstrate a strong propensity for academic achievement and success.
Overall, approximately 75% of the participants, male and female, stated that they are
either good or excellent students. Almost 80% of the participants stated that their
educational goals consisted of either transferring to a four-year institution or receiving
their associate degree.
Accordingly, the results from the RIAS B indicate a relationship between racial
identity and grade point average at the immersion stage (considered the transitional
stage becoming immersed in Black culture) and a relationship with racial identity and
course success rates, also at the immersion attitude stage. This quantitative data refutes
Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986) oppositional identity theory. Such findings validate the
impetus for conducting this investigation and will be further explicated in reference to
implications for future practice. Additionally, data from this investigation reveals a
diversion from the literature regarding gender differences regarding Black students.
Gender Differences Amongst African Americans

A considerable amount of the literature concerning Black students suggests that
Black females are outpacing Black males in higher education. Ford and Harris (2003)
conducted a study on the relationship of racial identity and academic achievement with
a sample population of gifted students. They concluded that approximately 40% of
those students were underachieving and a disproportionate amount were Black males.
Females in this study outpaced Black males in the grade point average indicator.
According to some research, (Davis, 2003; Garibaldi, 1992; Polite, 1993; Watson &
Smitherman, 1991) schooling has a negative impact on boys and girls alike, however, it
implies that Black boys are in a more precarious situation and needing more acute
94
attention. Davis (2003) states that one of the most important issues pertaining to the
education of Black males is the increasing achievement gap between Black males and
their peers. He further asserts that Black males experience more severe systemic issues
within the education system such as behavior problems and academic preparedness.
Essentially, Davis contends that this downward trend pertaining to Black males in the
educational system, equates to a loss of valuable human potential and resources, thus
reducing their capacity to be productive contributors to the overall society.
Meanwhile, college enrollment of Black students has increased significantly (U.
S. D. o. Education, 2004) which is to be celebrated. However, a deeper look into the
increase in college enrollment unveils a disturbing trend in higher education particularly
concerning Black students. Although increases in college enrollment obviously
improve opportunities for Black students in general, entrance is irrelevant without
material outcome variables such as degree completion. Although the increase in Black
college enrollment from 1984 to 2004 was approximately 12% (Signs, 2006), a
disconcerting reality is that college graduation rates for Black students is only 38%
(Special Report: African American college graduation rates: intolerably low, and not
catching up to whites 2002; Unknown, 2002) and according to the U.S. Department of
Education (2004), the increase in enrollment is accounted for by Black women.
Additionally, of the degrees earned by Black students, two-thirds or 67%, were earned
by Black females (Dept. of Education, 2004). Once again, it is important to state that
the increase in college enrollment for Black males is noteworthy; it does not, however,
change the fact that Black women are outperforming Black males in most areas such as
enrollment, graduation rates, degree attainment, and grades (2006).
Moreover, in a study conducted on gender differences on the academic
achievement of Black students, Cokley (2001) found that as Black males become
increasingly discouraged with the academic process they develop a racial identity
95
detached from education. Conversely, Black women in this study had a stronger
relationship with racial identity and education. In a similar study, as previously
mentioned in the literature review, Graham (1997) found that Black females were more
likely than Black males to associate with high achieving Black students and
subsequently looked to those students for guidance, support, and ultimately friendship.
Once again, this demonstrates a glaring contrast in terms of gender differences
amongst Black students psychologically as well as substantial indicators.
On the contrary, the results of this investigation challenge some of the
contemporary literature including some of the aforementioned examples regarding
gender and how Black males are struggling to keep up with Black females.
Quantitatively, Black males, based on various outcome indicators, demonstrate a slight
edge in comparison to Black females in this study. Black males had higher grade point
averages in comparison to Black females' however, Black females showed greater
success rates (success is defined as course completion with a passing grade). Black
males were more likely to earn A’s whereas Black females were more likely to earn
B’s and C’s. As previously stated in Chapter 4, an explanation regarding the disparities
in the performance of Black males and Black females might be a result of course
selection which was not controlled for this in this study and will be discussed as one of
the limitations of the study. Nevertheless, the next section of this chapter illustrates the
qualitative results of this investigation and the connections to the existing literature on
the academic experiences of Black students.
Qualitative Findings
This section, much like the quantitative section, connects the data from chapter 4
with some of the prevailing literature on racial identity and academic achievement.
Three main themes emerged from the qualitative data (1) race was not a factor in their
experience at X College (2) Black students do value education and (3) an overall
96
rejection of the concept that being academically successful is associated with “acting
white”.
In addition to completing the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS),
respondents also were encouraged to self-report what kind of student they were,
excellent, good, fair, or poor. The majority (54%) of students classified themselves
as good students, while 24% self-reported as excellent students and 20% said they
were fair students. A general understanding of the respondents’ self-awareness in
terms of their academic success will inform qualitative responses regarding their
academic achievement. Respondents were asked what kind of student they perceive
themselves to be.
Qualitatively, student interview responses demonstrate support for the
quantitative findings from this investigation, concluding that Black students indeed
do value education. In addition, there are some responses pertaining to race that are
worth mentioning as well.
Once again, based on the aforementioned responses by students, education is
definitely valued amongst this group of students. Additionally, these particular
students preferred to identify as “Black” as opposed to African American, indicating
on a couple occasions that it has more a “political” significance or more an “edge” to
it. This is worthy of mention because of the possible implications it suggests. One of
the reasons for having a category on race, in which participants can choose from a
plethora of racial identities, was to inform and further facilitate qualitative questions
in the form of interviews. It is an assumption of this investigation that participants
identifying as Black will more than likely have a stronger racial identity than those
97
who identify as African American. This assumption was not further investigated
however it should be considered in future research.
Furthermore, renown scholars such as Todd Boyd (1995; T. Boyd, 2002) and
Michael Eric Dyson (2007) make reference to the relationship of hip-hop culture
with racial identity and what that means to young Black males, articulating more of a
desire by them to identify as Black as opposed to African American. Albeit, this
investigation is not about hip-hop, there are implicit connections between hip-hop,
black males, racial identity, and education. One of the assumptions made based on
some of the qualitative data is the preference for most of the respondents to identify
as Black as an outward expression of their identity in relationship to their affinity to
hip-hop and less of a desire to be politically correct identifying as African American.
This is also mentioned as one of the limitations of the study: the inability to
conceptualize the role of hip-hop and its influence on the racial identity of Black
males. Moreover, the researcher found this to be interesting and worthy of mention
because it speaks to the desire of those interviewed as important in terms of how they
mediate or negotiate being “real” (i.e., Black as opposed to identifying as African
American) with academic achievement. This is further explicated as an implication
for students.
Lastly, as a result of these interviews it is also clear that the oppositional
identity concept or “acting white” has no relevance with these students. As a matter
of fact, just the opposite is the case therefore supporting the quantitative outcomes as
well. Subsequently, three themes emerge from qualitative data (1) race had no
bearing on their experience at X College (2) education was universally important for
98
future success and (3) a comprehensive rejection of the “acting white”
oppositional identity theory.
Race and X College experience
Although campus climate was not a primary focus of this research, information
pertaining to how race might affect academic achievement was a secondary
consideration. In essence, the purpose of this line of inquiry with the respondents was
to determine whether not the campus environment was inclusive or exclusive and if
being Black at this particular institution had any effect on their academic achievement.
Thus, one of the qualitative questions expressed an interest in race and the personal
experiences of the participants at X college. As previously stated, X college is a unique
entity in that the majority of the student population is Hispanic, approximately 60%.
This makes X College a minority majority campus. However, just because it is a
minority majority campus does not discount the possibility of experiencing various
forms of racial microaggressions. Racial microaggressions are defined as subtle non-
descript forms of racism towards people of color that can be verbal, non-verbal, or
visual. “In and of itself a microaggression may seem harmless, but the cumulative
burden of a lifetime of microaggressions can theoretically contribute to diminished
mortality, augmented morbidity, and flattened confidence (Pierce, 1995, p. 281).
Further, according to Hurtado et al (1998) , a positive racial climate consists of
four elements (1) the inclusion of students, faculty, and administrators of color (2) a
curriculum integrating the experiences and contributions of people of color (3) student
support services with the aim of recruiting, retaining, and graduating students of color;
and (4) an institutional mission reinforcing a commitment to diversity.
Accordingly, the researcher asserts that a positive racial climate can have an
impact on the academic achievement of students of color, particularly Black students.
Conversely, research has shown that a negative campus climate is associated with high
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dropout rates and poor academic performance for Black students (Allen, 1991;
Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pederson, & Allen, 1998) .
Much to the credit of the student participants, not allowing their race to be a
mitigating factor in their academic achievement, in this investigation, it is overtly
apparent that their race had no impact on their overall experience or performance at X
College. Qualitatively, respondents overwhelmingly stated that race does not play a role
in their academic achievement at X College. Hence, it can be inferred that the racial
climate of X college has no direct or indirect influence on their academic achievement.
Responses to this question support this claim. When asked the question was race a
factor, JC repsonded accordingly to race and campus climate, and dismissing race as a
non-issue:
JC: umm it is not too bad…umm I haven’t experienced…any…ya know…
direct racism…I don’t think I have had too much trouble…um...I am being
biracial because my father is black and my mother is white….I guess I kind
of…and I have always had this…I guess I look Mexican…in a way that
might have something to do with the fact that I have not noticed too much but
generally I don’t think there is too much of a problem I had a pretty good
time here.
Importance of education
When certain variables such as socioeconomics and family background are
controlled, research found that Black students value education at the same level as their
white counterparts (Ainsworth-Darnell & Downey, 1998; Spencer, Noll, Stoltz, &
Harpalani, 2001). This research also concluded that several Black students
demonstrated high levels of self-esteem, articulated educational goals, and developed
strong Black identities.
In addition, results from a study conducted by Shaun Harper (2006), revealed
tremendous support from Black males and females in relationship to valuing education.
Participants indicated that the support received from their peers played a critical role in
their academic success. Accordingly, this type of support from peers also demonstrates
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an affinity and value for education. Several students alluded to the role of education
as a part of their future success. Participant GS sums it up the best:
GS: yeah I think so…me personally…I don’t care what people think if I am a
good student…I am not going to care what somebody thinks…like if I am too
good to be anything…I am a student…I am a good student…that means it
makes me even more better…for me I really don’t care what other people
think of me especially if I am good student
Rejection of “acting white”
Participant GS' commentary on being a good student is an excellent segue to
the rejection of “acting white”. As previously mentioned, Harper’s (2006) study also
concluded that school achievement is not just relegated as a “white” characteristic.
Much to the contrary, high achieving Black students in Harper’s study encouraged
academic success and supported one another in the process. Quantitative and qualitative
results from this study reject the notion that academic success is only the purview of
“white” students. JC expresses the bleak history of his family background, however,
he is determined to continue his education and how in a twisted form of faith, his
family encourages his academic pursuit. JC also contextualizes the importance of
education and how that dispels Ogbu’s theory on Black students adopting an
oppositional identity to “acting white”
JC: um…in my experience…I come from a family that most of my
umm…my immediate family and friends are all gang bangers…it sounds like
an ugly picture…but they don’t do anything but encourage me…I mean
so….it I more a sense of they know how hard things have been for
them…and they just dont want to see their friends and family make that same
mistake…it is actually quite important to them.

JC: education is… that’s the ticket to the top…you cant do anything in this
world without education…or you can but it is not going to be very lucrative
unless you are going to be a drug dealer…man that’s not easy…yeah it is real
important…any minority group that trying to break out of that
shell…education is so important…you know…we need more Black people in
professional environments today.
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Summary of Findings
The purpose of this investigation was to examine the role and the relationship
of racial identity with the academic achievement and performance of Black
community college students. More specifically, this study attempted to determine if
students’ beliefs regarding race and their immediate learning environment (X
College) such as racial microaggressions, had any impact on their academic
achievement. This study differs from traditional research on racial identity because
(1) of its employment of a mixed methods approach, and (2) the study is conducted
at the community college level, thus it contributes to the existing body of research
because of the limited amount of research on racial identity and community college
students. The research was unable to find any studies conducted at the community
college level.
This study was guided by a specific research question postulating whether
racial identity is predictive of the academic achievement of Black students
specifically attending this particular X community college. The research question is
based on the ideology of race as a motivating factor in obtaining an education and
subsequently being academically successful. Black folks have a longstanding history
and with education and as a result of their historical struggle to become educated it
can be presumed that a sense of pride is associated with the pursuit of education
(Cokley, 2003). A report produced by the Department of Education, provides data in
student enrollment trends illustrating the academic progress of African American
over the last 25 years implicitly suggests that African Americans indeed do value
education (D. o. Education, 2002). Additionally, quantitative and qualitative data
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from this current study equally supports this ideology. In a study conducted by
O'Connor (1997), it identified black students whose knowledge of a limited
opportunity structure did not constrain their academic pursuits. These students'
interpretation of the collective struggle of members of their ethnic group inspired their
academic activities and aspirations, as well as their confidence in social agency and
social change. Essentially, this suggests that because Black folk have a shared history
and struggle, that a collective identity to “overcome” has been as much as an anthem
as it is a part of their overall identity.
Subsequently, based on aforementioned logic, a student demonstrating a
strong racial identity attitude within the immersion stage (becoming fully immersed
in Black culture) will presumably have a strong desire to be academically successful.
To the contrary, the contemporary concept of “acting white” (Harper, 2006; Ogbu,
2004) contradicts the philosophy of pride Blacks have regarding education and the
propensity of identifying with the racial identity attitude stages of immersion and
internalization. There is a debate as to whether emphasis on group affiliation leads to
maladaptive coping strategies (S. Fordham, 1988).
Consequently, “acting white” is an antithesis to the concept of race and pride
being associated with academic excellence. In fact, “acting white” suggests that
Black students receive pressure from their peers if they demonstrate academic
excellence, speak proper English, or do not demonstrate the norms and behaviors
associated with Black counterculture or a “ghetto” fabulous mentality. Due to the
over proliferation and misrepresentation of Black people through various media
outlets and sources such as BET, the WB Network, MTV and the like, a fascination
with images highlighted through the aforementioned networks has informed a
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contemporary culture that identifies “Blackness” with some of the norms and
behaviors associated with these images, “keeping it real” if you will. Hence,
“Hanging Out on Crenshaw” and all those behaviors and activities within that
cultural context serves as a metaphor and as an icon indicating the importance of
Black students’ need and desire to associate, socialize and hang out with people they
identify with culturally. However that is not to say that they do not value education
nor do they want to be associated with those individuals that do not value education.
Albeit, there is a limited amount of research studies conducted with
community college students demonstrating student relationships reaching across
cultural divides, there has been a minimal amount of research indicating friendships
outside their same race (Maxwell, 2005). Accordingly, various community colleges
have indicated that approximately 70% to 90% associate with groups with similar
cultural backgrounds (District, 1994) or their own peers (Arnold, 1995). Once again,
this can be a tremendous influence in terms of the racial identity for some Black
students. A student from a similar college as X college said this about “hanging out”.
I think that different ethnic groups do everything they can to separate
themselves. In the cafeteria, the blacks, the whites, the brown, and the have
you, seem to have their own tables but then again, I only see it sometimes
because I am a part-time student. I do know in the classroom that every
ethnic group gets along and helps each other out when it comes to study
groups (Mattice, 1994, pp. 52-53)

Therefore, this investigation sought to determine if racial identity impacted
aspects of students’ lives within the college environment, i.e. academic achievement.
The findings of this study add to the mélange of results related to racial identity and
achievement among African American students (Ricker-Fleming, 2005). For
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example, while using the Multi-dimensional Model of Black Identity as a
theoretical framework, Sellers, Chavous, and Cooke (1998) reported that racial
centrality and ideologies were significantly related to GPA. In contrast, a similar
study performed by Chavous et al (2003) did not reveal a significant relationship
between these two variables. Mixed outcomes between racial identity and academic
achievement may be the result of instrumentation used to determine racial identity.
As stated earlier, this investigation chose to use a more commonly used racial
identity attitude scale designed by Parham and Helms (1981). Nonetheless, further
investigations are warranted to determine if racial identity truly relates to the
academic achievement and success of African American students, particularly Black
males. Meaning, more data is needed on the racial identity and academic
achievement of Black students specifically Black males for the development of
corrective means to improve upon the overall success of Black students.

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Chapter 6
Summary, Discussion, Conclusions, and Implications

Introduction
This final chapter is transitional, taking the findings from Chapter 5 and
integrating those findings into this final chapter. Chapter 6 brings together all the
summative elements comprising this investigation including but not limited to the
following: a summary of the overall study, a discussion of the study, the conclusion,
and lastly, the implications for future practice and research as a result of conducting
this investigation. Equally, this chapter is responsible for making recommendations for
practitioners in the field of education hopefully inspiring scholarship in the future
pertaining to the academic experiences and success of Black students.
Summary of the Study
The purpose of this investigation was to examine the role and influence of racial
identity attitudes as a predicting variable on a predetermined outcome variable, the
academic achievement of the participants in this study (Black male and female students
attending X College). Epistemologically, this study seeks to contribute to the existing
body of knowledge as related to the analysis and evaluation of Black students and
education. More specifically, this study aspires to contribute to existing literature while
also inspiring future research from an unconventional and non-traditional perspective
advancing the success and equity of African Americans academically and socially. In
addition to contributing to the analysis and evaluation of the status of Black students
and education this study also seeks to add to the alternatives in terms of research
increasing the academic success and achievement of Black students traversing the
educational pipeline. For this particular investigation, a major component of that
education pipeline in the community college system. In a report created by the
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California Postsecondary Education Comission (2006), data reveals that 81 percent
of Black males enrolled in public education institutions are enrolled in community
colleges (Cook, Bush, & Bush, 2008) hence, this is a motivating factor for conducting
this study within the community college system. Due to the disproportionate number of
Black students attending community colleges it is imperative for more studies to be
conducted at this level of higher education. Because community colleges are the portals
that many Black students enter, identifying those factors contributing or hindering their
academic progression must be delineated at the community college level inasmuch as
the four-year level as well.
Moreover, based on the proliferation of literature identifying all that is wrong
with the status of Black students and education this investigation provides some
enlightening encouragement by a profound rejection of the “acting white” thesis both
quantitatively as well as qualitatively. Within the context of the literature review for this
investigation, positive examples of academic success stories are interwoven in order to
inspire “hope” as well as persuading readers not to fall victim to the negative literature
concerning Black students. There is much hope for the future status of Black students.
How this can be accomplished is further explicated in the discussion section and the
implications for practice.
The research question informing this investigation is as follows: What is the
relationship of a students’ racial identity and their academic achievement? Data
gathered on grade point averages and course success rates are the primary outcome
variables constituting academic achievement and success. Data was also disaggregated
by gender for comparative analysis on academic achievement between males and
females. Seventy-six Black students participated in the quantitative part of this study
while eight students participated in the qualitative part of the study. Participants in the
study included 44 Black males and 30 Black females who attended X College. Ages
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ranging from 18 to 30 years, were either first or second year students who have
completed a minimum of 15 units.
Data was collected during the Fall 2005 semester at X College by recruiting
students typically hanging out in an area coined by the chief investigator as
“Crenshaw” Boulevard because of its likeliness to some of the activities, behaviors,
and events that transpire on the real Crenshaw Boulevard in South Central, Los
Angeles. Behaviors, activities, and events, including but not limited to low-riders,
banging systems, fine females, gangsters, etc. A little disclaimer for the metaphorical
“Crenshaw” Boulevard at X College is that it is not as hard core as the real Crenshaw
Boulevard however there are some similarities in norms, values, and ultimately
cultural identity which is the most important aspect in relationship to this study. In
explaining the cultural phenomena known as the “Shaw” element (short for Hanging
out on Crenshaw), it is important to explain it in lay terms in contrast to a prescribed
scholarly terminology because it is an unconventional and non-traditional entity in
which students, mostly Black students, come together outside the walls of a
classroom and exhibit a sense of collective behavior more familiar to them socially.
As stated in previous chapters, the “Shaw” represents much more than just a spot to
hang out, it represents a piece of “home cooking” if you will, often as a sub-
environment in which the over arching environment is not as receptive to these
students. Hanging out on Crenshaw is all about identity hence the motivation for
conducting this study with students hanging out in the “Shaw”. The “Shaw” at X
College, as well as the “Shaw” at other institutions of learning, is an opportunity for
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researchers to step “outside the box” and seek answers from a natural
environment towards the advancement of Black students locally and nationally.
One of the main assumptions of this investigation is that the “Shaw” element
exists on college campuses as well as high school campuses throughout the nation.
Inasmuch, this investigation seeks to discover other campuses that have the “Shaw”
element encouraging more research with students who identify with the “Shaw”
element and how that effects their academic experience. It is also encouraged that the
variables are expanded to see if more relationships exists between prescribed
outcome variables.
Discussion
The status, development, and achievement of Black students in relationship to
various outcomes associated with education have received a considerable amount of
attention in the research literature over the last 30 years. Some of which has focused
specifically on the gender differences between Black males and Black females (Cokley,
2000). Albeit there are some significant research studies identifying some the positive
aspects of the educational advancements of Black students (Davis, 2003; Ford &
Harris III, 1995; Harper, 2005; Horvat & Lewis, 2003). However, as a result of
conducting a thorough and exhaustive review of the literature for this particular
investigation, it is absolutely apparent that there is an insufficient amount of research
providing an alternative to the majority of research operating from a deficit model.
Subsequently, this investigation employs a presumptive ideology that Black students
are indeed connected to the education process, they value education, and they do
succeed academically.
Thereupon, as a result of this presumptive ideology, this investigation
established a simple but complicated research agenda informed by a basic research
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question examining the effects of racial identity attitudes on the academic
achievement of Black students attending X College. Racial identity development or
Nigrescence (the process of becoming Black) is best defined as the process in which
development occurs for Black people moving from a pro-white anti-Black philosophy
towards a strong sense of acceptance not only of being Black but also being secure
about an individual’s “Blackness” while also becoming aware of other races and
culture without rejection of one’s own identity. Parham (1985) articulates that the racial
identity process or Nigrescence does not necessarily happen in a linear manner rather it
happens in more of dynamic manner. In fact he asserts that it is not foreign for an
individual to recycle through various racial identity stages of development primarily
based on life experiences. Accordingly, this development process for obtaining a
“healthy” sense of racial identity is a critical component of a developing a positive
self-regard thus providing a foundation for the pursuit of education.
Moreover, one of the most important aspects about this particular study is the
emphasis on the overall impact of social oppression on the development of African
Americans. More importantly, a basic understanding that most African Americans do
not experience a “healthy” development psychological development process as a result
of social oppression, hence, the importance of the Cross’s (1971) Nigrescence model.
Because of this understanding, this study employs and integrates a significant amount
of literature from the psychological field and sociology because the development of
Blacks has an origin and does not necessarily exist within a specific academic
discipline. Significant contributions from various individuals such as Carl Rogers,
W.E.B. DuBois, Frantz Fanon, Leronne Bennet, and others paint a picture of the
experiences of Black people not only in America but also throughout the world and
how that global treatment or mistreatment plays out in terms of development.
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Incidentally, an exhaustive review was conducted in an attempt to identify
studies similar to the research agenda for this investigation. Inasmuch, search indicators
included but were not limited to the following subjects; Nigrescence, racial identity,
academic achievement, African Americans, higher education, etc. Returns from the
search provided a compendium of information imperative to the execution of this
investigation particularly on the role of racial identity on the academic achie vement of
African Americans however, upon further review, none of the articles or studies made
any reference or were conducted at the two-year or community college level. Therefore,
the decision to examine students attending a community college was determined by the
dearth of literature on racial identity with a sample population at the community college
level.
Generally speaking, studies on racial identity and academic achievement have
produced mixed results. Some investigations have concluded that a strong racial
identity is associated with academic achievement (Cokley, 2003). However, other
studies have concluded that gender differences moderate the outcome variable of
academic achievement (Horvat & Lewis, 2003). Several explanations can be given
regarding the varying results pertaining to the relationship between racial identity and
academic achievement such as instrumentation or methods employed (Chavous et al.,
2003) however, it is noted that very few studies utilized a mixed methods approach to
conducting their research. This was considered when determining to implement a
mixed methods approach to this study.
In restating the results from this investigation, it is important to re-emphasize
that quantitatively, the respondents demonstrated an overall relationship with immersion
attitudes, grade point averages, and course success. Qualitatively, respondents
demonstrated an overall rejection to Ogbu’s (1986) “acting white” thesis while also
providing rich, in-depth data articulating an affinity for valuing education. Ultimately,
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this investigation produces some interesting results that counter some of the
existing popular concepts regarding the critical analysis of Blacks and education. These
results are further discussed within the findings in chapter 6.
Conclusion
A great deal of higher education research literature establishes the
relationship between academic achievement and cognitive variables such as SAT and
ACT scores (Davis, 1994; Hilliard, 2003). However these traditional constructs have
been less effective in predicting the academic achievement of minority students,
especially African American students (Hood, 1992; Tinto, 1993). Accordingly, the
relationship between the academic achievement of Black students and non-academic
factors such adjusting to predominantly White institutions in comparison to
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (Allen, 1992; Davis, 1994; Fleming,
1984; Mow & Nettles, 1990; Michael Nettles, 1988; Sellers, Chavous, & Cooke,
1998) have been thoroughly exhausted as well.
More recent research literature suggests that non-academic factors are better
predictors of the academic success of Black students. Hence, the main purpose of
this study was to determine if students’ racial identities impacted academic
achievement. The research findings revealed that a strong/positive racial identity
(immersion and internalization) for Black males significantly contribute to their
academic achievement. In order to enhance our understanding of factors that relate to
the scholastic success of Black students in higher education, further studies are
needed to uncover variables that contribute to, and deflect from their successful
completion of undergraduate programs.
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Essentially, findings from this research reveal a rift in the literature on
Black male achievement and racial identity. It definitely contradicts Ogbu’s (2004)
concept of acting white. However, the research concludes that a more in-depth
investigation needs to be conducted with Blacks not attending an institution of higher
education. Because there are other “Brothas” in other institutions such as jail or
prison, that might dispute the findings of this study. In addition, those embedded in
hip-hop cultures that are Black might identify Blackness with various rap artists,
celebrities, or athletes. Recently, Kwame Toure, a syndicated columnist was
interviewed on CNN right after the Obama election and he stated that the margins of
“cool” or “real” Blackness must be expanded to include Barack Obama. In the past,
he stated, that most young Black males would be more prone to identify Blackness
with athletes such as Allen Iverson.
Conversely, one of the purposes of conducting this study is to articulate the
reality of within group variability and that all Black people are not alike and
therefore a one size fits all solution to some of the ills and problems confronting
Black America is not necessarily the right prescription. Hence, it is critical to
understand that the findings from this particular study suggests that race can play an
important role in the achievement of Black males but it is recommended that more
research is done in order to get more data and information in terms of racial identity
and the academic achievement of Black males.
Implications for Practice
Findings from this investigation provide invaluable implications for practice in
critical areas institutionally, for the administration, for the faculty and for students alike.
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Key recommendations are offered to the entire campus community willing to
advance the academy through this research.

The dilemma of achievement for African Americans is tied to (a) their
identity as members of a castelike minority group; (b) the larger society’s
ideology of Black intellectual inferiority and its reproduction in the mass
media and in everyday interactions; (c) their identity as members of a group
whose culture is seen, by all segments of the society, even other people of
color, as simultaneously inferior and attractive; and (d) their identity as
American citizens. The dilemmas contained in these realities…make the task
of achievement for African Americans distinctive. (Perry, Steele, & Hilliard,
2003, p. 79)

The aforementioned quote sums up the critical role that race plays in
correspondence with educational opportunities for Blacks. Based on the results of
this study, findings conclude that race is a factor and does matter concerning their
educational experience. In addition, this study indicates that a significant relationship
exists between the racial identity and academic achievement of Black students
attending X College could prove to be very beneficial for educators at this institution
in terms of program development as well as curriculum development. Inasmuch,
there exists a need for student equity and student success in relationship to African
American students. Subsequently, in order to improve upon the outcomes for Black
males in higher education and more specifically within the community college
system, it is critical that institutions provide more opportunities that reflect the
culture and identity specific to individual groups. Astin (1984) articulates the
development of an Afrocentric identity through various programs and an institution
can inform campus associations, which are an example of the development of a
positive racial identity. It may also be helpful for staff members, particularly at X
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College, where majority of the staff members are of Hispanic heritage, to know
the attitudes regarding race and academic achievement and what other factors
contributing to play a more pivotal role in impacting school performance.
Accordingly, in answering the research question, regarding the relationship
between respondents’ racial identity and their academic achievement it was found
that for Black males, a strong sense of racial identity (immersion and internalization)
is positively related to academic achievement. This supports evidence found in other
empirical research that highlights race and academic achievement (Chavous et al.,
2003; Lockett & Harrell, 2003).
At the same time, another implicit finding as a result of this investigation is
the students’ adjustment to a unique environment that does not necessarily function
as predominantly white institution, rather it functions as a de-facto predominantly
white institution with Hispanics as the majority population. Albeit X College is a
minority majority campus does not mean that all is well for all minority students
particularly Black students. Hence, the “Shaw” allows students, particularly Black
students, to create an environment that serves as a functional contributor to race and
cultural identity and thus allowing for a sense of comfort in a foreign environment
similar to a predominantly white institution. Black students have developed
strategies such as the “Shaw” as a form of resilience to combat potential racially
oppressive environments in the school environment (Tatum, 1999) and overcoming
racism which can serve as a barrier to school success.
Upon gathering of completed surveys and conducting semi-structured
interviews at X College, it is recommended that future research employ varied
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methods and instrumentation and more qualitative methods such as life histories
and focus groups in order to get richer and deeper perspectives on the racial identity
and academic achievement of Black students. I also recommend further exploration
and explication of the contrast of identifying as either Black or African American. I
think that it has a greater social significance amongst young Black males.
Furthermore, a longitudinal study over a two-year period at multiple institutions
could also prove beneficial.
Lastly, it is recommended that future studies focus on more specific
populations of Black students within college environments. Future studies could
concentrate on the specific student characteristics, such as resiliency, socioeconomic
status, gender, academic major, class-standing, or in-group variation. More may be
discovered about which factors most influence progression towards academic
achievement and success.
Institutional Implications
Crenshaw Boulevard more than likely exists on several campuses throughout
the country. The investigator selected this metaphor in describing this area of X College
because it reminded him of his time spent on the real Crenshaw Boulevard in South
Central Los Angeles. Movies such as John Singelton’s “Higher Learning” and the
“Freedom Writer’s” refer to different areas on their respective campuses where
specific students of similar race tend to hangout. Names such “Lil Saigon (large
concentration of Asian students), “South of the Border” (large concentration of
Latinos) or my personal favorite…the “Shaw” (large multicultural concentration
people representing hip-hop culture).
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Incidentally, this area of X College certainly reflects an urban environment
similar to Crenshaw Boulevard, hence the coining of the term the “Shaw” (Crenshaw
Boulevard for short). This is somewhat unique based X College’s proximity to the
Mexico Border and the various Latino cultures at X College. Ultimately, the “Shaw”
represents everything that could be easily construed as hip-hop culture and to be a part
of this area, you must adopt a sense of “coolness” in order be accepted. However, the
interesting past of the study is that even though these students visibly reflect an
urban/hip-hop identity, based on the results of this investigation, they do not fit some of
the negative stereotypes facilitated through the media.
Consequently, a bevy of information and data could be gathered from the
“Shaw’s ” on college campuses throughout the nation providing valuable information
on not only Black students but also students from multicultural backgrounds inspired
by the elements of hip-hop. This particular study chose to focus on Black students,
however, future studies can use various sample populations depending on the specific
research needs of individual campuses.
Additionally, programs, events, policies and the like can be altered or developed
as a result of some of the research conducted with students known to commonly
hangout in these areas of the campus. This non-traditional approach to conducting
research could easily be cited and integrated into the accreditation process in terms of a
commitment to diversity. In the era of accountability the newest trend specifically in the
community college system is the development of student learning outcomes. The main
element of student learning outcomes is the development of outcomes that are tied to
measurement. The “Shaw” in and of itself can be considered as an informal program
or activity that someone creative could actually develop student-learning outcomes with
measurable data.
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Implications for Faculty
Improved Pedagogical Strategies
Findings from this investigation should inform an expanded integration of a
multicultural curriculum specific to historically underrepresented students and
students of color, with an understanding of Afrocentric principles equally as much as
Eurocentric foundations of education and pedagogy. Findings from the current study
suggest that Black students do value education and one can assume that the faculty at
X College also value education and foster the learning process. Therefore, a
relationship between faculty members at X College and Black students should be
further developed perhaps through formal and informal engagement. It would be
encouraging to see faculty members become more involved in the “Shaw” and
possibly seek to transmit some type educational information in the “Shaw” in way
that might be more relative to them. Also, the development of a faculty/student
mentor/mentee program might also be associated with becoming more familiar with
students Hanging out in the “Shaw”
Extended Education and Professional Development
Another critical implication as a result of the findings from this study is the
importance of staying current with research and practices in order to continue to serve
diverse and increasingly complicated student populations. Understanding the cultural
nuances of the “Shaw” may be intimidating for some faculty, administrators, and staff,
however, it is a reality that not only exists at X College, more than likely aspects of the
“Shaw” are on campuses nationwide as alluded to earlier. Once again, the “Shaw” is
not a typical program or co-curricular activity, it is very non-traditional in nature just as
many of X College students are non-traditional. The continued utilization of traditional
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methods and approaches promoting academic achievement with non-traditional
students is not an optimal concept. In order to achieve optimal results with non-
traditional students this research suggests that non-traditional methods must be
employed.
Committee on Diversity and Student Equity
In addition to the aforementioned implications for faculty, the “Shaw” should
be a resource for discussion on any committee diversity and student equity. Typically,
higher educational institutions have a committee in their academic senate on diversity or
student equity. This is usually a component of the accreditation process. The “Shaw”
is an example of diversity that does not necessarily fit nicely in the structural definition
of diversity. It “outside the box” if you will, thus it requires unique attention in
relationship to diversity. Any conversation on the enhancement and fostering a diverse
leraning environment should include a conversation about the “Shaw”, the racial
identities of students hanging out in the “Shaw” as well as the academic achievement
of students in the “Shaw”
Implications for Students
One major implication for students as a result of this current investigation is
that it is ok to be academically successful. Ogbu’s (1986) theory suggests that Black
students seeking to be academically successful do so at the risk of sacrificing their
friendships and acceptance from their peers. Due to the fact that the results of this
study conclude that students can have healthy racial identities while succeeding
academically bodes well for Black students.
Camouflaging, code switching, and developing social capital
Additionally, findings from this study dispel negative stereotypes about Black
students particularly Black males. Students must understand that they play a critical
role in how they are perceived by the masses, albeit, many of the student participants in
119
this study outwardly subscribe to norms, values, and mores of their urban
environments which to the un-informed, might be considered as hostile or “gangster”
(look like a duck, walk like a duck…you are a duck). For those that are in the know, are
aware that urban attire is just a fashion statement, it does not necessarily mean that they
are involved in criminal activity. The “ghetto” uniform consisting of oversized white
tees and oversized baggy pants tend to get classified as “thugs ”. The implications are
this, although behaving and dressing a certain way is not necessarily an indication of
identity, however, it is assumed that it is a component of peer acceptance. Due to the
fact that students demonstrate a desire to be good students, shows an ability negotiate
multiple worlds such as peer groups, the “Shaw”, etc. while also maintaining a
threshold in an environment not as familiar to them. Subsequently, students must
understand the strength in the ability not only to manage their academic success by
either camouflaging certain activities and accomplishments (Ford & Harris III, 1995;
Horvat & Lewis, 2003), they must also begin to understand the importance of “code”
switching and negotiating multiple environments in order to gain access and
information key institutional networks and expand their social capital.
Striving for excellence
Excellence must be the yardstick for measuring the academic achievement of
Black students, nothing less is acceptable. It is noted that a host a critical stakeholders
within the academy must contribute to a culture of excellence ensuring the academic
success of all students, for practical purpose of this study, Black students specifically.
Results from this investigation infer a sense of pride associated with the opportunity to
pursue higher education therefore a foundation for excellence is already established.
Students must recognize the “talents” they possess and continue to support one
another in the education process and not criticize, make fun of, or reject those
individuals who choose pursue academic excellence. This study does not suggests that
120
is the case, but there is an implicit understanding within some of the existing
literature that does suggest this philosophy a quotes that sums up the complexities
related to academic excellence in the Black community “I had to fight to be gifted and
then I had to because I am gifted” (Linstrom & Van Sant, 1986, p. 584)
Albeit I am certain that this quote resonates within the psyche of many Black
students, it must not be the mantra in which we as Black folks accept. Terms such as
“Uncle Tom” or “sellout” must be relegated to those individuals who truly
demonstrate some form of racial self-hate and there is plenty of those folks out there, in
fact too many to mention, worthy of critique. Pursuing academic excellence needs to be
re-conceptualized, as indicated by this current investigation, to be the highest form of
“authenticity”, “being down”, or “keeping it real” as a sense Black pride and a
strong racial identity. Based on where we have come from (please refer to historical
context in literature review) where are currently and where we can go as a people, this
re-conceptualization in imperative for the future success of Black students.
Implications for future research
Grantham (2003) calls for a better understanding concerning the psychological
well being of Black students mainly because it is a subject of discussion that is heavily
misunderstood and therefore misdiagnosed in terms of prescribing treatment for such a
malady. He further asserts that because the inability to gain an appropriate understating
of the psychological effects of an unhealthy racial identity, it is incumbent upon
academic institutions to promote more research in the area of racial identity
development in order to gain a better understanding of its impact on academic
achievement.
Additionally, future research should seek to investigate the racial identities of
high achieving Black students attending community colleges. This could provide
121
insightful information in contrast to some of the findings and results obtained
through this investigation.
Limitations of the Study
Several limitations emerged throughout the conceptualization and
implementation of this research study. The present study contains some limitations that
may diminish the generalizability of the findings.
First, findings from this study should not be used to interpret or explain the
academic performance of the larger population of Black students at institutions of
higher education.
Secondly, data will only be collected at one institution therefore the results of
the study may not be representative of all institutions of higher education. Though an
appreciable number of Black students participated in this study (N = 76) a larger
sample size could have produced more generalizable results, and possibly
relationships between the study’s variables.
A third limitation of this study also lies within its methodology. Data was
collected from Black students who routinely hangout within a certain area of the
campus commonly referred to as Crenshaw Boulevard. Administering these surveys
and interviews may have skewed the study results in terms of racial identity.
Additionally, the surveys were not consistently administered at a specific time or
similar days. In sum, the differences in when surveyed were administered may call
into question whether all participants were completing the surveys without
significant or external stimuli.
122
Consequently, another limitation associated with this study is the inability
to conceptualize the role and influence of hip-hop on the racial identity of Black
males. Research conducted by James Earl Davis (2003) emphasized the propensity
of Black males to adopt an identity mired in hip-hop culture and athleticism, and thus
this was a necessary position in order to gain approval from their peers. Similar to
the conceptualization of athletic identity and its influence on racial identity, further
investigation and the development of an instrument determining a hip-hop identity in
the same capacity as the RIAS B or the Athletic Identity Measurement Scale (AIMS)
can add another dimension and open up a whole new genre of research related Black
males and academic achievement. It is the assumption of the investigator of this
study that this could prove to be very beneficial in the future research pertaining to
Black males.
Another limitation associated with this investigation is that the sample
population is limited to Black students, experiences from students from different
racial and ethnic backgrounds could provide some alternative insights to education as
well as provide some richness and depth to the student developmental process.
Lastly, a final limitation associated with this investigation consists of
controlling for course selection. One of the interesting results from this investigation
was the overall positive performance of Black males considering the saturation of
literature suggesting the opposite. One of the assumptions of this investigation is that
Black males were enrolled in classes that were not as academically rigorous.
Therefore, controlling for course selection might prove beneficial when comparing
gender differences.
123
Closing
“We’ve come this far by faith” an old Christian Spiritual hymn commonly
sung in some of hottest, sweat-filled Black churches across the country. A truer
statement could not be more appropriate in closing out this manuscript. As Black
people, we have indeed come a long way. However long of way we have come, we
still have a long and challenging road ahead of us. This endeavor (the dissertation
process) commenced long before one of the most historic moments in America, the
people’s choice, electing for the first time in American history, a Black president.
Albeit it was not intentional to conclude this process after such a significant moment
in history, I cannot think of opportunity to carpe diem…seize the day! The election
of Barack Obama should serve as a motivating factor that dreams do come true and
that all people can aspire to be anything they set they sights on. This investigation
proposes to add that ideology. Academic acceptance or social rejection is essentially
at the core of this investigation and I am personally happy to report that based on the
initial results of this study one does not have to sacrifice one for the other.
In sum, faith is what has brought us thus far and it is hope that will to propel
us toward a better future.

124

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137
APPENDIX A: INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL
RESEARCH

University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education, Waite Phillips Hall
3470 Trousdale Parkway, L.A., CA 90089

INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

Hanging out on Crenshaw: Examining the relationship between Racial Identity
Attitudes and the Academic Achievement of Black Males attending a Rural
Community College in Southern California

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Robert Hill, M.PA.,
from the Rossier School of Education at the University of Southern California
because you can contribute to the authenticity of this particular study. The results of
this study will contribute to the principal investigator’s dissertation. You were
selected as a possible participant because this study seeks to examine the personal
attitudes of Black College students. You must be at least 18 years of age to
participate. Subjects will be selected from X College classes, organizations and
activities to participate. Your participation is voluntary. Please read the information
below, and ask questions about anything you do not understand, before deciding
whether or not to participate. Please take as much time as you need to read the
consent form. If you decide to participate, please sign this form. You will be given a
copy of the form.

Completion and return of the questionnaire or response to the interview
questions will constitute consent to participate in this research project.

PROCEDURES: You will be asked to complete a questionnaire called the Racial
Identity Attitude Scale which should take approximately 20 to 30 minutes to
complete. You may also be asked to participate in a 20-30 minute interview to
expand on your experience at the college. The interview will be conducted on
campus at a time convenient to you and the researcher; and will be audio-taped with
your permission. If you do not want to be audio-taped, you can continue with your
participation, hand written notes will be taken.

CONFIDENTIALITY: Any information that is obtained in connection with this
study and that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be
disclosed only with your permission. Individual responses will not be shared with
your instructors and will not affect your grades. All survey responses will be
combined before they are presented; Individual responses will not be reported. Only
members of the research team will have access to the data associated with this study.
The data will be stored for three years after the study has been completed and then
138
destroyed. When the results of the research are published or discussed in
conferences, no information will be included that would reveal your identity. If you
volunteer to participate in the follow-up interview by providing your contact
information below, your identity will be protected.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL: If you volunteer to be in this study,
you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may also
refuse to answer any questions you don’t want to answer and still remain in the
study.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS: You may withdraw your consent at any
time and discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal
claims, rights or remedies because of your participation in this research study. If you
have any questions about your rights as a study subject or you would like to speak
with someone independent of the research team to obtain answers to questions about
the research, or in the event the research staff can not be reached, please contact the
University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Stonier
Hall, Room 224a, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1146, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu

IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS: If you have any questions or
concerns about the research, please feel free to contact the principal investigator,
Error! Contact not defined. M.P.A. (619) 482-6360, rhill@X Collegecd.edu.

If you are willing to be contacted for the interview related to this survey, please
check the box and provide your contact information:

 I would like to be contacted to participate in an interview.

___________________________________________________
Contact information

 I do not want to be contacted to participate in an interview
139
APPENDIX B: PERSONAL ATTITUDES INVENTORY

Personal Attitudes Inventory
X College , October 2008

Please completely fill in the bubble as shown: xx CORRECT MARKING: 
INCORRECT MARKINGS:   xx
Student Characteristics

Please write your student ID on
the lines provided below, and then
mark the corresponding circle
below each line.

Student
ID: __ __ __ __ __ __

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

How long have you been studying at X
College (X COLLEGE)?
 Less than 1 year
 1 to 3 years
 Between 3 and 7 years
 7 years or longer

Are you a first-generation college student?
 Yes  No
What kind of student do you perceive
yourself to be?
 Excellent
 Good
 Fair
 Poor

What is your educational goal?
 Associate’s degree
 Transfer for bachelor’s degree
 Vocational degree/certificate
 Career maintenance or
development
 Basic skills/high school diploma
 Personal interest
 Undecided
 Other:
____________________________

What racial designation do you most often
use to refer to yourself? (Mark all that
apply.)
 Black
 African
 Negro
 African-American
 Other
140

What is your gender?
 Male  Female
______________________________
 None

Personal Attitudes
This questionnaire is designed to measure people’s social and political attitudes.
There are no right or wrong answers. Use the scale below to respond to each
statement. Blacken the number of the response that describes how you feel.

Strongly
Agree
Agree
Uncertai
n
Disagree
Strongly
Disagree

1. I believe that being Black is a positive experience .................................
    
2. I know through experience what being Black in
America means......................................................................................
    
3. I feel unable to involve myself in white experiences
and am increasing my involvement in Black
experiences............................................................................................
    
4. I believe that large numbers of Blacks are
untrustworthy ........................................................................................
    
5. I feel an overwhelming attachment to Black people...............................
    
6. I involve myself in causes that will help all
oppressed people ...................................................................................
    
7. I feel comfortable wherever I am...........................................................
    
8. I believe that White people look and express
themselves better than Blacks....................................................
    
9. I feel very uncomfortable around Black people......................................
    
10. I feel good about being Black, but do not limit
myself to Black activities.......................................................................
    
11. I often find myself referring to White people as
honkies, devils, pigs, etc ...............................................................
    
12. I believe that to be Black is not necessarily good ...................................
    
13. I believe that certain aspects of the Black experience
apply to me, and others do not ...............................................................
    
14. I frequently confront the system and the man.........................................
    
141

Strongly
Agree
Agree
Uncertai
n
Disagree
Strongly
Disagree

15. I constantly involve myself in Black political and
social activities (art shows, political meetings,
Black theater, etc.).................................................................................
    
17. I believe that Black people should learn to think and
experience life in ways which are similar to
White people .........................................................................................
    
18. I believe that the world should be interpreted from a
Black perspective ..................................................................................
    
19. I have changed my style of life to fit my beliefs
about Black people ................................................................................
    
20. I feel excitement and joy in Black surroundings.....................................
    
21. I believe that Black people came from a strange,
dark, and uncivilized continent ..............................................................
    
22. People, regardless of their race, have strengths and
limitations .............................................................................................
    
23. I find myself reading a lot of Black literature and
thinking about being Black ....................................................................
    
24. I feel guilty and/or anxious about some of the things
I believe about Black people .....................................................
    
25. I believe that a Black person’s most effective
weapon for solving problems is to become a part of
the White person’s world.......................................................................
    
26. I speak my mind regardless of consequences (e.g.,
being kicked out of school, being
imprisoned, being exposed to danger)....................................................
    
27. I believe that everything Black is good, and
consequently, I limit myself to Black activities......................................
    
28. I am determined to find my Black Identity.............................................
    
29. I believe that White people are intellectually
superior to Blacks..................................................................................
    
30. I believe that because I am Black, I have many
strengths................................................................................................
    
31. I feel that Black people do not have as much to be
proud of as White people do..........................................................
    
32. Most Black people I know are failures...................................................
    
142

Strongly
Agree
Agree
Uncertai
n
Disagree
Strongly
Disagree

33. I believe that White people should feel guilty about
the way they have treated Blacks in the past ..........................................
    
34. White people can’t be trusted.................................................................
    
35. In today’s society if Black people don’t achieve,
they have only themselves to blame.......................................................
    
36. The most important thing about me is that I am
Black.....................................................................................................
    
37. Being Black just feels natural to me.......................................................
    
38. Other Black people have trouble accepting me
because my life experiences have been so different
from their experiences ...........................................................................
    
39. Black people who have any White people’s blood
should feel ashamed of it. ......................................................................
    
40. Sometimes, I wish I belonged to the White race.....................................
    
41. The people I respect most are White......................................................
    
42. A person’s race usually is not important to me.......................................
    
43. I feel anxious when White people compare me to
other members of my race.........................................................
    
44. I can’t feel comfortable with either Black people or
White people .........................................................................................
    
45. A person’s race has little to do with whether or not
he/she is a good person .............................................................
    
46. When I am with Black people, I pretend to enjoy the
things they enjoy ...................................................................................
    
47. When a stranger who is Black does something
embarrassing in public, I get embarrassed..............................................
    
48. I believe that a Black person can be close friends
with a White person...............................................................................
    
49. I am satisfied with myself......................................................................
    
50. I have a positive attitude about myself because I am
Black.....................................................................................................
    
51. I am satisfied with X College ................................................................
    
143
Please provide any additional comments:
___________________________________________________________________
_______________
____________________________________________________________________
______________
____________________________________________________________________
______________
Thank you for your participation!
144
APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

Institution
____________________________________________________________
Respondent (Title and Name):
____________________________________________
Age: _____ Gender: _____ Ethnicity: ___________________________________
Interviewer: __________________ Date:
___________________________________
Other Topics Discussed:
_________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
_
Introductory Protocol
To facilitate our note taking, we would like to audiotape our conversation today. For
your information, only researchers on the project will have access to the tapes. The
tapes will be eventually destroyed after they are transcribed. We’ll need your
signature on the consent form to meet our human subject requirements. Please check
the box allowing us to audiotape. Essentially this document states that: (1) we will
keep confidential any information that you share with us, (2) your participation is
voluntary and you may stop the interview any time if you feel uncomfortable and (3)
we do not intend inflict any harm. Thank you for agreeing to participate. The
interview will last no more than _____ minutes/hours. During this time, we have
several questions that we would like to cover. If we start to run short on time, I may
need to interrupt you in order to get your responses to all the questions I would like
to ask.

USC UPIRB #

Introduction

You have been selected to speak with us today because you have been identified as
someone who may be able to help us better understand social environments within
community colleges and how Black students experience those environments. We are
focusing on two specific areas: your personal perceptions about (a) race and identity
and (b) academic achievement

Personal Experience with Race

A1. What is it like to be a member of your race at this institution?
A2. Do you feel there is a difference between identifying as either Black or
African American?

Academic Achievement
145

B1. How do you perceive education?
B2. What is your perception of a good student?
B3. Do you think Black students receiving “good” grades get harassed from their
Black peers?
B2. As a Black male, do you think it is “cool” to be identified as a “good”
student?

Concluding Questions

C1. We have completed our list of questions?
C2. Is there anything else that you would like to add about your experiences?
What recommendations, if any, would you make to improve campus life for
Black males?
146
APPENDIX D: Consent Letter(s)

147

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The main purpose for conducting this investigation is to examine the relationship between academic achievement and the racial identity of Black college students attending a Southern California Community College. Nigrescence (the process of becoming Black) and racial identity has been studied extensively however, absent from the current literature are studies conducted with community college students as a sample population. This current investigation is unique and adds to the existing literature by employing community college students as its sample population. This study emphasizes the racial identity attitudes of Black students attending community college in Southern California.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Hill, Robert (author)

Core Title Hanging out on Crenshaw: examining the role of racial identity on the academic acheivement of black students at a southern California community college

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 03/13/2009

Defense Date 12/19/2008

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Academic Achievement,African American males,Black males,community college,Higher education,Nigrescence,OAI-PMH Harvest,racial identity

Place Name California (states)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Suite, Denzil (committee chair), Duke, Shalamon (committee member), Martin, Brandon E. (committee member)

Creator Email rhh@usc.edu,rhill1914@me.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2027

Unique identifier UC196855

Identifier etd-Hill-2597 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-208600 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2027 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Hill-2597.pdf

Dmrecord 208600

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Hill, Robert

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu