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Shoring up the pipeline: a case study of female navigation throughout the science instructional pathway (SIP)

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Shoring up the pipeline: a case study of female navigation throughout the science instructional pathway (SIP)

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SHORING UP THE PIPELINE: A CASE STUDY OF FEMALE NAVIGATION
THROUGHOUT THE SCIENCE INSTRUCTIONAL PATHWAY (SIP)

by

Allison Jill Aclufi

____________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2009

Copyright 2009 Allison Jill Aclufi

ii
Dedication

To Dr. Ruth Lebow, I am forever grateful for your inspirational teaching and
mentorship, which sparked my lifelong interest in and love for science.

iii
Acknowledgements

Thank you to Dr. Reynaldo Baca, for allowing me the freedom of
exploration, while expertly reigning in my tangential meanderings. Thanks also go
out to my committee members, Dr. Edlyn Peña and Dr. Gary Scott for their advice
and input. I am indebted to my family and friends for their patience and tolerance.
And finally, I would like to acknowledge my students, past and present, for being the
continual source of my inspiration.

iv
Table of Contents

Dedication ii
.
Acknowledgements iii

Abstract v

Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Significance of Study 5
Research Questions 6

Chapter 2: Literature Review 8
Social and Human Capital 8
Science Education 15
Females and Science Education 22
Minorities and Science Education 32
Educational Policies and Practices 40
Tracking 42

Chapter 3: Methodology 50
Subjects 52
Instrumentation 53
Procedure 54
Data Analysis 55

Chapter 4: Key Findings 56
Subject Thumbnail Sketches 56
Research Question 1 58
Research Question 2 71

Chapter 5: Discussion 86
Research Question 1 86
Research Question 2 90
Recommendations 94

References 101

Appendices 109
Appendix A: Student Interview Questions 109
Appendix B: Focus Group Questions 113
Appendix C: Exemplar Student Interview Questions 115
Appendix D: Subject Consent Form 126

v
Abstract

Female minority students are increasing in numbers as science majors, but
are still under-represented when compared to White and Asian males in the
workplace. Many factors have been proposed and studied, yet there has been little, if
any, longitudinal study of possible exacerbating variables that may play a key role in
deterring female minority students from pursuing a science degree and career. This
study took a retro-longitudinal look at the experiences of ten successful science
undergraduate female minority students. Two major domains already widely covered
in the literature were identified: academic experiences and social-capital networks.
Based on in-depth interviews, the following trends, in order of magnitude, were
noted: students were focused and goal-orientated, insufficient amounts and access to
science equipment, lack of science education in elementary school, no after-school
science programs, indifferent or resistant stakeholders, males favored in the
classroom, parent alienation from schools, inequitable access to academic
information, parental encouragement, and a lack of ethnic identity in the context of a
science student.
Not all of these trends began in elementary school, most began in middle
school and exacerbated throughout the remainder of student’s K-12 education. The
major factors that allowed for these students matriculation into a four-year university
as undergraduate science majors was their goal-orientated dedication to a science
career, and deliberate expansion of their social-capital networks to facilitate
knowledge acquisition mandatory for college acceptance.

vi
A large-scale, longitudinal study, following students throughout their entire
K-12 education would provide details that may be lost due to memory, and allow for
the creation of more effective interventions to reduce student attrition.

1
Chapter 1

Introduction

One of the major goals of science education is to ensure all students are
scientifically literate, able to make informed social, economical, and political
decisions. Trefil (2008) defines scientific literacy as the entirety of awareness and
knowledge of the physical universe an individual must possess to contend with
current news and events. Equipping our students with the knowledge and skills
necessary to thrive in a global economy must take precedence, as international
competition in our graduate schools and workforce increases (AAAS, 1993; DeBoer,
1991).
Historically, female and minority students have been underrepresented in the
sciences, in schools and in the workforce (NSF, 2004). The numbers of females
receiving undergraduate and graduate science degrees in the United States is
increasing, but females are still underrepresented when compared to White and Asian
males in the workforce. According to the National Science Foundation (2006),
females received more than 40% of science and engineering doctorates, but account
for less than 20% of the tenured positions in those fields.
For many female students, differential treatment begins in early childhood and
continues through high school, college, and in the workplace (Sadker & Sadker,
1994).

2
Weinburgh’s (1995) meta-analysis found that as students move through the science
instructional pathway, mandated science classes from kindergarten through 12
th
grade
elective science courses, differences in the achievement between males and females
becomes apparent.
By eighth grade the gender gap in science is already established
(Catsambis, 1995). Many females have already fashioned a belief system that
they can not and will not do well in science (Kahle & Meece, 1994; Sadker &
Sadker, 1994). Findings from TIMSS, Trends in International Mathematics and
Science Study, (NCES, 2003) corroborate this gender gap in U.S. science
achievement. Fourth grade boys outperformed their female counterparts in 1995
and 2003, while 8
th
grade boys outperformed the girls in 1995, 1999, and 2003.
Studies conducted to find out why females do not perform as well as
males and become disenchanted with science have yielded various of explanatory
variables. Differential treatment and support by teachers, parents, and community
members (Campbell, Jolly, & Perlman, 2004; Breakwell & Robertson, 2001;
Andre, Whigham, Hendrickson, & Chambers, 1999), and male-orientated
curriculum, textbooks, and pedagogies (Clewell & Campbell, 2002; Brickhouse,
Lowery, & Schultz, 2000; Sadker & Sadker, 1994) are some factors that can
discourage females initially interested in studying science.

3
Eventually, competition with males for equipment use and teacher
attention (Sadker & Sadker, 1994), lack of cooperative activities, and impersonal,
objective lessons (Brickhouse, et al., 2000), disillusion girls from considering
science as a major and eventually as a career. These potential barriers become
exacerbated as students progress from elementary through middle and high
school, culminating in eventual attrition from the sciences.
In order to gain an overall vision of a female’s progression through her
science education, Clewell and Campbell (2002) suggested a longitudinal
approach. The use of both a forward and backward perspective, a viewpoint
lacking in current research, can offer a deeper understanding of why females
undertake elective coursework facilitating a career in the sciences This approach
will also assist in identifying the most salient of variables for targeted
intervention.
One of the greatest challenges confronting female and minority students
is their awareness of and access to social networks rich in potential sources of
social capital (Lin, 2000). Coleman (1988) defines social capital as a set of
relationships and subsequent resources available to an individual that can
facilitate behaviors and actions, lending themselves to increased levels of
achievement, and advantageous positions in society.
This ultimate position in society via social mobility, is not solely an
outcome of one’s family position. While social classes preserve or reproduce
their positions generationally, mobility entails acquired contacts.

4
While individuals occupy various dimensions within their social environments, it
is not necessarily their original or inherent positions which define them, rather
the amount of social capital they are able to amass through social exchanges or
networking (Bourdieu, 1977).
Stanton-Salazar (2001) refers to the ever-increasing complexity of these
social exchanges and subsequent networks as a “social web” or a “social support
system”, as students progress through educational institutions. Students unable to
negotiate these networks or accumulate a rich collection of proactive institutional
agents are remanded to whatever pathways gatekeepers impose upon them. For
this study, gatekeepers are defined as teachers, counselors, and administrators.
Gatekeepers can either assist students in accessing necessary information
regarding classes, or disallow students from taking these courses. This can be
overtly via tracking or covertly by with-holding prerequisite information.
However, proactive institutional agents including teachers, counselors and other
informants can provide students otherwise privileged information and access to
various resources.
For many female and minority students, societal and familial biases also
serve to deter these students from pursuing science as a course of study and
career. Females must still contend with the stereotypical belief that science
classes are mainly the domain of males (Andre, Whigham, Hendrickson, &
Chambers, 1999).

5
Science teachers rarely call on girls and favor male student participation through
competitive practices (Brickhouse, et al., 2000). Female students are often not
informed about the extent of coursework needed to pursue careers in science
(James, 2002).
Minority students often contend with curriculum and pedagogies that
negate their unique social, cultural, and ethnic identities to order to conform to
what the institution and its agents accept as a representation of the status quo.
Valenzuela (1999) refers to this demoralizing practice as “subtractive schooling”,
when a conglomerate of institutional agents repudiate students’ assets, eventually
leading to marginalization and apathy. Any practice that creates inequitable
educational access can be thought of a barrier to the successful completion of a
course of study. When students do not believe that their emotional, social, and/or
educational needs are being overlooked or ignored, they tend not to participate in
their classes, including discussions, class work, and homework (Romo and Falbo,
1996).
Significance of Study
To gain a more comprehensive understanding of the challenges facing
female minority students navigating the science pipeline, this case study will
focus on a retro-longitudinal look at the science instructional pathway of a group
of ten college freshmen.

6
For most researchers, the science pipeline includes science curriculum from
kindergarten through 12
th
grade, continuing to include undergraduate and
possibly graduate studies in science, culminating in a science career. Whereas the
science instructional pathway, a term coined by Dr. William McComas (personal
communication, March 21, 2007), solely reflects the mandated science
coursework through grade twelve by individual states.
Investigating how these particular students successfully maneuvered
through the science instructional pathway will shed needed insight as to which
variables are most salient for minority females wanting to pursue a degree or
career in the sciences. The following research questions have been posed to glean
pertinent information that can be used to target more appropriate interventions to
decrease female and minority attrition rates.
Research Questions
1. How do female minority science students successfully navigate
through the challenges of the science instructional pathway and the pipeline?
2. How do female minority science students access, augment, and utilize
their social-capital networks gaining admittance to a four-year university?
The responses to these particular research questions will serve to augment
current understanding of the major factors and clarify their specific roles as they
contribute to female and minority attrition rates as undergraduate science majors.
A case study approach will be used, with semi-structured interviews, along with
focus groups, providing the qualitative data

7
Successful freshmen female minority (for this study minorities will be
limited to Latinas or African-American females) science majors will be
purposely selected as they have recently matriculated and can provide up-to-date
information linking their K-12 and college experiences. Academic success will
be determined by a minimum overall 2.5 G.P.A (grade point average), and a 3.0
G.P.A. in their science courses. Although there is a general consensus among
educators regarding letter grades, there is no true standardization. Therefore, to
provide some consistency, all students will have graduated from the same school
district and all are currently attending the same 4-year university.
Both the school district, one of the largest in the country, and adjacent 4-
year university are in a large urban area, and share similar demographics,
featuring a large minority population. Individual interviews, focus groups and
examinations of student transcripts for science GPA’s will assist in validating the
success of these students and provide deeper insights as to academic experiences
and networks that these students have utilized.

8
Chapter 2
Literature Review
To explain why female minorities are underrepresented in the sciences,
we need to look at what occurs throughout their K-12 educational experiences.
What avenues, resources, and opportunities are accessible to successful students
as they navigated the science instructional pathway, state mandated K-12 science
courses (W. McComas, personal communication, March 21, 2007)? Did
institutions, institutional agents, and other stakeholders afford these students
equitable opportunities to amass sufficient scientific knowledge, skills, and
applications throughout their K-12 education? And finally, were there any
barriers, inequitable educational knowledge or resources, which they had to
surmount to successfully complete the SIP and enter the science pipeline,
culminating in a science degree and/or career?
To describe the overarching climate in which female minority students
are exposed to the sciences, this chapter begins with a review of relevant social-
capital literature, followed by educational experiences, and ends with
institutional practices impacting these students.
Social and Human Capital
Every person in society occupies a position based on several factors,
beginning with, but not limited to one’s family, associated relations, social class,
and socio-economic status.

9
However, accumulating beneficial relationships and advantageous connections
with others enhance, what Bourdieu (1977) calls social capital. Amassing these
interactive relationships or social networks can additionally be utilized as a
resource for building one’s cultural capital.
Cultural capital, described by Bourdieu (1977) as the idiosyncrasies and
nuances of the dominant class’s language, communication protocols and
interactions, can serve to increase one’s chances of ascension through society. An
expanded system of social networks not only increases one’s cultural capital, but
also an individual’s human capital, which Coleman (1988) characterizes as the
accumulation of knowledge and abilities. Oakes and Guiton (1995) describe
human capital as both knowledge and skills, primarily modeled and reinforced by
a close relationship between parent and offspring. An abundance of human
capital without sufficient social capital and accompanying networks yields little
if any benefit for children (Coleman, 1988). Lin & Huang (2005) found that
higher levels of human capital lead to greater opportunities for career outcomes
that can also result in an expansion of one’s social capital.
Coleman’s (1988) view of social capital is a dynamic, consisting of
interactive relationships within one’s social structure and offering obligatory and
reciprocal expectations for the behavior of others in the network. These often
intergenerational dealings result in behavioral norms and subsequent actions
within family networks, throughout communities, and institutions.

10
These norms provide individuals and groups with a gauge for appropriate
interactions within social structures. However, they may also elicit conformity,
assisting in reproduction of the status quo, effectively curtailing the accumulation
of external sources of social capital, thus thwarting the chance of advancing
one’s position in society.
One of the major hurdles to social mobility is the ruling majority’s
preservation of its ranks. This practice results in excluding of newcomers from
sharing in the wealth of resources, both tangible and intangible, which has served
the ruling class so well (Bourdieu, 1977). Elite social networks operate on an
exclusionary basis. They allow only privileged members of society access to
financial, social, or institutional resources and opportunities, reproducing
exclusionary opportunity structures. Excluded groups, generally low income
minorities, become alienated, left to fend for themselves, leaving them with a
glimpse of, but little possibility, to attain the American dream.
When these preclusive norms permeate society, they validate
longstanding polices and practices favoring the privileged. This leaves minority
students outside the realm where they would be able to access the dominant
group’s networks and subsequent resources. Instead of being facilitating entities,
assisting individuals equitably, long-standing networks can also function as
exclusionary barriers (Stanton-Salazar, 2001).

11
Lin (2000) observed individuals from higher socio-economic families
have more extensive social networks, leading to increased social capital, and an
expanded selection of beneficial resources. The amassed social capital within a
family and its’ network are instrumental in building of human capital for
following generations. Parental assets, most importantly educational
achievements, act as the primary foundation for building a child’s human capital
(Coleman, 1988).
Historically, societies created their schools to impart religious doctrine to
the male children of aristocratic families (Lacey, 1966). In the United States,
public schools were created to provide citizens, many of whom were immigrants,
with a basic education focusing on citizenship, reading and writing skills, while
filtering out those few students who would go to college (Hershberg, 2005).
Although these were public schools, only a small percentage of families sent
their children here. Only as recently as 1945 did roughly 75% of all high school
age children attend public secondary school (Lacey, 1966).
Public schools, especially secondary schools, have therefore been the
domain of the upper class for most of their existence, confirming their place in
society, and maintaining the status quo. Social norms and school structure have
developed over centuries, but a systemic inequitable model of social reproduction
frames these norms and structures.

12
For female and minority students, knowing how to access these structures
is not inherent, rather it is a function of an individual’s social capital. The effects
of social reproduction are greatest in urban public schools that serve a
predominantly minority student population, and devote little resources towards
addressing the needs of these students (Heck & Mahoe, 2006). If an individual or
group already has a compromised social network, then an educational system
based on preserving social ranks, will continue to bar access to the fundamental
resources needed by minorities to overcome a compromised social network (Lin,
2000). Social reproduction effects are strongest in urban public schools with
increased numbers of African-American students (Heck & Mahoe, 2006).
Within the educational system are a myriad of policies and resources that
can assist or restrict minority students in their progression towards high school
completion and college admission. If students and their families do not have prior
experience with or knowledge of the processes involved in the educational
system, they are subject to whatever information is disseminated to them. They
may not know what questions to ask, or even whom to ask. Because the
educational system was created to serve privileged White males (Lacey, 1966),
female and minority students must subjugate their individuality to fit the model
still used by public school institutions. However, when institutions and their
agents devalue one’s gender, identity, culture, and/or ethnicity, these students
suffer the repressive effects of social reproduction (Valenzuela, 1999).

13
Schools and stakeholders must shift the existing paradigm by incorporating other
cultures and viewpoints while students’ networks and resources are expanded.
This action will allow minority students to prevail over existing barriers
(Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
We, as a society, assume that public schools offer equal educational
opportunities, especially when the No Child Left Behind legislation holds
schools accountable for student performance. When students are unable to meet
content standards (meaning that they earned a basic, below basic or far below
basic on a state and/or federally mandated exam), society blames them and their
parents, rather than hold the school accountable (McQuillan, 1998). Further, by
not ensuring that all of our students are able to meet basic academic standards,
we are barring them from increasing their human capital, compromising their
economic futures (Hershberg, 2005).
The historic role of both teachers and administrators in public education
has been to indoctrinate students to the ideology of the ruling or dominant class,
reproducing social, cultural, and human capital (Harvie, 2006). Students enter the
public school system with differing amounts of resources, usually in the form of
prior knowledge and experiences. The value, assessed by the teacher, of students’
social and capital resources determines whether they can be converted to social
and cultural capital to benefit students (Monkman, Ronald, & Theramene, 2005).

14
Teachers who feel as if they can influence and change existing inequitable
policies also believe they can positively enhance minority student achievement
(Fine, 1991).
Dika and Singh’s (2002) review of 52 articles, books, and papers written
between 1986 and 2001 found students’ social capital positively linked to their
educational achievement. It therefore makes sense that to increase the
achievement of minority students, we must increase their social capital networks.
Valenzuela (1999) contends that teachers’ aesthetic and authentic caring
promotes relationships that empower minority students, otherwise shut out from
the institutional support and information allocated to students with ample social
capital.
However, it is not the sole domain of teachers to provide this vital
information. Other institutional agents, such as counselors, administrators,
teacher’s aides, and peers, assist in disseminating potential sources for social
mobility by developing more pervasive networks. These include identifying
college preparatory classes, prerequisite coursework, college applications and
enrollment details.
Providing and ensuring equitable access to this information can serve to
mitigate the effects of social reproduction (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbush, 1995)
and assist female minority students who wish to pursue a degree and subsequent
career in the sciences.

15
Science Education
The seemingly innocuous labeling of a child as “good in English”, or
“bad in science”, can set up a lifelong love or aversion to an entire avenue of
study. Coming from an authority figure, these types of comments can result in
students who question their ability. This scenario is just one of many that can
assist science educators and researchers in understanding why some students
decide to abandon science as a focus of study, possible career, and explain their
eventual attrition from the science pipeline altogether (Spelke, 2005). Although
the science instructional pathway refers solely to the mandated K-12 science
education, the science pipeline includes voluntary secondary science coursework,
matriculation as an undergraduate science major, and ultimate career in the
sciences.
To stem the flow of students from the science pipeline, public schools
must address the thorough training of all teachers who provide any form of
science instruction, especially introductory science. A child’s early impression of
science, including understanding scientific concepts and belief in their ability to
perform science investigations, is paramount to future interest in science as a
career (Arons, 1983). Joyce and Farenga (1999) found a correlation between a
child’s interest in a science career and their future involvement in science.

16
By the age of nine, children already have developed opinions about
science as a viable career choice (Joyce and Farenga, 1999). So that teachers are
able to present materials in various ways using a myriad of methods, training
must include mastery of content, state and national science standards and
curriculum development associated knowledge including mathematics,
applicable and appropriate hands-on activities, and a full range of pedagogies.
This training will allow science teachers to engage and challenge students,
promoting in-depth understanding via activities where students evaluate,
synthesize, and apply scientific knowledge to new ideas and concepts (Arons,
1983). Preparing students for each succeeding science class, while providing
opportunities for student mastery of the content standards, serves to empower
students, encouraging them to continue their science studies.
Most elementary school students enjoy hands-on, discovery-orientated
activities accompanying early science coursework. Augmenting this enjoyment is
the unique bonding that occurs in primary school as students spend most of their
day with one teacher, and a limited number of classmates. Teachers and peers
have time to explain and model tasks in great detail; ones that may initially
overwhelm a child (Speering & Rennie, 1996).
Yet, as students transition to secondary school, they tend to lose interest
in science. The close relationships students shared with their primary school
teacher changes as they now have 6 or 7 teachers they share with 30 or 40 (or
more) students at a time.

17
Curriculum changes from student-centered and student-generated paths of study,
coupled with tactile activities, to teacher-centered lectures and demonstrations.
This is usually combined with what many students consider excessive note-
taking, resulting in frustration and boredom. Compounding these changes,
institutional agents, primarily high school counselors, begin to make unilateral
decisions about students’ science coursework beyond the minimal requirements
(Speering & Rennie, 1996).
Transitioning from primary to secondary school, students move from
mandated classes along the science instructional pathway, to eventually choosing
(or not choosing to take) elective science courses. Whether students continue on
the science pipeline is often dependent on their experiences and preparation for
more advanced coursework. New York suburban ninth grade biology teachers
expressed satisfaction with the results of heterogeneous groupings of science
students who transitioned from 8
th
grade. These students were better prepared for
their high school science curriculum because all students receiving rigorous
biology content, and interventions when needed (Burris & Wellner, 2005).
Yet, high school students with an affinity for the study of, along with a
professed interest in a career in math and science, do not necessarily end up in
the careers they had imagined. This is where one of the leaks in the pipeline
occurs: twenty-six percent of students who went on to major in math/science
ended up working outside the field.

18
In descending order, interest in the subject, enjoyment of the topic, career
opportunities, earning potential, and challenging subject matter were the reasons
given by both male and female students for their choice of a science or math
major (Webb, Lubinski, & Benbow, 2002).
Markowitz’s (2004) study of a high school program conducted on a
university campus, resulted in 80% of student’s reporting an increase in their
interest in science as a career. Positive influences on student’s attitudes towards
science and ability to use equipment were also found. Mentoring of students by
practicing scientists and providing academic rigor coupled with activities
allowing for student experimentation and mastery will assist in keeping students
in the pipeline.
Addressing the academic preparation of students is not enough to assure
science proficiency. Student’s self-efficacy, a belief in their ability to choose and
perform actions to achieve a specific outcome, is a strong predictor of academic
achievement (Bandura, 1986). Britner and Pajares (2006) investigated if this held
true in science education; will a student’s belief in their science ability predict
achievement in science? Of the four variables (mastery experiences, vicarious
experiences, peer pressure and psychological factors) that contribute to
developing of student self-efficacy, mastery experiences significantly predicted
science self-efficacy.

19
Britner and Pajares (2006) also confirmed that for science students,
higher levels of self-efficacy significantly influenced science achievement. Joyce
and Farenga’s (1999) found that student perceptions about science careers were
already in place by the age of nine. They suggested that student attitudes and
subsequent behaviors are influenced more by self-perceptions rather than past
experiences and accomplishments.
There is however, a relationship between student’s early science
experiences and their choice of science as a career. When youngsters express an
interest in a science career, there is a correlation with their formal and informal
future pursuit of science (Joyce & Farenga, 1999). More than student
achievement, parental education levels, and socio-economic status, youngsters
who perceived themselves as good in science was a better predictor of future
interest in and pursuit of science in secondary school (Simpkins, Davis-Kean, &
Eccles, 2006). Much research on students’ premature abandonment of science
has focused on required coursework and improving accompanying technology
for STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) students, but has
so far tiptoed around the various pedagogies used by teachers.
Kardash and Wallace (2001) developed a student survey, Perceptions of
Science Class Survey, PSCS, instead of interviews and focus groups. They found
strong correlations between pedagogical strategies, faculty interest in teaching,
use of grades as feedback, and lab experiences.

20
Science teachers who feel that they have the freedom to design and implement
their own curriculum are more likely to create engaging curriculum better geared
to student interests and needs (Lake, 2007). Student self-reports of interest and
competence in science correlated positively and significantly with achievement,
as measured by grade point averages and college entrance scores.
The researchers attributed students’ choice of a career in science to
students’ appreciation of their science and high school coursework, which also
prepared them for the rigor of college-level science (Kardash & Wallace, 2001).
Still, the National Science Foundation (1999) reports that most United States
high school students are still not prepared for upper level science classes.
Tobias’s (1993) study provided added insights why science may be
unpalatable to some students. The major reasons for student frustration and
attrition were disjointed curricular themes, discouraging of student input, and
excessive note-taking. However, students also reported that repetitive work in
lecture, recitation, lab, and associated homework were also factors for student
disengagement. Covering an extensive amount of material in a limited amount of
time, and testing students on a small portion of the work also resulted in apathy.
The use of a curve to assign grades stressed comparisons between students,
instead of mastery experiences, which also resulted in student attrition.
According to Tobias (1990), there are two possible approaches to curtail
the loss of students from the science pipeline: either shore up the leaks, or
increase the numbers of students entering in the first place.

21
Reforming science education, streamlining the content, making it accessible and
relevant can also assist in increasing student interest and engagement (Gallagher,
2000).
Availing students of individualized attention and greater access to
laboratory activities by lowering science class sizes as is currently done in
English classes is just one of the many options for primary and secondary
educators.
Early interventions to ensure students are encouraged to choose elective science
courses and pursue a science degree/career, as only 18% of successful science
students continue past a baccalaureate degree with their science education is also
suggested (Tobias, 1990).
George W. Bush declared the class of 2000 was going to be number one
in the world in math and science. There are several problems inherent in this
goal; it is nine years later and our nation is still far from achieving this status.
One of the challenges is that each state uses its own science standards and
assessments to gauge student performance outcomes. It will be difficult to
achieve uniformity unless we consider utilizing our existing national science
standards. Additionally, if we are to use the TIMSS studies for international
comparison, we must be aware that many other nations test only their highest
achieving students. Other nations weed out students who do not meet minimal
standards, sending them to vocational schools rather than secondary school
(Colburn, 1990, Hurd, 1999).

22
To compete in today’s job market, students must have a comprehensive
understanding of science (National Academy Press, 1998). Scientifically literate
individuals are not solely needed as researchers or technicians, the ability to
analyze and problem-solve is an everyday need as citizens vote on issues such as
global-warming and stem cell research. Every individual should be able to
understand basic scientific concepts and how they relate to everyday life (Trefil,
2008). Application and utilization of science concepts and technologies in the
workplace needs to be the priority of schools to prepare all students for the future
(Hurd, 1998).
Females and Science Education
The notion that men are “better” at science than women is a long-standing
stereotype. In 2006 Harvard’s President, Lawrence Summers resigned due to the
controversy surrounding his expression of similar views.
Yet most research suggests no differences between the orientations, responses
and interactions, of male and female infants to objects and people. There have
been no cognitive differences found between the sexes in any study, including
those with large sample sizes. The differences between the genders may simply
be the strategies (ways and means) favored and implemented by each gender
when tackling math and science problems (Spelke, 2005).

23
Science curriculum during the science instructional pathway is the same
for girls and boys. Yet, due to differential access, choice, and society’s view of
what is appropriate, boys and girls may experience science from a different
perspective, affecting their future preferences and learned skills within the
sciences (Clewell & Campbell, 2002. Additionally, inequitable treatment,
allowing boys to monopolize classroom discussions, equipment, and activities
occurs throughout the K-12 experience (Sadker and Sadker, 1994).
Boys and girls at an early age develop affinities for different types of
science. Females favor life science, while males favor physical sciences,
attributed to both in school and out-of-school experiences (Clewell & Campbell,
2002). Females are more likely to earn degrees in biology, whereas boys are
likely to earn degrees in physics, chemistry, and math (Webb, Lubinski, &
Benbow, 2002). No gender differences in attitudes were found in classes
combining aspects of biology and physical science, like Advanced Placement
Environmental Science (Penwell, 2004). Research suggests that boys and girls
are equally capable of learning science, so differences between choosing science
as a course of study and career may well be found within the social domain
(Spelke, 2005).
The perception of personal competence is a product of social constructs.
For K-3 students, there were no measurable differences in their perceived
competence in reading, math, life sciences, and physical sciences.

24
By grades 4-6, both genders perceived their competence in physical science as
the lowest of those same four subjects, and girls liked that subject least,
preferring reading and writing (Andre, Whigham, Hendrickson, & Chambers,
1999). Stereotypical attitudes are already in place by age nine. Fourth, 5
th
, and 6
th

graders believe that physical science and technology-based classes are more
appropriate choices for boys, while life science is a more appropriate choice for
girls (Farenga & Joyce, 1998).
By 4
th
and 5
th
grade, many girls already exhibit a self-defeatist attitude
towards science, believing they wouldn’t be good at it, and don’t know much
about it (Kahle and Rennie, 1993). Both boys and girls, from K-6, saw jobs that
relate to life science and physical science as male-dominated. However, there
were no differences in their liking of science, and no preferences between boys
and girls in preferring life science over physical science. Parents perceived
science as more important for boys (Andre, et al., 1999). Although they
encouraged reading at home for their male and female children, parents were
unaware of their daughter’s interest in science and nature topics. Eighty-eight
percent of girls wanted to read books about animals, and almost half of the 3
rd

grade girls preferred science books (Ford, Brickhouse, Lottero-Perdue, &
Kittleson, 2006).

25
Parents also believed that boys are more competent in science, had higher
expectations for them, and that careers in science were male-dominated. Kahle
and Rennie’s (1993) study of about 1500 4
th
and 5
th
grade students found more
boys than girls (74% to 59%) believed that they could become a scientist, and
were more confident in their science abilities. Parental attitudes and gender
stereotypes influenced children’s feelings and beliefs about who can do science,
and what area of science they can excel in, or visualize a career in (Andre, et al.,
1999).
Research has implicated parental attitudes, especially maternal attitudes,
in influencing older children as well. Breakwell and Robertson (2001) conducted
two surveys of students, ages 11-14, over a 10-year period. Both surveys show
that maternal support of science is directly predictive of children’s attitudes
toward science. The second survey found that maternal support for science to be
even more significant than the previous study. For fathers this effect was not as
significant. Both surveys found girls like science at school less, performed worse
in science, had more negative attitudes towards science in general, and
participated in fewer extracurricular science activities.
Greenfield’s (1997) research of K-12 grade science students also showed
a decrease in female’s attitudes towards science and their participation in
extracurricular science activities. Baker and Leary’s (1995) research on girls in
grades 2-11, found that girl’s preferred learning science in cooperative and
socially interactive activities.

26
Females’ preference for writing and life sciences also spans primary and
secondary school. Levine and Geldman-Caspar (1996) found 7
th
and 8
th
grade
females to prefer writing about relevant social issues, especially current events
featuring health, science, and nature topics.
To identify what variables are associated with higher performance
outcomes in science, researchers conducted a study of mathematically precocious
youth (SMPY), identified as 12 year old students who scored in the upper realm
on the SAT-M. Student ability in 7
th
and/or 8
th
grade was not a good predictor for
academic achievement in science and math. For high achieving students, a strong
role model, mentor, or related experience was a significant factor for positive
educational outcomes. Gender differences in science achievement increased from
high school to college as female’s ambition declined significantly while attrition
significantly increased (Benbow & Arjmand, 1990).
The way that female students think about themselves and how that fits
into their existing schema of what a scientist looks like and does is what
Brickhouse, Lowery, and Schultz (2000) believe is a more culturally derived
belief. For 7
th
grade African-American females who liked science, enjoyed
hands-on science-based hobbies, those who fit expected behavior patterns for
girls had no difficulties developing in their role as a female science student.

27
Baram-Tsbari, Sethi, Bry, and Yarden (2006) found that girls had a higher
tendency to use online science education websites to assist in answering
questions favoring nature and biology topics. This may be due to past inequitable
experiences in their science classrooms (Sadker and Sadker, 1994).
Girls who did not behave in expected gender roles suffered academic sanctions
that included track changes, class changes, and assignment to classes with
unprofessional or unprepared teachers (Brickhouse, et al., 2000).
Female students feel a stronger sense of self-efficacy than males when
instructors facilitate activities geared to foster mastery experiences. This in turn,
increases confidence in self-regulatory skills (Britner & Pajares, 2006). A
female’s self-efficacy, along with an interest in science, and belief that she will
experience a positive outcome impact her choice of academic program and
retention in that program. The relationship between ability and a sense of self-
efficacy was positive and significant for female high school students (Nauta &
Epperson, 2003). Even with a high level of self-efficacy coupled with higher
final grades in their science classes than boys, females felt more apprehensive
about their performance in class (Britner & Pajares, 2006).
One possible explanation for females’ anxiety about their class
performance may be due in part to the organizational differences between
primary and secondary schools. Elementary school science consists of lots of on
hands-on and small group activities, encouraging equal participation by boys and
girls (Greenfield, 1997).

28
Speering and Rennie (1996) found that a girl’s attitude toward and
interest in an academic subject is related to a positive relationship with their
teacher. When students have a positive attitude towards science and believe that
they can do science, their science achievement increases (Britner and Pajares,
2006), and they persist in taking science classes (Simpkins, et al, 2006).
Kahle and Rennie (1993) found no gender differences for 4
th
and 5
th
grade
science students whose teachers took part in educational equity training, and
incorporated hands-on activities in their classrooms.
Students’ interest patterns also serve to drive them towards or from a
science career. Males favor domains that highlight inquiry-driven and rationale-
orientated topics. While females show an interest in these same topics, they are
equally interested in artistic and social domains (Webb, Lubinski, & Benbow,
2002). When girls reach high school, their reasons for pursuing science beyond
the SIP were as follows: interest, utility, beliefs about their ability, and teacher
assignment (James, 2002).
Papadimitriou (2003) also found subject matter interest to be the most
important reason why female science students, those enrolled in physics and
advanced chemistry were successful. Coming in second was female students’
early sciences experiences, followed by perceived ability, self-confidence, and
opinions and attitudes of teachers, parents, and peers. Another reason for a
student’s choice of a career in science is their past experience with or relationship
to a scientist (Hill, Pettus, and Hedin, 1990).

29
However urban high school females who participated in an intervention program
at a natural science museum attributed their interest in a science career to
curricular content and not to interactions with scientists (Fadigan & Hammrich,
2004).
Not all females interested in pursuing a science career have the same
information disseminated to them. Latinas in O’Halloran’s (1994) study all
passed their science classes.
More than 65% expressed an interest in considering science as a possible career
choice. Yet they not encouraged by teachers or counselors to explore afterschool
science activities, science as an undergraduate major, or a career in science. In
contrast, successful high school Latinas in Oquendo-Rodriguez’s (1999) study
were well informed by their teachers about necessary skills and information
needed for pursuing science as a career.
The early identification of a female student’s interests, knowledge, and
skills coupled with appropriate interventions can assist in mitigating female
attrition as they progress along the science instructional pathway and into the
science pipeline (Nauta & Epperson, 2003). For females who do not experience
positive early experiences in their science classrooms, having positive
extracurricular science activities becomes crucial for keeping them in the science
pipeline (Papadimitriou, 2003). This is important since Greenfield’s (1996) study
found that as girls move from primary to secondary school their early positive
attitudes towards science drops and subsequent science achievement follows suit.

30
Interventions before college matriculation ameliorate differences between class
enrollment and performance in the sciences, but appear to make no difference
when it comes to their desire to become scientists (Clewell & Campbell, 2002).
Clewell & Campbell (2002) describe several major gender differences
when it comes to why students choose science, technology, engineering, and/or
mathematics as their major(s): performance; degree goal; degree attainment; and
career situation. These researchers believe the lower representation of females in
STEM majors is chiefly due to a failure to choose STEM majors, as opposed to
attrition. Fadigan and Hammrich (2004) concluded that if females were informed
about necessary coursework and job possibilities for STEM careers before
secondary school matriculation, the unusually high female attrition in elective
science classes could be curtailed.
One reason females report choosing science, mathematics and technology
as a major is their preference to use real world data and ideas (Nauta &
Epperson, 2003). Baker and Leary (1995) report that girls choose a career in
science because of health-related interests and a desire to be of service to those
they love. Both females and males stated the primary reasons for choosing a
science major is their appreciation for science, belief that their secondary
curriculum prepared them for university-level science classes and their interest in
pursuing a science-related career (Kardash & Wallace, 2001).

31
Webb et al (2002) found that both genders also considered potential
earnings and the need to choose a challenging career when considering science as
a career. Yet even with these similar goals and beliefs, more males, both science
and non-science majors, take more undergraduate science classes than females
(Webb, Lubinski, & Benbow, 2002). This may be due not to academic ability.
Rather, it may be due to the discomfort of being outnumbered in a male-
dominated classroom, with primarily male faculty using male-orientated
curriculum and pedagogies. These conditions may be a contributing factor to
higher female attrition rates (National Science Foundation, 2002).
To determine what female students perceived to be potential obstacles in
their pursuit of a science career, Kardash and Wallace (2001) developed the
Perceptions of Science Classes Survey (PSCS). Females who dropped out of
their undergraduate science programs had grades comparable with male students,
but did not relate to the limited pedagogies used and rarely interacted with
faculty members. Females in middle school and high school are narrowing the
gap between enrolling in, completing, and performing in their science classes.
Yet more work needs to be done to encourage girls, throughout their schooling,
to choose to use their academic skills in the pursuit of science careers (Clewell &
Campbell, 2002).
Much of the research on gender differences in the sciences suggests
equalizing the numbers of males and females, as undergraduate and graduate
science majors, and parlaying those equal numbers to scientific careers.

32
Webb et al (2002) express concern for mandating equal numbers, suggesting
instead to ensure equal opportunities are present throughout the educational
system. Males still outnumber females 3 to 2, as undergraduate science majors,
and as science faculty, by a ration of 14 to 1 (Clewell & Campbell, 2002). This
may indicate dissatisfaction with undergraduate programs in meeting their female
students’ needs, since greater numbers of females choose non-science majors, but
after graduation, choose science-based occupations (Webb, Lubinski, & Benbow,
2002).
Campbell, Jolly, and Perlman (2004) suggest a model to address gender
imbalance in undergraduate science majors. Their model incorporates three
integrated variables, engagement, capacity, and continuity.
They found that addressing student interest, motivation, and awareness, while
building the knowledge and skills necessary for successful completion of
coursework, coupled with support and opportunities within the program and
throughout the institution leads to equity.
Minorities and Science Education
Female students are not the only ones underrepresented in the science
pipeline. Minority students, Latinos and African-Americans, are also present in
significantly smaller percentages than expected based on enrollment numbers.
This discrepancy has been shown to begin as early as elementary school (NSF,
2006).

33
One of the programs designed to alleviate the challenges minority
students experience at the hands of the public school system is called AVID
(Advancement via Individual Determination). Increasing educational
opportunities for minority students by increasing these student’s social networks
and providing needed academic interventions are the primary means AVID uses
to mitigate some of historic inequities that these students, primarily those from
low socio-economic backgrounds, have suffered.
Research suggests that students in a school’s AVID program have higher
college admission rates than comparable students. However, these differences
may be due to other variables. These include prior experiences in similar
programs in earlier grades, higher motivation levels, additional familial and other
types support and opportunities not available to other students (Mehan,
Villanueva, Hubbard & Lintz, 1996).
Coupling curricular science reform, reflected in open-ended questions
calling for inquiry-based problem-solving, and standards-based instruction had a
positive effect on African-American student attitudes and achievement, more so
for boys than girls. Kahle, Meece, and Scantlebury (2000) reported that students
of teachers participating in professional development overseen by SSI (statewide
systematic initiative) scored higher on science achievement tests, looking at their
data, roughly 3.5% higher.

34
These teachers also had better gender equity within their classrooms. Female
African –American students had higher science achievement outcomes as
measured science assessments (Discovery’s Science Inquiry tests), not linked to
their curriculum. This particular assessment consisted of 29 questions: 11 life
science (this may have favored the females cumulative test scores), 8 physical
science, 6 earth/space science, and 4 on the nature of science. Peer participation
and family support had a greater and more positive correlation for African-
American female students (Kahle, et al., 2000).
Using longitudinal data from the National Center for Educational
Statistics, Miller, Stage, and Kinzie (2001) studied the science achievement of
24,500 8
th
grade students in over 1000 schools over a four-year period.
Researchers found the growth rate of Latino and African-American science
students was negligible compared to their White and Asian peers. Student socio-
economic status and prior grades were found to be both strongly and positively
correlated to their science achievement. The number of completed high school
science classes was the sole predictor of science achievement growth for all
students. Racial and ethnic differences between groups were found to be more
important than gender differences within groups, so these researchers
recommend addressing minority females diminished growth rates within their
minority groups.

35
The lower growth rates of minority students may be attributed to their tendency
to be placed into lower-level academic classes. These types of classes thwart
students’ accumulation of sufficient academic content, leaving them ill-prepared
for more advanced courses (McBay and Davidson, 1993).
One study suggests there are four factors, strong leadership,
accountability, academic focus, and structure associated with high achievement
among African-American students (Pressley, Raphael, Gallagher, & DiBella,
2004). Researchers focused on a religious, faith-based school in Chicago that
mandated parent conferences, addressed student academic and psychological
issues, and released unsatisfactory teachers. The researchers attributed success to
incorporating practices leading to positive student outcomes; enabling strong
leaders (administrators and teachers), increasing community interactions,
allowing time for teachers and students to prepare for assessments, and teaching
to the test (Pressley, et al., 2004).
For African-American students from low socio-economic backgrounds in
an urban public school, implementing of transformative science curriculum did
not have the engaging effect as expected. Students resisted most efforts to
enhance their learning. Tobin, Seiler, and Walls (1999) reason that the
intervention may have come too late in student’s educational experience;
students were already practicing resistance to changes in pedagogies and
accompanying activities.

36
Low-achieving students, in Conchas and Clark’s (2002) study, mostly
Black and Latinos, perceived school as boring. Students believed that their lower
achievement was due to being excluded from challenging academic classes,
programs, and information from teachers and counselors that would improve
their motivation and performance. Feeling excluded from privileged information
and access to role models to achieve their academic and career goals, students
were at a loss to find a solution, leaving them feeling marginalized and less likely
to want to participate in class.
This corroborates the findings of Romo and Falbo’s (1996) research of
Latino students in Texas. Being placed in “English as a second language”
classes, highlighting acquisition of language skills over academic content
compromised these students overall achievement. Their science, social studies
and other content areas primarily featured worksheets and individual bookwork,
leaving students feeling bored and indifferent.
Students in Tobin, Seiler, and Walls’ (1999) study did not want to
participate in inquiry-based activities, preferring to copy notes from the text. This
preference may reflect students’ low levels of engagement, interest, and self-
efficacy, or their limited experiences with science. Although the standards-based
curriculum challenged students, most students missed 1-2 days per week, making
it difficult to move to the next lesson and activity. Mastery of the previous day’s
material was imperative to the consecutive lesson.

37
Researchers suggest interventions address student’s self-concept,
motivation, goal orientation, and interests, as continued disenfranchisement will
lead to the continuing dearth of minority students interested in science, another
form of social reproduction.
Gilbert and Yerrick’s (2001) study of a lower track classroom in a rural
setting found minority students banding together out of frustration. Perceiving
cues from their teacher and other stakeholders that they were incapable of higher
achievement, students used their negative educational experiences as bonding
tools. Poor achievement, behavioral problems became shared experiences. Peers
ostracized the rare student who ventured out of the norm, participated in class,
and increased their achievement.
Minority students may be able to add to their cultural and human capital
by taking more rigorous coursework (Heck & Mahoe, 2006). Solorzano and
Ornelas (2004) found that Caucasian students are more than twice as likely to be
enrolled in Advanced Placement (AP) classes than Blacks and Latinos.
Researchers concluded that awareness of and access to AP courses is just one
example of the many educational inequalities minority students face, and can
have a limiting effect on their high school and college experiences, including
career opportunities (Solorzano & Ornelas, 2004). Beckham’s (2006)
longitudinal study of high school minority students in a science and math
summer intervention program found students realized they were lacking college
and career information.

38
Many students were not advised of college and university programs, and possible
career paths in science and math. They felt that their teachers were indifferent
and suffered from a lack of role models.
Although future earnings and status have a greater influence on career
choices for Black and African-American students than for Caucasian students,
these did not affect minority students’ decisions to complete high school or
attend college. However, since Black and African-American students experience
diminished educational opportunities and lower college graduation rates, Daire,
LaMothe, and Fuller (2007) suggest this may be mitigated by incorporating
income, status and their relationship to careers within existing curriculum.
Clewell and Campbell (2002) have identified four variables to enhance
minority students success in the sciences: 1) academic and social integration (on
campus, within family interactions), 2) knowledge and skill development (peer
study groups), 3) support and motivation (money, research experience,
networks), and 4) monitoring and advising (selection of courses, feedback,
interventions). An intervention based on these factors, the Mayerhoff program,
yielded students with outstanding academic achievement and persistent academic
engagement. Some of the constructs of this program include: strict discipline, a
child-focused environment, and community interactions (Maton &Hrabowski,
2004). African-American students in the Meyerhoff program had comparable or
higher science GPA’s than their Caucasian and Asian peers (Clewell &
Campbell, 2002).

39
Implementing these changes with an eye to equity is imperative as students are
well aware of racial issues and relations between teachers and the racial and
ethnic make-ups of academic programs and tracks (Conchas & Clark, 2002).
For Latina students, the differences between accumulating of “low
volume” and “high volume”, social capital was instrumental in facilitating entry
into a two-year junior college rather than a four-year university. On one hand,
low volume capital provides support, but with no real possibility of knowledge
acquisition leading to upward mobility. On the other hand, high volume capital
promotes access to resources and opportunities that assist and support students
who are unaware of beneficial programs, usually accessed through teachers,
counselors, or honors programs (Gonzalez, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003).
Oquendo-Rodriguez’ (1999) study of Latina high school students and
Haden’s (2006) study of minority and female undergraduates found that
successful students had strong parental, faculty and peer support. Additionally,
these students had a clear understanding of the structure of their coursework and
a commitment to their educational and career goals.
The United States Department of Education (1995) set out to discover
why minority students are underrepresented in math and science and why they
have lower achievement in math and science than White and Asian students.
Under-representation in science was not linked to lack of interest, rather students
lost interest in pursuing science in school and as a career because they were not
prepared to enter each succeeding science class.

40
There were five findings why minority students experience lower achievement.
Students from low socio-economic status families are less likely to have learning
materials at home, participate in extracurricular activities, and have role models
with high educational expectations. These students also tend to attend
disadvantaged schools with insufficient materials, less institutional supports, as
well as discipline and safety issues. A third finding for these students is the lack
of persistence and involvement in school activities; they tend to perform below
their actual ability levels. Minority students also reported being placed in lower
track classrooms where educational expectations were minimal and curriculum
was considered to remedial, causing students to be ill-prepared for higher level
classes. Finally when all the above findings were subjected to regression
analysis, the lower levels of science achievement for minority students was
exacerbated.
Educational Policies and Practices
There is a significant underrepresentation of African-American and
Latino students among high school graduates. Elementary and middle school
experiences have affected their chances to prepare successfully for the structural
and academic challenges in high school, negatively impacting high school
transition and graduation (Heck & Mahoe, 2006).

41
Analyzing data from over 12,000 students over a four year period, from
the National Education, Heck and Mahoe (2006) found the presence of more
rigorous academic courses, and a school-wide focus on improvement were
positively correlated to the likelihood of graduation. Additionally, support
programs that facilitated transitions from elementary to middle to high school,
increased the likelihood that students would not fall behind as they progress
towards culmination.
There are two types of interventions, universal and targeted.
Universalized interventions do not concentrate on any specific student or group.
Targeted interventions focus on increasing the knowledge and skills of the lowest
performing group, usually students identified as low SES (socio-economic
status), minority, low ability, or socially challenged students. Universalized
interventions tend to reproduce social and human capital inequities, having the
potential of widening performance gaps between groups. Targeted interventions
are designed to narrow performance gap. Interventions are most effective when
they specifically target the needs of the students they serve. One of the main
issues when implementing interventions is encouraging those students who most
need intervention, but elect not to participate due to prior marginalizing
experiences (Ceci & Papierno, 2005).
One educational intervention gaining favor is dividing a large campus
into several sections, creating a school within a school, each with a single
academic theme.

42
One such prototype, called a “Career Academy (CAS)” works by creating
smaller learning communities within a larger school campus. Reducing the
teacher to student ratio allows teachers the opportunity to adjust curriculum to
better meet the needs of their students, especially those coming in without
necessary pre-requisites needed for academic success. The Career Academies
studied by Conchas and Clark (2002) were able to create a school culture that
encourages and supports academic achievement, allowing students to develop
meaningful relationships with their peers and school personnel. This arrangement
resulted in higher graduation rates, higher levels of college enrollment, and the
development of more extensive and supportive social capital networks for
students in the career academies compared to students still housed in the larger
school community (Conchas & Clark, 2002).
Tracking
Compounding the challenges minority and female students face in the
accumulation of social, cultural, and human capital is the historic practice of
tracking. Tracking can be described as the placing of homogeneous groups of
students, by race, ethnicity, SES, GPA, test scores, and other criteria. These
cohorts then move en masse throughout their educational experiences (Lucas,
1999; Oakes, 1985).

43
Historically, school administrators created tracking to group students
based on what they believed the student’s future vocation entailed. Students from
more socially elite families were placed in a series of courses designed to
facilitate entry into post-secondary institutions. Students from less prestigious
families and working class backgrounds, were placed in tracks which featured
classes focused on mastering a trade, instead of preparing these students for
college or university enrollment (Lucas, 1999).
The educational justification for grouping students according to their
current ability levels is that curricula can best be adapted to the specific and
homogeneous needs of the students (Harklau, 1994). Higher tracks are
considered to be for students being groomed for entrance into four-year
universities. Lower tracks have relatively higher percentages of minority
students, usually from families with low socio-economic status, and are not
generally expected to attend college (Oakes & Guiton, 1995). The stratification
inherent in tracks allows students placed in the higher tracks to retain the
privileged positions they have inherited from their parents (Wells & Serna,
1996).
Students may not realize that they have been tracked. Harklau’s (1994)
research uncovered that one male student was only able to discover the
differences between tracks when he was placed in a lower track, while his sister
was placed in a higher track.

44
Compared to the rigor of his sister’s classes, his classes consisted of lowered
expectations, a pared-down curriculum focused on rote memorization, with
minimal, if any opportunities for synthesis, evaluation or analysis.
Oakes and Guiton (1995) detail many reasons why schools still utilize
tracking and why it is such a detrimental practice for at-risk students, it
reproduces the notion that student’s intelligence is fixed and not incremental.
Higher tracks suggests higher achievers, lower tracks signal lower achievers,
students who are less intelligent, less motivated, less goal-orientated, deserving
of lowered expectations and a diminished curriculum.
Benbow and Stanley (1996) defend the practice of tracking. Separating
students according to ability allows teachers to challenge students with greater
skills and abilities without intimidating those students who may lack those skills.
They claim combining heterogeneous groups of students in the same class results
in top performers becoming bored with simplified curriculum, and lower
performers becoming frustrated, bored, even marginalized, when presented with
curriculum they have not been prepared for.
According to Burris and Wellner (2005), the continuing gap in
achievement between Caucasian students and African-American or Latino
students is the result of the widespread practice of tracking.

45
Their research, conducted in a New York suburban school district with a
diverse student population, demonstrated that detracking, heterogeneous student
groups taking the same series of classes, resulted in a dramatic reduction in the
achievement gap. Pass rates for the state (Regent’s) exam increased 52% for
Latino and Blacks, and 48% for White and Asian students in their study.
Parents of elite students, those with copious amounts of social, cultural
and human capital, have also expressed concern at the thought of detracking. If
children of the social elite are not allowed to occupy eminent positions within the
school, parental and familial social positions and status may be jeopardized.
There is the added fear that detracking will result in a lesser chance of being
selected by an Ivy League school, as these schools have a propensity to choose
students from the upper tracks, complete with labels (Wells & Serna, 1996).
There is evidence that tracking begins in elementary school, and these
placements have as much to do with convenience and subjective assessments as
actual ability. For minority students, placement in a lower track early on,
excludes them from a potential source of social and cultural capital. Interacting
with peers from differing backgrounds, especially those with extensive social
networks, allow minority students access to the intricacies of how these
interactions occur and insight as to how to build and accumulate these networks
(Gamoran, 1992).

46
Lower track students frequently enter each subsequent grade level with a
mounting dearth of prerequisite skills necessary to master the next set of
academic standards. Students are therefore caught in a web of social
reproduction. This tends to occur more frequently in urban schools where
attempts to address issues of equity are met with disdain or ignored (Heck &
Mahoe, 2006).
Romo and Falbo’s (1996) longitudinal study of Hispanic students in
Texas found that institutional agents discouraged many vocational track students
from pursuing not only a college degree, but a high school diploma as well.
Many of the parents of these students assumed that the school system was set up
to promote education and trusted school personnel to assist their children by
providing access to privileged information needed to facilitate college application
and matriculation. Not one of the one hundred students in this study was able to
successfully navigate through a four-year university.
High volume social-capital resources are connections which disseminate
important information about pre-requisite classes for upper division science
courses, college applications and are recurring. Latinas in Gonzalez, Stoner, and
Jovel’s (2003) study who were already deficient in high volume social capital
resources, were also subject to institutional neglect and abuse characterized by
the frequently unnecessary tracking of students into ESL or Special Education
programs.

47
The school failed to provide necessary information regarding educational
opportunities and processes necessary for college matriculation, further
marginalized these students by creating even more educational inequities
(Gonzalez, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003).
The clustering of students within a larger school community may work to
mitigate the effects of tracking. Small Learning Communities (SLC) or Career
Academy’s (CA) are one potential solution.
These groupings of students lend themselves to more intimate and richer social
networks of students and institutional agents with the goal of providing a
comprehensive education with a specific career focus.
However, even SLC’s and CA’s are not immune from the negative effects
of tracking. Conchas and Clark (2002) found that African-American students
who entered one of the CA’s from a specific elementary feeder school were not
adequately prepared for their 9
th
grade math and science classes. These students
were subsequently placed in classes that did not qualify for basic college
entrance requirements. Inadequately preparing minority students in early grades
by tracking them into less rigorous courses prevents these students from taking
advanced placement courses that some colleges and universities use to select
potential candidates.

48
Solorzano & Ornelas (2004) found that the higher than average
representation of minority students in lower tracks, from in elementary school
through middle school, culminates with their being ineligible for advanced
placement classes, which ultimately affects their post-secondary educational
opportunities.
By allowing inequitable practices to continue without challenging their
fairness and appropriateness, we encourage the reproduction of social
stratification. By taking a stand and challenging practices that do not serve our
students, we take the risk of being referred to as troublemakers, but this is exactly
what must be done to redefine the existing status quo (Mercer, 1973).
Summary
Clearly, inequities still exist for female minorities through the science
instructional pathway and pipeline. Problems encountered by these students can
be grouped into two distinct, but frequently overlapping, categories within
current literature: academic experiences and informational access via social-
capital networks.
Looking at the cumulative factors that may potentially exacerbate
throughout a female minority students’ life can provide further perspicuity to
address inequities leading to female attrition throughout the science pipeline.
Within academia, male-orientated curriculum, materials, and treatment have been
shown to alienate females from pursuing a degree and career in science.

49
And, although females are as intellectually capable as males, these negative
science experiences cause females to question their abilities as science students,
also leading to attrition.
Inequities experienced in the dissemination of mandatory information
needed to matriculate as a science major has also been shown to contribute to
female attrition. Social-capital networks without sufficient experiences in the
function of the American school system, and haphazard assignment to science
classes have also been shown to lead to female disillusionment and ultimate
attrition.
Delving into these variables over a female’s K-12 educational career will
clarify the most salient of factors, if any exacerbate over the science instructional
pathway, and allow researchers to better hone in on more appropriate
interventions.

50
Chapter 3

Methodology
Uncovering how female minority students were able to overcome the
myriad of challenges throughout their entire K-12 experiences will provide a
comprehensive picture that has previously been overlooked when researching
inequitable outcomes in the sciences. Although gender and ethnic inequities have
been addressed by researchers, they have tended to focus on specific stages, i.e.,
elementary, middle, and secondary schools, undergraduates and graduate
students, rather than addressing the situation as a whole.
Identifying the main challenges facing female minority science students
and variables that may have had a cumulative effect on a student’s educational
experiences throughout the science instructional pathway will assist future
researchers and educators in targeting specific factors not addressed in current
research. This study was designed to provide an overarching perspective of the
experiences that female minority students have to surmount to become successful
undergraduate science majors. This study’s findings better equip educators to
develop or redesign interventions at the most fragile of fall-offs throughout the
pathway, thus halting the exodus of these students from the pipeline.
The goal of this dissertation was to examine the nature of successful
female minority students’ coursework along the science instructional pathway
and the breadth and depth of their social-capital networks.

51
Female minority students’ success will be gauged by their matriculation to a
four-years university as undergraduate science majors with a grade point average
of at least 2.0.
The use of successful students will illuminate how these female minority
students were able to prevail in a large urban school district and shed insight as to
their response to challenges inherent throughout their K-12 science educational
experiences. A case study approach using semi-structured interviews as primary
data will be conducted to address the following two research questions:
1) How do female minority science students successfully navigate
through the challenges of the science instructional pathway and the pipeline?
2) How do female minority science students access, augment, and utilize
their social-capital networks gaining admittance to a four-year university?
The case study is an appropriate tool when researchers can not study
individuals and specific situations independent of context, in this case, students
and the entirety of their K-12 school, classroom, and personal experiences (Yin,
1993). Creswell (2003) recommends the use of a case study when a meticulous
understanding of the experiences faced by a limited number of individuals is
sought.
Semi-structured interviews with purposely selected successful female
science students provided an in-depth picture of events occurring at each stage in
a student’s progression through the science instructional pathway.

52
This qualitative study of female minority students allowed for a rich
exploration of variables that shaped their pursuit of science as a degree or a
career throughout their K-12 education. Qualitative data elucidated and
elaborated on details that could not have been addressed otherwise (Patton,
2002).
Subjects
Participants in this study have matriculated as undergraduate science
majors at a four-year state university campus in a large west coast urban city. The
researcher chose this university because most minority students from Bayside
Unified School District
1
attend this college. To provide consistency, all
participants attended and graduated from Bayside Unified School District, one of
our nation’s largest urban school districts. An uninterrupted path from K-12 to
college assisted in discovering salient variables and social-capital networks that
promoted students’ progress towards a science degree and career.
Invitational flyers were posted in the biology and physical sciences
buildings of the university. After examining their high school diplomas, report
cards and/or transcripts, including college grades and classes to determine if they
were academically successful in the sciences, ten female minority students were
selected in order. Success was measured by a G.P.A. of 3.0 in their science
classes, and a minimum cumulative G.P.A of 2.5.

1
For the purposes of confidentiality, the names of the school district and university were changed.

53
Participants read consent forms (Appendix D) prior to signing.
Pseudonyms will be assigned to protect anonymity Students were interviewed
individually, then as a group to reveal existing patterns or trends in the use of
educational resources, social networks, and other pertinent variables.
Instrumentation
The qualitative data consisted of semi-structured interviews with selected
students to obtain details about student experiences and perceptions throughout
their K-12 education. Student transcripts, G.P.A.’s, and additional conversations
via focus groups provided additional insight and sources for triangulation of data
(Patton, 2002). Students were asked to provide their transcripts or report cards to
verify coursework and achievement
The literature revealed two distinct categories: academically-based data
and social-capital networks, both leading to the creation of the aforementioned
research questions. Prior research on the subject of successful Latina high school
science students and subsequent interview protocols (Appendix C) used by
researchers O’Halloran (1994) and Oquendo-Rodriguez (1999) led to the
adoption of those questions pertaining to each of the two research questions
addressed in this study (Appendix A).
Focus group questions (see Appendix B) were also based on the protocols
used by O’Halloran (1994) and Oqueno-Rodriguez (1999). However, the
questions were grounded on the themes generated by the researchers, the
literature, and from the themes derived from individual interviews.

54
Interviews were tape-recorded and subsequently transcribed and coded to
elucidate major trends and patterns in these students’ social and educational
experiences.
Procedure
The principal investigator contacted the biology, chemistry, and physics
departments at this urban university to secure permission to post the invitational
flyers. The first ten female Latino or African-American science undergraduates
who qualified for this study, based on presentation of their high school diploma,
high school transcripts and/or report cards, and their college report cards were
selected. Report cards were checked for their authenticity from each school by
the principal investigator.
Consent forms were disseminated, and individual interviews were
scheduled off-campus at a nearby coffee shop. Initial interviews lasted between
50- 85 minutes. Semi-structured interviews with students documented the
networks students used to maneuver through the science instructional pathway
and ultimately the science pipeline. All interviews were conducted by principal
investigator, along with clarifying follow-up questions when necessary.
Interviewees were also asked to participate in focus groups to provide a forum
for discussion and to assist with identifying any additional or overlooked theme.

55
Data Analysis
Data, in the form of tape-recorded individual interviews and focus
groups, were coded and analyzed for themes, trends, and patterns. Listening to
the audio tapes prior to transcription, will allow for deeper familiarity with the
data. Letters were used to identify individual students, and values were assigned
to themes based on the literature review. This allowed for a non-biased tally of
the most often occurring themes, allowing for the number of trends to be reduced
to the most salient and most accountable for student success (Bernard, 1995).
Predicted and emergent themes will be organized into tables, along with quotes,
according to the magnitude of participant response.
The choice of an urban network of schools and colleges with a student
population consisting of a significant proportion of Latino and African-American
students limits the generalization of research findings to schools in suburban
areas, private, magnet, or charter schools, or those with a majority of Caucasian
and/ or Asian students. The reliability of the qualitative data may be an issue, as
relationships between researcher and interviewee, and the dynamics that occur
within a focus group, are subject to reactions and emotions.

56
Chapter 4

Key Findings

Ten successful female freshmen science majors were selected to
participate in this study. Success, for the purposes of this study, was measured by
a minimum of a cumulative 2.5 G.P.A., 3.0 G.P.A. in science coursework, and no
“D’s”, or “F’s”. As described in previous chapters, minority students, Latino and
African-American, were the specific focus of this study. All students were
prescreened to verify that they had received their high school diplomas from the
same large urban school district, were currently enrolled as a science major, and
were passing all of their classes. All data was gathered by the principal
investigator. Individual student interviews were held nearby, but off-campus.
Seven of the ten students participated in the focus group interviews, while the
remaining three students responded to those additional questions by telephone.
Thumbnail Sketches of Subjects
2

Student 1 – Raquel: age 18, only child, born in U.S., Latina, 2 parent household,
(Father: Ecuadorian, Mother: born in El Salvador (Salvadorian), both parents are
bilingual: Spanish and English). Major: biology, G.P.A. 3.85.
Student 2 - Suzanna: age 18, youngest of three children, Latina, born in Mexico, 2
parent household, (Father and Mother both born in Mexico. Mother does not speak
or read English, Father speaks but cannot read English). Major: biology/pre-med,
G.P.A. 3.75.

2
Student names were changed to protect anonymity.

57
Student 3 - Norma: age 19, oldest of two children, born in US, Latina, single parent
household (mother: Salvadorian. Mother speaks English, but prefers to speak
Spanish). Major: biology/pre-med, G.P.A. 3.25.
Student 4 - Danielle: age 18, oldest of two children (youngest child female), born in
U.S., African-American, single parent household (mother: born in the US, fluent
English reader and speaker). Major: biology/biochemistry, G.P.A. 3.45.
Student 5 - Estella: age 18, oldest of two children (youngest child female, born with
Down’s Syndrome), Latina, born in Mexico, single parent household (mother: born
in Mexico, does not speak or read in English). Major: biology, G.P.A. 3.91.
Student 6 - Jessica: age 18, youngest of two children (sister dropped out of high
school to have baby), Latina, born in U.S., single parent household (mother: born in
Guatemala, can speak but not read English, prefers to speak Spanish). Major:
biology, G.P.A. 4.00.
Student 7 - Lucille: age 18, only child, African-American, born in U.S., single parent
household (mother: born in the US, fluent English). Major: biology/nursing, G.P.A.
3.45.
Student 8 - Jasmine: age 19, oldest of three children born in US, African-American,
single parent household (mother: born in the U.S., fluent English reader and
speaker). Major: biology/pre-med, G.P.A. 3.65.
Student 9 - Leticia: age 18, youngest of three children, living in other households),
born in U.S., Latina, single-parent household (mother: born in Mexico, does not
speak or read English). Major: biology, Minor: geology, G.P.A. 4.0.

58
Student 10 - Ameena: age 19, oldest of two children, African-American, born in US,
two parent household (mother and father both born in U.S., fluent English reader and
speaker). Major: chemistry, G.P.A. 3.50.
Research Question 1
How do female minority science students successfully navigate through the
challenges of the science instructional pathway and the pipeline? (This question
focuses on the academic aspect of science education).
Future Career Plans

Nine students were majoring in biology, the other, a bio-chemistry major.
Seven were taking pre-med classes, and one had planned on transferring into the
school’s nursing program. Six of the ten students expressed clear and detailed goals
about their career aspirations. Comments from these students included, “I want to be
a pediatrician and take care of children”, “I’m going to apply to medical school and
be a surgeon”, and “I want to go to medical school on a full scholarship (smiles) and
then go into private practice…a cardio-thoracic surgeon, or an ob/gyn.”
Only one student mentioned choosing her career path to please her parents,
but she has been influenced by her faculty advisors, and is now considering other
possibilities.
I was thinking about being a nurse like my aunt, but I don’t
know…um…there are some really, well other things that I didn’t
know about, like careers and things. One of my
teachers…um…advisor…is a environmental biologist…and what he
does looks really exciting…I’m not really sure what I want to
do…there are so many different things I could do.

59
High School Experiences

Six of the students were placed in a 9
th
grade ICS (Intercoordinated Science) course,
a class with a reputation as a lower track class and/or a class for non-science majors,
one of two required for high school graduation. Only one of these students thought to
question her placement placed in the ICS class, but was unable to convince her
counselor to approve the change. Her class was changed only after her Mother came
to school to insist on the class change.
I put in a change of class slip, but my counselor told me I had to take
the class…they (the counselor) didn’t want me to change, but my
Mom had heard that that class wasn’t good if you wanted to go to
college, so finally, they changed my class.

Three of these students did not think to question their classes, and one student took
solely the minimum two science classes required for graduation with the comment,
“I took what my counselors gave me.”
Regarding access to technology, including equipment used within the
mandated lab sections of their two required science classes, none of the students used
technology or lab supplies regularly. Some of the schools did not have sufficient
equipment for all the students to take part in activities and either severely reduced
the lab activities or cancelled them altogether.
Our school didn’t have very much (equipment). Our teacher was
always apologizing to us about not having enough, one time there
were only 8 working microscopes for 27 of us; that seemed crazy. We
really didn’t have any equipment, there was never enough.

60
This was especially prevalent in the ICS classes; students who had that class
commented on the repetitious use of worksheets and videos. “I used microscopes and
stuff in middle school, but not in 9
th
grade. We really just did worksheets and
watched videos.”
The one exception occurred in chemistry classes. Five females who took
chemistry, and one who also took physics, had teachers who had amassed enough
equipment to provide somewhat regular labs, but teacher demonstrations dominated
these labs, and affected these students as undergraduate science students.
…we ended up having a lot more demos than getting to do the work
ourselves. When I got here (college) I didn’t know how to use
anything, I felt so out of the loop, everyone else seemed to have
experience with lab equipment. I had a lot of catching up to do
(smiles).

Examining the homework and class work assignments revealed that students
scheduled into the ICS reported that they did minimal class work consisting mostly
of worksheets, and very little, if any homework.
…9
th
grade science was really easy, kind of boring…we had learned
all of the stuff in 7
th
grade, and our teacher was new, so we couldn’t
ask any really hard questions. We watched a lot of videos.” “…ICS
was really, well, stupid. We really didn’t do anything in that class, I
didn’t learn anything, but it was an easy “A”. We just had to shut up
and do whatever she said.

The student whose mother eventually had her transferred out of ICS into
biology reported also having to do worksheets, but reported learning more during
class, “…the few weeks I was in ICS, we didn’t do anything, just sat there and
watched videos. But when I got to biology, we did worksheets, mostly but at least I
felt I was learning stuff.”

61
All students reported that as their classes progressed to chemistry, physics,
and AP classes, their teachers were more determined to engage students
intellectually and academically.
Tenth grade was better because our teacher (chemistry) had his own
lab stuff. He really taught us about labs, like how to do them, how to
set up distillations. His class was really hard, but every day we
learned something new…AP biology was tough, really hard…there
was a lot to learn and memorize, but our teacher was really smart and
encouraged us to think about things in different ways.

Another student added,

It wasn’t until AP biology, chemistry and physics that I actually did
stuff. We had homework almost every night in those classes, and lots
of labs, not really as much in the AP biology class, we had like a lab a
month, but not too much equipment, I mean compared to the stuff we
use now, I can’t believe how little we had.

One student reported feeling the stress of her coursework.

…there was something to do every day in class and at home. It
always seemed we were getting ready for some sort of test, the
school’s test, the AP test, the teacher’s tests. But these teachers were
fierce, always assigning us a ton of homework readings, problems,
like how would you solve this…not something you could finish in a
half hour, There was always a lot of work. There were times I stayed
in the library, after-school for like 3-4 hours just to get my work done.

Students felt the science class that challenged them and expected them to expand
their knowledge base was their favorite, for one it was biology, another, AP biology.
Chemistry was chosen as another favorite class by three of the four students.
The chemistry class I really liked because it was the first time in high
school that we did anything, and even though the class was hard, Mr.
R. was so funny and really explained stuff. We all got to use the
equipment and really do experiments. I liked the AP biology class
too…uh (sigh) it was so hard... I really learned how to think in that
class.

62
…she answered all of my questions, and when she couldn’t…she was
always letting us ask questions and having us try and answer them,
she’d say “Go over to the internet (computer) and tell us”, it was
really cool, like we were the ones in charge. I liked chemistry because
we really did chemistry experiments…it seemed like I was finally
doing science.

None of the students attended a high school in which they knew of existing
after-school science activities.
We didn’t have any science clubs or anything like that. I would stay after
school with Ms. K (my biology teacher) and sometimes when I needed help
with work, but no, just read my textbook, all the science reading we were
assigned.

One student reported that one of her teachers took them hiking on a Saturday,
and four students mentioned staying after-school to ask their science teacher for help.
“…we went up to Mulholland to hike and look at mountains and rock formations,
that’s about it…it was great, I wish there were more things like that.”
Two students’ comments suggested that their academic commitments
overwhelmed them and therefore, may not understand the potential benefits of
additional after school science activities.
…I was studying all the time, I don’t think we uh, had any science
clubs or fairs. I was too busy with homework, and getting good
grades. Um, I don’t think I would have time for any of that stuff
anyway.

Middle School Experiences

All students took whatever classes their counselors programmed, only one
student mentioned that she was aware of different levels of classes, i.e. ESL science,
honors science. “I think there were some ESL classes and a honors class when we
got to 7
th
, I’m not sure if there was one in 8
th
though.”

63
Eight of the ten students expressed a preference for their middle school
science classes due to the large amount of fun, yet challenging activities.
We were always doing things, dissections, internet activities, projects,
Powerpoints, she made everything fun and exciting, even reading. I
got to work with my friends. I think I wanted to study science because
she made it seem so fun, exciting.

I liked seeing how scientific ideas really work when you test them
…we did a lot of labs in his class…we had binders, lab books. I felt
like I was really learning how to do science in his class.

He was actually a new teacher, he was so excited because he was still
taking classes at UCLA. He had his friends come to class to help with
activities, and brought equipment from his school.

None of the students reported having known of or joined in any extra-curricular
science activities while they were in middle school. One student expressed regret at
not having this opportunity.
I think my 7
th
or 8
th
grade science teacher talking to us about one (a
science fair), but we never had one. We have these displays up at
school (college) and I think they must similar to what a science fair is,
you know with a hypothesis, experimental design, results on a board,
it would have been nice to do something like that. The grad students
do that stuff here.

Two students attended the Science Center on a school field trip, and one student
described an “on-site” field trip, where students stayed overnight at school to track
stars for her 8
th
grade science class.
My 8
th
grade teacher had us camp out one night at school to study the stars,
there were about 20 of us who stayed up all night to look at Mars with his
(her teacher’s) telescope. We didn’t have any other science things at our
middle school, I…uh…that would have been cool.

64
Elementary School Experiences

Seven students reported not being able to recall any specific science
curriculum or activities while in elementary school. “I remember everything being
about English and math…but no science stuff…”, and “…we only had one teacher a
year who taught us everything, so there wasn’t any science classes or anything like
that.”
Two students reported either going to or having a science “person” teach
them science by means of activities, but not on a regular basis. “I think there was this
person, a science person who came into our classroom a few times I don’t know
what year that was, like a science teacher, but not very often.” One student shared
going on a field trip with her elementary school class, but could not remember which
year it occurred.
Only two of the students remember an elementary teacher by name who
highlighted science in their classroom. One of the teachers was a 5
th
grade teacher
(the local school district and state started science assessments in 5
th
grade by this
time), and taught students about the human body, “In 5
th
grade, our teacher was
really cool. He taught us science and we learned all the bones in our bodies. We
learned about our bodies… We really didn’t learn any science until 5
th
grade.”
The other was a 2
nd
grade teacher who had classroom pets, “In 2
nd
grade, that
was the class with the aquarium and animals. She had us hold, or pet the frogs, feed
the fish, I remember thinking yuch, but at the same time, I thought it was cool.”

65
One of the students could not remember the teacher’s name, but remembered going
outside the classroom to plant flowers, and later in 5
th
grade having a classroom
skeleton missing some limbs. “In fourth grade, we did some work outside, worked
on planting flowers and stuff, but then the principal came out and told us we couldn’t
do it anymore.”
While in elementary school, none of the students reported any extra-
curricular science activities. Two students mentioned that their teachers tried to
encourage their science readings.
We used to go to the library for reading and when we were allowed to
choose our own books, I remember that my 2
nd
and 3
rd
, grade teacher
was always saying why was I always reading about the human body
or animals. I remember the school librarian was always having to find
books that I hadn’t read, but she was real nice about it.

One of the interview questions taken directly from the literature addressed the
idea that students already have, made up their minds, by the age of nine, about who
can do science. In response to that query, seven students stated that they did not
remember thinking about science until they were well past nine years old. “The first
time I remember really doing science stuff was in 5
th
, so I don’t think that’s true.”
Three students mentioned that they did remember stereotypical statements
and/or experiences. “The boys would say girls don’t do this or that…one time we
had, or someone brought a iguana to school and some of the boys said we (the girls)
couldn’t touch it, but I did anyway.” Another commented, “The boys would say girls
don’t do this or that, but that was when we played…you know like soccer, they
didn’t want us (the girls) to play with them.”

66
And a third added, “I suppose I always thought men were supposed to be doctors,
and women, nurses. I thought a scientist had to be an old, white guy in a lab coat.”
Two students shared that as long as they can remember, they believed that
they could do and succeed at whatever they chose to do. “I think I have always
known that I can do anything…if I tried hard enough.”
General Science Experiences

Nine of the students agreed that boys monopolized the science and
technological equipment in their science classes throughout their education.
“Yeah, that happens all the time, when we did activities in high school even
middle school, before the teacher even finished giving us (the class)
instructions, the guys were already hogging all the stuff.” Another added,
Every time we do labs, it’s like we (the girls) have to fight for stuff.
It’s better in college because there’s more supplies, but in school we
were always having to wait to do our work. Even now in classes the
guys are always getting more attention, talking more, with the
professors, even lab assistants, it’s like we have to wait for them to
finish.

One of the girls reported that she would “step-up” and make sure she had her turn on
the equipment, adding that she did not care whether the boys liked her or not, and
refused to take a back seat to them.
You said it. But I have the kind of personality that I always take the
front seat, I don’t have a problem with that, but I have seen other girls
let the guys use the equipment and take a back seat. I don’t get why
they don’t stand up for themselves…I like being in charge, using the
equipment, writing the results up, I guess some girls want the boys to
like them, or want to look dumb or something, maybe they just don’t
like doing the work, I don’t know, but I know if I want the
experience, I have to step up.

67
Another question gleaned from the literature dealt with possible inequitable
dissemination of pre-requisites required for specific career paths. When asked about
having access to educational information about science course-taking and their pre-
requisites, nine students stated that ethnicity may have played a factor. “There was
no reason why I should have been put in ICS. I had “A’s” in science in middle
school.” Another student shared, “I had no clue that I didn’t need to take ICS, I could
have gone straight into biology.”
One of the students mentioned that her parents acted as her advocate,
knowing how to do so because they attended some college and had a relative in the
medical industry (a nurse).
I never thought about it, but I guess its true…my dad and mom were
always going to school and making sure I was in honors, in the right
classes... I guess you’re right because my friends are always asking
me what to do, what to take. Yeah, in high school, I was wondering
why some of my friends were in the ICS class, even when we were in
honors in middle school. I don’t really know why, though why.

Another student reported that the White, Asian, and Black students appeared to know
exactly what classes to take, as oppose to the Latino students, but her older brother
was able to provide her with guidance.
We learned from my older brother what to do, but I think we’re all in
the same, but yeah, the white kids and the Asian kids seem to know
more about what to do in school, than us, even the black kids.

Another student commented on the differences in the information imparted to
students in different scholastic programs. As a student in a Magnet (honors)
program, she noticed a difference between the counseling provided to students of
different ethnicities, especially tracking of students into ICS and biology.

68
…I’m not sure…I mean, I don’t think it’s just a minority thing, I
think there are some really bad counselors…but you know, my Mom
and I had to figure this stuff out, and her white friends knew how to
get classes changed, even when the counselor told me I couldn’t.
Maybe…,I don’t know, but…I guess that’s true.

Her mother came to campus on several occasions to speak with the
counselors and administrators to ensure her daughter had the pre-requisite classes
needed for an undergraduate science major.
Yeah, that’s true. As a Magnet student in high school, you’d be
amazed at what the counselors tell some students and what they tell
others. Totally different. Whenever I felt as if I wasn’t getting
answers, my Mom would come to school and demand to talk to the
principal, she (the principal) hated that, but my Mom made sure I got
the classes I wanted even when the counselors said no. I don’t know if
I would have gotten in (here) without taking the classes I did in high
school. I’m thinking that lots of other kids missed out on taking
classes they wanted to because of the way the counselors choose
certain classes for certain kids. I’m not saying it’s racial, but there is a
big difference in the kids that are in, like the ICS class and the biology
class.

All of these students were able to persevere in their science studies regardless
of their experiences because they wanted to study science. But four students shared
that it was their own determination that made the difference in their outcomes. “I
always wanted to be a doctor, no matter what anyone said or told me. I always knew
I could do it and just did it, figured it out.”
Other students deliberately sought out helpful and informative stakeholders to assist
them throughout the SIP.
I talked to people, friends, teachers, and found people who could and would
help me. I made it happen and refused to take no for an answer. I think
having my mom’s support made it easier, but it would have been nice, if I
had more support at school.

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Several students had a specific science teacher that was the launching point
of their interest in science as a focus of study and/or career.
I wanted to be like my teacher, she really made it (science) seem fun
and interesting, and like I could do it as a job, a career, she showed us
DVD’s of scientists, women, and told us we could do that. I
remember she also had these posters of ladies in science. That’s what
got me thinking that I could be a scientist, or you know, have a career
in science.

Focus Group Elucidations

When asked who they thought was the major contributor to their academic
success, most students credited themselves, an influential teacher, and their
families, in that order, for their academic success.
I think I was the one who made this all happen. I mean, there wasn’t really
anyone at home who could help me, even though they wanted to. And I
didn’t really have anyone at school who really took the time to tell me what
to do.

Describing why they felt they were successful as opposed to friends who were not
attending college, several students had similar explanations:
Most of my friends never graduated high school, a couple went to adult
school for their GED and a bunch just dropped out after their grad check. I
mean, when you finally meet your counselor like halfway through 10 grade
and realize that you will never have enough credits, even when you turn 19 or
20, well, what do you expect.

The biggest challenges students felt they encountered were not getting the
classes, or pre-requisites they needed, lack of counseling, and deciphering the A-G,
UC, and CSU requirements.
It, it was not being given the classes I needed. Being put in ICS when I had
A’s in science in middle school was wrong, I mean, I might never have
gotten here if I didn’t get into the other science classes. It makes me so mad.

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Another student shared:

Yeah, I had the same thing, counselors who didn’t counsel, what good are
they, what do they do anyway? Isn’t their job supposed to help us get the
classes we need to graduate to go on to college? They couldn’t give a sh--,
sorry, they couldn’t care less about us, or what we need or want. It’s almost
as if, they didn’t want us to graduate.

And a third added:

I think trying to figure out the A-G requirements, that booklet contradicted
itself, and all those electives? What electives? I never got to choose any of
those, I just got the classes no one else wanted. They make it so hard, first not
even knowing that all of a sudden in high school you have to earn credits and
how many credits each semester, and which classes are like college-like, and
who makes the decisions to put someone in ICS instead of biology, and why
aren’t you allowed to change? Why does someone you never met, someone
who doesn’t even know decide your future?

Students definitely felt a lack of access to the necessary information needed for
high school graduation and university matriculation. Student comments included,
“No…,I don’t think we’re treated the same…they don’t even bother to talk to us and
find out what we want to do, if we want to college or anything. It’s not fair the way
they do it.” And,
I had no idea about what I needed to graduate, until I got my grad check…
there were these other kids who knew exactly what classes they needed and
what they needed to do to graduate. I’m not really sure how they knew and
some didn’t.

It’s as if there’s this unspoken…policy, and if the counselor likes you, you
get the information. I’m not sure it’s racist, some of my friends knew some of
this information and they’re Latino and Black…but someone in their family
or their friends knew this stuff. It’s like if you never had anyone graduate
high school or go to college, you’re screwed.

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Several major patterns begin to emerge regards students’ academic
navigation through the science instructional pathway. First, these students had clear
and definitive academic goals regarding their educational outcomes.
These students also reported a lack of elementary school science content, little or no
access to science equipment, and no knowledge of after-school, or out-of-school
science programs. Additionally, students were also subjected to gender-biased
classroom practices.
Research Question 2
How do female minority science students access, augment, and use their
social-capital networks gaining admittance to a four-year university? (This question
focuses on acquiring informational and systemic knowledge needed to pursue a
university-level science education.)
College and Career Choice

Six students reported that they decided to become science majors
because it was something that interested them, or they felt they were good in
science. “I always liked science and um, was good in science.” The other four
students, although interested in science, had some parental input on the
choice of studying science. Three of these parents encouraged and supported
their daughter’s choice to study and major in science. “My dad thought
studying biology would be good for me.”

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The fourth student said it had always been her dream since she was a child. Two of
the students say either their parents or their AP biology teacher rigorously
encouraged them. “I think it had a lot to do with my AP biology teacher, he was
really inspiring and encouraged us to take more science classes. He was always
pushing us to do more.”
High School Experiences

Half of the students interviewed felt that their families influenced their choice to
study science. One of the students reported that both her parents and her aunt wanted
her to study science, but her father was the driving force behind her study of science.
“My dad really wanted me to take the AP biology class. My mom and my aunt
encouraged me to study science, but it was my dad who really pushed me.”
The other half of the students felt that no one in their family had any influence on
their decision to study science. “My Mom and Dad didn’t really help, they didn’t go
to school.” Two students mentioned the influence of peers on their class choices.
I waited until more of my friends were going to take AP biology
before I did… some of my friends had ICS and had to take biology in
10
th
and chemistry in 11
th
before AP bio. So I waited and took AP
biology with them... I didn’t know the other kids, and I wanted to
have my friends in the class…I guess I just wanted to have my friends
with me…you know to study…to talk about stuff in the class. It
makes it easier when you have friends in the class, not only if you’re
sick, but if you don’t understand stuff, or to do projects, um, labs.

The second student used older students as mentors to ensure she was taking the
correct classes. “I was always asking (older students) what classes they were taking
and why.”

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Eight of the ten students shared an experience with an indifferent or resistant
counselor. “The counselors at school never really talked about classes to me.” And,
“My counselor didn’t even want me to take biology, she made a big deal about it.”
To circumvent the barriers constructed by their counselors, several
students asked a teacher to intervene, so they could get the class they wanted
or needed.
When I wanted to go on to AP, I had the teacher talk to the counselor,
‘cause I knew she wasn’t going to do it if I asked her. And that’s how
I got into the AP environmental science class too.

Only parents of two students felt comfortable enough to come to campus and ask
for their child to be transferred out of the lower track science classes. “My Mother
came to school to talk to my counselor and the principal many times to make sure I
had the right classes.”
Six of the students expressed a preference for a favorite science teacher, reasons
included as being proficient at their job, integrating activities into the curriculum,
and listening to students. “I guess it must have been my chemistry teacher…I guess
it’s because he had us do so much…I really felt like I could do science in his class.”
Another student said,

I’d have to say it was my 10
th
grade biology teacher for listening to me and
what I wanted to do and having the, the, well, belief that I could succeed.
That made me feel good and made me want to do even better.

Half of the students cited their upper division science teachers as the most
helpful and encouraging of all stakeholders.

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Only my AP biology teacher seemed interested in what we were
doing in class, like, why were we taking her class, what we wanted to
do, be a doctor. She was really encouraging us to study science and go
onto college and study. She brought in speakers to talk to us about
medical careers, and helped us apply to college…there were some
internships and scholarships that we told us we should apply for…she
was always encouraging us.

Five students mentioned that as soon as they reached the higher level science
classes, they had access to more information regarding science careers and pre-
requisites. Their peers in those (chemistry, AP biology) classes encouraged and even
challenged them to do better.
Sometimes they (older students) helped us, you know, gave us
information, and sometimes, some of them, just shined us on, but they
were more helpful than our counselors. I mean, I really don’t know
what they’re (counselors) good for…it seems they’re only there to
handle the kids that the teachers don’t want in the classroom. It would
have been nice if we had gotten more guidance. When I got here
(college), I couldn’t believe how much I didn’t know as compared to
the rest of some of these kids (sighs).

Middle School Experiences

All but one of the females reported that they did not question any science classes
programmed by their middle school counselors. The sole female reported that her
parents came to school to make sure the school placed her in middle school honors
classes, including honors biology.
My Mom and Dad did come to school to make sure I was put in the
honors class…there were 2 teachers for each grade…my parents went
to school to ask that I get put in the honors classes.

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Eight students mentioned at least one favorite middle school science teacher.
Students expressed their preference and appreciation of teachers who were funny,
good listeners, and encouraged their curiosity. Other teachers singled out for praise
were those who incorporated activities and technology.
She (her 7
th
grade teacher) was so funny and smart. She really had us
learn about how our bodies work. She had a SMARTboard, and
laptops for all of us. We were always doing activities, always
learning, she made it fun. She even helped us in math. She
encouraged us to do presentations, ask questions…I never felt dumb
asking questions in her class. I think that’s when I wanted to be
a…well, I’m not sure a scientist, but something with science.

Other comments included,

My 6
th
grade teacher, she was so nice and had us do, uh, make
volcanoes, we got to use magnets, make continents so we could study
the earth. We had a lot of fun doing things in her class.

I really liked both my 6
th
and 7
th
grade teachers…they were both
really nice and funny. I liked the way they taught us. I mean, they
were both really good teachers, always explaining things, letting (us)
do a lot of activities, working on the laptops.

Friends and counselors were not a major influence on these students in
regards to their science classes. Only three females mentioned studying with their
peers after school.
My friends? Well, yeah, I guess we all helped each other, I knew a lot
of my friends since elementary, so we had lots of classes together,
hung out. We always helped each other on projects, in class. It made
it easier.

Two students shared that their counselors were not helpful and seemed to be
more attentive to discipline challenges. “In my middle school, you didn’t go to your
counselor unless you were in trouble, so they didn’t do really anything.”

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Elementary School Experiences

All the students reported that their parents wanted them to do well in school,
and encouraged them to study science after their child professed an interest, except
for one mother who wanted her child to be a performer.
They (my parents) wanted us to do good in all our classes. My Mom
and Dad really made sure my little brother and I did well in school,
they were really proud when we got “A’s”, and always coming to
school to talk to our teachers. I think when they saw I did really well
in middle school (science class) and how much I liked my class,
they…well, had my aunt (the nurse) come and talk to me about
science classes.

Another shared, “My parents were proud of me because I did better than my brother
(older), but they just wanted us to graduate, you know, get a high school diploma,
‘cause they didn’t get one.”
General Science Experiences

When asked who they considered their role models and used as mentors, five
students mentioned their middle school teachers, three said their current faculty
advisers, three chose doctors or nurses they knew, and four students mentioned
famous scientists. One of the students mentioned her 7
th
grade science teacher as the
one to inspire her, and mentions her upper level high school science teachers as
acting as her mentor.
I’d have to say my 7
th
grade science teacher really encouraged and
helped me to learn about science, um..to like science and understand
how to think like a scientist. She was always pushing us, asking us
Why, How, explain… My AP teacher was great, but I think I learned
more from my chemistry teacher, he really got us excited about his
class, he was really funny.

77
Faculty advisers were also important for some of these students, as
they were not only an important source of class information, but also serve as
inspiration, “I’m really into my environmental biology teacher. We’re
learning about how everything we do affects the earth and he actually takes
his classes out to the beach, the ocean to study. It’s really cool.”
Another said,

That would have to be my advisor, Dr. D. He’s been really great
about telling me everything I need to know, and who to go to get
answers to my questions. Like when I asked him about whether I
should add pre-med as my major, he told me to go talk to Dr. L, he’s
in charge of the pre-med program. I like hanging out in the labs with
the seniors and grad students, sometimes they’re a little, well, snotty,
but most of the time, they help with telling you who’s class to take,
who’s a better teacher, who’s easy, who’s hard, you know, stuff like
that.

Four students mentioned famous scientists as their inspiration to continue studying
science.
When I was little, I saw this movie about Jane Goodall and I thought
she was really cool, I wanted to be like her. I mean, I didn’t want to
sit in the jungle or anything, but I thought what she did was…wow,
what a cool job. I watch this show sometimes on TV called Dr. G:
Medical Examiner, that is so cool, she like takes these dead people
and has to figure out how they died, sometimes it’s totally different
than what you think.

Six students shared that they did not personally know a scientist, five were
unsure if their professors at college were scientists, due to the fact that they also
taught classes and lectured.
…does the professors who have labs at school count? ...I guess when I
think of a scientist, I don’t really think of the teachers, uh, professors
here as real scientists, I mean mostly they teach, so they are more
teachers than scientists.

78

One of the students thought that only the “older” faculty must be scientists since they
had graduate students working in their labs.
I think some of the older professors are actually what you’d call
scientists, I mean they do stuff, go into the field, but not teachers who
teach the freshman, I think they’re just teachers.

Four students claimed to personally know a scientist, whether through a family
acquaintance, or through a school program.
Dr. R took me to the labs there at the hospital a few times and I met a couple
of the scientists. I mean, I didn’t know them by name, but I got a chance to
see what they did, Dr. R. took me around the lab when they were looking at
some of my sister’s lab tests. I was a little nervous about being in there, like I
shouldn’t be there, but they were all doing really complicated stuff with
equipment I had never seen before. Some of the stuff looked like CSI, it was
pretty cool being in there.

Nine students reported that their parents are excited that they are in college
and support their study of science.
My parents didn’t go to school, high school or anything like that, so
they’re really excited I’m in college. They couldn’t really help since
they never went to school, high school even, but they are exactly like
when I was in regular school, let me alone to do my work. I think they
just want me to be happy.

Only one student reported that her mother has not been encouraging and has had to
go live with her uncle, because she tired of arguing with her mother about pursuing a
science degree and career.
My Mother is not happy with my decision to study science here. I had
to move into my Uncle’s house because I was tired of arguing with
her. She has always expected us ( Lauren and her sister) to get good
grades and was always coming to parent conferences, but we totally
disagreed on what I wanted to do, you’d think she’d be happy that I
want to study medicine (shrugs her shoulders).

79
Another student reported that her parents assisted with her with homework, and with
her college application. This is the same student whose aunt is a licensed nurse.
My parents have always wanted me and my brother to go to college,
and have always asked me what I want to do when I grow up, what do
I want to study. My dad is always asking me about what I am doing,
studying, he is always quizzing me about stuff, helping me with my
homework. He and my mom helped me apply to college, oh, my aunt
too, she really helped me out a lot and get the forms filled out. They
don’t really help me with homework anymore, but they used to, the
stuff I am doing right now is really hard. I go mostly to study groups
at school when I need help, or to office hours…Well, yeah, my dad is
always asking me what I’m gonna do after school, like maybe grad
school, medical school, or where I think I’ll work. I think about it, but
right now with classes and finals, I am just working on getting really
good grades and making sure I take the right classes.

These students do not claim to be influenced in their class selection by their
peers. Seven students reported that their friend’s influence over class choices has
changed over the years. “I think I cared more in high school, it was more important
then what everyone thought of you. I don’t really care anymore, I don’t think anyone
here does, at least not like high school.”
Another reported feeling peer pressure from her friends thinking she was
better than they were to prefer to take the higher track science classes. Now that
these students are in college, they follow a sheet of paper given to them by the
science department and/or their faculty advisor.
The classes I take are the ones on my list of pre-requisites and the
ones available. I have talked to my faculty advisor about classes a few
times to see what he thinks I should take, and what classes he thinks
I’ll do well in.…If my friends are enrolling in the same classes, that’s
great, but I just take what I need to graduate, anyway, there are so
many people here, it’s easy to make friends and find people to study
with. I mean, we all want to do good, and when you find other kids
studying, majoring in the same thing, it really helps.

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The importance of student’s ethnic identities as people, and as students,
yielded two different response sets. Six students felt their ethnic identity was of a
major importance as a person, but only two students felt their ethnic identity was
important to them as a student. “In high school, I really felt strongly about being a
Latino and standing up for what I felt was, well, not equal treatment. But now, in
college, we are all treated the same.”
Another student has noticed that the demographics of middle school and college
are similar, and that her professors do not share the same demographics as the
students:
I speak Spanish at home and with my friends, other than that it
(ethnicity) doesn’t really have any effect on what I do. There are a lot
of us (Latinos) here (at school), so it’s more like middle school, but I
don’t really think about it much, except when I have to help people
pronounce my last name. If I think about it though, most of the
teachers here, the science professors are white.

One student mentioned that her ethnicity (African-American) is becoming more
important to her as she gets older. She felt that as she got into more advanced science
classes there were fewer Black females, “like the only Black kid in with the nerds”.
She has noticed that she is receiving several scholarships and wondered if she is
being rewarded because of being a “good student, or a good, Black, female student?”
It’s (ethnicity) getting more important to me as I get older. When I
was in elementary, there were a lot of Black kids, so I never really
thought about it, but in middle and high school, it was a big deal. In
middle school I was practically the only Black kid there, besides my
sister and she’s really light-skinned, so I felt a little weird about it, but
then never thought about it again.

81
When I got to high school, it was different, there were the “thugs”,
“users”, you know groups, but I felt more comfortable with the nerds,
I was like the only Black kid in with the nerds, but I didn’t care.

Another commented,

Now as I get older, as an African-American, I get a lot of scholarship
offers, not a lot of money, but just because I’m a Black girl getting
good grades, don’t get me wrong, I like the money, but it kind of
sends a message that it is special…like Black girls shouldn’t do well
in science…I don’t know…it just seems…weird…I mean why
shouldn’t we do well in science?

All ten students agreed that their ethnicity may have played a factor in disseminating
educational information.
I never thought about it, but I guess it’s true. I never had to deal with
it because my dad and mom were always going to school and making
sure I was in honors, in the right classes. They went to college with
me to get my application and talked to the counselor for like an hour
so they knew what to do to get into college and what classes I had to
take, and my aunt helped too, even though my Dad went to college. I
guess you’re right because my friends are always asking me what to
do, what to take. Yeah, in high school, I was wondering why some of
my friends were in the ICS class, even when we were in honors in
middle school. I don’t really know why, though why.

One of the students mentioned that her parents had to act as her advocate,
knowing how to do so, because they attended some college and had a relative in the
medical industry (a nurse). A second student reported that the White, Asian, and
Black students seemed to know exactly what classes to take, as oppose to the Latino
students, but her older brother was able to provide her with guidance.
We learned from my older brother what to do, but I think we’re all in
the same, but yeah, the white kids and the Asian kids seem to know
more about what to do in school, than us, even the black kids.

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Another student commented on the differences in the information passed on
to students in different scholastic programs. As a student in a Magnet (honors)
program, she noticed a difference between the counseling provided to students of
different ethnicities, especially in the tracking of students in ICS and biology.
I’m not sure…I mean, I don’t think it’s just a minority thing, I think
there are some really bad counselors…but you know, my Mom and I
had to figure this stuff out, and her white friends knew how to get
classes changed, even when the counselor told me I couldn’t.
Maybe..I don’t know, but…I guess that’s true.

Her mother came to campus on several occasions to speak with the counselors and
administrators to ensure her daughter had the pre-requisite classes needed for an
undergraduate science major.
Yeah, that’s true. As a Magnet student in high school, you’d be
amazed at what the counselors tell some students and what they tell
others. Totally different. Whenever I felt as if I wasn’t getting
answers, my Mom would come to school and demand to talk to the
principal, she (the principal) hated that, but my Mom made sure I got
the classes I wanted even when the counselors said no. I don’t know if
I would have gotten in (here) without taking the classes I did in high
school. I’m thinking that lots of other kids missed out on taking
classes they wanted to because of the way the counselors choose
certain classes for certain kids. I’m not saying it’s racial, but there is a
big difference in the kids that are in, like the ICS class and the biology
class.

Several students mentioned teachers, counselors and even parents at times
trying to dissuade them from studying science. One student reported being told that
Latinos aren’t smart enough to go to college.

83
There’ve been a couple of teachers and counselors, in middle school
especially, that made it seem that we (Latinos) were not smart enough
to go to college, be professionals like doctors. There was this one
teacher who made some real bad racial comments, you know, like we
may end up serving his kid fries. I never relied on what most teachers
or counselors said.

This student also reported that as an undergraduate student, this has not occurred.

It’s better now, I feel like there are more people who actually care
how we are doing, but you have to go out of your way to ask for it.
It’s not like anyone comes to you and asks or anything.

Focus Group Elucidations

Students shared that their upper division high school teachers were their
major source of information, along with some juniors and seniors, to assist in
accessing and utilizing information for college matriculation. “My chemistry and
geology teachers, they’re the ones who really helped and some of the seniors who
answered my questions and helped me go to websites of the colleges I was interested
in.”
Peers were also cited as being a good source of information:

I asked my friends (Yeah, me too) and you, know, just started talking
about school and stuff, if you were going to college, if you were going
to stay in school. And my friends who were, well serious, I asked
them abut their teachers, who they liked, and why, who was hard,
easy. Laughs, I mean, sometimes you do want the easy A, but you
also want a teacher who can write you a good letter of
recommendation.

84
Only one student mentioned being assisted by a school counselor, or another
stakeholder.
My college counselor was really helpful, I mean, there was always a
waiting line, but I waited to get the information, the school librarian
was good too, he let me use the computer to do my applications and
send them in.

Students were keenly aware that there was differential treatment by teachers
and counselors, and that they needed to seek out people to assist them.
No, it was different. Some teachers liked some students and helped
them more. They didn’t care of some kids did their homework or not.
The same thing for counselors, some of my friends met with their
counselors and some only met with them once or twice in four years. I
think a lot of kids dropped out because no one helped them
understand the differences from middle school to high school, or even
cared if they dropped out or not.

Another student added,

There’s a lot of teachers who couldn’t care whether we pass their
classes or not. For them it’s like a joke, but for us, it can mean the
difference between graduating and not graduating and the counselors
side with the teachers. So if you get a teacher who just doesn’t like
you, they’re gonna fail you no matter what you do, and you can’t
transfer out. I’ve that happen a lot. One of my friends had to take
some of her classes in adult school because she had all these bad
teachers, she couldn’t get out of their classes. She dropped out in 11
th

because her school went to SLC’s and she couldn’t make up the
classes in summer school, so she gave up.

Another explained,

I think some counselors want to do well, but they are always dealing
with fights and stuff, there’s no time to help us or get to know us
enough to know what we want to do and what classes we want. It’s as
if, if you like fight every day, or your Mom knows the principal, well
that’s the only way they get to know you. Otherwise there’s too many
kids to deal with. And some of them, you can just tell, they don’t like
their jobs, or kids, it’s like why are you at a school if you hate us?

85
Regarding student’s academic experiences, there was a definitive lack of
elementary school science coursework, coupled with limited science equipment and
materials, and no afterschool science programs. While, indifferent and resistant
institutional agents, primarily counselors, curbed student attempts to increase their
social capital.
As expected, there were several patterns when investigating students’ social-
capital networks. Students shared their experiences with resistant institutional agents,
mostly counselors, who apparently created barriers that these students had to
surmount. And although students shared that their parents were uncomfortable and/or
unfamiliar with the systemic public school practices, they nonetheless, supported
their daughter’s science education. Students also reported a lack of ethnic identity
regarding their science education, although they did feel ethnicity may have played a
factor in how they were assigned classes.
Students in this study did not receive the early science education, experience,
and opportunities that would facilitate their progression into successive science
courses along the science instructional pathway. The additional resistance to their
accessing social-capital networks by institutional agents, by inequitable
dissemination of pre-requisite information also served to create barriers for these
students. Yet, in spite of all of these challenges, these female minority students were
able to matriculate as science majors.

86
Chapter 5
Discussion
One of the goals of this study was to provide a retro-longitudinal look at what
successful female minority students did to matriculate as undergraduate science
majors at a large urban university. Identifying trends and patterns that throughout the
science instructional pathway, not solely limited to a specific block of time, will add
a dimension, not previously addressed in the literature, and provide
recommendations for teachers, students, policies, and interventions addressing
female attrition rates.
Research Question 1
How do female minority students successfully navigate through the science
instructional pathway and science pipeline. This question focuses on the academic
domain. Based on the data reported in chapter 4, four trends emerged in regards to
the first research question, addressing students’ academic navigation through the
science instructional pathway. Listed in order of their magnitude, the trends were:
students were focused and goal-orientated, a lack of science instruction in
elementary school, insufficient quantities of science equipment, and the lack of after-
school science programs. The next trend in order of magnitude was an expected
trend; males were favored in the science classroom.

87
All ten students had a clear goal for their educational outcomes prior to
entering college, and six had detailed plans for their career choices after graduation.
Although the rest may have been undecided regarding what kind of science they
wanted to study, they all knew that they wanted to study science. As students learned
more about career opportunities during their freshman year, they expanded their idea
of career options available after graduation, including graduate school.
Webb, Lubinski, and Benbow’s (2002) study found that interest and the
enjoyment of the subject was a major reason why both females and males chose their
undergraduate major, but for these students there was an additional goal-orientated
mindset. They deliberately set a course for their education beginning in high school,
two as early as middle school, discovered what classes they needed to take, and what
they needed to do to gain admittance into college. Teachers and peers in upper-
division classes were the most helpful to these students, disseminating needed
information about pre-requisite courses and college applications.
Half of the students were unable to remember any details about their
elementary school science classes. This may be due to lack of recall after almost ten
years, but may also be due to little science being taught. Several students commented
that they recalled some science worksheets and topics being worked into their
English and mathematics curriculum, but no separate science class time. Focusing on
English and mathematics for English Language Learners to the exclusion of other
subjects, including science compromises students’ overall academic achievement,
leaving them frustrated and bored (Romo & Falbo, 1996).

88
One student mentioned that there was a science instructor, who visited their
school, just to provide science activities. Four students reported that a few of their
teachers tried to provide some science instruction or activities using their own
supplies. Although Aron’s (1983) work revealed that a child’s early impression of
science determines whether or not they will be interested enough to continue to study
science Farenga and Joyce, 1999), students in this study went on to study science in
spite of limited science instruction.
Compounding a lack of elementary school science instruction is the lack of
access to science equipment throughout the entire science instructional pathway
beginning in elementary school and continuing through high school. Whether this is
a function of life in an urban school district, or a by-product of the focus on English
and mathematics due to the No Child Left Behind legislation, which only recently
included science in the assessments, is yet to be determined. Most students shared
that the teachers of their upper level classes, chemistry, physics, and AP biology, for
the most part, had acquired sufficient equipment for at least some students to gain
experience with supplies, but not enough for every student. Female students want to
use real life data in their science classrooms (Nauta & Epperson, 2003), but for these
students limited use of science equipment led to frustration and having to work
harder as freshmen to make up for their lack of experience. This may also help to
explain higher than expected attrition rates for minority students, as students in
Tobin, Seiler, and Wall’s (1999) were uninterested in inquiry-based activities due to
years of marginalization.

89
Another missing element in these students’ science education is the
availability of out-of-school, or after school science programs. Papadimitriou (2003)
found that females lacking early positive science experiences, could overcome that
deficiency by experiencing positive extracurricular science activities, keeping
females in the pipeline.
Unfortunately, these students attended schools that offered academic
interventions primarily for English and mathematics, or for test preparation. Clewell
and Campbell (2002) found that interventions introduced prior to college had a
positive effect on females’ performances in their science classes and additional
course-taking.
One of the expected trends concerned a male-biased classroom. Whether or
not teachers were males or females, male students were allowed to dominate
classroom discussions and monopolize any available science equipment throughout
the entirety of these students’ education. Very few of the females in this study felt
comfortable speaking up in class to ask for a turn, only two reported doing so, and
only in high school. Not surprising since Brickhouse, Lottero-Perdue, and Kittleson
(2006) reported that females who did not behave according to stereotypical gender
roles were considered disruptive and were punished by movement to a lower track,
or a classroom with an inexperienced or unprofessional teacher. The male-orientated
classroom: including textbooks, materials, and pedagogies, is one of key reasons
according to Sadker and Sadker (1994) why females initially become indifferent to
science and choose not pursue it as a career.

90
Research Question 2
How do female minority students access, augment, and utilize their social-
capital networks gaining admission to a four-year university. This question focuses
on the acquisition of informational and systemic knowledge needed to pursue a
science degree and career. Four trends emanated from research question two, which
addressed students’ social-capital networks. The two most noted trends were
expected; indifferent or resistant stakeholders and parental alienation from schools
served as hurdles for these successful students to overcome. Emergent trends
included parental encouragement for this specific career choice and the lack of ethnic
identity as it pertains to their science education, not as an individual trait.
Based on existing literature, inequitable dissemination of important
information by resistant institutional agents, counselors, teachers, and administrators,
was to be expected (Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Stanton-Salazar & Dornbush, 1995).
Students felt these barriers and were frustrated at the lack of cooperation by those
entrusted to assist their educational progression and academic achievement. Several
students mentioned they had no idea of the opportunities at their schools. Students
were not informed about honors classes, the ability to bypass lower track science
classes (ICS), and mandatory pre-requisites needed for upper-level classes. They
reported institutional agents, mostly counselors and administrators, vigorously
resisting student’s desire to enroll in more challenging, higher track science classes.

91
These practices have been shown to negatively effect the academic achievement of
minority students and bar them from advancing their science education (McBay &
Davidson, 1993).
Yet, students in this study were able to matriculate in spite of exclusionary
practices. One reason may be found in the advocacy of students’ upper division
science teachers and peers. Once these students progressed to higher level courses,
they reported that several of their teachers seemed to be more amenable to acting as
mentors, and providing otherwise inaccessible information. Another possible reason,
although not notable in its magnitude in comparison to other variables, may be the
authentic caring that several students felt their middle school science teachers
demonstrated.
Inquiring as to their students well-being and being concerned for their
welfare, in addition to teaching academic content, what Valenzuela (1999) describes
as authentic caring, may have unexpectedly provided the impetus for students to
continue pursuing a career in the sciences.
Excluding students from obtaining needed information and gaining access to
networks where information is disseminated creates barriers, maintaining the status
quo (Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Equitable dissemination of academic pre-requisites and
other systemic policies by institutional agents would assist in mitigating historically
inequitable practices (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbush, 1995). Social reproduction is
still prevalent throughout urban middle and high schools, and prevents students’
accumulation of social and human capital (Campbell, 1988, Lin, 2000).

92
Parent alienation, and lack of participation in and on school campuses was
expected. As public schools have historically been vehicles for imparting societal
norms while preserving social ranks (Lin, 2000), it comes as no surprise that parents
although invited to school for open house or parent conferences, are not necessarily
welcome.
Parents of minority students frequently contend with the devaluation of their
culture and ethnic identity by institutional agents, which contributes to social
reproduction (Valenzuela, 1999). One of the emergent trends contrary to existing
literature was the parents of these students encouraged their female children’s study
and pursuit of science as a career. Haden (2006) also found that successful female
science students have the support of parents, teachers, and peers. But, Andre,
Whigham, Hendrickson, & Chambers (1999) found that parental stereotypes had a
significant influence on their child’s belief about who can do science. If these
stereotypical attitudes are already established by the age of nine (Farenga & Joyce,
1998), then many females are already discouraged before they have had a chance to
experience science activities.
However, according to the majority of the students in this study, even though
their parents had little knowledge of institutional policies, and may not have been
particularly pro-science, they were supportive of their daughter’s decision to study
science.

93
This finding echoes Gonzalez, Stoner, and Jovel’s (2003) findings that Latinas who
are interested in studying science have sufficient “low-volume” capital, emotional
support and encouragement, but with no substantive institutional knowledge to
facilitate college admission.
The final trend to emerge was the lack of ethnic identity as it relates to
students as science majors. All students were slightly surprised when asked this
question. Most students were comfortable with their ethnicity, and said it was not a
factor in their pursuit of a science education. Two of the lighter skinned Latinas
mentioned that they have been able to pass as white. This leads to the idea of
students subjugating their ethnic identity to fit into what they believe to be a typical
science student. Several students mentioned that when they took upper division
classes, there were more White and Asian students. This may be students’ attempt to
fit in by “acting white”, behaving in a way that is accepted by the dominant culture
(Ogbu & Fordham, 1986).
During the focus group interviews, some students shared that they believed
their ethnicity may have played a factor in their placement in lower track classes, and
exclusion from academic information by institutional agents.
And this belief is founded in research; Soloranzo and Ornelas (2004) found that
minority students frequently have little or no opportunities to access advanced
placement classes. While students in Conchas and Clark’s (2002) study believed that
their low achievement was due to being excluded from higher track classes.

94
Three trends began in elementary school. Students reported little or no
science instruction in primary grades and when implemented, noted a lack of science
equipment. As Tobin, Seiler, and Wells (1999) discovered, an early start in the
sciences is imperative to mitigate potential resistance due to disenfranchisement in
later grades. None of the ten students in this study recalled any after-school science
program during their entire K-12 education. Yet, Papadimitriou (2003) found that
after school science activities were imperative for girls lacking positive science
experiences.
The last two trends became exacerbated throughout the science instructional
pathway. By the time students matriculated to university, all reported a dearth of
science equipment and science clubs available in any of their schools.
Recommendations
Educators
We need to properly fund science education, beginning with thorough and
complete training in content, pedagogies, activities, and equipment for all K-12
teachers. Sufficient equipment and materials need to be provided to all schools and
all classrooms, with monies available to maintain and/or replace equipment.
It would behoove educators to incorporate hands-on, inquiry-based science
activities, especially for female minority students (Markowitz, 2004), as there is a
clear loss of interest in science between elementary and secondary school (Speering
& Rennie, 1996).

95
Identifying student interest early on is also important (Nauta & Epperson, 2003), and
teachers can use these queries to further engage their female students, as attitudes
and interest in science are related to the teacher (Speering & Rennie, 1996). Enabling
teachers to serve as advocates for their female minority students, will also provide
opportunities to model practices so students will learn how to advocate for
themselves.
Teachers must make an effort to promote equity over equality, so boys are
not allowed to monopolize class discussions or equipment (Sadker & Sadker, 1994),
as experience with science equipment has a positive influence on females
(Markowitz, 2004). Since female attrition has been linked to male-orientated
pedagogies (National Science Foundation, 2002), gender-neutral curriculum must be
sought out and implemented.
Adopting gender neutral pedagogies, materials, and activities, starting in
elementary school, will help combat the adoption of a self-defeatist attitude due to
marginalization (Kahle & Rennie, 1993). The addition of cooperative social
activities (Baker & Leary, 1995) with a mastery focus (Tobias, 1993; Britner &
Pajares, 2006) are simple to incorporate into existing lesson plans and have been
shown to be effective tools to peak girl’s interest in science class. Elementary
schools must include a full complement of science curriculum, including laboratory
activities, and not be reduced to a series of worksheets featuring animals or videos.

96
With science being included, as of the 2008-2009 school year, in assessments
mandated by the No Child Left Behind legislation, elementary school science can no
longer be ignored nor relegated to a science expert, who visits intermittently.
Mandating lower class sizes, starting in elementary school, as is done for
English (Gallagher, 2000), will allow for smaller cooperative groups and lead to
greater student interest in science (Greenfield, 1997). The development of cutting
edge science curriculum that addresses student’s specific needs, whether social,
behavioral, psychological, or developmental, at each grade level will assist in
continuing to inspire students to continue their study of science (Speering & Rennie,
1996). All of these suggestions can be integrated into mandated professional
development workshops, and revisited when needed to ensure implementation.
Interventions need to occur before students become disenfranchised. If they
are not implemented early enough, minority students may already have become
resistant due to disenfranchisement (Tobin, Seiler, and Walls, 1999). These
interventions must target and engage marginalized students since they will not
willingly opt in when they have already been cast aside (Ceci & Papierno, 2005).
These programs need to be accessible, yet still rigorous, as low-achieving teenagers
considered their non-challenging science class work boring (Conchas & Clark,
2002). Different interventions for male and female students may also be indicated,
since their interest in science may be due to differential socialization (Spelke, 2005).

97
To combat stereotypical attitudes that are already in place by nine (Farenga &
Joyce, 1998), ensuring young students come in contact with female minority science
teachers, role-models, and mentors will demonstrate to children that science is not a
male-dominated subject. Programs must also be streamlined; too much content in too
short a time leads to frustration (Gallagher, 2000; Tobias, 1993). Gender equity must
be a part of these programs, as it is still not safe for girls to break stereotypes without
fear of punitive measures by institutional agents (Breakhouse, et al, 2000).
Differential access, student choice and societal perception are also factors that must
be incorporated to stem the flow from the pipeline (Clewell & Campbell, 2002).
Policies
Informative meetings that include parents in school discussions about college
opportunities and career trajectories can educate parents who believe science is more
important for boys to study (Andre, et al, 1999), or ones that think boys are better at
science (Kahle & Rennie, 1993).
Parents also need to be informed about institutional and systemic policies not
necessary transparent or easily elucidated from the flood of paperwork disseminated
by schools. Students too, need to be informed about class choices and opportunities,
many do not even realize they have been tracked (Harklau, 1994). Even when
minority parents are encouraging and supportive, lack of knowledge about school
policies and procedures result in low volume support, not enough to overcome
existing barriers (Gonzalez, Stoner, Jovel, 2003).

98
Counselors and other institutional agents need to be instructed as to equitable
practices. These practices can be introduced within the existing credentialing
program school counselors must complete. Students taking rigorous academic
classes can increase their human capital, which can positively affect their social-
capital (Hack & Mahoe, 2006). But, if minority students are not being advised about
pre-requisite classes, they can not access upper division or advanced placement
classes (Beckham, 2004; Soloranzo & Ornelas, 2004), barring them from equitable
academic outcomes.
Research
Interviewing students as they moved along the science instructional pathway
would assist in determining if students actually had some science instruction which
they forgot, or if their elementary school science education was sacrificed to improve
their English and mathematics skills. Determining if students lacking in elementary
school science experiences can be mitigated by a caring middle school science
teacher who incorporates challenging academic content and engaging activities is
also indicated.
A true longitudinal study over the course of a student’s entire education,
including interviews and observations, is recommended. This would provide a
deeper understanding of each of the variables and assist in determining if students
actually had some science instruction which they forgot, or if their elementary school
science education was sacrificed to improve their English and mathematics skills.

99
More research needs to be conducted to determine why urban elementary,
middle, and high schools are not providing sufficient equipment and after school
science programs and activities for their students.
Another major research focus would be the continued placement of students into
lower track classes and lack of equitable dissemination of institutional information. It
is insufficient to assume that parents and students will inherently understand the
systemic functions of our public school system. Simply sending a booklet home with
high school graduation and university requirements is not and has not been effective.
What is clearly indicated is the need for a complete overhaul of the entire
science instructional pathway and pipeline, clearly linking each grade, so students
are prepared, academically, socially, and emotionally for each subsequent science
class and matriculation. This will need to be sufficiently funded, so teachers are fully
trained in a variety of pedagogies, equipment is bought and able to be maintained,
curriculum is accessible to all, and all students have access to in-school and after-
school science activities. Until that happens, the creation of an intervention program
that addresses the needs of marginalized students, engaging them in activities to
foster their interest in science is indicated.
Starting in elementary school, so students do not have a chance to become
frustrated or indifferent, this program would need to be run by caring and highly
qualified teachers that create opportunities for mastery experiences.

100
The inclusion of female and minority scientists and role models would mitigate
stereotypical ideas of who can do science and allow students to see how scientific
investigation is conducted by professionals. Furthermore, all institutional agents and
stakeholder need to be advised about possible stereotypical and gender biased
beliefs, materials, curriculum, and behaviors.
If we want our children, both male and female, of every ethnicity, to compete
in our global economy, we must provide them with an environment that nurtures
their imagination and encourages their critical thinking skills. By empowering
students, they gain confidence and will feel comfortable taking on more challenging
subjects, leading to a career in science. We have a responsibility to educate, inform,
and inspire all of our students.

101
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Appendix A
Student Interview Questions
1) What are you majoring in?
a) How did you decide on this major?
b) Did anybody or anything influence on your choice to major in_____?
2) What do you plan on doing after college?
THE NEXT FEW QUESTIONS FOCUS ON YOUR HIGH SCHOOL SCIENCE
EXPERIENCES
3) What science classes did you take in high school?
a) What was your homework and class work like?
b) Was there science equipment or technological equipment that you
used in your science classes?
4) Did anyone in your family have any influence on your choice of science
classes?
5) Did your friends have any influence on your choice of high school science
classes?
6) Did your teachers, counselors or any other adults have any influence on your
choice of high school science classes?
7) Did you have a favorite science teacher in high school?
8) Follow-up question: Can you explain why?
9) Did you have a favorite science class in high school?

110
10) Did you participate in science activities, science fairs, clubs, reading, etc..
outside of your high school classes?
11) Did your teachers, counselors, or other staff help you or encourage you in
regards to your science classes? Helping you choose classes, do your work,
or anything like that?
THE NEXT FEW QUESTIONS FOCUS ON YOUR MIDDLE SCHOOL
SCIENCE EXPERIENCES
12) Did you have the 6
th
grade earth science and health, 7
th
grade biology and
health, and 8
th
grade chemistry, physics, and astronomy classes in middle
school? (If yes, jump to question 13)
a) Why did you take those classes?
13) Did anyone in your family have any influence on your choice of science
classes.
a) Follow-up question: Can you explain?
14) Did you have a favorite science teacher in middle school?
15) Did you have a favorite science class in middle school?
16) Did you participate in science activities, science fairs, clubs, reading, etc..
outside of your classes?
17) Did your friends, teachers, or counselors help you or encourage you with
your science classes? Helping you choose classes, do your work, or anything
like that?

111
THE NEXT FEW QUESTIONS FOCUS ON YOUR ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
SCIENCE EXPERIENCES
18) Do you remember any of your science classes from elementary school? If
you can, can you describe what you did?
19) Was there any teacher or year that you did something you can remember and
describe to me?
20) Did you participate in science activities, science fairs, clubs, reading, etc..
outside of your classes?
a) Did your family encourage you to study science?
THE REST OF THE QUESTIONS I’M GOING TO ASK YOU FOCUS ON YOUR
GENERAL SCIENCE EXPERIENCES
21) Who are your role models? Do you have specific science role models or
mentors? Can you describe them?
22) Do you personally know a scientist? If so, describe this person and his or her
job?
23) What expectations do your parents and/or other family members have for
your education and/or career? Do they help you with school? goals? plans?
24) Do your friends’ opinions play a role in your class choices? How? Why?
25) How important is your ethnic identity and what role does it play in your life
as a science student?
26) Research suggests that students have already made up their minds about who
can do science by the age of 9. What do you think?

112
27) Researchers have found that boys tend to monopolize equipment in science
classes, leaving girls to record and write up data. What has been your
experience?
28) Research suggests that minority students do not have the same access to
course information and pre-requisites as other students. Do you agree with
this?
29) What did you do, or what happened throughout your academic career to
continue your science studies? For this question, I’d like you to consider how
you were able to persevere throughout elementary, middle, and high school
academically, emotionally and socially.

113
Appendix B
Focus Group Questions
I want to thank you all for coming today. I’m going to ask some questions based on
the answers from the individual interviews. If there is any question that you do not
wish to answer, please feel free not to share.
Research Question 1: How do female minority science students successfully navigate
through the challenges of the science instructional pathway and the pipeline?
1) What do you think was the major contributor or contribution to your academic
success?
2) Do you think there was anything different between your educational path and the
one taken by your friends who have not ended up in college? Can you give me some
details?
3) What do you think was your biggest challenge (s) in the pursuit of your science
education? (academic, informational, social, etc…)
4) How were you able to overcome these challenges? Was there something in
particular that allowed you to continue on your academic/educational path?
5) I’d like to hear more about your access to science content/curriculum. Do you
think you were treated the same as other students, in either getting the information
you needed to take specific science classes, or their pre-requisites?
6) What kind of information or help did you seek to take the classes you did. Who
did you choose to get help from?

114
7) Several of you mentioned that there was a specific teacher or teachers that you
used as a role-model/mentor. What do you think may have happened without this
teacher’s help or encouragement?
8) How do you think your elementary and middle school experiences affected your
science career or class choices?
9) Do you think meeting or knowing a scientist would have made a difference in
your choices as a science undergraduate student?
10) Several of you mentioned that you didn’t remember making you your mind about
science by the age of 9. Why do you think this happened?
Research Question 2: How do female minority science students access, augment, and
utilize their social-capital networks gaining admittance to a four-year university?
11) Who do you think was the major contributor to your getting the appropriate
information needed to apply for and be accepted to this university as a science
major?
12) How do you think you ended up here, in college, as science majors. What do you
think made the difference between getting here, or ending up in a junior college or
on the job market?
13) How did your families expectations affect your outcomes?
14) Were the expectations of your teachers and counselors the same for all students?
Why?

115
Appendix C
O’Halloran’s Student Interview Questions

1) What science class/classes are you enrolled in this year?
2) Why are you taking a science course?
3) What is a typical day like for you? What is your schedule, what do you do at
lunch, between classes, after school, etc?
4) What are your classes like? What are your teachers like?
5) Who has played an important role in your decision to take a science class (a
parent, peer, counselor, teacher, etc.)?
6) How would you describe your interactions with your peers, teachers, counselors,
parents, etc?
7) What sort of career information do you use?
8) Who are your role models?
9) Do you personally know a scientist? If so, describe this person and his or her
job?
10) What expectations do your parents have for your career and/or education? How
do they help you with school?
11) Describe what goes on in your science class (es). For example, lectures, labs,
hands-on activities, etc.
12) What study habits and other habits do you use to succeed in high school science
classes?

116
13) How important to you is your ethnic identity and what role does it play in your
life?
14) Is there anything you would like to add about why you are successful in high
school science classes?
Oquendo-Rodriguez’s Student Interview Questions

Interview Introduction

(Girls)

“I am a graduate student from the school of Education at the University of MA in
Amherst. The purpose of this study is to collect information about the interests and
experiences of Latina girls in science and math classes or related fields during their
school life. For this interview you do not need to identify yourself or any relaives
with names. Also feel free to stop the recorder or the interview at any moment that
you desire.”
Interview Guide Questions for Latina Girls
Part I Personal Information
(Age, ethnicity, description of your self) Identification of success/role models
1) Could you tell me who you are? How old are you? What grade are you in? What
is your ethnic background? How do you describe yourself?
2) Could you please tell me what are you doing now?
3) Could you describe yourself as a student and your school grades?
4) How do you define a person or a student who is successful?
5) Are you a successful person?

117
6) Could you tell me who your role model is or a person that you admire?
Part II Migration
7) Where do you come from?
8) Where were you born?
9) Explain when you and family arrive here in the U.S.A.?
10) Why did you come to the U.S.A.?
11) What did you think when your mother or your relatives told you that you would
be coming to the USA?
12) When you arrived here, what was your first impression?
13) How many years have you been living here? (in the U.S.A.)
14) Have you lived in another place in the USA in addition to Massachusetts?
15) Did you move back to Puerto Rico in any stage of your life? If the answer is
“yes”, why?
16) What is the easiest and hardest part of living here? Positive, and negative?
Explain? Housing, community, weather, social, services and others.
17) How was the first day of school after you came here from Puerto Rico? (If you
came recently) How do you compare the school and life here and there?
18) Have you confronted any racism experience? Do you think that racism exits
against Puerto Rican people? Why? What about racism in school?
Part III Family
19) Could you tell me about your family? Do you have sisters and brothers?

118
20) Tell me about your mother. How would you describe her? How old is she? What
is her school grade level? What is her occupation? How does she help you with your
studies, school, and homework? How does she support you?
21) Tell me about your father? How would you describe him? What was the highest
school grade that he attended? What is his occupation? How does he help you with
your studies, school, and homework? How does he support you?
22) Tell me about your brothers and sisters? How old are they? What school grade
does they attend? What are their occupations? Do they help you with your studies?
23) How do you help your family? What is your role as a daughter? What are your
responsibilities in your home? (chores) Do you help your mother or your brothers
and sisters or any relatives at home?
24) Do you like to be at home? Describe a typical day in your home?
25) Who do you admire most in your family and why?
26) What are the most important things that your parents have taught you?
27) How do your parents teach you to be a good daughter and student?
28) What does your family (parents or sibling) expect from you?
29) What are your beliefs? (religion)
30) How do you think your family can help you in your studies?
31) Can they help you with your homework?
32) Who helps you with your special homework?
33) Have you stayed out of your home?
34) If you had to stay out of your home for a workshop, would you do it?

119
35) What would your family say? For a summer workshop, would she let you go
easily?
36) What does your father say about your future career?
37) Is there any member of your family who likes science and math?
38) Are there any members of your family that encourage you to study science and
math or related careers?
39) What is your role as a women in your family? How important are you for your
family?
Part IV Language, Culture
40) How are you and your family identified culturally from other USA families?
Why is it important?
41) Do you feel proud about your ethnic background? What do you like and dislike
most?
42) How do you feel about being a Latina in the U.S.A.? (home, school and
community)
43) What language do you speak at home? Does your family speak more than one
language?
44) What is your first language?
45) If English is your second language are there any limitations in your classrooms?
Could you explain?
46) Do you believe there is a disadvantage to being a Latina girl living in the U.S.A.
who does not speak English?

120
47) Could you tell me about your relationship with Puerto Rico?
48) What is your opinion of the Puerto Ricans who live in the U.S.A, especially
Puerto Rican girls?
Part V Economic Background
49) Talk to me about your family’s income.
50) Does your family have any economic needs?
51) How do you see the need to pay for your future studies?
52) What are your economic needs now?
53) How do you compare your economic needs with your classmates?
54) Tell me about the house and place in which your living now?
55) Do you think that your economic situation can change? How?
56) How do you help or would you help your family economically?
Part VI School life: Programs, Teacher, Classrooms, Materials and Learning
Style
57) In which program are you enrolled? (mainstream or bilingual)
58) Do you like to be in school?
59) Describe your high school? Do you like it?
60) Which courses are you taking now?
61) Which one is your favorite class?
62) In which class are you happier? Why?
63) Could you order your classes from 1 to 7 starting with the class that you like
most up to the one that you like the least?

121
64) What is class do you like the least? Why?
65) How do the science and math teachers treat you in their classes?
66) How do you think science and math teachers are supposed to be?
67) Who are your science and math teachers? Are they female, male, or minorities?
Describe their personalities?
68) Do you understand your science and math teachers?
69) How would you describe your relationship with your science and math teachers?
70) How many students are in the class?
71) How do you describe the science and math classroom that you have right now?
72) Is the science classroom that you have right now, your ideal classroom?
73) Could you describe to me an ideal math classroom?
74) Is the math classroom that you have right now, si it your ideal classroom?
75) Do you use calculators and computers in the class?
76) Do you know how to use them?
77) Do your teachers encourage you to study for a career in science or math?
78) Do you think that Latino students are treated equally in science and math
classrooms? Do they do well in science and math?
79) Are you good in science and math?
80) If I asked you how do you think a science or math classroom should be so a
Latina girl like you would learn more, how would it be?
81) Describe your learning style. How do you like to learn, work in school and take
classes? Describe your method of study.

122
Part VII Support Program
82) Who helps you in school? Do you belong to any after school program or
extracurricular activity or community activity?
83) Who helps you decide which courses you are going to take every year or
semester?
84) What is the level of the courses you are taking in science and math?
85) How do your school guidance counselors help you? Are they Latinos or
minorities, female or male? How would you describe your relationship with them?
86) Do you have an orientation about college, do you know about the tests you have
to take for college entrance, college costs, types of colleges, financial aid,
scholarships and college visits?
87) Do you know where you can find this information? Do your parents know how
to get that information?
88) Talk to me about other experiences related to science. Have you gone to summer
workshops? How did you feel there?
89) What kind of help do you need most to be successful in school?
90) Do you think as a Latina student you are receiving all the opportunities that you
deserve in order to achieve your potential in general; especially in science and math?
Part VII Previous School History
91) Were you a good student when you were little? Where did you go to school?
What type of school did you attend? Why?

123
92) If you attended school in Puerto Rico, are is there any difference between here
and there?
93) Tell me about your experiences in your science and math classes since you were
little until now?
94) Which one was your favorite class? Why?
95) Did you like science and math in your earlier grades?
96) Describe your primary grade science and math classes?
97) Describe the teachers?
98) Did you remember any experiences with science and math classes in your early
grades?
99) Which class did you like most in the elementary and middle school level?
100) How did the science and math teachers treat you?
101) Were your science and math teachers in the primary grades female or male?
102) Describe your home as a place to study and do homework.
Part VIII Math and Sciences
103) What is your opinion about math and science classes?
104) Do you think you are successful in those subjects?
105) What kind of people do you think science and the math are for? Mention some
professional fields in the areas of science and math?
106) Do you know the average salary of a professional who has a career in the fields
of science and math?
107) Do you want to be a professional in any areas of the field of science and math?

124
108) Do you think that many Latinos are dedicated to science and math? Why?
109) Tell me about the level of the science and math classes in your school?
110) Who takes most of the advanced courses in science and math? Why? Do
Latinos and Latina girls prefer the science and math advanced courses? Do students
have freedom to choose the class levels in which they want to be?
111) Mention if you know the different types of science and math courses that your
school offers to the students?
112) Do you take a lab with your science and math classes? Describe it?
113) How often do you have a lab? How do you think that science and math classes
should be?
114) How do you think science and math teacher should be?
Part IX Relations with Boys and Girls in Sciences and Math?
115) How are your relationship with boys and girls in science and math classes?
116) Do you like to work more in your science and math classes with boys or girls?
117) Who helps you more, boys or girls?
118) Describe how boys and girls behave in science and math classes?
119) What do your classmates; think, in general, about science and math classes?
120) Who knows more in your science and math classrooms?
121) Who are smarter, boys or girls in the classes?
122) Who uses the calculator more and better in the math classes?
123) Do teachers pay more attention in the classes to boys or girls?
124) Do teachers treat boys and girls equally in the classes?

125
125) Do you think that Latino students are good in science and math?
Part XI Projection to the Future
126) What do you want to be in the future? Why? How do you reach this decision?
127) What can prevent you from achieving your future plans?
128) How strong are your plans?
129) Would you like to explore any careers in the field of science and math?
130) Did you want to attend college? Which one and where?
131) Describe you as a women in the next 10 or 20 years?
132) Could you be a role model for other students or people in your community?
133) What are your dreams?
134) How do you feel about this interview and this topic?
135) is there something else that you wish to say in this interview that I should
know?

126
Appendix D
Consent Form
Subject Consent Form

For participation in a Doctoral Research Project Titled:

Shoring up the Pipeline: A Case Study of Female Navigation throughout the
Science Instructional Pathway

Please complete this form and return it to the researcher.

Completion and return of this form will constitute consent to participate in this
research project.

You are invited to participate in a research project about female experiences in their
science classes throughout their education. It is hoped that the results of this research
will offer useful information to educators to help ensure the continued success of
those students already doing well in science and to encourage others to achieve in
science.

Your involvement in this research consists, of an initial interview, and a possible
follow-up interview. Interview questions will focus on your K-12 science
experiences.

If you have any questions or concerns, please feel free to contact the researcher or
the researcher’s Committee Chairperson. Thank you for taking the time to participate
in the interest of science.

I have read the information sheet and understand the nature of this project. I agree to
participate and I understand that I may withdraw my consent at any time.

Signature_______________________________________ Date___________

Researcher: Allison J. Aclufi, MS Committee Chair: Dr. Reynaldo Baca
National Board Certified Teacher Professor
Doctoral Candidate, USC University of Southern California
(323) 932-0378 (213) 740-2361
aclufi@usc.edu rbaca@usc.edu

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Female minority students are increasing in numbers as science majors, but are still under-represented when compared to White and Asian males in the workplace. Many factors have been proposed and studied, yet there has been little, if any, longitudinal study of possible exacerbating variables that may play a key role in deterring female minority students from pursuing a science degree and career. This study took a retro-longitudinal look at the experiences of ten successful science undergraduate female minority students. Two major domains already widely covered in the literature were identified: academic experiences and social-capital networks. Based on in-depth interviews, the following trends, in order of magnitude, were noted: students were focused and goal-orientated, insufficient amounts and access to science equipment, lack of science education in elementary school, no after-school science programs, indifferent or resistant stakeholders, males favored in the classroom, parent alienation from schools, inequitable access to academic information, parental encouragement, and a lack of ethnic identity in the context of a science student.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Aclufi, Allison Jill (author)

Core Title Shoring up the pipeline: a case study of female navigation throughout the science instructional pathway (SIP)

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publication Date 05/08/2009

Defense Date 03/06/2009

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag educational barriers,Females,minorities,OAI-PMH Harvest,Science,Science education,social capital,tracking

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Baca, Reynaldo R. (committee chair), Peña-Vallejo, Edlyn (committee member), Scott, Gary (committee member)

Creator Email aclufi@usc.edu,aclufia@ca.rr.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2219

Unique identifier UC181868

Identifier etd-Aclufi-2724 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-242904 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2219 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Aclufi-2724.pdf

Dmrecord 242904

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Aclufi, Allison Jill

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu