University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Relationship of gender role conflict and acculturation to willingness to seek psychological help among Asian American and European American men

(USC Thesis Other)

Relationship of gender role conflict and acculturation to willingness to seek psychological help among Asian American and European American men

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content

RELATIONSHIP OF GENDER ROLE CONFLICT AND ACCULTURATION TO
WILLINGNESS TO SEEK PSYCHOLOGICAL HELP AMONG ASIAN AMERICAN
AND EUROPEAN AMERICAN MEN

by
Joanne Young Kim

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
EDUCATION (COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGY)

December 2008

Copyright 2008 Joanne Young Kim

ii
DEDICATION
With much love and appreciation, this dissertation is dedicated in memory
of my grandmother.

iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to take this opportunity to thank some of the people in my life
who have all played an integral role in this academic endeavor.
First and foremost, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor
and committee chair, Dr. Ruth H. Chung, for her unwavering patience,
encouragement, and support. This dissertation could not have come to fruition
without her dedication and assistance throughout this process. I would also like to
extend my deepest appreciation to my committee members, Dr. Rodney Goodyear
and Dr. Jane Iwamura, for their expertise and invaluable input, as well as their
willingness to serve as my esteemed committee members.
I am truly indebted to my parents for their patience, generosity, undying love,
and support throughout my life and my graduate career. Words cannot express how
much I love you and how fortunate I feel to have you as my parents. You have
sacrificed so much to make all of this possible. I also want to express my great
appreciation for my sister, Sharon Kim, and my brother Derek Kim, who have been
nothing but supportive and caring, and the best siblings I could ever ask for.
I want to thank my best friend, Julie Kang, and my husband, Jacob Won Suk
Lee, who encouraged me through all the difficult and rough days, and always
believed in me. Thank you both for being in my life.
Finally, I would like to extend a multitude of thanks to all my friends and
family members who have touched my life in some way. Without you, I would not
be who and where I am today.

iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ii

Acknowledgements iii

List of Tables vii

Abstract viii

Chapter 1: Introduction 1

Background of the Problem
Theoretical Framework
7
9

Gender Role Strain Paradigm
Acculturation
10
11
Significance of the Study 13

Chapter 2: Review of the Literature 16

Gender and Socialization
Asian American Men and the Complexities of Gender
Gender Role Strain Paradigm
Gender Role Conflict
19
22
25

Gender Role Conflict Scale and Factors
Gender Role Conflict Research
Gender Role Conflict and Men of Color Research
27
29
32
Acculturation and Enculturation 34

Acculturation
Unidimensional and Bidimensional Approaches to Acculturation
Assessment of Acculturation
Acculturation and Help-Seeking
34
36
38
44
Overall Summary 48
Purpose of the Study 51

Chapter 3: Methodology 53

Participants
Instruments
53
54

Gender Role Conflict Scale-I
Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale
Asian Values Scale
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale-
Short Form
Demographic Information Questionnaire
55
57
59

62
64
Procedure 64
Data Analysis 67

v

Chapter 4: Results 68
Pre-Analysis Data Screening 68
Internal Consistency Estimation 71
Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Analysis 73

Research Question 1: Do acculturation to the U.S. culture,
enculturation to ethnic culture of origin, and gender role
conflict predict Asian American men’s attitudes toward
seeking psychological help? 75

Research Question 2: Are there racial group differences
between Asian American and European American males
in willingness to seek psychological help? 77

Research Question 3: Are there racial group differences
between Asian American and European American males
in gender role conflict? 78

Research Question 4: Are there racial group differences
between Asian American and European American males
in actual counseling utilization and familiarity with
campus counseling services? 80

Chapter 5: Discussion 84
Discussion of Primary Findings 84

Acculturation, Enculturation, Gender Role Conflict, and Help-
Seeking Attitudes 84
Race and Help-Seeking Attitudes 85
Race and Gender Role Conflict 85

Race, Counseling Utilization, and Familiarity with Campus
Counseling Services
87
Discussion of Secondary Findings 88

Pearson Correlations: Acculturation, Enculturation, and Help-
Seeking Attitudes
88
Pearson Correlations: Enculturation and Gender Role Conflict 90
Summary 91
Limitations 91
Implications for Clinical Practice 93
Directions for Future Research 94
Conclusion 96

References 97

Appendices 112
Appendix A: Gender Role Conflict Scale (GRCS-I) 112

Appendix B: Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation
Scale (AAMAS) 114
Appendix C: Asian Values Scale (AVS) 116

vi

Appendix D: Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional
Psychological Help Scale-Short Form (ATSPPH-SF) 118
Appendix E: Participant Demographic Questionnaire 119

Appendix F: Information and Instruction Sheet For Faculty Classroom
and Email Listserv Announcements 122
Appendix G: Consent Form 123
Appendix H: Entry for the Raffle 126

vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Demographic Characteristics of Participants
69

Table 2: Reliability Estimates for Asian American and Caucasian Male
Participants on the GRCS-I, ATSPPH-SF, AAMAS, and
AVS 72

Table 3: Pearson Correlation Coefficients for the Research Measures
Among Asian American Males 74

Table 4: Results of Standard Multiple Regression Analyses for Dependent
Variable of Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional
Psychological Help Among Asian American Males 76

Table 5: Means and Standard Deviations for Asian American and
Caucasian Male Participants on the GRCS-I, ATSPPH-SF,
AAMAS, and AVS 79

Table 6: Crosstabulation of Race and Mental Health Service Utilization
Ever 81

Table 7: Crosstabulation of Race and Current Mental Health Service
Utilization 82

Table 8: Crosstabulation of Race and Awareness of Campus Counseling
Services 83

viii
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between gender role
conflict, acculturation, and enculturation to help-seeking attitudes among Asian
American male university students, with Caucasian males serving as a point of
comparison for the relationship between gender role conflict and attitudes toward
psychological help-seeking. Participants were 67 Asian American male college
students of East Asian (Chinese, Korean, and Japanese) descent and 158 Caucasian
male college students ranging in age from 18 to 30 years. Instrumentation included
the Gender Role Conflict Scale, the Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation
Scale, the Asian Values Scale, the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional
Psychological Help Scale-Short Form and a demographic questionnaire. Pearson
correlations, multiple regression, analysis of variance, multivariate analysis of
variance, and chi-square tests of difference analyses were conducted.
Results of the study revealed that acculturation, enculturation, and gender role
conflict were not significant predictors of Asian American men’s attitudes toward
help-seeking. However, results showed that Asian American men were significantly
less willing than Caucasian males to seek professional psychological help. With
respect to other racial group differences, Asian American men were significantly
more likely to experience gender role conflict than Caucasian males, particularly in
the realms of success, power, and competition; restrictive emotionality; and restrictive
affectionate behavior between men. In particular, Asian American men experiencing
the success, power, and competition form of gender role conflict were significantly
more reluctant to seek out professional psychological help. Although Asian

ix
American men were less likely to have ever utilized counseling or therapy services
than their European American counterparts, there were no significant differences
between the racial groups on their current utilization of services and familiarity with
campus counseling services. The limitations of the study, implications for clinical
practice, and recommendations for future research were also discussed.

CHAPTER 1
Results of large-scale epidemiological studies have demonstrated the high
prevalence of mental disorders in the United States and other parts of the world. A
landmark project conducted by the World Health Organization, the World Bank, and
Harvard University reported that mental illness collectively contributes to over 15
percent of the overall disease burden in established market economies like the United
States and is the second leading cause of disability and premature death, with mental
disorders having a wider and more disabling impact than that of all cancers combined
(Murray & Lopez, 1996). According to the National Comorbidity Survey conducted
in the United States, almost 50% of those who were interviewed reported at least one
disorder in their lifetime, and nearly 30% indicated at least one disorder within 12
months of the time they participated in the study (Kessler et al., 1994). Other
extensive studies have indicated that mental disorders affect approximately 21% of
the American population (U.S. DHHS, 1999).
Despite the high prevalence of mental disorders, many studies have found that
the majority of these individuals do not seek out the assistance of a mental health
professional (Kessler et al., 1994; Regier et al., 1993; World Health Organization,
2001). Reasons such as not believing that they have emotional difficulties or issues
that need treatment and preferring to resolve the problem on their own, if there was
recognition of need for treatment, have been cited (e.g., Kessler et al., 2001). Since
attitudes toward help-seeking may influence the act of seeking professional
psychological services (Tata & Leong, 1994), understanding the factors that impact

1

the attitudes and beliefs that people hold towards psychological help-seeking is
necessary to better explain the gap between need and actual utilization.
Demographic characteristics including age (e.g., Husaini, Moore, & Cain,
1994), education level (Tijhuis, Peters, & Foets, 1990), race (e.g., Gloria, Hird, &
Navarro, 2001; Sheu & Shedlacek, 2004; Yeh et al., 2003), and gender (e.g., Leong &
Zachar, 1999; McCarthy & Holliday, 2004) are among the variables that have been
studied in relation to help-seeking. One particularly interesting finding that has been
replicated across many studies is a gender difference in attitudes toward help-seeking,
with females holding more positive attitudes about psychological services and help-
seeking and being more likely to seek help than males (e.g., Addis & Mahalik, 2003;
Ang, Lim, Tan, & Yau, 2004; Deane & Chamberlain, 1994; Kelly & Achter, 1995;
Leong & Zachar, 1999; Mackenzie, Gekoski, & Knox, 2006; Rule & Gandy, 1994).
These attitudes manifest themselves in actual utilization rates, with women
comprising nearly two-thirds of clients who seek out professional psychological help
(McCarthy & Holliday, 2004). Men seek help less often than women for such
difficulties as depression, substance use problems, and stressful life events
(Mansfield, Addis, & Mahalik, 2003). However, this underutilization of services by
men is not indicative of the level of need; even when males experienced comparable
levels of psychological distress, they sought help much less often than females
(Rickwood & Braithwaite, 1994).
The sheer act of seeking psychological help also requires that one be able to
acknowledge that help is needed, depend upon others, or identify and put a label on
an issue that involves feelings, all of which are in opposition to masculinity
2

socialization (Mahalik, Good, & Englar-Carlson, 2003). The difficulty exists in the
social stigma that is associated with admitting the need for treatment and seeking
counseling. Indeed, male socialization, reinforced by peer pressure, has been cited as
a major barrier to seeking help, as men believe it is important to be independent and
conceal vulnerability (Davies et al., 2000).
In fact, men have been shown to hold more negative attitudes about
psychological help-seeking, and have traditionally been less willing than women to
seek out mental health treatment, even when needed. Robertson and Fitzgerald’s
(1992) study on masculine gender role attitudes and reluctance to seek help indicated
that men who held more traditional views about gender tended to feel less positive
about traditional psychotherapy. A study on Japanese-American and Caucasian
American college students found that irrespective of ethnic background, females were
more likely than males to consult with mental health professionals regarding personal
concerns or problems (Suan & Tyler, 1990). Despite the decades of research
demonstrating the reluctance of men in general to seek out the help that they need, it
is only recently that the low rates of help-seeking among men have been judged to be
problematic (Courtenay, 2000).
Beyond the gender differences that have emerged with respect to
psychological help-seeking, a review of the literature on gender role conflict and
help-seeking behaviors among men also indicates that those who have higher levels
of gender role conflict tend to hold more a more negative outlook on help-seeking
(e.g., Wisch, Mahalik, Hayes, & Nutt, 1995; Blazina & Watkins, 1996). Indeed, even
more recent studies have demonstrated that men who experience a higher degree of
3

gender role conflict also report more negative attitudes about psychological help-
seeking (Berger, Levant, McMillan, Kelleher, & Sellers, 2005; Pederson & Vogel,
2007). Men are placed in a difficult position when those who are in need of
psychological services refuse to seek them out because of the conflict they experience
as a result of their gender role socialization. However, the issue of help-seeking is
further complicated when considering sub-groups within U.S. society.
Among Asian Americans, there is an underutilization of services that appears
to be due to a reluctance to seek treatment rather than a lack of need (Uba, 1994).
Asian Americans, in particular, have historically been shown to underutilize mental
health services. Statewide analyses and comparisons demonstrated that even in the
ten states most highly populated with Asian Americans, the utilization rates are
disproportionate, relative to European Americans who made use of mental health
services (Matsuoka, Breaux, & Ryujin, 1997). At face value, it appears that this
lower rate of service utilization points to less pathology and fewer social and
psychological difficulties, and thus less need for such services. Asian Americans are
seen as very well-adjusted, with this belief buttressed by evidence of occupational,
educational, and economic success (Sue, Sue, Sue, & Takeuchi, 1995). Thus, Asian
Americans have secured the dubious distinction of the “model minority” image,
which paints an idealistic and misconceived picture of Asian Americans as a group
that experiences few, if any, problems, including mental health issues (Crystal, 1989;
Lin & Cheung, 1999; Mallinckrodt, Shigeoka, & Suzuki, 2005; Sue et al., 1995; Uba,
1994).
4

However, a substantial amount of evidence supports the proposition that there
is a much lower likelihood of Asian Americans to use mental health services than the
general population and in proportion to the size of the population (Bui & Takeuchi,
1992; Cheung & Snowden, 1990; Sue, 1993; U.S. DHHS, 2001; Zhang, Snowden, &
Sue, 1998), despite documentation indicating that Asian Americans exhibit levels of
disturbance that would warrant the services of mental health practitioners (Abe-Kim
et al., 2007; Lin, 1998; Okazaki, 1997; Sue, 1993). Asian Americans who do utilize
services tend to exhibit equal, if not higher, levels of disturbance among the client
population (Iwamasa, 1997; Lin & Cheung, 1999). There appears to be a crucial need
for services that is not being met, with Asian Americans having been shown to
experience a range of problems that include academic concerns, interpersonal
difficulties, substance abuse issues, intergenerational conflict, and the experience of
racism and prejudice (Leong, Wagner, & Tata, 1995).
There is a stigma attached to utilizing mental health services that inhibits
many Asian Americans from seeking out mainstream forms of mental health
treatment, particularly treatment that is deemed inappropriate from a cultural point of
view of illness and mental health (Sue, Nakamura, Chung, & Yee-Bradbury, 1994).
Even in cases where a psychological basis has been recognized, shame may inhibit
Asian Americans from disclosing it out of fear of a negative social response (Zhang,
Snowden, & Sue, 1998). The inclination is to rely upon themselves to cope with
problems by enduring and adjusting to the situation, consistent with Asian culture
values of self-discipline and emotional self-control (Narikiyo & Kameoka, 1992).
Seeking help would be indicative of personal weakness and “bad blood,” either of
5

which would bring dishonor on the help seeker and the family (Leong & Lau, 2001;
Root, 1998). Thus, the low rates of mental health service utilization among Asian
Americans can at least be partially accounted for by these prevailing attitudes and
beliefs about seeking help (Yamashiro & Matsuoka, 1997) and may significantly
interfere with responding to and accessing appropriate treatment for the psychological
problem in a timely manner (Okazaki, 2000).
Although Asian Americans as a group have demonstrated less willingness to
seek mental health treatment, reticence towards help-seeking may be even greater
among Asian American males, in particular. The socialization process for Asian
American women may make it more culturally accepted and appropriate for them to
acknowledge when they are experiencing a need for help, and take steps toward
seeking out treatment (Tata & Leong, 1994; Yeh, 2002). However, the traditional
patriarchal orientation of Asian cultures places men in the primary role of
responsibility for the family, with a high level of accountability to the family honor
and reputation. As such, seeking out psychological services may be taken as a
negative reflection of the individual and, by extension, of the family (Sue, 1994).
In addition, Asian American men are placed in a difficult bind when it comes
to psychological help-seeking, given the negative perceptions and stereotypes that are
pervasive with respect to Asian American men in U.S. society. They are placed in a
precarious position of having to negotiate and grapple with their masculinity, as well
as confront and negotiate their Asian cultural values and identity with their American
cultural values and identity, which can at times be in conflict with one another. The
studies that investigated differences between Asian American men and women have
6

found gender to be an important factor relating to help-seeking attitudes among Asian
American participants, as well, but with some mixed results (Chang & Chang, 2004;
Gim, Atkinson, & Whiteley, 1990; Solberg, Ritsma, Davis, Tata, & Jolly, 1994; Tata
& Leong, 1994).
It is necessary to move beyond a more simplistic understanding of gender
differences in willingness to seek professional psychological help in the Asian
American population and understand what factors may be contributing to Asian
American men’s attitudes about help-seeking. Therefore, it is the purpose of this
study to investigate the relationship between gender role conflict and acculturation to
Asian American men’s willingness to seek professional psychological help. This may
allow us to potentially gain a richer and more meaningful understanding of Asian
American men and the influence that their experiences as members of racial, ethnic,
and cultural groups have on their psychological help-seeking attitudes.
Background of the Problem
The trend of Asian Americans, including Asian American men, continuing to
underutilize professional psychological services despite a demonstrated need in the
population (Abe-Kim et al., 2007; Lin & Cheung, 1999; Yang & WonPat-Borja,
2007), and their less positive attitudes about help-seeking indicate that more research
is necessary in order to elucidate the reasons behind the reluctance to seek help. Prior
studies have shown that acculturation is an important factor that impacts such
outcomes as psychological functioning, educational and career functioning, the
therapy process, and attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help (Kim,
2007). Although acculturation has become an increasingly studied construct with
7

Asian Americans as a group in general, scant research has been done with a focus on
Asian American men, in particular. In addition, much of the acculturation research
has focused on a unidimensional conceptualization, without a concurrent focus on
enculturation, or an individual’s ethnic identity, which is a related yet distinct
construct (e.g., Kim, 2007a; Kim & Abreu, 2001; Kim & Omizo, 2003). Indeed, in
recent years, researchers have responded to this shift in conceptualization and have
published and utilized acculturation and enculturation instruments that allow both
facets to be assessed both behaviorally and in relation to cultural values (e.g., Chung,
Kim, & Abreu, 2004; Kim & Omizo, 2003).
Further, surprisingly little research has focused on Asian American men’s
experience of gender role conflict and its impact on help-seeking attitudes. The
research that exists indicates that Asian American men experience gender role
conflict, (e.g., Kim, O’Neil, Owen, 1996; Liu & Iwamoto, 2006). However, more
research needs to be conducted in this area in order to understand not only if this
finding continues to hold true, but to elucidate the types or forms of gender role
conflict that may contribute to their reticence about seeking professional
psychological help.
As a point of entry, it is important to look at studies that have begun to
investigate their experience of gender role conflict and its relationship to
acculturation. In one early attempt utilizing an Asian American sample, Kim et al.
(1996) conducted a study on gender role conflict in male college students. They
found that men who were more acculturated experienced greater gender role conflict
on the success, power, and competition subscale. However, men who were more
8

acculturated experienced less gender role conflict on the restrictive affectionate
behavior between men subscale, as assessed by the Gender Role Conflict Scale. It
appears as though there are differential effects that acculturation and enculturation
have on the types of gender role conflict that are experienced by Asian American
men. One criticism of the Kim et al. (1996) study was its usage of the Suinn-Lew
Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; Suinn, Rickard-Figueroa, Lew, &
Vigil, 1987), which is a behavioral acculturation measure that has been criticized for
its unilinearity and unidimensionality. Clearly, there is a lack of and limitations to
prior research with Asian American men in the areas of acculturation, enculturation,
gender role conflict, and help-seeking attitudes. In the following section, an overview
of the gender role strain and acculturation theories that are applied in this study will
be presented.
Theoretical Framework
There are several different, yet related, culturally-driven factors that may
contribute to Asian American men’s unwillingness to seek professional psychological
help: gender role conflict and acculturation. As the development of gender role
conflict theory was neither originally conceptualized nor researched extensively with
diverse populations of men, it is necessary to understand the applicability of gender
role conflict theory to groups such as Asian American men. In addition, acculturation
is an important contextual factor that has been posited and studied for its influence on
help-seeking attitudes. Thus, the concepts of gender role conflict and acculturation
will serve as the theoretical basis upon which the help-seeking attitudes of Asian
American men will be researched. This section provides a brief overview of the
9

theoretical framework, with a more extensive review of the variables to follow in
Chapter 2.
Gender Role Strain Paradigm
A conceptual framework for gender role conflict is provided by Pleck’s
(1981) gender role strain paradigm, defined as “a discrepancy between the real self
and that part of the ideal self-concept that is culturally associated with gender” (p.
278). Pleck established that men’s masculine coping styles are met with social
approval. Concomitantly, social censure result when attitudes and behaviors deemed
contrary to masculinity ideology are exhibited. Therefore, a high premium is placed
upon upholding masculine coping mechanisms in order to be seen as acceptable. This
creates gender role stress and leads to detrimental methods of coping when there is an
unyielding commitment to masculine behaviors (Eisler & Blalock, 1991). In fact,
when men experience gender role conflict to an extreme degree, they encounter and
endure what’s been termed “toxic masculinity” (Kupers, 2005).
Based upon the tenets of the gender role strain paradigm, researchers later
defined particular patterns of gender role conflicts that arise when there is incongruity
between an individual’s actual and ideal self-concepts (O’Neil, Good, & Holmes,
1995). This approach investigates the potential experience of gender discrepancies as
stressful or conflictual for the individual, and has been widely utilized in the
empirical research on masculine gender role conflict. Gender role conflict is a
phenomenon that impacts men of various cultural and racial backgrounds. In
addition, the experience of gender role conflict appears to be related to ethnic
minority groups’ level of acculturation.
10

Acculturation
The processes of acculturation, adopting the norms and culture of the
mainstream or majority culture, and enculturation, retaining or acquiring one’s own
ethnic identity, have received growing attention in the ethnic minority literature. In
particular, enculturation or ethnic identity can be viewed as a related facet of
acculturation. Current views of acculturation highlight the change that can occur
along both the dimension of retaining or giving up one’s culture of origin and taking
on the host culture to which individuals have contact. Thus, it is necessary to
understand both facets of a person’s cultural identity, without excluding one or the
other (Berry & Sam, 1997; Phinney & Flores, 2002). Although the term
“acculturation” encompasses the degree to which the individual retains their ethnic
identity, the term “enculturation” has been used in order to place an equal emphasis
on that particular part of the process (Kim, 2007a).
Acculturation may impact Asian American men’s experiences of their roles as
men, given the potential for being forced to grapple with differing and potentially
contradicting gender roles of the mainstream culture and their Asian culture of origin.
Indeed, some of the research on acculturation has demonstrated that this construct is
important to further understand and explore, as help-seeking attitudes appear to be
impacted by the degree to which an individual adheres to the cultural norms of the
mainstream culture in which they exist (Gim, Atkinson, & Kim, 1991).
Acculturation has traditionally been viewed as a unidimensional process,
whereby the individual moves from their culture of origin to the dominant or host
culture (Keefe, 1980). However, in more recent years, acculturation has been posited
11

as a bidimensional process that is more comprehensive and considers the independent
nature of an individual’s culture of origin and the mainstream culture. As an
individual navigates the process of psychological acculturation, they simultaneously
negotiate cultural maintenance through preserving particular cultural features, while
they also engage in contact participation by involving themselves and finding ways to
connect with the host culture or society (Berry, 1990; 1994).
The closely related process of enculturation, or adherence to ethnic identity,
has also been brought to the forefront as an important construct to consider and
understand in relation to help-seeking attitudes (Kim & Omizo, 2003). Asian cultural
attitudes act as barriers precluding Asian Americans from utilizing mental health
services (Lin & Cheung, 1999). Specific cultural and ethnic factors have been
identified as linked to help-seeking (Leong et al., 1995), acting as psychological
roadblocks to both identifying mental illness or difficulty and revealing concerns.
Asian culture dictates the maintenance of a public veneer at all times, and much
energy is placed into keeping up a dignified and proper appearance, as there is a
cultural proscription against openly disclosing emotional difficulties (Kim, Atkinson,
& Yang, 1999). Among Asian Americans, it is believed that it is the responsibility
and obligation of the individual or the individual’s family to cope with problems
rather than request assistance from others (Yamashiro & Matsuoka, 1997). To avoid
shame and loss of face for the family, many Asian Americans tend to keep family
issues and psychological difficulties within the family or others with close-knit ties.

12

Significance of the Study
The help-seeking literature has focused on understanding attitudes toward
professional psychological help as a way of gauging individuals’ propensity to seek
help. The beliefs that one holds may influence the behavior of seeking professional
psychological services and can help predict patterns of underutilization of mental
health services. Researchers have identified cultural and ethnic factors as being
linked to help-seeking (Leong et al., 1995), with the accumulating evidence indicating
that Asian Americans underutilize mental health services.
With the ongoing perpetuation of stereotypes and misconceptions about Asian
Americans as a model minority (Uba, 1994), the community has been viewed as one
that suffers to a lesser degree from problems and has less of a need for assistance or
attention. In stark contrast to this idealistic picture, the reality is that Asian
Americans exhibit levels of disturbance that require or could benefit from the services
of mental health practitioners (Abe-Kim et al., 2007; Lin & Cheung, 1999). There
appears to be a crucial need for services that is not being met, with Asian Americans
experiencing a range of problems that include academic concerns, interpersonal
difficulties, substance abuse issues, intergenerational conflict, and the experience of
racism and prejudice (Leong et al., 1995). It appears that the underutilization of
services can be better understood when looked at from a cultural perspective. The
stigma and shame that are associated with acknowledging psychological difficulties
or mental illness can act as significant deterrents to mental health service utilization
(Chang & Myers, 1997).
13

Research on male gender role conflict has helped to elucidate the way in
which socialization of men creates a societal climate where it is unacceptable to
acknowledge the need for and to reach out for help with psychological difficulties.
Asian American men, in particular, may hold negative attitudes as a result of the male
socialization process in American society, but also due to the stress of the stereotypes
and negative images of Asian American men as effeminate and nonmasculine
perpetuated in popular culture (Chua & Fujino, 1999; Liu, 2002). As a marginalized
group, Asian American men may be more likely to endorse traditional masculinity
ideologies, adding another barrier to obtaining the psychological services they need
(Mansfield et al., 2003). They are confronted with racism and outward pressures that
challenge their masculinity (Abreu, Ramirez, Kim, & Haddy, 2003). They may also
hold negative attitudes about help-seeking compounded by Asian values and the
cultural stigma and shame around mental illness, and Asian American men’s
obligations and responsibilities to the family’s honor and reputation.
Despite the multiple pressures and stressors that Asian American men face,
most studies have focused on groups other than Asian American males, which
reinforces the existing doctrine of exclusion of Asian American men and the invisible
status to which they have been relegated. The unique needs and experiences of this
community of men have been understudied and too long ignored. In an attempt to
address some questions that remain regarding Asian American men, this study
investigated the relationship between attitudes toward seeking professional
psychological help, gender role conflict, and acculturation. Specifically, this study
researched orientation toward help-seeking as the dependent variable, looking at the
14

experiences of gender role conflict and acculturation as contributing factors to Asian
American males’ willingness to seek help. Attitudes toward seeking psychological
help is an important area to research in order to better understand how to more
effectively reach out to Asian American men who are in distress and could benefit
from psychological services, but face obstacles in reaching out for the help that they
need in order to lead more productive, well-adjusted, and fulfilling lives. The
remaining chapters are organized in the following manner:
Chapter 2 provides a review of and framework for the independent variables
of gender role conflict through a discussion of gender role socialization, with a
particular focus on the male experience, and acculturation, highlighting research on
Asian American men, where evidence is available.
Chapter 3 contains the methodology of the current study, providing an
explanation of the research design, participants, and instruments utilized, which
include measures of demographic background information, attitudes toward seeking
professional psychological help, gender role conflict, and acculturation. It also
includes information on data collection procedures and the data analyses employed.
Chapter 4 provides the main results for the study, including demographic
information on the participants.
Chapter 5 presents a discussion of the findings as well as the implications of
the findings. This chapter also explores the limitations of the current study and
directions for future research.
15

CHAPTER 2: Review of the Literature

This chapter will focus on a review of the literature in two main areas: (a)
gender role conflict and (b) acculturation and enculturation. In the first section, the
impact of male socialization and masculinity ideologies on men’s reactions to seeking
help will be described. This will provide the context for a review of the literature on
gender role conflict. Next, the available literature on gender role conflict and men of
color, with a particular emphasis on Asian American men will be presented. The
unique concerns regarding Asian American males in U.S. society with respect to
racism and stereotypes about Asian American men will be addressed. This will be
followed by a discussion of the literature on acculturation and enculturation. This
chapter will conclude with the rationale and purpose of the study, research questions
being investigated, and the hypotheses.
Gender and Socialization
The study of sex and gender has historically been based on the notion of
biological determinism. In recent decades, research in gender studies has led to the
general consensus that there are indeed very important distinctions between sex and
gender. Rather than making the assumption that there are natural, inborn differences
between males and females upon which external influences have no bearing, gender
studies have focused upon the significant role that socialization plays in gender
development. Gender has been referred to as those characteristics and behaviors that
are regarded as appropriate for and representative of females and males by a specific
culture (Unger, 1979). In other words, gender is deemed as a social construction that
16

is “the activity of managing situated conduct in light of normative conceptions of
attitudes and activities appropriate of one’s sex category” (West & Zimmerman,
1991, p. 14). Differentiation on the basis of gender is understood as being rooted in
social and institutional systems rather than in predetermined properties that reside in
the person (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). A person must be able to demonstrate or enact
their gender, which may vary from context to context.
Gender roles entail the actions, expectations, and values that are deemed
masculine and feminine (O’Neil, 1990). These gender role norms and standards
shape and restrict what are considered and determined to be male and female
behaviors (Mahalik et al., 2003). The development of gender roles occurs through a
socialization process whereby individuals internalize and come to understand the
expectations for males and females. This socialization takes place from a very early
age at varying levels of culture, from family, peers, school, the media, and society-at-
large, teaching males and females to demonstrate behaviors and attitudes consonant
with their gender (Mansfield et al., 2003). Society holds views about what constitutes
suitable conduct according to gender (Bussey & Bandura, 1999).
This gender socialization process spans across the lifespan of the individual,
as it is negotiated and varies from context to context (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). It
has a far-reaching impact upon the individual, molding behaviors, cognitive styles
and patterns, and ways of interacting with the world. Gender role development is a
primary issue in the lives of individuals because of the powerful and far-reaching
impact it has on people’s social and occupational choices, the views that they hold
about themselves and others, the limitations placed upon them by society, and
17

freedoms afforded them by society, all of which are strongly determined by social
prescriptions about gender (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). Further, individuals enact
gender on several different levels: individually, interpersonally, and socially
(Crawford & Unger, 1994). Gender roles become a core aspect of the individual’s
identity, and those cultural expectations become a powerful force used as a gauge for
measuring one’s self-worth (Leafgren, 1990). Even if the gender rules and definitions
are not internalized, there is tremendous external pressure to adapt to those
prescriptions (O’Neil, 1990).
When one is able to “do” gender (West & Zimmerman, 1991), the internal and
external feedback are positive and rewarding. Some of those social outcomes involve
praise, approval, and reward for engaging in activities which traditionally are
associated with the appropriate gender (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). However, the
inability to fulfill prescribed gender roles can create great discomfort and anxiety in
the individual, producing negative outcomes on self-esteem and psychological well-
being (Liu, Rochlen, & Mohr, 2005). Negative or disapproving external feedback is
received from society, in addition to the internal punitive self-talk that results (Pleck,
1995).
Males, in particular, appear to be more vulnerable to this outcome than are
females (Pleck, 1995). They tend to more closely monitor their gender-related
actions than their female counterparts in attempts to circumvent criticism (Timlin-
Scalera, Ponterotto, Blumberg, & Jackson, 2003). In the American culture, the image
of the stoic man who will not reach out and ask for help is common and popularized.
Traditional stereotypes of men as strong, self-reliant, stoic, and aggressive appear to
18

inhibit men from emotional openness. Boys are thus taught from a very early age to
eschew those qualities that are associated with femininity through the expression of
disapproval and derision from parents, peers, and others males express those
characteristics or behaviors (O’Neil, 1990). They are also trained to obscure signs of
vulnerability (Davies et al., 2000). Instead, they are encouraged to adopt traits that
are associated with hegemonic or traditional masculinity, which is defined as the
contemporary ideal form of masculinity (Connell, 1997).
The only socially acceptable and sanctioned forms of expressiveness are
anger, aggressiveness, and hostility (Moller-Leimkuhler, 2002). Some of the
characteristics that typify the hegemonic ideal also include success in sports and
physical aggression. In their semi-structured interviews, Timlin-Scalera et al. (2003)
noted that adolescent males appeared to have a great deal of pressure placed on them
to successfully navigate the athletic, educational, and social spheres of their lives.
This kind of environment and culture made it highly difficult for these male
adolescents to feel as though it would be acceptable to seek help, as this would be
viewed as an indication of their weakness.
Asian American Men and the Complexities of Gender
The gender socialization process is also fraught with complexity because of
the influences that a number of group affiliations have on the individual, including
ethnic and racial background, socioeconomic class, education, and occupation. A
view of gender as a homogeneous monolith discounts the many variations that exist
among men and similarly among women (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). Asian
American men, in particular, inhabit a unique position among males in North
19

America. With the fear of femininity creating the basis of men’s experience of
gender role conflict, Asian American men may be faced with a particularly difficult
task of combating the stereotyped images of Asian American men in U.S. society
which characterize them as being effeminate and emasculated.
Asian American men may experience gender role conflict in a different
manner than European American men because of the salience of race and the
stereotypes associated with Asian American men which are perpetuated by the media.
The media has a profound influence and power over the psyche of viewers. The
images that are portrayed, as stereotypical as they may be, can exert a great deal of
power over the ways in which groups are viewed and understood. Stereotypes
regarding Asians and Asian Americans abound, most of which serve to place Asian
American men in an inferior or subordinated position vis a vis men of other racial
categories. These negative images of the Asian and Asian American male culturally
marginalize and psychologically alienate them from mainstream society (Espiritu,
1997). The stereotypes represented and perpetuated by the media serve to reinforce
the notion that Asian American males fail to live up to American cultural standards of
masculinity.
The Western ideal of masculinity is seen as being related to such
characteristics as aggressiveness, power, athletic prowess, and assertiveness. Asian
and Asian American men, on the other hand, have been stereotyped as being geeky,
smelly, unassertive, inscrutable, and effeminate. Asian American men have also been
portrayed as wise old men, wife beaters, gangsters, and cooks, all of which serve to
display a one-dimensional image of Asian men (Chan, 2000). Beyond representing
20

Asian men as caricatures, these images represent the discourse on masculinity that
has been shaped in a way to exclude Asian men from normative definitions. They
also serve to prevent a greater depth of analysis and understanding of Asian American
masculinities, and how they are negotiated and constructed (Chan, 2000). With the
model of masculinity based upon the representation of the Western male, men of
Asian descent cannot realistically achieve the ideal and will perpetually fall short.
Thus, men’s ability to accomplish their gender roles is impeded by racism, which has
a negative impact upon their sense of self worth (Canales, 2000). Experiences with
and exposure to racism, discrimination, and stereotypes further impact their
psychological well-being (Sue, 2001).
Asian American men occupy a unique position insofar as they not only are
exposed to and socialized into American cultural norms and expectations about
masculinity, but are products of their native culture’s gender role ideology
socialization process. Asian values oftentimes are at odds with European American
values, creating contradictions that result in psychological stress (Sue, 1999). When
differences in masculinity ideology between the majority culture and the indigenous
culture exist, ethnic minority men are placed in a position whereby they must
incorporate those dictates in a manner that helps them to discover their position in
society (Canales, 2000). Asian American men are influenced by the gender role
expectations of their own ethnic culture in addition to Euro-American gender norms,
which are oftentimes incongruous (Liu, 2002; Sue, 2001; Wester, 2008).
21

Summary
Men’s experiences as related to their gender role has become a topic of
research during the past several decades. Rather than viewing gender as biologically
determined, researchers have acknowledged gender as a social construction, with its
rules and regulations taught to boys and girls from a very early age. Although both
males and females are socialized to adhere to their respective gender roles, males tend
to experience even greater sanctions and negative repercussions than females when
they do not live up to gendered expectations. Men of color are placed in a difficult
position insofar as the definition of masculinity appears to exclude them, placing
them at an inherent disadvantage. Coupled with stereotypes and generalizations
perpetuated in society about Asian American men, in particular, as weak and
effeminate, they are viewed as “less than” masculine and as failing to live up to what
society deems acceptable from a gender perspective. Beyond American
misconceptions of Asian American men, they may grapple with the gender norms and
expectations of their ethnic culture of origin, which can oftentimes be conflictual and
contradictory. This brings about the potential for psychological strain and strife as
they attempt to reconcile and negotiate these dual identities.
Gender Role Strain Paradigm
Although both men and women can experience gender role strain from
violating or failing to fulfill gender expectations, men in particular appear to
experience greater difficulty (Pleck, 1995). Masculinity ideologies, or ideas and
conceptions about the meaning of being a man, can vary over groups and time (e.g.,
Kimmel, 1996). In the U.S., the traditional and prevailing masculinity ideologies
22

come from the viewpoint of the White, middle-class, Protestant, and heterosexual
male. Through socialization, boys are taught to be strong, independent, and in control
of their emotions and environment. However, they are also given the message that to
be in a healthy and caring relationship with an intimate partner requires that they be
emotionally available and demonstrate vulnerable qualities. Thus, men often receive
contradictory messages. Men are left to struggle with these messages regarding how
to define themselves as men, potentially leading to confusion and a sense of failure.
Given the detrimental impact this can have on self-concept, it is necessary to better
understand how gender roles impact human behavior and functioning (O’Neil, 1990).
Pleck’s (1981) gender role strain paradigm provides a conceptual framework for
understanding masculinity and gender roles.
Garnets and Pleck (1979) provided an analysis of gender role strain, which
they conceptualized as the discrepancies that exist between an individual’s perception
of the gender role norm traits and characteristics they actually possess, and their
ideals or standards of gender traits. The gender role strain paradigm (Pleck, 1981)
was introduced in response to the pre-existing gender role identity paradigm which
had been the dominant framework of masculinity research in the social sciences since
the 1930s (Levant, 1996). The old gender role identity paradigm upheld a positive
view of traditional gender roles, viewed them as fixed and invariant, and stated that
the internalization of gender roles was a necessary component of psychological
development. Pleck (1981) challenged and critiqued the gender role identity
paradigm, viewing sex roles as restrictive. He made the observation that accepting
the gender role identity paradigm contributes to the creation of gender role strain,
23

with individuals who violate their gender roles feeling inadequate and insecure.
(Pleck, 1981). In his seminal book, They Myth of Masculinity, Pleck (1981)
introduced the gender role strain paradigm, and its ten propositions about gender roles
for both males and females:
1. Gender roles are operationalized through gender role stereotypes
and norms.
2. Gender roles are paradoxical and conflicting.
3. The proportion of people who violate gender roles is high.
4. Violating gender roles leads to social condemnation.
5. Violating gender roles leads to negative psychological outcomes.
6. Actual or perceived violation of gender roles leads individuals to
overconform to those gender roles.
7. Males tend to suffer greater consequences than females when
gender roles are violated.
8. Particular gender role characteristics are psychologically
dysfunctional.
9. Gender role strain is experienced by males and females in work and
family roles.
10. Historical change causes gender role strain.
Although Pleck’s (1981) propositions applied more broadly to both masculine
and feminine gender roles, he specified the greater negative consequences that men,
in particular, suffer. The gender role strain paradigm asserted that masculine coping
styles exhibited by men are met with social approval. Concomitantly, social censure
24

results when attitudes and behaviors that are deemed contrary to masculinity ideology
are demonstrated. Thus, there is a high premium placed upon upholding masculine
coping mechanisms. There are inherent difficulties that men face in this regard
because the gender role expectations placed on men about the kinds of characteristics,
attitudes, and interests they are to exhibit are both paradoxical and confusing (Pleck,
1976).
The implications of Pleck’s seminal work on masculine gender role strain are
that masculinity definitions are culturally sanctioned, and attempts to live up to those
traditional expectations of masculinity may oftentimes have deleterious effects on
men. Customarily utilizing masculine coping strategies in handling life situations
may create psychological distress and suffering (Eisler, 1995). This experience can
result in poor emotional or psychological outcomes, and more specifically, low self-
esteem (Garnets & Pleck, 1979). Although the gender role strain analysis provided a
much-needed conceptualization of gender role psychology, it lacked a model of
identifying, defining, and operationalizing specific patterns of gender role conflicts
resulting from discrepancies or violations of the individual’s actual and ideal self-
concept which would be necessary for empirical research (O’Neil et al., 1995). Based
upon the tenets of this paradigm, one particular area of research focused on defining
the pattern of discrepancy-strain, or the incongruity between an individual’s actual
self-concept and ideal self-concept of their gender (O’Neil et al.).
Gender Role Conflict
Gender role conflict theory is based on the assertion that there are negative
cognitive, emotional, and behavioral outcomes associated with adhering to certain
25

masculine gender roles (O’Neil, Helms, Gable, David, & Wrightsman, 1986). This
approach investigates the potential experience of gender discrepancies as stressful or
conflictual for men, specifying men’s experience with gender socialization. Gender
role conflict is defined as a “psychological state in which socialized gender roles have
negative consequences on the person or others, and occurs when “rigid, sexist, or
restrictive gender roles result in personal restriction, devaluation, or violation of
others or self” (O’Neil et al., 1995, p. 167). In other words, there are negative
psychological outcomes when gender roles and norms that were learned through the
socialization process are violated. Gender role conflict may occur when men attempt
to strictly follow and maintain masculine standards determined by society (Good,
Borst, & Wallace, 1994). In addition, there is an underlying fear of femininity that
typifies the strong negative emotion that men experience about themselves being
perceived or construed as feminine (O’Neil, 1982). Men come to believe that by
exhibiting a feminine side, they will be maligned and denigrated by others (O’Neil,
1990).
Gender role conflict can be experienced in numerous ways, whether
cognitively, affectively, or behaviorally. Further, it can be experienced unconsciously
or consciously. On the cognitive level, gender role conflict can restrict how
individuals understand or think about masculine and feminine gender roles.
Affectively, strong and deep-rooted feelings of confusion and chaos can emerge over
gender roles. Behaviorally, gender role conflict is enacted through the ways in which
the individual behaves, responds, and communicates with themselves and with others.
Thus, men’s interpersonal interactions and relationships can suffer as a result of the
26

strain that gender role conflict has on how they act towards and what they say to
others. The unconscious dimension of gender role conflict refers to the internal and
repressed struggle with gender roles that the individual does not experience on a
conscious level (O’Neil et al., 1995). Ultimately, gender role conflict results when
strict and limiting gender roles have a negative impact on the person’s capacity to
reach or achieve their full human potential or on others’ ability to reach their own
potential (O’Neil, 1981). Thus, the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors associated with
our gender roles have an impact on our potential for growth (O’Neil, 1990).
Gender Role Conflict Scale and Factors
In an attempt to identify general patterns of gender role conflict, O’Neil
(1981) conducted a review of the literature on potential negative consequences of
male socialization. Initially, six patterns emerged and resulted in the development of
the Gender Role Conflict Scale (GRCS; O’Neil et al., 1986). Factor analysis revealed
four interrelated yet separate gender role conflict factors, which include (a) success,
power, and competition; (b) restrictive emotionality; (c) restrictive affectionate
behavior between men; and (d) conflict between work and family relations.
Success, power, and competition refers to the degree to which there is an
extreme focus on accomplishments, predominantly in the work setting, and the desire
for control and command over others. There are persistent anxieties around achieving
success in one’s career, being competent, securing status, and gaining wealth (O’Neil
et al., 1995). Power may be viewed as something that is necessary to take away from
others in order to have it for oneself, or can be seen as being in short supply. In
interpersonal interactions, men may attempt to assert their dominance and hold onto
27

power and control, as relinquishing power and control would threaten men’s
masculinity (O’Neil, 1981).
Men’s restriction of emotions is due to the fear that expressing and
acknowledging their feelings will be viewed as associated with femininity and that
this will result in discrediting their masculinity (O’Neil, 1981). The restrictive
emotionality domain is based on struggling with appropriate open disclosure of one’s
own feelings. There is difficulty with permitting oneself to be vulnerable to
themselves and with others, as well as allowing for a fuller range of emotional
expression and experience. As a result, communication patterns of intellectualization
and rationalization may develop, which are seen as a compensatory reaction to
restrictive emotionality. Beyond impacting a man’s own difficulties in expressing
feelings, it also results in uneasiness with others’ emotionality. Thus, this impinges
on others’ rights to be emotionally expressive and hampers personal interactions and
relationships with others.
Restrictive affectionate behavior between men refers to the avoidance of and
embarrassment with expressions of affection and caring between men. There are
limits imposed on the ways that men believe that they can demonstrate their feelings
and thoughts about men, and men feel great discomfort with expressing displays of
caring for other men. Conflict between work and family relations involves the worry
and stress related to maintaining a balance between work and family obligations.
Men may experience tension with respect to the time they spend on their work versus
with their family, and determining how to negotiate these responsibilities. This could
result in stress, overworking oneself, and health problems (O’Neil et al., 1986).
28

O’Neil et al. (1995) hypothesized that gender role conflict would result in
many negative outcomes for men, including low self-esteem, anxiety, depression,
stress, limited capacity for intimacy, dissatisfaction in relationships, stress and
conflict in work, struggles for power and control within relationships, and aggressive
behaviors such as physical and sexual assault. The gender role conflict theory
framework posited by O’Neil and colleagues (1986) has since been widely
investigated and researched with a variety of populations. The research findings have
provided support for the emergence of numerous deleterious psychological
consequences related to men’s experience of gender role conflict.
Gender Role Conflict Research
Studies on gender role conflict have examined the relationship of this
construct with a number of variables related to psychological health and distress.
Much of the literature supports the hypothesis that there is a negative relationship
between gender role conflict and the psychological health and well-being of men.
Good and Mintz (1990) found that all four of the gender role conflict factors had
significant correlations with depression, as measured by the Centers for
Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977). Sharpe and
Heppner (1991) investigated gender role conflict in a sample of male undergraduate
students, utilizing a number of different indicators of psychological well-being,
including self-esteem, anxiety, depression, social intimacy, and relationship
satisfaction inventories. They found that there was a significant negative correlation
between three gender role conflict factors of restrictive emotionality, restrictive
affectionate behavior between men, and conflict between work and family relations
29

and self-esteem. In other words, men who scored high on those particular gender role
conflict factors had lower self-esteem than those who scored low on gender role
conflict. Gender role conflict and anxiety were also significantly positively correlated
on the three factors of restrictive emotionality, restrictive affectionate behavior
between men, and conflict between work and family relations. Depression and
gender role conflict had a significant positive relationship on the factors of restrictive
emotionality and conflict between work and family relations. Social intimacy had a
significantly negative relationship to three of the gender role conflict factors of
success, power, and competition, restrictive emotionality, and restrictive affectionate
behavior between men. Although relationship satisfaction did not have as strong of a
correlation of gender role conflict on the whole, one gender role conflict factor of
conflict between work and family relations was significantly negatively correlated.
Good et al. (1995) conducted a study on a sample of male university
counseling center clients. Using a measure that assesses a range of psychological
symptoms, it was found that gender role conflict had a significant relationship with
psychological distress. Each of the four factors of gender role conflict had positive
correlations to psychological problems. A more recent study conducted by Hayes and
Mahalik (2000) investigated gender role conflict in male university counseling center
clients, and found that gender role conflict predicted psychological distress. In
particular, the factor of success, power, and competition was significantly correlated
with hostility, restrictive affectionate behavior between men was significantly
correlated with social discomfort, and conflict between work and family relations was
30

significantly correlated with hostility, obsessive-compulsiveness, and social
discomfort.
These studies, among others, have consistently demonstrated that higher
endorsement of gender role conflict was associated with lower levels of psychological
adjustment and well-being. Men with higher levels of gender role conflict or gender
role stress have been shown to experience more anger (e.g., Sharpe & Heppner,
1991), depression (Good & Mintz, 1990; Sharpe & Heppner, 1991), anxiety (Blazina
& Watkins, 1996; Cournoyer & Mahalik, 1995), lower self-esteem (Mahalik, Locke,
Theodore, Cournoyer, & Lloyd, 2001; Sharpe & Heppner, 1991), less intimacy in
their closest relationships (Sharpe & Heppner, 1991), substance use (Magovcevic &
Addis, 2005), and general psychological distress (Good et al., 1995).
According to the gender role conflict theory, struggles with gender role
themes vary with the individual’s socialization early in life, the values that the
individual holds regarding gender roles, and their manner of coping (O’Neil, 1990).
In addition, the ways in which gender role conflict is internalized and expressed are
impacted by various contexts, such as class, generation, sexual orientation, race, and
ethnicity. However, the empirical research in this area is limited. In terms of
individual differences, ethnic minority men may differ in the degree of gender role
conflict they experience, based upon how acculturated they are to the host or
dominant culture and how enculturated they are to their indigenous or native culture.
Thus, it is important to understand the influences that race, ethnicity, acculturation,
and enculturation have on Asian American men’s experiences of gender role conflict
and their willingness to seek out psychological help. Given the potential influence of
31

the Asian culture, as well as racism and stereotyping, it is highly plausible that Asian
American men experience a great deal of psychological discomfort and stress in
negotiating their own sense of what it means to be a male in American society.
Gender Role Conflict and Men of Color Research
Gender role conflict is an idiosyncratic experience, as there are important
variations due to the impact of such factors as sexual orientation, class, age,
generation, race, and ethnicity (O’Neil et al., 1995). A paucity of research exists with
respect to men of differing cultural backgrounds. Given that gender role socialization
is a cultural phenomenon, it is necessary to understand how gender role conflict is
impacted by such factors as ethnic and racial background since these have a great deal
of influence over the process of socialization (Enns, 2008; Heppner & Heppner, 2008;
O’Neil, 2008; Wing, 2000). Indeed, men’s experiences with gender and gender role
conflict may be greatly impacted by and seen through the lens of their other social
identities, including race and ethnicity (Wing, 2000). However, conceptualizations of
gender role conflict were originally formulated without integrating the complexities
and contradictions that may arise for men of color.
Wade (1996) posited three types of gender role conflict that may impact men
of racial and ethnic minorities. One type of conflict is related to attempting to meet
the standards of traditional masculinity from the majority or dominant culture. A
second type of conflict may be related to differences in masculinity ideology that
exist between the majority culture and the indigenous or native culture. A third type
of conflict may be related to more individualized differences, such as level of
acculturation and enculturation or ethnic identity. In the U.S., expectations regarding
32

traditional masculinity are arranged in a manner such that non-White men are unable
to achieve the standards in the same ways as White men (Leafgren, 1990). Men of
color, including Asian American men, have been excluded from culturally defined
perceptions of the white male masculinity (Espiritu, 1997).
Summary
In summary, gender role socialization is an important aspect of identity
development for all individuals across cultures. Research indicates that boys and
men, in particular, have more pressures and contradictory demands upon them than
girls and women in terms of the consequences that they suffer when the appropriate
roles are violated or unfulfilled. The construct of gender role conflict and stress,
which refers to the strain associated with strictly adhering to male gender roles and
norms and the deterious psychological impact that occurs for the individual when
those norms are violated, has become widely studied in the field of men’s
psychology. The body of research that has accumulated on masculine gender role
conflict and psychological outcomes indicates that men experience a host of negative
psychological consequences, including depression, anxiety, and lowered sense of self-
esteem.
Much of the research, however, has focused on the experience of White men
to the virtual exclusion of men of color and their unique experience of gender role
conflict. Given that masculinity is defined according to the White, heterosexual ideal,
masculine gender role socialization and attainment of the masculine ideal become
difficult for men of color to successfully achieve. The problem of gender role
conflict can be further compounded, however, when there is more than culture that
33

has an influence on the individual, as in the experiences of people of color. The
levels of acculturation to the host or dominant culture as well as levels of
enculturation in the indigenous or native ethnic culture may have a strong influence
on the types and levels of gender role conflict that Asian American men experience.
There is surprisingly little research on this topic with Asian American males,
in light of the social climate in America that has been one of historical denigration
and subordination of Asian American men. It is largely unknown how and to what
extent Asian American men experience gender role conflict and the impact that this
has on their psychological well-being. Due to this lack of research, several secondary
exploratory questions will be posed for investigation in this study with respect to the
impact that acculturation and enculturation have on Asian American men’s
experience of gender role conflict.
Acculturation and Enculturation
Acculturation
Acculturation is a concept that originated in the anthropology literature as a
process whereby change occurs in a bi-directional manner as a result of contact
between two ethnocultural groups (Bourhis, Moise, Perreault, & Senecal, 1997). One
of the earliest established definitions described acculturation as “those phenomena
which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into
continuous first-hand contact with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns
of either or both groups” (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936, p. 149). In principle,
it is apparent that the changes can occur in either of the groups in question. In
practice, however, one group has a stronger influence than the other in terms of the
34

cultural contributions that are made (Berry, 1980). As in the case of immigrant
populations, ethnic groups choose segments of the dominant or contributing culture
which coincide with their primary worldview while simultaneously attempting to
preserve and maintain aspects of their traditional culture (Trimble, 2003).
In addition to acculturation being conceptualized as a group-level
phenomenon in the disciplines of sociology or anthropology, it can also be considered
as an individual level process from a psychological perspective, as the individual
experiences psychological acculturation (Graves, 1967). The group-level
understanding does not account for the range of individual variations that impact the
pace at which adaptation occurs, including exposure to or contact with the
mainstream culture prior to immigration, habitation in an ethnic enclave, motivation
to learn the new language, and regularity of contact with people of the mainstream
culture (Ryder, Alden, & Paulhus, 2000).
Psychological acculturation is negotiated through the individual’s concurrent
process of cultural maintenance, which is the degree to which the individual attempts
to preserve certain cultural features, and of contact participation, which entails the
degree to which the individual finds value and importance in connection with the host
culture or society and involves himself or herself in its ways of existence (Berry,
1990; 1994). According to Berry, there are four acculturation adaptation strategies of
assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization, which describe how the
individual negotiates the acculturation process (Berry, Kim, Power, Young, & Bujaki,
1989).
35

In assimilation, the individual relinquishes their own cultural identity and
makes the choice to solely engage with members of the host society. The opposite of
assimilation occurs with separation, where emphasis is placed upon maintaining his
or her own cultural values, with very nominal contact with members of other groups
or the host society. In integration, the individual finds value in retaining contact with
both their own cultural heritage and the host culture, participating as an integral part
of the host culture’s social system. However, with marginalization, they devalue and
avoid both their own cultural heritage and that of the host culture or society (Berry et
al., 1989; Berry & Sam, 1997; Berry, 2003). Marginalization may occur when an
individual attempts to cope with the acculturative circumstances or environment, but
it can also result when one is unsuccessful at assimilating into the dominant society
(Berry, 2003). In this conceptualization of acculturation, the process is viewed as
multidimensional and as resulting in several outcomes (Trimble, 2003).
Unidimensional and Bidimensional Approaches to Acculturation
There are two predominant approaches in the literature on acculturation, the
unidimensional model and bidimensional model. The main difference between the
two formulations is the treatment of the association between the culture of origin and
the mainstream or host culture (Ryder et al., 2000). Acculturation, as a term, has
largely been used to describe the process of adopting the norms of the majority
culture without a simultaneous emphasis on adhering to or retaining the norms of the
culture of origin (Kim, 2007a). Indeed, most of the research on acculturation in the
United States has focused on the unidimensional model’s assumption that the change
process occurs in one direction, where the individual progresses from their native or
36

ethnic minority culture to the dominant or host culture (Keefe, 1980). In other words,
indigenous aspects of the individual’s culture become replaced with those of the
dominant culture. Adaptation and change are indeed critical elements of
acculturation. However, there are moderating factors which impact the process, such
as one’s desire to be ethnically affiliated (Trimble, 2003).
The bidimensional perspective is based on the tenet that a more
comprehensive consideration of acculturation needs to take into account the
independent nature of the culture of origin identity and mainstream culture identity
formation (Kang, 2006). This formulation is based upon two central assumptions.
One, it assumes that there are individual differences in the degree that cultural values,
attitudes, and behaviors are a part of one’s identity, and two, individuals can have
various cultural identities, each of which may have varying levels of salience (Ryder
et al., 2000). The changes that occur can be achieved with relative ease, as in the case
of behaviors, such as speech, style of dress, or diet. They can also prove to be
challenging or problematic, creating acculturative stress, which results in outcomes
such as confusion, anxiety, and depression (Berry, 2003). Thus, acculturation can be a
difficult and stressful experience. It may be challenging to integrate a new culture’s
norms and values into one’s identity. For instance, conflicting gender role
expectations between cultures may cause stress and conflict.
To make the distinction between taking on aspects of the host culture and
retaining aspects of the indigenous or native culture, the terms of acculturation and
enculturation have been utilized, respectively. Ethnic identity or enculturation can be
considered a facet of acculturation that provides a framework for understanding and
37

studying ethnic identification. Enculturation, or ethnic socialization, is a process
whereby individuals acquire aspects of their own ethnic cultural group (Berry, 1993),
and all persons of all cultures undergo this experience of enculturation (Casas &
Pytluk, 1995). The concept of ethnic identity is only significant when two or more
ethnic groups remain in contact over time, as ethnic identity is immaterial in an
ethnically or racially uniform culture or society (Phinney, 1990). In order to
understand ethnic identity, the person’s association with the dominant or majority
culture also needs to be understood and taken into consideration (Phinney, 1990).
This conception of cultural or ethnic identity has been a corresponding area of focus
in understanding the ways in which a person self-categorizes (e.g., Berry, 2003;
Phinney, 1990).
As one of the most studied and significant variables in ethnic minority
research on individual differences, psychological acculturation refers to the extent to
which the host or dominant society’s cultural markers are learned. Acculturation is
important to study in psychology, as it has been shown to have a significant
relationship to a number of psychological factors (Kim et al., 1999). Given that there
are many demands from social, political, and economic standpoints to adapt to the
White U.S. culture, there are mental health issues that arise in response (Zane & Mak,
2003).
Assessment of Acculturation
There have been widespread efforts to operationalize and measure the
construct of acculturation in the psychological research on ethnic minorities. One
such instrument that has been widely used in research on Asian Americans is the
38

Suinn-Lew Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; Suinn et al., 1987). This 21-
item instrument assesses acculturation and identity and includes items that range from
behavior, language, identity, friendship, generation, geographic history, and attitudes,
with a total score that indicates acculturation level. The variation in the types of
domains assessed in the study of acculturation have included such examples as use or
preference of language, the people with whom one socializes, foods eaten, music
preferences, generational status, and level of identification with one’s culture of
origin. It has been criticized for its assessment of acculturation as a unidimensional
construct. Thus, those who scored in the middle range of the scale would be labeled
as “bicultural,” when it may be possible for a person to have a high degree of
identification with both the indigenous culture and the host culture (Oetting &
Beauvais, 1991). This approach assumes that the more highly acculturated an
individual becomes to the host or American society, the weaker their attachment to
their culture of origin also becomes. The other main criticism has been that the SL-
ASIA emphasizes behavioral aspects of acculturation, without a concomitant
assessment of values. Indeed, many of the acculturation/enculturation measures have
assessed behavioral aspects, with an absence of attention to the values dimension of
culture (Kim & Abreu, 2001).
One of the less frequently measured domains has been that of cultural
knowledge, beliefs, and values (Zane & Mak, 2003). In their evaluation of
acculturation measure content, Zane and Mak (2003) found that the most commonly
utilized marker of acculturation was language. The authors noted that although
language retention and acquisition are salient aspects of acculturation, it is only one
39

element and does not represent acculturation in its entirety. Attitudes, behaviors,
beliefs, and values are all significant in the process of acculturation. Adherence to
indigenous or native cultural values is important, as behavioral and identity aspects
appear to change more rapidly than values, which are more enduring and long-lasting
(Kim et al., 1999).
Researchers’ criticisms about the unlinear approach have prompted a need for
the development of instruments that consider acculturation and enculturation as
orthogonal continua (Kim & Abreu, 2001), and that assess dimensions beyond
language and behavioral elements of acculturation. This approach would enable
assessment of the preservation or loss of the indigenous culture and of the acquisition
of the host culture as a process of change that can occur separately from each other
(Dohrenwend & Smith, 1962), providing a more accurate understanding of
acculturation as a multidimensional and multidirectional process, as originally
conceptualized (Keefe, 1980).
A number of researchers have begun undertaking the task of theorizing
models of acculturation that are multidimensional and capture the complexity of the
cultural identification that individuals experience (e.g., Chung et al., 2004; Ryder,
Alden, & Paulhus, 2000). These newer measures make it possible to assess
acculturation to the host culture and enculturation or retention of the culture or origin
(Zane & Mak, 2003) and allow for the consideration that individuals can experience
numerous interactions that result from interfacing with a new culture.
As one of the first published attempts to directly compare the unidimensional
and bidimensional models of acculturation, Ryder et al. (2000) investigated
40

personality, self-identity, and adjustment correlates with samples of ethnic Chinese,
non-Chinese East Asians, and Chinese Americans. The authors argued that support
could be found for the bidimensional model if four criteria could be met. First, the
two dimensions of heritage culture and mainstream culture could be measured
reliably. Second, the two dimensions would demonstrate concurrent validity. Third,
the dimensions would be orthogonal, and fourth, the dimensions would show a
distinctive pattern of correlations with other variables of importance. They found that
all of the tenets were met, thus demonstrating that the bidimensional approach has
greater validity than the unidimensional approach in the measure of acculturation.
With each successive generation, it is possible that ethnic self-identification
for some groups may become less salient, as has occurred with successive cohorts of
White European descendants, while for others it may become a basis of resilience and
pride (Rumbaut, 1994). Another possibility that can emerge is the creation of a
panethnic identity and the embracing of a supranational category, such as Asian or
Asian American (Espiritu, 1992). The concept of a pan-ethnic identity as a form of
self-identification, particularly with Asian Americans, has received more attention in
recent years. Rumbaut’s (1994) study on the self-reported ethnic identity of over
5,000 adolescent children of immigrants addressed these suppositions and
investigated whether there would be differences among those who were foreign-born
and U.S.-born in identification. He found that the espousal of a national origin label
is predominant among first-generation individuals. However, in the second
generation, the use of a hyphenated-American or bicultural identification (e.g.,
Korean-American, Cuban-American; Jamaican-American) is seen with greater
41

frequency (Rumbaut, 1994). The Asian-origin groups were more likely to select a
hyphenated-American identity than the Latin- and Caribbean-origin groups.
However, of the 1,655 Asian-origin adolescents in the study, only 11 respondents
identified themselves with a panethnic definition, indicating that, by and large,
panethnicity was not salient among them.
One limitation of the Rumbaut (1994) study appears to be the lack of
successive generations to compare in terms of ethnic self-identification, as only two
generations of youth were studied. The presence of a panethnic identification pattern
could emerge to a greater extent than was found in the Rumbaut (1994) study. In
addition, a panethnic consciousness may not develop and become personally
meaningful until individuals become exposed to the political and social ramifications,
and understandings of what it signifies to identify panethnically.
Despite the acknowledgement among researchers of acculturation as a
multidimensional construct that entails various behavioral and psychological
domains, the use of unidimensionally conceptualized assessments remains a frequent
practice (Abe-Kim, Okazaki, & Goto, 2001). The acculturation measure known as
the Orthogonal Cultural Identification Scale (OCIS; Oetting & Beauvais, 1990-1991)
addressed the issue of cultural complexity through the instrument’s allowance for
responses that indicate different types of ethnic identification, independent of the
others. It was designed for use with Asian Americans, Anglo Americans, Latinos,
African Americans, and Native Americans. However, the measure had not been
validated with Asian American samples. Johnson, Wall, Guanipa, Terry-Guyer, and
Velasquez (2002) conducted a study on the psychometric properties of the OCIS on
42

Asian American college students. They found that there was evidence to support the
measure as reliable and valid for use with Asian Americans, as it was determined to
have good internal consistency and construct validity as indicated through its
relationship with the SL-ASIA in the expected directions. In addition, an exploratory
factor analysis revealed two unique and orthogonal factors, identified as Asian
Identification of Asian Americans and Anglo Identification of Asian Americans. The
authors noted that taken together, the findings supported their hypothesis that
bicultural ethnic identity could be captured through an orthogonal approach.
In response to the lack of measures that allow for the recognition and correct
assessment of the acculturation and enculturation dimensions specifically for Asian
Americans, Chung et al. (2004) developed the Asian American Multidimensional
Acculturation Scale (AAMAS) which assesses acculturation as a bidimensional
process. It considers the orthogonal nature of acculturation and enculturation, while
also acknowledging the emergence of a pan-Asian ethnic identity. Despite the more
recent attention for assessment of acculturation in Asian Americans as a
multidimensional, multilinear construct, there is an absence of research in attitudes
toward seeking psychological help among Asian American men utilizing this newer
way of measuring acculturation. Conducting research with this conceptualization
may yield more meaningful and richer results in order to better gain an understanding
of Asian American men’s willingness to seek professional psychotherapeutic
services, according to the individual’s level of adherence to their indigenous or native
culture, and adherence to the host or dominant culture.
43

Acculturation and Help-Seeking
Acculturation is the predominant influence on Asian Americans’ attitudes
about seeking help. There have been fairly consistent findings about the relationship
of acculturation and seeking out mental health services. Those who are less
acculturated have been shown to be less likely to seek psychological help, remain in
treatment for fewer sessions, and experience poorer outcomes from the treatment
compared to their more acculturated counterparts (Sue, Zane, & Young, 1994).
For instance, Atkinson and Gim (1989) found that the Asian American
students in their sample who were more acculturated were more likely to have
positive attitudes toward psychological help-seeking than those who were less
acculturated. More specifically, the most acculturated participants were more likely
to recognize their own need for professional psychological help, were more tolerant
of the stigma that is associated with seeking psychological help, and were more open
to talking about their difficulties with counselors. However, they did not find any
gender differences in attitudes toward help-seeking. Tata and Leong’s (1994) study
investigated the impact of acculturation specifically with Chinese American
university students on attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help.
Their results showed that acculturation was a significant predictor of help-seeking
scores, keeping with the Atkinson and Gim (1989) results. It has been hypothesized
that loss of face may have a strong effect on willingness to seek psychological help.
The nature of psychotherapy is such that the client must divulge very personal and
intimate information to a stranger, which can lead to loss of face. This can be one
explanatory factor in less acculturated Asian Americans’ lower degree of willingness
44

to seek help (Zane & Mak, 2003). Similarly, a more recent study by Zhang and
Dixon (2003) also showed that more highly acculturated Asians exhibit positive
attitudes toward seeking help for psychological issues, and that gender did not
significantly predict help-seeking attitudes.
However, other studies have reported conflicting results related to
acculturation, gender, and willingness to seek help. Gim et al.’s (1990) study which
investigated acculturation and willingness to see a counselor among Asian American
students revealed that less acculturated students appeared to be more willing to seek
professional help than the more acculturated students. The authors conjectured that
this finding came about as a result of less acculturated students having more respect
for authority, and thus they were more willing to seek out professional psychological
services for their concerns. In addition, their study found gender differences to be
significant, as women expressed greater willingness than men to see a counselor
across all eight areas of concern assessed in the study, including relationship
problems, conflicts with parents, ethnic identity confusion, health or substance abuse
problems, academic or career concerns, financial problems, roommate conflicts, and
insomnia. Atkinson et al. (1995) also did not find acculturation to be significantly
related to willingness to seek counseling among Asian American college students.
Tata and Leong’s (1994) study found that gender was a significant predictor
of attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help among the Chinese
American college students in their study, with women reporting more positive
attitudes than men. More recently, Chang and Chang (2004) investigated attitudes
toward seeking psychological help and results showed that female Asian American
45

college students held slightly more positive attitudes about seeking traditional
counseling than their male Asian American counterparts. The socialization process
for Asian American women may make it more culturally accepted and appropriate for
them to acknowledge when they are experiencing a need for help, and take steps
toward seeking out treatment (Leong & Zachar, 1999; Tata & Leong, 1994; Yeh,
2002). Even among Asian international students attending college in the U.S.,
females held more positive attitudes about counseling than their male counterparts
(Yoon & Jepsen, 2008). However, Atkinson and Gim (1989) did not find any gender
differences in attitudes toward professional psychological help among their Asian
American participants. Similarly, Atkinson, Lowe, and Matthews (1995) and Solberg
et al. (1994) found no gender differences in willingness to see a counselor among
Asian Americans. Atkinson and Gim (1989) hypothesized that the lack of a
difference may be attributed to similar socialization experiences in regard to mental
health and help-seeking.
Enculturation is the independent, yet related, dimension of acculturation that
has become a focus of study within the multicultural literature on Asian Americans
and the counseling process (e.g., Kim & Atkinson, 2002; Kim & Omizo, 2003; Sue,
1994). The relationship between enculturation and help-seeking has been discussed
in the literature, as adherence to Asian cultural values may have an impact on Asian
Americans’ willingness to seek psychological help (Atkinson, 2004). Atkinson and
Gim (1989) speculated that Asian Americans may be disinclined to seek out
psychological services because of the conflict in Asian cultural values versus
European American values. For instance, Asian values include a collectivistic
46

orientation, conformity to norms, emotional self-control, filial piety, family
recognition through achievement, and humility (Kim et al., 1999). It has been
speculated that adherence to these values disinhibits individuals from seeking out
help, as doing so would bring shame or embarrassment. Although there has been a
great deal of speculation about the potential impact of enculturation on Asian
Americans’ psychological functioning and attitudes toward help-seeking, very little
empirical research has been done (Kim & Omizo, 2006).
In some of the first studies on the relationship of adherence to Asian values to
attitudes toward help-seeking among Asian Americans to date, Asian Americans who
were more highly enculturated held more negative attitudes toward psychological
help-seeking than those who were less enculturated (Kim, 2007b; Kim & Omizo,
2003). Clearly, the results of this study indicate that more research in the area of
enculturation is necessary and warranted in order to better understand the potentially
differential impact that acculturation and enculturation may have on Asian
Americans’ attitudes toward help-seeking.
Summary
In summary, acculturation has been the most studied variable in ethnic
minority research. It has been shown to be an important factor in the impact it has on
many aspects of Asian American individuals’ experience. Despite researchers’
widespread acknowledgement of a bidimensional understanding of acculturation, the
instruments used to assess this construct have been unidimensional, zero-sum
measures that have not taken into account the bidimensional nature of acculturation.
This bidimensional understanding includes the acquisition of an identity consonant
47

with the mainstream or host culture as well as adherence to the ethnic identity of
origin. In order to begin building the research with this understanding and
conceptualization, researchers have more recently created acculturation instruments
that incorporate this bidimensional conceptualization. Studies which investigate
acculturation utilizing these newer measures need to be conducted. In particular, this
study will utilize the Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale with
Asian American male participants, in investigating gender role conflict and attitudes
toward seeking professional psychological help.
Overall Summary
Due to stereotypes and misconceptions about Asian Americans as a model
minority (Uba, 1994), the community has been viewed as one that does not suffer
from problems, has adjusted without difficulty in society, and has little need for
assistance or attention. However, these generalizations are gross and mask the great
variation and diversity that exist within the community, as well as ignore the social
and economic problems of the Asian American population (Sue, 1994). Upon closer
examination, it becomes evident that Asian Americans experience psychological
stressors and exhibit levels of disturbance that would warrant the services of mental
health practitioners (Yang & WonPat-Borja, 2007; Yeh et al., 2002). There appears
to be a crucial need for services that is not being met, with Asian Americans
experiencing a range of problems that include academic concerns, interpersonal
difficulties, substance abuse issues, intergenerational conflict, and the experience of
racism and prejudice (Leong et al., 1995).
The low rates of mental health service utilization may be due to cultural and
48

ethnic factors that have been linked to an unwillingness to seek help, including the
value placed upon upholding the honor and name of the family and maintaining a
good reputation in the eyes of the public. Mental illness and psychological problems
may be seen as shameful and dishonorable, not only for the individual, but for the
family, as well. As such, there is a great deal of pressure to conceal these problems
from those outside of the family system, including from mental health practitioners
(Sue, 1994). Asian American males may feel this pressure to bring honor and avoid
bringing shame and disgrace to the family even more strongly than their female
counterparts because they are charged with this responsibility as a function of the
patriarchal structure of Asian cultures. There appears to be some substantiation of
this hypothesis in the literature, as some studies have shown the differences in
attitudes toward professional psychological help between Asian American men and
women, with women indicating a greater willingness to seek help.
This phenomenon of gender differences is better explicated through an
understanding of gender role socialization, and the subsequent impact this can have
on individuals’ development and sense of self. Given that gender socialization for
males is fraught with even greater difficulty when one is unable or unwilling to fulfill
the gender role expectations as dictated by society, men may experience
psychological problems as defined by gender role conflict. Although Pleck (1976)
originated the understanding and conceptualization of gender role strain, O’Neil and
colleagues (1986) further examined this construct and put forth a definition of gender
role conflict, which is based on the fundamental premise of men’s fear of femininity.
Subsequently, much research on men’s experience of gender role conflict has
49

emerged. However, most studies on gender and help-seeking have focused on groups
other than Asian American men, which reinforces the existing doctrine of exclusion
of Asian American men and the invisible status to which they have been relegated.
The unique needs and experiences of this community of men have been understudied
and too long ignored. Only in very recent years has this gap in the literature been
addressed in response to researchers who have taken the lead in examining the
experiences of Asian American men (e.g, Liu, 2002).
The second factor of acculturation has been shown to be a major variable in
the ethnic minority research in terms of the relationship with Asian Americans’
adjustment. A number of studies have demonstrated that Asian Americans who are
more highly acculturated hold more positive attitudes toward help-seeking than their
less acculturated counterparts (Atkinson & Gim, 1989; Tata & Leong, 1994), while
other studies have demonstrated conflicting findings. In an attempt to address the
questions that remain regarding Asian American men, this study investigated the
relationship between attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help, gender
role conflict, and acculturation. Specifically, this study researched orientation toward
help-seeking as the dependent variable, looking at the experiences of gender role
conflict and acculturation as contributing factors to Asian American males’
willingness to seek help.
Despite the demonstrated need for psychological services, many individuals
who would potentially benefit from the help are not seeking the attention of mental
health professionals. One way to make sense of this phenomenon is to understand
attitudes toward seeking help, as the beliefs that one holds may influence the behavior
50

of seeking professional psychological services. Help-seeking attitudes can help
predict patterns of underutilization of mental health services. This is an important
area to research in order to better understand how to more effectively reach out to
those who are in distress and could benefit from psychological services, but are
disinclined to do so. Many variables have been investigated in pursuit of identifying
factors that impact help-seeking attitudes, which includes a variety of factors related
to personality, interpersonal, social, and demographic domains.
Purpose of the Study
Therefore, in order to address the gap in the literature with Asian American
men, the purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between gender role
conflict, acculturation, and enculturation to help-seeking attitudes among Asian
American and European American male university students. The following specific
research questions and hypotheses were addressed in this study:
Research Question 1: Do acculturation to the U.S. culture, enculturation to ethnic
culture of origin, and gender role conflict predict Asian American men’s attitudes
toward seeking psychological help?
Hypothesis 1: A higher level of acculturation to the U.S. culture, lower level
of enculturation to ethnic culture of origin, and lower gender role conflict will
predict greater willingness to seek psychological help in Asian American
males.
Research Question 2: Are there racial group differences between Asian American
and European American males in willingness to seek psychological help?

51

Hypothesis 2: Asian American males will be less willing to seek
psychological help than European American males.
Research Question 3: Are there racial group differences between Asian American
and European American males in gender role conflict?
Hypothesis 3: Asian American males will exhibit a higher level of gender role
conflict than European American males.
Research Question 4: Are there racial group differences between Asian American
and European American males in actual counseling utilization and familiarity with
campus counseling services?
Hypothesis 4: Asian American males will have lower rates of counseling or
mental health service usage and familiarity with campus counseling services
than European American males.
The next chapter describes the methods used in this study, including information on
the research design, participants, instruments, data collection procedures, and data
analysis.
52

CHAPTER 3: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship of gender role
conflict, acculturation, and enculturation to willingness to seek psychological help in
Asian American and European American males. Cross-sectional data were collected
through a survey method. Information regarding the design of this study is reviewed
in this chapter. First, relevant demographic characteristics of the sample are
presented. Second, the measures used to operationalize constructs and collect data
will be reviewed. Finally, participant recruit and data collection procedures are
presented.
Participants
A total of 225 undergraduate and graduate Asian American (N = 67) and
European American (N = 158) male college students attending a private west coast
university in the United States participated in the study. The individuals were
between the ages of 18 and 30 years old, with a mean age of 22.7 years (SD = 3.40).
The Asian American sample had a mean age of 22.75 (SD = 3.55), and the Caucasian
male sample had a mean age of 22.70 (SD = 3.34). With respect to academic year in
school among the Caucasian sample, there were 14 (9%) freshmen, 24 (15%)
sophomores, 23 (15%) juniors, 27 (17%) seniors, 35 (22%) master’s students, and 34
(22%) doctoral students. The Asian American and Caucasian participants both had
majors that were common across the groups in the top most reported fields of study.
Among the Asian American sample, 28% (19) were Biology/Medical, 27% (18)
Engineering, 10% (7) Law, and 9% (6) Business. Among the Caucasian sample, 18%
(28) were Engineering, 17% (26) were Biology/Medical, 11% (18) were Law, and 9%
53

(14) were Business. 35 (22%) of the Caucasian students and 11 (16%) of the Asian
American students reported that they were in a fraternity. The Asian American
sample was comprised of 8 (12%) freshmen, 15 (22%) sophomores, 3 (5%) juniors, 6
(9%) seniors, 20 (30%) master’s level students, and 15 (22%) doctoral students.
Among the Caucasian students, 87 (55%) reported an annual household
income of $30,000 or less, 17 (11%) reported an income between $30,000 and
$60,000, 10 (6%) reported an income between $60,000 and $90,000 and 44 (28%)
reported an income over $90,000. Of the Asian American sample, 38 (56%) had an
income of $30,000 or less, 9 (14%) reported an income between $30,000 and
$60,000, 3 (5%) reported an income between $60,000 and $90,000, and 17 (25%)
reported an income over $90,000. In the Asian American sample, 27 (40%) were first
generation, 29 (43%) were second generation, 6 (9%) were third generation, 2 (3%)
were fourth generation, and 3 (5%) were above fourth generation. Of the Asian
American sample, 41 (61%) were of Chinese descent, 17 (25%) of Korean descent, 4
(6%) of Japanese descent, 3 (5%) of mixed Japanese and Chinese descent, and 2 (3%)
of mixed Korean and Chinese descent.
Instruments
The questionnaire packet was comprised of four parts, which included a
measure of attitudes toward seeking psychological help, masculine gender role
conflict, levels of acculturation to the host culture and enculturation to the culture of
origin, adherence to Asian cultural values, and demographic questions.
54

Gender Role Conflict Scale-I
Gender role conflict served as an independent variable in this study, based on
self-report. The Gender Role Conflict Scale-I (GRCS-I; O’Neil et al., 1986) was used
to measure gender role conflict experienced by men. The GRCS-I is one of the most
widely studied and utilized instruments investigating men’s gender role conflict
experiences. It has been studied across multiple populations and with various racial
and ethnic groups, including Asian Americans. The GRCS-I measures the degree to
which traditional masculine gender role socialization has negative consequences on
men’s well-being (See Appendix A). The measure is a 37-item self-report instrument
with 4 emergent factors (success, power, and competition; restrictive emotionality;
restrictive affectionate behavior between men; and conflict between work and family
relations).
The success, power, and competition subscale consists of 13 items, such as
“Being smarter or physically stronger than other men is important to me” and “I strive
to be more successful than others.” The restrictive emotionality subscale includes 10
items, including “Expressing feelings makes me feel open to attack by other people”
and “I often have trouble finding words that describe how I am feeling.” The
restrictive affectionate behavior between men subscale consists of 8 items, such as
“Verbally expressing my love to another man is difficult for me” and “Men who
touch other men make me uncomfortable.” Finally, the conflict between work and
family relations subscale consists of 6 items and includes statements such as “I feel
torn between my hectic work schedule and caring for my health” and “My work or
school often disrupts other parts of my life (home, health, leisure).” Participants
55

responded to the items on a 6-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (“strongly disagree”)
to 6 (“strongly agree”). A total score was calculated, with high scores indicating
gender role conflict. Lower scores signified less gender role conflict.
As noted by O’Neil et al. (1986), each of the four factors had coefficient alpha
scores of .85 for success, power, and competition, .82 for restrictive emotionality, .83
for restrictive affectionate behavior between men, and .75 for conflict between work
and family relations, indicating adequate internal consistency. Coefficient alphas
using Cronbach’s alpha with a range of .75 to .85 have been reported, indicating
adequate internal consistency (O’Neil et al., 1986). Coefficient alphas reported by
Hayes and Mahalik (2000) are the following: success, power, and competition (.88),
restrictive emotionality (.87), restrictive affectionate behavior between men (.88), and
conflict between work and family relations (.84), and indicate adequate internal
reliability. Moradi, Tokar, Schaub, Jome, and Serna (2000) have also reported
Cronbach’s alpha internal consistency estimates of .86 for success, power, and
competition, .87 for restrictive emotionality, .86 for restrictive affectionate behavior
between men, and .76 for conflict between work and family relations. Adequate test-
retest reliability has been reported for each factor over a 4-week period, with a range
of .72 to .86 (O’Neil et al., 1986).
Studies that have utilized the GRCS-I with Asian American populations have
also demonstrated adequate internal consistency. Liu (2002) conducted a study with
Asian American male college students, and reported coefficient alphas of .90 for the
full GRCS-I scale, .84 for success, power, and competition, .82 for restrictive
emotionality, .82 for restrictive affectionate behavior between men, and .77 for
56

conflict between work and family relations. In a more recent study, internal
consistency estimates were adequate, with .89 for success, power, and competition,
.89 for restrictive emotionality, .87 for restrictive affectionate behavior between men,
and .82 for conflict between work and family relations (Liu & Iwamoto, 2006).
Good et al. (1995) examined convergent validity in a comparison of the
GRCS-I and its subscales with the Fear of Intimacy Scale (FIS; Descutner & Thelen,
1991) and Brannon Masculinity Scale (BMS; Brannon & Juni, 1984). Results
indicated that the GRCS-I demonstrated an overall strong relationship with the fear of
intimacy scale and the masculinity scale. However, Good et al. (1995) provided a
word of caution about the conflict between work and family relations subscale of the
GRCS-I, which did not demonstrate convergent validity with the fear of intimacy and
masculinity measures. Subsequent research presented results that indicated the
stability of the GRCS-I as a measure of gender role conflict. In addition, all the
GRCS-I factors have been shown to be valid (Moradi et al., 2000).
Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale
The measure of acculturation utilized was the Asian American
Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS; Chung et al., 2004), and served as
an independent variable in this study. The AAMAS was developed in response to the
lack of instruments that assess acculturation and enculturation dimensions as a
bidimensional process in Asian Americans (See Appendix B), positioning it as a
measure that represents improvements and advances in the assessment of
acculturation. The specific items on the AAMAS were determined by using the SL-
ASIA as a guiding instrument. This 15-item measure consists of three cultural
57

dimension scales of culture of origin (AAMAS-CO) which measures enculturation to
the individual’s own Asian culture, Asian Americans (AAMAS-AA) which assesses
the individual’s pan-ethnic Asian American culture, and European Americans
(AAMAS-EA) which measures acculturation to the European American culture.
Exploratory factor analyses on each of the three scales revealed a similar 4-
factor structure: cultural identity, language, cultural knowledge, and food
consumption. The cultural identity factor includes 6 items that assess affiliation with
people such as “How much do you feel you have in common with people…” and
“How proud are you to be a part of…” The language factor includes 4 items such as
“How well do you speak the language of…” and “How often do you listen to music
or look at movies and magazine from…” The cultural knowledge factor includes 3
items such as “How knowledgeable are you about the culture and traditions of…” and
“How much do you actually practice the traditions and keep the holidays…” Finally,
the food consumption factor has 2 items, which are “How often do you actually eat
the food of…” and “How much do you like the food of…”
It consists of 15 items and is rated on a 6-point Likert-type scale for each of
the three cultural dimensions to reflect how strongly they agreed or disagreed with
each of the items ranging from 1 (“not very much”) to 6 (“very much”). A high score
on the AAMAS-CO subscale reflects greater enculturation to the culture of origin.
High scores on the AAMAS-AA indicates a greater sense of a pan-ethnic Asian
American identity. Additionally, high scores on the AAMAS-EA means that
respondents are more highly acculturated than those who had low scores.

58

Chung et al. (2004) reported coefficient alphas for each AAMAS subscale of
.87 (AAMAS-CO), .78 (AAMAS-AA), and .81 (AAMAS-EA), with a follow-up
study conducted by the authors that revealed similar results of internal consistency,
with coefficient alphas of .89 (AAMAS-CO), .83 (AAMAS-AA), and .81 (AAMAS-
EA). Two-week test-retest reliability revealed .89 for AAMAS-CO, .75 for AAMAS-
AA, and .78 for AAMAS-EA. Chung et al. (2004) provided validity data for the
measure through their findings with criterion-related validity, concurrent validity, and
divergent validity.
With respect to criterion-related validity with respondents’ generational status,
there was a significant negative correlation between AAMAS-CO and generation
status, which was in the expected direction. In other words, respondents who had a
higher generational status were less enculturated to their culture of origin. As
expected, the concurrent validity assessments indicated a strong negative association
between the AAMAS-CO and the SL-ASIA (-.75), as well as a strong positive
association with the Asian Values Scale (.37) (AVS; Kim et al., 1999). Divergent
validity was also examined in a comparison of the AAMAS subscales with the
Intergenerational Conflict Inventory (ICI; Chung, 2001) subscales and total score, and
the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1965), where very weak
relationships emerged as expected, since both the ICI and RSES measure constructs
that are very different from the AAMAS.
Asian Values Scale
The measure of enculturation being utilized is the Asian Values Scale (AVS;
Kim et al., 1999), and served as an independent variable in this study. The AVS is
59

one of the few instruments that assess Asian cultural values. In addition, it is
appropriate for use with samples that are of differing Asian ethnic groups, as it was
constructed with that applicability in mind. It was noted by the authors of the AVS
that currently existing acculturation measures focus on the behavioral dimension
while they neglect the values component, subsequently obscuring the important
influence of ethnic cultural values on a number of different psychological factors. In
order to provide a more comprehensive understanding of acculturation, the current
study uses this values instrument in conjunction with a behavioral measure of
acculturation because of their complementary relationship.
The AVS contains 36 items (18 are written in reverse direction and are thus
reverse scored), each of which is rated on a 7-point Likert-type scale (See Appendix
C). The respondent indicates the degree to which they agree or disagree with the
statement, ranging from 1 (“strongly disagree”) to 7 (“strongly agree”). High scores
on the AVS indicate greater adherence to Asian cultural values. Through an
exploratory factor analysis, six factors emerged to account for 24 of the 36 items,
consisting of conformity to norms, family recognition through achievement,
emotional self-control, collectivism, humility, and filial piety.
The conformity to norms factor consists of eight items such as “Following
familial and social expectations is important.” The family recognition through
achievement factor consists of three items including “Occupational failure does not
bring shame to the family.” The emotional self-control factor is comprised of three
items such as “The ability to control one’s emotions is a sign of strength.” The
collectivism factor consists of three items such as “One should think about one’s
60

group before oneself.” The humility factor contains three items including “Modesty
is an important quality for a person.” The filial piety factor contains four items such
as “One’s family need not be the main source of trust and dependence.” The
remaining 12 items did not load onto the factor structure but are included in the
measure.
Kim et al. (1999) reported coefficient alphas of .81 and .82 in separate studies
for the complete 36-item measure, in addition to coefficient alphas for each of the six
AVS factors. These coefficient alphas were .77 and .69 for conformity to norms, .72
and .62 for family recognition through achievement, .52 and .47 for emotional self-
control, .56 and .54 for collectivism, .55 and .57 for humility, and .44 and .38 for
filial piety. Due to the low coefficient alphas for each of the individual factors, the
authors of the AVS recommended that the total scale score be used to measure
adherence to Asian cultural values rather than subscale scores from the six factors.
Results from a confirmatory factor analysis for the AVS and two other
measures of acculturation, the Individualism-Collectivism Scale (INDCOL; Triandis,
1995) and the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; Suinn et
al., 1987) showed that the AVS was a reliable indicator of acculturation to Asian
values, indicating concurrent validity. In addition, discriminant validity was
evidenced through a low correlation of .15 between the behavioral and values
dimensions of Asian acculturation, indicated by the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity
Scale and Asian Values Scale scores, respectively. A two-week test-retest reliability
coefficient of .83 emerged for the AVS. The data from two subsequent studies both
yielded coefficient alphas of .86 (Kim & Atkinson, 2002; Kim & Omizo, 2003).
61

Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale-Short Form
Willingness to seek psychological help served as the dependent variable in
this study. The Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale-
Short Form (ATSPPH-SF) was developed by Fischer and Farina (1995). The
ATSPPH-SF is the most widely used measure of attitudes toward seeking mental
health treatment. This instrument is an abbreviated version of the 29-item Fischer
and Turner (1970) Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale
(ATSPPH). The ATSPPH-SF measures an individual’s orientation toward seeking
professional psychotherapeutic assistance (See Appendix D). Fischer and Farina
(1995) developed this shortened measure by keeping the 14 original items that had
the largest item-total score correlations and running them through a factor analysis,
which created a two-factor solution. Of the two factors, one consisted of 10 items,
which the authors used to create the shortened version of the ATSPPH, comprised of
statements about the person’s general orientation toward seeking professional
psychotherapeutic assistance as a means of dealing with personal problems.
Items on the ATSPPH-SF are rated on a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging
from 0 (“disagree”) to 3 (“agree”), as did the original measure. Scores range from 0
to 30, with higher scores indicating a more favorable attitude toward seeking
professional psychological help. The scale contains items such as “The idea of
talking about problems with a psychologist strikes me as a poor way to get rid of
emotional conflicts” and “If I were experiencing a serious emotional crisis at this
pointing my life, I would be confident that I could find relief in psychotherapy.”

62

According to Fischer and Farina (1995), the internal consistency was .84, with
a test-retest reliability coefficient of .80 over an interval of one month. Fischer and
Farina (1995) also reported a correlation of .87 between the original 29-item
instrument and the abbreviated version, which indicates that the two versions are
measuring similar constructs, such that the shortened form can be used as an
alternative to the original version. Elsewhere, internal consistency reliability
estimates were found to be adequate, ranging from .75 to .84 (Dearing, Maddux, &
Tangney, 2005; Kim, Li, & Ng, 2005; Vogel, Wester, Wei, & Boysen, 2005). More
recently, the ATSPPH-SF was examined for reliability with both college student and
primary care patient samples. The measure evidenced adequate internal consistency,
with a coefficient alpha of .77 among the college students and .78 among the patient
sample (Elhai, Schweinle, & Anderson, 2008). Studies that utilized the ATSPPH-SF
with Asian American samples have also demonstrated adequate reliability. Kim &
Omizo (2003) reported a total score coefficient alpha of .85, and Kim (2007b)
reported a coefficient alpha of .81.
An examination of the convergent validity of the ATSPPH-SF compared to a
measure of concerns about mental health treatment related to stigma, the Stigma
Scale for Receiving Psychological Help (SSRPH; Komiya, Good, & Sherrod, 2000),
indicated that there was a moderately large, negative relationship, as expected (Elhai
et al., 2007). This supports the findings from other studies that produced similar
results (Komiya et al., 2000; Vogel et al., 2005).

63

Demographic Information Questionnaire
Participants were also asked to provide information on their demographic
characteristics. These demographic items contained questions on the respondent’s
age, gender, race, ethnic background, educational status, academic major or area of
study, grade point average, fraternity affiliation, generational status, family income,
sexual orientation, relationship or marital status, and current living situation (See
Appendix E). Respondents were also asked about their prior experience in seeking
psychological help and whether they had participated in counseling either on campus
or off campus. These items were included to ensure that the participants in the study
fit the criteria for selection (i.e., they are Asian Americans of East Asian descent and
European Americans, and male) as well as to identify the demographic characteristics
of the sample.
Procedure
To participate in this study, men needed to be between the ages of 18 to 30, be
Caucasian or Asian American, and be willing to complete the questionnaire. In
particular, students primarily of East Asian descent (i.e., Korean, Chinese, and
Japanese) were recruited due to their large numbers and a shared influence of
Confucianism. Individuals who did not meet these criteria were not included in
analysis. The data collection was conducted over the course of the Fall 2007 and
Spring 2008 semesters. A total of 225 completed questionnaires were collected, from
67 Asian American and 158 European American male students. Asian American and
European American undergraduate and graduate student participants were recruited
from a private university in the Los Angeles metropolitan area through professor
64

announcements in classes spanning numerous departments and schools across the
university, via email, and on Blackboards. Student-run organizations were also
contacted via email regarding distributing the announcement to their listservs.
The written, verbal, and electronic methods of recruitment provided
instructions on how to access the survey and information regarding the purpose of the
study. The researcher approached individual faculty members in various departments
throughout the university to receive approval for and assistance with making
classroom announcements of the study. The researcher consulted with each faculty
member and the listserv contact for the student organizations, and provided
information regarding the purpose of the study as well as instructions for making
classroom and electronic announcements. In recruiting potential participants, the
study announcement noted that the purpose of the research was to investigate men’s
attitudes toward help-seeking, and that male students at the university who were
between the ages of 18 to 30 were eligible to participate (see Appendix F for a copy
of the Information and Instruction Sheet For Faculty Classroom and Email Listserv
Announcements). In an effort to encourage participation, announcements also
provided information about the opportunity to be entered into a random drawing for a
gift certificate to Amazon.com. However, the announcements also explicitly noted
that participation in the study was not a requirement to win.
In order to collect data, the instruments were compiled and placed online
through a web-based survey host, SurveyMonkey.com, at www.surveymonkey.com.
Upon logging into the URL, each participant was directed to the informed consent
section. Participants were informed of the voluntary, anonymous, and confidential
65

nature of the study. The instructions also specified that they had the ability to decline
participation at any time without fear of penalty or recourse. The consent page
indicated that only Asian American and Caucasian males attending the university
between the ages of 18 and 30 were eligible to participate in this study. After reading
the informed consent page, participants were asked to click on a link listed below to
indicate that they had read and understood the informed consent section and had
agreed to participate.
Participants were also given information about eligibility for entry in a
random drawing for a gift certificate to Amazon.com, regardless of whether or not
they chose to participate. Those interested in entering the raffle drawing were given
the opportunity to provide contact information only for the purposes of mailing them
the gift certificate if they were randomly selected as a recipient of a gift certificate in
the amount of $20.00. Participants could also choose to opt out of the random
drawing by not providing their contact information. They were also given assurance
that their responses would remain confidential and that a coding system would be
used so that their names would not be associated with the code number or the
personal information they provided for the purposes of the raffle drawing.
Once the survey was completed, participants were directed to a debriefing
section that provided the contact information of the primary investigator if they had
any questions about the study or if they were interested in receiving information
about the results of the study.

66

Data Analysis
The data were analyzed with an IBM-compatible personal computer using
SPSS 16.0 for Windows statistical software package. Pearson Product correlations
were also conducted to investigate the relationships between acculturation,
enculturation, gender role conflict and willingness to seek psychological help.
Multiple regression analyses were performed on the total scores of the Attitudes
Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help-Short Form (ATSPPH-SF) scale,
with levels of gender role conflict, acculturation, and enculturation as independent
variables to investigate the first hypothesis. An analysis of variance (ANOVA) was
performed to investigate the second hypothesis regarding racial group differences in
willingness to seek psychological help. To investigate the third hypothesis regarding
racial group differences between Asian American and European American men on
their experience of gender role conflict, a multivariate analysis of variance was
conducted, with the four factors of the GRCS-I serving as the dependent variables.
Finally, Chi-square tests of difference analyses were conducted to examine the fourth
hypothesis regarding racial group differences in mental health service utilization and
familiarity with campus counseling services.
67

CHAPTER 4: Results
This chapter presents the results of the study, starting with the preliminary
analyses and descriptive statistics, followed by the primary and secondary research
questions.
Pre-Analysis Data Screening
Prior to conducting descriptive analyses, preliminary analyses were conducted
to help ensure that the data were accurate and valid. Several participants had missing
data, which accounted for less than 5% of cases and appeared to be random in nature.
Thus, those participants were omitted from subsequent analyses. There were no
extreme values found in the data after testing for outliers. The final sample size
included 67 Asian American men and 158 Caucasian men. The general demographic
characteristics are presented in Table 1. All independent and dependent variables
were tested for assumptions of normality, linearity, and homoscedasticity, and results
indicated that none of the assumptions were violated.

68

Table 1
Demographic Characteristics of Participants
Asian
American
Caucasian
Characteristic n%n %
Age
18 to 19 20 29.9 33 20.9
20 to 21 9 13.5 37 23.5
22 to 23 7 10.5 28 17.8
24 to 25 16 23.9 24 15.2
26 to 27 6 9.0 16 10.1
28 to 30 9 13.5 20 12.7

Year in School
Freshman 8 11.9 14 8.9
Sophomore 15 22.4 24 15.2
Junior 3 4.5 23 14.6
Senior 6 9.0 27 17.1
Graduate – Master’s 20 29.9 35 22.2
Graduate – Doctoral 15 22.4 35 22.1

Sexual Orientation
Heterosexual 57 85.1 142 89.8
Gay 7 10.4 10 6.3
Bisexual 3 4.5 5 3.2
Questioning 0 0 1 0.6

Living Arrangement
Live alone 16 23.9 26 16.4
Live with roommate(s) 39 58.2 96 60.8
Live with a significant other 3 4.5 26 16.5
Live with parent(s) or other family
members
9 13.4 10 6.3

Employment Status
Part time employed 23 34.3 65 41.1
Full time employed 7 10.4 28 17.7
Not currently employed 37 55.2 65 41.1

Household Income
$20,000 and below 25 37.3 65 41.2
Between $20,000 and $40,000 12 17.9 28 17.8
Between $40,000 and $60,000 5 7.5 8 5.0
Between $60,000 and $80,000 3 4.5 9 5.7
69

Table 1, Continued
Between $80,000 and $100,000 2 3.0 5 3.1
Over $100,000 15 22.4 40 25.3

Generation
1
st
(not born in U.S.) 27 40.3 14 8.9
2
nd
(at least one parent born in the U.S.) 29 43.3 12 7.6
3
rd
(at least one grandparent born in the
U.S.)
6 9.0 35 22.2
4
th
(at least one great-grandparent born
in the U.S.)
2 3.0 31 19.6
Above 4
th
3 4.5 66 41.8

Grade Point Average
4.0 to 3.5 38 56.7 92 58.2
3.4 to 3.0 24 35.8 46 29.1
2.9 to 2.5 5 7.5 46 10.1
Less than 2.4 0 0 3 1.9

Fraternity Affiliation
Yes 11 16.4 35 22.2
No 56 83.6 123 77.8

70

Internal Consistency Estimation
Results of reliability analyses of the measures investigated in this study are
presented in Table 2. In general, the internal consistencies of the GRCS-I subscales
were very strong. For the total sample of Asian American and Caucasian men, the
alphas for the total GRCS-I scale and the SPC, RE, RABBM, and CBWF subscales
were 0.92, 0.87, 0.87, 0.87, and 0.85, respectively. The Cronbach’s alpha for the total
sample on the ATSPPH-SF was also very strong ( α = 0.87). Therefore, for the GRCS
and ATSPPH-SF, the alpha coefficients indicate that these measures were internally
consistent. For the Asian American males, the alpha coefficients on the subscales of
the AAMAS and the AVS indicate that these measures were internally consistent.
The Cronbach’s alpha was .91 for the AAMAS-CO, .90 for the AAMAS-AA, and .82
for AAMAS-EA for the Asian American male sample. The Cronbach’s alpha for the
AVS was .84 among Asian American males.

71

Table 2
Reliability Estimates for Asian American and Caucasian Male Participants on the
GRCS-I , ATSPPH-SF, AAMAS, and AVS
Asian American Caucasian
(n = 67) (n = 158)
Scale α α
GRCS-I .93 .92
SPC .89 .85
RE .83 .88
RABBM .81 .88
CBWFR .81 .86

ATSPPH-SF .81 .89

AAMAS
AAMAS-CO .91
AAMAS-AA .90
AAMAS-EA .82

AVS .84
Note. SPC = Success, Power, Competition; RE = Restrictive Emotionality; RABBM
= Restrictive Affectionate Behavior Between Men; CBWF = Conflict Between Work
and Family Relations; AAMAS-CO = Culture of Origin; AAMAS-AA = Asian
American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale-Asian American; AAMAS-EA =
Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale-European American
72

73

Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Analysis
The correlation matrix for the research measures is presented in Table 3.
Pearson product-moment correlation analyses were conducted to determine the
relationships between the dependent variable of attitudes toward seeking professional
psychological help and the independent variables of acculturation and gender role
conflict among Asian American men. The AAMAS-EA was used as the measure of
acculturation, and was negatively correlated to attitudes toward seeking professional
psychological help, but it did not reach statistical significance, r = -.12, n = 67, p =
.18. The success, power, and competition factor for gender role conflict was found to
have a significant negative correlation to attitudes toward seeking professional
psychological help, r = -.25, n = 67, p = .04. This suggests that as the degree of
gender role conflict with success, power, and competition increases, willingness to
seek professional psychological help decreases among Asian American males.
However, for other factors of gender role conflict, including restrictive emotionality
(r = -.14, n = 67, p = .27), restrictive affectionate behavior between men (r = .01, n =
67, p = .94), and conflict between work and family relations (r = .04, n = 67, p = .74),
there were no significant relationships with willingness to seek professional
psychological help.
The AVS was positively correlated with success, power, and competition and
restrictive affectionate behavior between men, suggesting that Asian American men
who were more enculturated to their Asian cultural values experienced greater
conflict with success, power, and competition and had greater difficulty expressing
affectionate behavior towards other men.

74

Table 3
Pearson Correlation Coefficients for the Research Measures Among Asian American Males

Variable AAMAS-EA AAMAS-CO AAMAS-AA SPC RE RABBM CBWF ATSPPH-SF AVS

AAMAS-EA -- -.12 .06 .10 -.14 -.24 .02 -.12 -.22
AAMAS-CO -- .60** .27* .18 .24* -.04 -.15 .28*
AAMAS-AA -- -.05 .03 .02 -.04 .04 .06
SPC -- .52** .55** .52** -.25* .27*
RE -- .48** .41** -.14 .18
RABBM -- .35** .01 .24*
CBWF -- .04 -.04
ATSPPH-SF -- -.15
AVS --
Note. * p < .05; ** p < .01. AAMAS-EA = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale-European American; AAMAS-
CO = Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale-Culture of Origin; AAMAS-AA = Asian American Multidimensional
Acculturation Scale-Asian American; SPC = Success, Power, Competition; RE = Restrictive Emotionality; RABBM = Restrictive
Affectionate Behavior Between Men; CBWF = Conflict Between Work and Family Relations; ATSPPH-SF = Attitudes Toward
Seeking Professional Psychological Help-Short Form; AVS = Asian Values Scale

Research Question 1: Do acculturation to the U.S. culture, enculturation to ethnic
culture of origin, and gender role conflict predict Asian American men’s attitudes
toward seeking psychological help?
A standard multiple regression analysis was used to examine the relationships
between acculturation to the U.S. culture, enculturation to culture of origin, gender
role conflict, and willingness to seek professional psychological help scores among
Asian American males (Table 4). Predictor variables were acculturation,
enculturation, and gender role conflict scores, and the criterion variable was
willingness to seek professional psychological help total score. Preliminary analyses
were conducted to ensure no violation of the assumptions of normality, linearity,
multicollinearity, and homoscedasticity. The independent variables of AAMAS-EA
(r = -0.22), AAMAS-CO (r = -0.07), AVS (r = -0.15), and GRCS-I (r = -0.12) showed
weak correlations with the ATSPPH-SF. The set of variables explained only 8.2% of
the variance in willingness to seek professional psychological help. Thus, none of the
predictor variables uniquely contributed to the variance in willingness to seek
professional psychological help among Asian American men.
75

Table 4

Results of Standard Multiple Regression Analyses for Dependent Variable of
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Among Asian American
Males

B Std. Error β t Sig.
AAMAS-EA -1.53 .88 -.22 -1.74 .09
AAMAS-CO -.31 .59 -.07 -.53 .60
AVS -1.40 1.22 -.15 -1.15 .26
GRCS-I -.02 .02 -.12 -.95 .35
Note. * p < .05; ** p < .01. AAMAS-EA = Asian American Multidimensional
Acculturation Scale-European American; AAMAS-CO = Asian American
Multidimensional Acculturation Scale-Culture of Origin; AVS = Asian Values Scale;
GRCS-I = Gender Role Conflict Scale

76

Research Question 2: Are there racial group differences between Asian American
and European American males in willingness to seek psychological help?
A one-way analysis of variance was conducted to explore racial group
differences on attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help, as measured
by the ATSPPH-SF. There was a statistically significant difference in ATSPPH-SF
scores for race, F (1, 223) = 5.2, p = .02. The mean score for Asian American males
(M = 13.12, SD = 4.64) was significantly lower than the mean score for Caucasian
males (M = 15.04, SD = 6.21); Table 5 provides the mean scores. These results
demonstrate that Asian American men were less open to seeking professional mental
health services than European American males. Thus, hypothesis 2 was confirmed.
77

Research Question 3: Are there racial group differences between Asian American
and European American males in gender role conflict?
A one-way between-groups multivariate analysis of variance was performed
to explore racial group differences in experience of gender role conflict, as measured
by the GRCS-I subscales. Four dependent variables were used: success, power, and
competition, restrictive emotionality, restrictive affectionate behavior between men,
and conflict between work and family relations. The independent variable was racial
group. There was a statistically significant difference between Asian American and
European American men on the combined dependent variables, F (4, 220) = 4.79, p =
.00; Wilks’ Lambda = .92. When the results for the dependent variables were
considered separately, three of the four reached statistical significance using a
Bonferroni adjusted alpha level of .013. These variables included success, power,
and competition, F (1, 223) = 7.66, p = .01, restrictive emotionality, F (1, 223) = 6.29,
p = .01, and restrictive affectionate behavior between men, F (1, 223) = 15.93, p =
.00. An inspection of the mean scores showed that Asian American men reported
higher levels of gender role conflict than European American men in success, power,
and competition, restrictive emotionality, and restrictive affectionate behavior
between men (see Table 5 for mean scores). Thus, the findings provide partial
support for hypothesis 3.
78

Table 5
Means and Standard Deviations for Asian American and Caucasian Male Participants
on the GRCS-I, ATSPPH-SF, AAMAS, and AVS
Asian American Caucasian
(n = 67) (n = 158)
Scale M SD M SD
GRCS-I
SPC 4.19 .83 3.96 .83
RE 3.42 .78 3.17 .95
RABBM 3.40 .99 2.99 1.06
CBWFR 3.78 .96 3.78 1.07

ATSPPH-SF 13.12 4.64 15.04 6.21

AAMAS
AAMAS-CO 4.18 1.01
AAMAS-AA 3.17 .96
AAMAS-EA 4.63 .66

AVS 4.26 .51
Note. SPC = Success, Power, Competition; RE = Restrictive Emotionality; RABBM
= Restrictive Affectionate Behavior Between Men; CBWF = Conflict Between Work
and Family Relations; AAMAS-CO = Culture of Origin; AAMAS-AA = Asian
American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale-Asian American; AAMAS-EA =
Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale-European American
79

Research Question 4: Are there racial group differences between Asian American
and European American males in actual counseling utilization and familiarity with
campus counseling services?
Chi-square tests of independence were conducted to examine the relationship
between the variable of race and several variables related to usage and awareness of
counseling services. Among Asian American males, 20.9% have ever utilized
counseling or mental health services, compared to 39.2% of Caucasian males. A Chi-
square test for independence (with Yates Continuity Correction) indicated that there
was a significant association between Asian American and Caucasian males and ever
having been to counseling, χ
2
(1, n = 225) = 6.28, p = .01, phi = -.18 (Table 6).
Among Asian American males, 3% are currently in counseling, compared to 7% of
Caucasian males. A Chi-square test for independence (with Yates Continuity
Correction) indicated no significant association between Asian American and
Caucasian males and currently being in counseling, χ
2
(1, n = 225) = .73, p = .39, phi
= -.08 (Table 7). For familiarity with campus counseling services (Table 8), 31.3% of
Asian American males indicate that they know about the services, while 39.2% of
Caucasian males are aware of the services. A Chi-square test for independence (with
Yates Continuity Correction) indicated no significant association, χ
2
(1, n = 225) =
.94, p = .33, phi = -.08. Thus, the findings provided partial support for hypothesis 4.
80

Table 6
Crosstabulation of Race and Mental Health Service Utilization Ever
Mental Health
Service
Utilization Ever Race χ
2
Φ
Asian American Caucasian
(n = 67) (n = 158)
Yes 14
(-2.7)
62
(2.7)
6.28** -.18
No 53
(2.7)
96
(-2.7)

Note. ** p < .01. Adjusted standardized residuals appear in parentheses below group
frequencies.
81

Table 7
Crosstabulation of Race and Current Mental Health Service Utilization
Current Mental
Health Service
Utilization Race χ
2
Φ
Asian American Caucasian
(n = 67) (n = 158)
Yes 2
(-1.2)
11
(1.2)
.73 -.08
No 65
(1.2)
147
(-1.2)

Note. p > .05. Adjusted standardized residuals appear in parentheses below group
frequencies.
82

Table 8
Crosstabulation of Race and Awareness of Campus Counseling Services
Awareness of
Campus
Counseling
Services Race χ
2
Φ
Asian American Caucasian
(n = 67) (n = 158)
Yes 21
(-1.1)
62
(1.1)
.94 -.08
No 46
(1.1)
96
(-1.1)

Note. p > .05. Adjusted standardized residuals appear in parentheses below group
frequencies.

83

CHAPTER 5: Discussion
The purpose of the present study was to investigate the relationships between
gender role conflict, acculturation, and help-seeking attitudes among Asian American
men. This chapter discusses the relevance of the results presented in the previous
section and addresses the findings obtained for each research question. Clinical
implications for counseling and directions for future research are considered, as well
as the limitations of the study.
Discussion of Primary Findings
Acculturation, Enculturation, Gender Role Conflict, and Help-Seeking
Attitudes
The results of multiple regression analysis showed that there was not a
significant positive relationship between Asian American men’s acculturation to the
U.S. culture, enculturation to their ethnic culture of origin, gender role conflict, and
their attitudes regarding psychological help-seeking. The variable set of
acculturation, enculturation, and gender role conflict explained only a very small
amount of the variance, approximately 8%, in willingness to seek psychological help.
In addition, the individual variables did not uniquely contribute to the variance. Thus,
92% of the variance is unaccounted for in attitudes toward help seeking. This study’s
findings were contrary to those of Kim and Omizo (2006), who found a non-
significant, but trend-driven, relationship indicating that being more enculturated was
associated to having a greater willingness to seek help. Taken together, these
findings appear to highlight the complexity and necessity of understanding Asian
American men’s help-seeking attitudes, and that acculturation and gender role
84

conflict alone are not sufficient in understanding the reasons for Asian American
men’s unwillingness to seek help.
Race and Help-Seeking Attitudes
Findings indicate that Asian American men were significantly less willing to
seek professional psychological help than their Caucasian counterparts, providing
support for the hypothesis posited in this study regarding racial group differences,
consistent with other studies that have demonstrated this link (e.g., Kuo, Kwantes,
Towson, & Nanson, 2006). Given that East Asians hold similar cultural beliefs, it
may be that their culture of origin’s negative attitudes toward seeking help are
impacting these Asian American men’s unwillingness to see psychotherapy as a
viable means of resolving their personal conflicts. This racial group difference may
also be due to Asian American men’s experiences with discrimination due to their
race (Ying, Lee, & Tsai, 2000), and their resulting unwillingness to further place
themselves in what men generally see as the inferior or subordinate position of asking
for assistance. Thus, Asian American men may have an even more negative reaction
to help-seeking than Caucasian men.
Race and Gender Role Conflict
The results indicate that Asian American men are significantly more likely to
experience gender role conflict than Caucasian men, particularly when it comes to
success, power, and competition; restrictive emotionality; and restrictive affectionate
behavior between men. In particular, Asian American men who experienced a great
deal of the success, power, and competition form of gender role conflict were more
reluctant to seek out counseling. This may be due to the perceptions of a power
85

differential within the therapeutic relationship, which is at odds with men’s ideas
about being in control and remaining in the “driver’s seat” (Berger et al., 2005).
With respect to restrictive emotionality, because Asian cultures emphasize
emotional restraint and less emotional self-disclosure (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1994),
Asian American men are more prone to avoid and inhibit themselves from emotional
displays. Thus, for many Asian American men, controlling emotional expression
may be related to their desire to avoid shame and stigma (Liu & Iwamoto, 2006).
Asian American men’s greater discomfort with affection towards other men also
points to the stress they may experience with being a male in U.S. society. Given
their sensitivity to mainstream society’s perceptions of their masculinity or lack
thereof, they may have a heightened desire to deter others from seeing them as even
more feminine or gay, inhibiting their emotional expressiveness towards men.
Asian American and Caucasian men did not significantly differ in their
experience of gender role conflict in the arena of conflict between work and family
relations. It may be that because the sample is comprised of predominantly
unmarried college males who currently do not have the responsibility of being the
“head of the household” or expected to contribute to family income while they are
students, they may not be exposed to the potential for problems in the work and
family domain. Thus, there may be less relevance in this issue for their current lives.
Similar to Blazina and Watkins (1996), the results indicate that men who
experience success, power, and competition-related conflict also have negative
attitudes toward help seeking. In addition, the results appeared to align with Schaub
and Williams’ (2007) discriminant analysis finding that revealed a cluster of men who
86

may be less likely to seek out psychological counseling. However, contrary to the
prior two studies, these results did not indicate a similar relationship between
restrictive affectionate behavior between men and help seeking attitudes.
Race, Counseling Utilization, and Familiarity with Campus Counseling
Services
Consistent with the body of research acknowledging Asian Americans’
underutilization of mental health services, the findings of this study showed that,
compared to European American men, Asian American men had much less
experience with ever having been to counseling. Yoon and Jepsen (2008) found
similar results with their Asian international students in the U.S., who were much less
likely to have ever been in psychotherapy, compared to U.S. students. However,
there was no significant difference between the groups for currently being in therapy
or for their familiarity with campus counseling services. Sullivan, Ramos-Sanchez,
and McIver (2007) had a similar result, where there were no significant differences in
use of counseling services between Asian American, Latino, and European American
students.
The finding that Asian American and European American men did not differ
in their familiarity with campus counseling services may be indicative of campus
efforts to advertise and promote the availability of counseling services. This is a
positive finding, as it indicates that the university has successfully been able to
“spread the word” among both populations of men in communicating that students
have access to therapy, should they find a need for such services. However, only
slightly over one-third of both Asian American and European American men
87

indicated familiarity with such services on campus, which underscores the importance
of creating a greater sense of awareness in order to reach even more potential men in
need.
Discussion of Secondary Findings
Pearson Correlations: Acculturation, Enculturation, and Help-Seeking
Attitudes
In addition to the primary analyses conducted for this study, other interesting
findings emerged in examining the correlations among the independent and
dependent variables. Interestingly, the results showed that neither acculturation to
European American culture nor enculturation to culture of origin among Asian
American men were related to their willingness to seek help. Much of the
acculturation and help-seeking attitudes literature has produced inconsistent results,
with some studies finding that higher acculturation correlated to more favorable
attitudes about professional psychological services (Atkinson & Gim, 1989; Tata &
Leong, 1994; Zhang & Dixon, 2003), while other studies have concluded that lower
acculturation was related to a greater willingness to seek the services of a counselor
(Gim et al., 1990). Perhaps the lack of the hypothesized relationship between
acculturation and willingness to seek psychological help indicates that being more
Americanized does not directly translate into being more open to psychotherapeutic
help. Although an individual can be and feel authentically “American” in their
behaviors and values, there are many aspects and facets of being part of the
mainstream culture, one of which includes their attitudes about help-seeking.
Although the relationship between acculturation and help-seeking attitudes was non-
88

significant, there appeared to be a trend pointing to the potential for a relationship
where being more acculturated was associated with greater unwillingness to seek
help.
In addition, Asian American men’s experiences in U.S. society may be greatly
impacting their willingness to seek help, despite being more acculturated. It is
possible that the more they become acculturated and understand the ways in which
mainstream society views them as “less than” masculine in stark contrast to the
hegemonic ideal of White men, the more they may become cognizant of others’
negative perceptions of them. As a result, they may shun the potential for any
additional denigrating or emasculating assumptions about them, including seeking
professional psychological help. Perhaps they fear being further seen as weak,
leading to an aversion to counseling and therapy.
Further, the finding that adherence to Asian values was not negatively
correlated to willingness to seek professional psychological help was contrary to
Kim’s (2007b) results. Although this study’s result did not meet the criterion for
statistical significance as in Kim’s (2007b) study, there is an indication of a trend
towards a relationship where endorsing Asian values is associated with having less
positive attitudes about psychological help-seeking. It is interesting to note that the
majority (84%) of the Asian American participants were first- or second-generation
Americans. Although not assessed in this study, it may be that even those who
reported first-generational status may have immigrated to the U.S. at a very young
age with their adult parents, having been raised in the American culture. Thus, it is

89

possible that there is little variance in the scores measuring Asian values, leading to a
non-significant negative correlation between enculturation and help-seeking attitudes.
Of particular interest, it was observed that acculturation and enculturation
were not significantly correlated, consistent with Kim’s (2007b) finding. This lends
support to the suggestion that the two constructs are distinct and separate, and should
thus be measured through a bilinear model (Keefe, 1980; Kim & Abreu, 2001;
Szapocznik & Kurtines, 1980). Thus, this indicates that it is possible for individuals
to have differing levels of enculturation and acculturation (Kim, 2007b).
Pearson Correlations: Enculturation and Gender Role Conflict
Similar to Liu and Iwamoto (2006), this study found that Asian American men
who endorsed Asian cultural values tended to experience gender role conflict.
Although Liu and Iwamoto’s (2006) study found that the AVS was positively
correlated to all four of the GRCS subscales, in the current study, the AVS was
positively related only to the success, power, and competition and the restrictive
affectionate behavior between men subscales. Nevertheless, this suggests that Asian
cultural values do have an impact on their feelings of distress and conflict about their
masculinity. This may be due to the value that Asian cultures place on obtaining
achievement and success, particularly as individual successes also reflect positively
on the family (Liu & Iwamoto, 2006). The relationship between experiencing gender
role conflict and restrictive affectionate behavior between men appears to be a
reflection of the male gender role belief that being physically demonstrative towards
other men is emasculating.

90

Summary
The current study contributes to the emerging literature on Asian American
men’s attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help and the influence of
gender role conflict, acculturation, and enculturation. This is an emerging area of
research that requires greater attention, as much of the literature has focused on Asian
Americans as a whole, without fully considering the role of gender and gender role
socialization on help-seeking attitudes. This study’s findings did not find support for
acculturation, enculturation, and gender role conflict as correlated to or predicting
Asian American men’s willingness to seek help. This appears to indicate that there
are perhaps other more compelling and influential factors, or the need for a more
nuanced understanding of these particular constructs with Asian American men that
contribute to their refusal to see psychotherapy as a viable option for them. Hence,
further research that make attempts to identify other variables that impact help-
seeking attitudes is needed.
The results of this study also suggest that Asian American men are
significantly less willing to seek out professional mental health assistance than their
Caucasian male counterparts, which may be due to their differential experiences in
and mistreatment from mainstream society because of stereotypes and negative
beliefs about Asian American men.
Limitations
A number of limitations should be noted regarding this study. The current
study was cross-sectional and exploratory in nature, using a descriptive design.
Therefore, there is no attempt to assert a causal relationship among the variables
91

investigated. The research also relied on participants’ self-report, which needs to be
taken into consideration. In addition, the study was web-based, which may have
limited participants to those who are confident and comfortable with using and
navigating computer programs, creating a potential selection bias.
Although participants spanned various academic majors and year in school, all
attended one university and were college or graduate level students. Further, the
participants were 30 years old or younger. Thus, the results of this study should be
taken with caution and not be generalized to men who are non-students or are older
than the population in this study.
The size of the Asian American sample in the current study was small, which
may have affected the power of statistical tests to identify differences. In addition,
the present study is limited in its generalizability to the Asian American population,
given that only several East Asian ethnic groups (i.e., Chinese, Korean, and Japanese)
were represented. The men who participated in this study also had the social status
of being “privileged,” as they were all receiving a college education at a well-known
and respected private university, which does not reflect the entire population of Asian
Americans. Therefore, care must be taken when attempting to generalize the findings
of this study to other Asian ethnic groups. Further, there are within-group differences
with respect to ethnic groups and degree of ethnic identity that can impact the results.
Although the Chinese, Korean, and Japanese cultures endorse similar cultural values,
the potential for other variables that influence their help-seeking attitudes needs to be
considered. The relatively small Asian American sample also precluded the
possibility of investigating differences among the three East Asian groups.
92

Implications for Clinical Practice
The findings point to several clinical implications. First, in order for
clinicians to understand and effectively work with Asian American men, counselors
must actively seek to sensitize, familiarize, and educate themselves on the concerns
and problems that this particular group of men face. Without this ingoing knowledge,
there is the potential for Asian American clients to feel misunderstood, creating
difficulties in not only building an effective therapeutic alliance, but also early
termination.
The current study indicates that Asian American men are not highly likely to
enter into a psychotherapy relationship, particularly in comparison to Caucasian men,
so it is important to consider effective ways to mitigate their negative feelings and
thoughts about psychological help-seeking. Psychotherapy can feel threatening to
Asian American men’s sense of masculinity (Pollack & Levant, 1998), thus
bolstering their sense of confidence and helping them manage and overcome their
anxieties is crucial. For instance, marketing and communications should be tailored
(Pederson & Vogel, 2007) when targeting Asian American men to de-emphasize
aspects that can feel particularly threatening, such as the requirement to divulge
feelings and placing themselves in a vulnerable position vis a vis their therapist.
Taking this one step further, highlighting the connection between help-seeking and
bolstering Asian American men’s ability to achieve success and power to ultimately
become even more competitive players in the world might bolster their willingness to
seek help (Rochlen, Whilde, & Hoyer, 2005).

93

Clinicians may consider the possibility of assessing and exploring Asian
American males’ cultural values, both within their culture of origin as well as that of
the American society (Kim et al., 1999; Liu & Iwamoto, 2006), particularly given
findings that suggest the relationship between cultural values and Asian American
men’s experience of gender role conflict. Specifically, it may be useful in the clinical
setting to explore potential ways that Asian American men can navigate and reconcile
disparate cultural views on their gender roles (Liu & Iwamoto, 2006).
Directions for Future Research
In addition to the need for future research to address the previously noted
limitations in the current study, this research also raises a number of additional
questions to address in future research in an effort to gain a greater understanding of
the factors that play a strong role in Asian American men’s negative attitudes toward
help-seeking. The low variance accounted for in the multiple regression analyses
suggests that variables other than acculturation, enculturation, and gender role
conflict may be useful in explaining Asian American males’ attitudes toward seeking
professional psychological help. In particular, factors such as internalization of racial
stereotypes, racial identity, and experiences with racism may provide greater insight
into Asian American men’s unwillingness to seek help. Asian American masculinity
is primarily defined by others, with an external locus of control (Shek, 2006). Asian
American men may have a heightened sensitivity to matters of race, making this a
potentially important area to further explore in future studies of their attitudes toward
help-seeking.

94

In addition, qualitative research on Asian American men’s experiences with
gender role conflict could yield fruitful findings to help elucidate the ways in which
this population of men grapples with the stress related to gender role expectations
(Liu & Iwamoto, 2006). Research with particular Asian ethnic groups is necessary in
order to gain a fuller and richer understanding of the nuances and differences that
exist in attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help among each ethnic
group.
Although attitudes toward help-seeking is a good proxy for actual willingness
to enter into a professional psychological relationship for when they experience great
emotional distress, a closer approximation of the actual likelihood of entering or
intent to enter into a therapeutic alliance appears to be an area that deserves future
consideration and research.
Although larger scale quantitative studies are necessary and will yield
potentially fruitful insights into the experiences of Asian American men and the
factors that impact their willingness to seek psychological counseling, research that
examines Asian American men’s lives on a qualitative level is also needed. Whorley
and Addis’ (2006) study revealed that psychological research on men and masculinity
has predominantly been quantitative and correlational in nature. O’Neil (2008) has
long noted that the vast majority of the gender role conflict literature has focused on
quantitative approaches, with qualitative explorations being a necessary next step to
shed light on the personal experiences and realities of men’s lives – including the
lives of Asian American men. Qualitative research could mine and uncover

95

potentially untapped areas of Asian American men’s lives that impact their
willingness to reach out and seek counseling interventions.
Conclusion
Overall, this study highlights the importance of continuing to develop a deeper
and more nuanced understanding of the factors in Asian American men’s lives that
impact their willingness to seek professional help. It appears that the constructs of
acculturation and enculturation need to be more fully studied with Asian America
men, as there may be strong enough differences by gender in its impact on help-
seeking attitudes. Variables related to race, in terms of racial identity, stereotypes,
and experiences with racism may also provide clearer insight into the factors that
impact their lack of willingness to seek professional psychological help.
Equipped with a greater understanding of Asian American men’s lives, it will
be possible to tailor communications and approaches in ways that will effectively
reach out to Asian American men who need, but refuse to seek, treatment. These
efforts will provide clinicians with important data that can not only grow our
understanding of the optimal ways to bring Asian American men to seek out
professional psychological help, but also determine the best approaches to working
effectively with them in the counseling process.

96

References
Abe-Kim, J., Okazaki, S., & Goto, S.G. (2001). Unidimensional versus
multidimensional approaches to the assessment of acculturation for Asian
American populations. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 7
(3), 232-246.

Abe-Kim, J., Takeuchi, D.T., Hong, S., Zane, N., Sue, S., Spencer, M.S., Appel, H.,
Nicdao, E., & Alegria, M. (2007). Use of mental health-related services
among immigrant and U.S.-born Asian Americans: Results from the National
Latino and Asian American study. American Journal of Public Health, 97 (1),
91-98.

Abreu, J.M., Ramirez, E., Kim, B.S.K., & Haddy, C. (2003). Automatic activation of
yellow peril Asian American stereotypes: Effects on social impression
formation. Journal of Social Psychology, 143 (6), 691-706.

Addis, M.E., & Mahalik, J.R. (2003). Men, masculinity, and the contexts of help
seeking. American Psychologist, 58 (1), 5-14.

Ang, R.P., Lim, K.M., Tan, A.G., & Yau, T.Y. (2004). Effects of gender and sex role
orientation on help-seeking attitudes. Current Psychology: Developmental,
Learning, Personality, Social, 23 (3), 203-214.

Atkinson, D.R. (2004). Counseling American minorities (6
th
ed.). Boston: McGraw-
Hill.

Atkinson, D.R., Lowe, S., & Matthews, L. (1995). Asian-American acculturation,
gender, and willingness to seek counseling. Journal of Multicultural
Counseling and Development, 23 (3), 130-148.

Atkinson, D.R., & Gim, R.H. (1989). Asian-American cultural identity and attitudes
toward mental health services. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 36 (2), 209-
212.

Berger, J.M., Levant, R., McMillan, K.K., Kelleher, W., & Sellers, A. (2005). Impact
of gender role conflict, traditional masculinity ideology, alexithymia, and age
on men’s attitudes toward psychological help-seeking. Psychology of Men &
Masculinity, 6 (1), 73-78.

Berry, J.W. (1980). Social and cultural change. In H.C. Triandis, & R.W. Brislin
(Eds.), Handbook of cross-cultural psychology: Social psychology (vol. 5, pp.
211-279). Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

97

Berry, J.W. (1990). Psychology of acculturation. In J. Berman (Ed.), Nebraska
Symposium on Motivation, 1989: Cross-cultural perspectives (pp. 201-234).
Lincoln, NE: Nebraska University Press.

Berry, J.W. (1994). Acculturation and psychological adaptation: An overview. In A.
Bouvy, F. Van de Vijer, P. Boski, & P. Schmitz (Eds.), Journeys into cross-
cultural psychology (pp. 129-141). Lisse, Netherlands: Swets and Zeitlinger.

Berry, J.W. (2003). Conceptual approaches to acculturation. In K.M. Chun, P.B.
Organista, & G. Marin (Eds.), Acculturation: Advances in theory,
measurement, and applied research (pp. 17-37). Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.

Berry, J.W., Kim, U., Power, S., Young, M., & Bujaki, M. (1989). Acculturation
attitudes in plural societies. Applied Psychology, 38 (2), 185-206.

Berry, J.W., & Sam, D.L. (1997). Acculturation and adaptation. In J.W. Berry, M.H.
Segall, & C. Kagicibaci (Eds.), Handbook of cross-cultural psychology (vol.
31, pp. 291-326). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Blazina, C., Watkins, C.E. (1996). Masculine gender role conflict: Effects on college
men’s psychological well-being, chemical substance usage, and attitudes
towards help-seeking. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 43 (4), 461-465.

Bourhis, R.Y., Moise, L.C., Perreault, S., & Senecal, S. (1997). Towards an
interactive acculturation model: A social psychological approach.
International Journal of Psychology, 32 (6), 369-386.

Brannon, R., & Juni, S. (1984). A scale for measuring attitudes about masculinity.
Psychological Documents, 14 (1), 2612.

Bui, K.T., & Takeuchi, D.T. (1992). Ethnic minority adolescents and the use of
community mental health care services. American Journal of Community
Psychology, 20 (4), 403-418.

Bussey, K., & Bandura, A. (1999). Social cognitive theory of gender development
and differentiation. Psychological Review, 106 (4), 676-713.

Canales, G. (2000). Gender as subculture: The first division of multicultural diversity.
In I. Cuellar, & F.A. Paniagua (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural mental
health (pp. 63-77). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.

Casas, J.M., & Pytluk, S.D. (1995). Hispanic identity development: Implications for
research and practice. In J.G. Ponterotto, J.M. Casas, L.A. Suzuki, & C.M.
Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (pp. 155-180).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
98

Chan, J.W. (2000). Bruce Lee’s fictional models of masculinity. Men and
Masculinities, 2 (4) 371-387.

Chang, T., & Chang, R. (2004). Counseling and the Internet: Asian American and
Asian international college students’ attitudes toward seeking online
professional psychological help. Journal of College Counseling, 7 (2), 140-
149.

Chang, C.Y., & Myers, J.E. (1997). Understanding and counseling Korean
Americans: Implications for training. Counselor Education and Supervision,
37 (1), 35-49.

Cheung, F.K., & Snowden, L.R. (1990). Community mental health and ethnic
minority populations. Community Mental Health Journal, 26 (3), 403-418.

Chua, P., & Fujino, D.C. (1999). Negotiating new Asian-American masculinities:
Attitudes and gender expectations. Journal of Men’s Studies, 7 (3), 391-413.

Chung, R.H.G. (2001). Gender, ethnicity, and acculturation in intergenerational
conflict of Asian American college students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic
Minority Psychology, 7 (4), 376-386.

Chung, R.H.G., Kim, B.S.K., & Abreu, J.M. (2004). Asian American
Multidimensional Acculturation Scale: Development, factor analysis,
reliability, and validity. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology,
10 (1), 66-80.

Connell, R.W. (1997). Gender politics for men. International Journal of Sociology
and Social Policy, 17 (1-2), 62-77.

Cournoyer, R.J., & Mahalik, J.R. (1995). Cross-sectional study of gender role conflict
examining college-aged and middle-aged men. Journal of Counseling
Psychology, 42, 11-19.

Courtenay, W.H. (2000). Constructions of masculinity and their influence on men’s
well-being: A theory of gender and health. Social Science and Medicine, 50
(10), 1385-1401.

Crawford, M., & Unger, R. (2004). Women and gender: A feminist psychology (4
th

ed.). Boston: McGraw-Hill.

Crystal, D. (1989). Asian Americans and the myth of the model minority. Social
Casework: The Journal of Contemporary Social Work, 70 (7), 405-413.

99

Davies, J., McCrae, B.P., Frank, J., Dochnahl, A., Pickering, T., Harrison, B.,
Zakrzewski, M., Wilson, K. (2000). Identifying male college students’
perceived health needs, barriers to seeking help, and recommendations to help
men adopt healthier lifestyles. Journal of American College Health, 48 (6),
259-267.

Deane, F.P., & Chamberlain, K. (1994). Treatment fearfulness and distress as
predictors of professional psychological help-seeking. British Journal of
Guidance and Counselling, 22 (2), 207-217.

Dearing, R.L., Maddux, J.E., & Tangney, J.P. (2005). Predictors of psychological
help seeking in clinical and counseling psychology graduate students.
Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 36 (3), 323-329.

Descutner, C.J., & Thelen, M.H. (1991). Development and validation of a fear-of-
intimacy scale. Psychological Assessment: A Journal of Clinical and
Consulting Psychology, 3 (2), 218-225.

Dohrenwend, B., & Smith, R.J. (1962). Toward a theory of acculturation.
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 18, 30-39.

Eisler, R.M. (1995). The relationship between masculine gender role stress and men’s
health risk: The validation of a construct. In R.F. Levant, & W.S. Pollack
(Eds.), A new psychology of men (pp. 207-225). New York: Basic Books.

Eisler, R.M., & Blalock, J.A. (1991). Masculine gender role stress: Implications for
the assessment of men. Clinical Psychology Review, 11 (1), 45-60.

Elhai, J.D., Schweinle, W., & Anderson, S.M. (2008). Reliability and validity of the
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale-Short Form.
Psychiatry Research, 159 (3), 320-329.

Enns, C.Z. (2008). Toward a complexity paradigm for understanding gender role
conflict. The Counseling Psychologist, 36 (3), 446-454.

Espiritu, Y.L. (1992). Asian American panethnicity: Bridging institutions and
identities. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.

Espiritu, Y.L. (1997). Asian American women and men. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications.

Fischer, E.H., & Farina, A. (1995). Attitudes toward seeking professional
psychological help: A shortened form and considerations for research. Journal
of College Student Development, 36 (4), 368-373.

100

Fischer, E.H., & Turner, J.L. (1970). Orientations to seeking professional help:
Development and research utility of an attitude scale. Journal of Consulting
and Clinical Psychology, 35 (1), 79-90.

Garnets, L., & Pleck, J.H. (1979). Sex role identity, androgyny, and sex role
transcendence: A sex role strain analysis. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 3
(3), 270-283.
Gim, R.H., Atkinson, D.R., & Kim, S.J. (1991). Asian-American acculturation,
counselor ethnicity and cultural sensitivity, and ratings of counselors. Journal
of Counseling Psychology, 38 (1), 57-62.

Gim, R.H., Atkinson, D.R., & Whiteley, S. (1990). Asian-American acculturation,
severity of concerns, and willingness to see a counselor. Journal of
Counseling Psychology, 37 (3), 281-285.

Gloria, A.M., Hird, J.S., & Navarro, R.L. (2001). Relationships of cultural congruity
and perceptions of the university environment to help-seeking attitudes by
sociorace and gender. Journal of College Student Development, 42 (6), 545-
562.

Good, G.E., & Mintz, L.B. (1990). Gender role conflict and depression in college
men: Evidence for compounded risk. Journal of Counseling and
Development, 69 (1), 17-21.

Good, G.E., Robertson, J.M., O’Neil, J.M., Fitzgerald, L.F., Stevens, M., DeBord,
K.A., Bartels, K.M., & Braverman, D.G. (1995). Male gender role conflict:
Psychometric issues and relations to psychological distress. Journal of
Counseling Psychology, 42 (1), 3-10.

Good, G.E., Wallace, D.L., & Borst, T.S. (1994). Masculinity research: A review and
critique. Applied & Preventive Psychology, 3 (1), 3-14.

Graves, T.D. (1967). Psychological acculturation in a tri-ethnic community.
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 23, 337-350.

Gudykunst, W.B., & Nishida, T. (1994). Bridging Japanese/North American
Differences. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Hayes, J.A., & Mahalik, J.R. (2000). Gender role conflict and psychological distress
in male counseling center clients. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 1 (2),
116-125.

Heppner, P.P., & Heppner, M.J. (2008). The gender role conflict literature: Fruits of
sustained commitment. The Counseling Psychologist, 36 (3), 445-461.

101

Husaini, B.A., Moore, S.T., & Cain, V.A. (1994). Psychiatric symptoms and help-
seeking behavior among the elderly: An analysis of racial and gender
differences. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 21 (3-4), 177-195.

Iwamasa, G.Y. (1997). Asian Americans. In S. Friedman (Ed.), Cultural issues in the
treatment of anxiety (pp. 99-129). New York: Guilford Publishers.

Johnson, M.L., Wall, T.L., Guanipa, C., Terry-Guyer, L., & Velasquez, R.J. (2002).
The psychometric properties of the Orthogonal Cultural Identification Scale in
Asian Americans. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 30
(3), 181-191.

Kang, S.M. (2006). Measure of acculturation, scale formats, and language
competence: Their implications for adjustment. Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology, 37 (6), 669-693.

Keefe, S.E. (1980). Acculturation and the extended family among urban Mexican
Americans (pp. 85-110). In A.M. Padilla (Ed.), Acculturation: Theory, models
and some new findings. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Kelly, A.E., & Achter, J.A. (1995). Self-concealment and attitudes toward counseling
in university students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 42 (1), 40-46.

Kessler, R.C., Berglund, P.A., Bruce, M.L., Koch, J.R., Laska, E.M., Leaf, P.J.,
Manderscheid, R.W., Rosenheck, R.A., Walters, E.E., & Wang, P.S. (2001).
The prevalence and correlates of untreated serious mental illness. Health
Services Research, 36 (6), 987-1007.

Kessler, R.C. McGonagle, K.A., Zhao, S., Nelson, C.B., Hughes, M., Eshleman, S.,
Wittchen, H.U., & Kendler, K.S. (1994). Lifetime and 12-month prevalence of
DSM-III-R psychiatric disorders in the United States. Results from the
National Comorbidity Survey. Archives of General Psychiatry, 51 (1), 8-19.

Kim, B.S.K. (2007a). Acculturation and enculturation. In F.T.L. Leong, A.G. Inman,
A. Ebreo, L. Yang, L. Kinoshita, & M. Fu (Eds.), Handbook of Asian
American Psychology (2
nd
ed., pp. 141-158). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publishers.

Kim, B.S.K. (2007b). Adherence to Asian and European American cultural values
and attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help among Asian
American college students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54 (4), 474-
480.

102

Kim, B.S.K., & Abreu, J.M. (2001). Acculturation measurement: Theory, current
instruments, and future directions. In J.G. Ponterotto, J.M. Casas, & L.A.
Suzuki (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (2
nd
ed., pp. 394-424).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Kim, B.S.K., & Atkinson, D.R.. (2002). Asian American client adherence to Asian
cultural values, counselor expression of cultural values, counselor ethnicity,
and career counseling process. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 49 (1), 3-
13.

Kim, B.S.K., Atkinson, D.R., & Yang, P.H. (1999). The Asian Values Scale:
Development, factor analysis, validation, and reliability. Journal of
Counseling Psychology, 46 (3), 342-352.

Kim, B.S.K., Li, L.C., & Ng., G.F. (2005). The Asian American Values Scale-
Multidimensional: Development, reliability, and validity. Cultural Diversity
and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 11 (3), 187-201.

Kim, B.S.K., & Omizo, M.M. (2003). Asian cultural values, attitudes toward seeking
professional psychological help, and willingness to see a counselor. The
Counseling Psychologist, 31 (3), 343-361.

Kim, B.S.K., & Omizo, M.M (2006). Behavioral acculturation and enculturation and
psychological functioning among Asian American college students. Cultural
Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 12 (2), 245-258.

Kim, E.J., O’Neil, J.M., & Owen, S.V. (1996). Asian-American men’s acculturation
and gender role conflict. Psychological Reports, 79 (1), 95-104.

Kimmel, M. (1996). Manhood in America: A cultural history. New York: Free Press.

Komiya, N., Good, G.E., & Sherrod, N.B. (2000). Emotional openness as a predictor
of college students’ attitudes toward seeking psychological help. Journal of
Counseling Psychology, 47 (1), 138-143.

Kuo, B.C.H., Kwantes, C.T., Towson, S., & Nanson, K.M. (2006). Social beliefs as
determinants of attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help
among ethnically diverse university students. Canadian Journal of
Counselling, 40 (4), 224-241.

Kupers, T.A. (2005). Toxic masculinity as a barrier to mental health treatment in
prison. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 61 (6), 713-724.

Leafgren, F. (1990). Men on a journey. In D. Moore, & F. Leafgren (Eds.), Problem
solving strategies and interventions for men in conflict (pp. 3-10). Alexandria,
VA: American Association for Counseling and Development Press.
103

Leong, F.T.L., & Lau, A.S.L. (2001). Barriers to providing effective mental health
services to Asian Americans. Mental Health Services, Research, 3 (4), 201-
214.

Leong, F.T.L., Wagner, N.S., & Tata, S.P. (1995). Racial and ethnic variations in
help-seeking attitudes. In J.G. Ponterotto, J.M. Casas, L.A. Suzuki, & C.M.
Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (pp. 415-438).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Leong, F.T.L., & Zachar, P. (1999). Gender and opinions about mental illness as
predictors of attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help. British
Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 27 (1), 123-132.

Levant, R.F. (1996). A new psychology of men. Professional Psychology: Research
and Practice, 27, 259-265.

Lin, J.H. (1998). Descriptive characteristics and length of psychotherapy of Chinese
American clients seen in private practice. Professional Psychology: Research
and Practice, 29 (6), 571-573.

Lin, K.M., & Cheung, F. (1999). Mental health issues for Asian Americans.
Psychiatric Services, 50 (6), 774-780.

Liu, W.M. (2002). Exploring the lives of Asian American men: Racial identity, male
role norms, gender role conflict, and prejudicial attitudes. Psychology of Men
& Masculinity, 3 (2), 107-118.

Liu, W.M., & Iwamoto, D.K. (2006). Asian American men’s gender role conflict:
The role of Asian values, self-esteem, and psychological distress. Psychology
of Men & Masculinity, 3 (7), 153-164.

Liu, W.M., Rochlen, A., & Mohr, J.J. (2005). Real and ideal gender role conflict:
Exploring psychological distress among men. Psychology of Men &
Masculinity, 6 (2), 137-148.

Mackenzie, C.S., Gekoski, W.L., & Knox, V.J. (2006). Age, gender, and the
underutilization of mental health services: The influence of help-seeking
attitudes. Aging and Mental Health, 10 (6), 574-582.

Magovcevic, M., & Addis, M.E. (2005). Linking gender role conflict to nonnormative
and self-stigmatizing perceptions of alcohol abuse and depression. Psychology
of Men & Masculinity, 6 (2), 237-136.

Mahalik, J.R., Good, G.E., & Englar-Carlson, M. (2003). Masculinity scripts,
presenting concerns, and help seeking: Implications for practice and training.
Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 34 (2), 123-131.
104

Mahalik, J.R., Locke, B.D., Theodore, H., Cournoyer, R.J., & Lloyd, B.F. (2001). A
cross-national and cross-sectional comparison of men’s gender role conflict
and its relationship to social intimacy and self-esteem. Sex Roles, 45 (1-2), 1-
14.

Mallinckrodt, B., Shigeoka, S., & Suzuki, L.A. (2005). Asian and Pacific Island
American students’ acculturation and etiology beliefs about typical counseling
presenting problems. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 11
(3), 228-238.

Mansfield, A.K., Addis, M.E., Mahalik, J.R. (2003). “Why won’t he go to the
doctor?”: The psychology of men’s help seeking. International Journal of
Men’s Health, 2 (2), 93-109.

Matsuoka, J.K., Breaux, C., & Ryujin, D.H. (1997). National utilization of mental
health services by Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders. Journal of Community
Psychology, 25 (2), 141-145.

McCarthy, J., & Holliday, E.L. (2004). Help-seeking and counseling within a
traditional male gender role: An examination from a multicultural perspective.
Journal of Counseling and Development, 82 (1), 25-30.

Moller-Leimkuhler, A.M. (2002). Barriers to help-seeking by men: A review of
sociocultural and clinical literature with particular reference to depression.
Journal of Affective Disorders, 71 (1-3), 1-9.

Moradi, B., Tokar, D.M., Schaub, M., Jome, L.M., & Serna, G.S. (2000). Revisiting
the structural validity of the Gender Role Conflict Scale. Psychology of Men
& Masculinity, 1 (1), 62-69.

Murray, C.J.L., & Lopez, A.D. (Eds.). (1996). The global burden of disease: A
comprehensive assessment of mortality and disability from disease, injuries,
and risk factors in 1990 projected to 2010. Cambridge, MA: Published by the
Harvard School of Public Health on behalf of the World Health Organization
and the World Bank, Harvard University Press.

Narikiyo, T.A., & Kameoka, V.A. (1992). Attributions of mental illness and
judgments about help seeking among Japanese-American and White
American students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 39 (3), 363-369.

Oetting, E.R., & Beauvais, F. (1990-1991). Orthogonal cultural identification theory:
The cultural identification of minority adolescents. The International Journal
of the Addictions, 25 (5-A-6-A), 655-685.

105

Okazaki, S. (1997). Sources of ethnic differences between Asian American and White
American college students on measures of depression and social anxiety.
Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 106 (1), 52-60.

Okazaki, S., (2000). Treatment delay among Asian-American patients with severe
mental illness. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 70 (1), 58-64.

O’Neil, J.M. (1981). Patterns of gender role conflict and strain: Sexism and fear of
femininity in men’s lives. The Personnel and Guidance Journal, 60, 203-210.

O’Neil, J.M. (1982). Gender role conflict and strain in men’s lives: Implications for
psychiatrists, psychologists, and other human service providers. In K.
Solomon, & N. Levy (Eds.), Men in transition: Theory and therapy. New
York: Plenum Publishing Company.

O’Neil, J.M. (1990). Assessing men’s gender role conflict. In D. Moore, & F.
Leafgren (Eds.), Problem solving strategies and interventions for men in
conflict (pp. 23-38). Alexandria, VA: American Association for Counseling
and Development Press.

O’Neil, J.M. (2008). Summarizing 25 years of research on men’s gender role conflict
using the Gender Role Conflict Scale: New research paradigms and clinical
implications. The Counseling Psychologist, 36 (3), 358-445.

O’Neil, J.M., Good, G.E., & Holmes, S. (1995). Fifteen years of theory and research
on men’s gender role conflict: New paradigms for empirical research. In R.
Levant & W. Pollack (Eds.), The new psychology of men. New York: Basic
Books.

O’Neil, J.M., Helms, B.J., Gable, R.K., David, L., & Wrightsman, L.S. (1986). The
gender role conflict scale: College men’s fear of femininity. Sex Roles, 14 (5-
6), 335-350.

Pederson, E.L., & Vogel, D.L. (2007). Male gender role conflict and willingness to
seek counseling: Testing a mediation model on college-aged men. Journal of
Counseling Psychology, 54 (4), 373-384.

Phinney, J.S. (1990). Ethnic identity in adolescents and adults: Review of research.
Psychological Bulletin, 108 (3), 499-514.

Phinney, J.S., & Flores, J. (2002). “Unpacking acculturation: Aspects of acculturation
as predictors of traditional sex role attitudes.” Journal of Cross-Cultural
Psychology, 33 (3), 320-331.

Pleck, J.H. (1976). The male sex role: Definitions, problems, and sources of change.
Journal of Social Issues, 32 (3), 155-164.

106

Pleck, J.H. (1981). The myth of masculinity. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Pleck, J.H. (1995). The gender role strain paradigm: An update. In R.F. Levant, &
W.S. Pollack (Eds.), A new psychology of men (pp. 11-32). New York: Basic
Books.

Pollack, W.S., & Levant, R.F. (1998). New psychotherapy for men. New York:
Wiley.

Radloff, L.S. (1977). The CES-D Scale: A self-report depression scale for research in
the general population. Applied Psychological Measurement, 1 (3), 149-152.

Redfield, R., Linton, R., & Herskovitz, M.J. (1936). Memorandum for the study of
acculturation. American Anthropologist, 38 (1), 149-152.

Regier, D.A., Narrow, W.E., Rae, D.S., Manderscheid, R.W., Locke, B.Z., &
Goodwin, F.K. (1993). The de facto U.S. mental and addictive disorders
service system: Epidemiologic Catchment Area prospective 1-year prevalence
rates of disorders and services. Archives of General Psychiatry, 50 (2), 85-94.

Rickwood, D.J., & Braithwaite, V.A. (1994). Social psychological factors affecting
help-seeking for emotional problems. Social Science and Medicine, 39 (4),
563-572.

Robertson, J.M., & Fitzgerald, L.F. (1992). Overcoming the masculine mystique:
Preferences for alternative forms of assistance among men who avoid
counseling. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 39 (2), 240-246.

Rochlen, A.B., Whilde, M.R., & Hoyer, W.D. (2005). The Real Men, Real
Depression campaign: Overview, Theoretical Implications, and Research
Considerations. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 6 (3), 186-194.

Root, M.P.P. (1998). Facilitating psychotherapy with Asian American clients. In D.R.
Atkinson, G. Morten, & D.W. Sue (Eds.), Counseling American minorities
(5
th
ed., pp. 214-234). New York: McGraw Hill.

Rosenberg, M. (1965). Society and the adolescent self-image. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press.

Rule, W.R., & Gandy, G.L. (1994). A thirteen-year comparison in patterns of
attitudes toward counseling. Adolescence, 29 (115), 575-589.

Rumbaut, R.G. (1994). The crucible within: Ethnic identity, self-esteem, and
segmented assimilation among children of immigrants. International
Migration Review, 28 (4), 748-794.

107

Ryder, A., Alden, L., & Paulhus, D. (2000). Is acculturation unidimensional or
bidimensional? A head-to-head comparison in the prediction of personality,
self-identity, and adjustment. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology¸79 (1), 49-65.

Sharpe, M.J., & Heppner, P.P. (1991). Gender role, gender-role conflict, and
psychological well-being in men. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 38 (3),
323-330.

Schaub, M., & Wiliams, C. (2007). Examining the relations between masculine
gender role conflict and men’s expectations about counseling. Psychology of
Men & Masculinity, 8 (1), 40-52.

Shek, Y.L. (2006). Asian American masculinity: A review of the literature. The
Journal of Men’s Studies, 14 (3), 379-391.

Sheu, H.B., & Sedlacek, W.E. (2004). An exploratory study of help-seeking attitudes
and coping strategies among college students by race and gender.
Measurement and Evaluation in Counseling and Development, 37 (3), 130-
143.

Solberg, V.S., Ritsma, S., Davis, B.J., Tata, S.P., & Jolly, A. (1994). Asian-American
students’ severity of problems and willingness to seek help from university
counseling centers: Role of previous counseling experience, gender, and
ethnicity. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 41 (3), 275-279.

Suan, L.V., & Tyler, J.D. (1990). Mental health values and preference for mental
health resources of Japanese-American and Caucasian-American students.
Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 21 (4), 291-294.

Sue, D.W. (1994). Asian-American mental health and help-seeking behavior:
Comment on Solberg et al. (1994), Tata and Leong (1994), and Lin (1994).
Journal of Counseling Psychology, 41 (3), 292-295.

Sue, D. (2001). Asian American masculinity and therapy: The concept of masculinity
in Asian American males. In G. Brooks, G. Good (Eds.), The new handbook
of psychotherapy and counseling with men (Vol. 2, pp. 780-795). San
Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Sue, S. (1993). The changing Asian American population: Mental health policy. In
LEAP Asian Pacific American Public Policy Institute and UCLA Asian
American Studies Center (Eds.), The state of Asian Pacific America (pp. 79-
94). Los Angeles, CA: LEAP Asian Pacific American Public Policy Institute
and UCLA Asian American Studies Center.

108

Sue, S. (1999). Asian American mental health: What we know and what we don’t
know. In W.J. Lonner, D.L. Dinnel, D.K. Forgays, & S.A. Hayes (Eds.),
Merging past, present, and future in cross-cultural psychology (pp. 82-89).
Lisse, The Netherlands: Swets & Zeitlinger Publishers.
Sue, S., Nakamura, C.Y., Chung, R.C., & Yee-Bradbury, C. (1994). Mental health
research on Asian Americans. Journal of Community Psychology, 22 (2), 61-
68.

Sue, S., Sue, D.W., Sue, L., & Takeuchi, D.T. (1995). Psychopathology among Asian
Americans: A model minority? Cultural Diversity and Mental Health, 1 (1),
39-51.

Sue, S., Zane, N., & Young, K. (1994). Research on psychotherapy with culturally
diverse populations. In A. Bergin & S. Garfield (Eds.), Handbook of
psychotherapy and behavior change (4
th
ed., pp. 783-817). New York: Wiley.

Suinn R.M., Rickard-Figueroa, K., Lew, S., & Vigil, P. (1987). The Suinn-Lew Asian
Self-Identity Acculturation Scale: An initial report. Educational and
Psychological Measurement, 47 (2), 401-407.

Sullivan, K.T., Ramos-Sanchez, L., & McIver, S.D. (2007). Predicting the use of
campus counseling services for Asian/Pacific Islander, Latino/Hispanic, and
White students: Problem severity, gender, and generational status. Journal of
College Counseling, 10 (2), 103-116.

Szapocznik, J., & Kurtines, W. (1980). Acculturation, biculturalism, and adjustment
among Cuban-Americans. In A.M. Padilla (Ed.), Psychological dimensions on
the acculturation process: Theory, models, and some new findings (pp. 139-
159). Boulder, CO: Westview.

Tata, S.P., & Leong, F.T.L. (1994). Individualism-collectivism, social-network
orientation, and acculturation as predictors of attitudes toward seeking
professional psychological help among Chinese Americans. Journal of
Counseling Psychology, 41 (3), 280-287.

Tijhuis, M.A.R., Peters, L., & Foets, M. (1990). An orientation toward help-seeking
for emotional problems. Social Science and Medicine, 31 (9), 989-995.

Timlin-Scalera, R.M., Ponterotto, J.G., Blumberg, F.C., & Jackson, M.A. (2003). A
grounded theory study of help-seeking behaviors among White male high
school students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 50 (3), 339-350.

Triandis, H.C. (1995). Individualism and collectivism. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

109

Trimble, J.E. (2003). Introduction: Social change and acculturation. In K.M. Chun,
P.B. Organista, & G. Marin (Eds.), Acculturation: Advances in theory,
measurement, and applied research (pp. 3-13). Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.

Uba, L. (1994). Asian Americans: Personality patterns, identity, and mental health.
New York: Guilford Press.
Unger, R.K. (1979). Toward a redefinition of sex and gender. American Psychologist,
34 (11), 1085-1094.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1999). Mental health: A report of
the Surgeon General. Rockville, MD: USDHH, SAMHSA, Center for Mental
Health Services.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2001). Mental health: Culture, race,
and ethnicity – A supplement to mental health: A report of the Surgeon
General. Rockville, MD: USDHH, SAMHSA, Center for Mental Health
Services.
Vogel, D.L., Wester, S.R., Wei, M., & Boysen, G.A. (2005). The role of outcome
expectations and attitudes on decisions to seek professional help. Journal of
Counseling Psychology, 52 (4), 459-470.

Wade, J.C. (1996). African American men’s gender role conflict: The significance of
racial identity. Sex Roles, 34 (1-2), 17-33.

West. C., & Zimmerman, D.H. (1991). Doing gender. In J. Lorber, & S.A. Farrell
(Eds.), The social construction of gender (pp. 13-37). Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage Publications.

Wester, S.R. (2008). Male gender role conflict and multiculturalism: Implications for
counseling psychology. The Counseling Psychologist, 36 (2), 294-324.

Whorley, M.R., Addis, M.E. (2006). Ten years of psychological research on men and
masculinity in the United States: Dominant methodological trends. Sex Roles,
55, 649-658.

Wing, A.K. (Ed.). (2000). Global critical race feminism: An international reader.
New York: New York University Press.

Wisch, A.F., Mahalik, J.R., Hayes, J.A., & Nutt, E.A. (1995). The impact of gender
role conflict and counseling technique on psychological help seeking in men.
Sex Roles, 33 (1-2), 77-89.

World Health Organization (2001). The World Health Report 2000. Mental health:
New understanding, new hope. Geneva: World Health Organization.

110

Yamashiro, G., & Matsuoka, J.K. (1997). Help-seeking among Asian and Pacific
Americans: A multiperspective analysis. Social Work, 42 (2), 176-186.

Yang, L., & WonPat-Borja, A.J. (2007). Psychopathology among Asian Americans.
In F.T.L. Leong, A.G. Inman, A. Ebreo, L.H. Yang, L. Kinoshita, & M. Fu
(Eds.), Handbook of Asian American psychology (pp. 379-405). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Yeh, C.J. (2002). Taiwanese students’ gender, age, interdependent and independent
self-construal, and collective self-esteem as predictors of professional
psychological help-seeking attitudes. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority
Psychology, 8 (1), 19-29.

Yeh, C.J., McCabe, K., Hurlburt, M., Hough, R., Hazen, A., Culver, S., Garland, A.,
Landsverk, J. (2002). Referral sources, diagnoses, and service types of youth
in public outpatient mental health care: A focus on ethnic minorities. Journal
of Behavioral Health Services and Research, 29 (1), 45-60.

Yeh, M., McCabe, K., Hough, R.L., Dupuis, D., & Hazen, A. (2003). Racial/ethnic
differences in parental endorsement of barriers to mental health services for
youth. Mental Health Services Research, 5 (2), 65-77.

Ying, Y., Lee, P.A., Tsai, J.L. (2000). Cultural orientation and racial discrimination:
Predictors of coherence in Chinese American young adults. Journal of
Community Psychology, 28 (4), 427-442.

Yoon, E., & Jepsen, D.A. (2008). Expectations of and attitudes toward counseling: A
comparison of Asian international and U.S. graduate students. International
Journal for the Advancement of Counselling, 30 (2), 116-127.

Zane, N., & Mak, W. (2003). Major approaches to the measurement of acculturation
among ethnic minority populations: A content analysis and an alternative
empirical strategy. In K.M. Chun, P.B. Organista, & G. Marin (Eds.),
Acculturation: Advances in theory, measurement, and applied research (pp.
39-60). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Zhang, N., & Dixon, D.N. (2003). Acculturation and attitudes of Asian international
students toward seeking professional help. Journal of Multicultural
Counseling and Development, 31 (3), 205-222.

Zhang, A.Y., Snowden, L.R., & Sue, S. (1998). Differences between Asian and White
Americans’ help seeking and utilization patterns in the Los Angeles area.
Journal of Community Psychology, 26 (4), 317-326.
111

APPENDICES
Appendix A
Gender Role Conflict Scale (GRCS-I)
Instructions: Please choose the number that most closely represents the degree to
which you Agree or Disagree with each statement. There is no right or wrong answer
to each statement; your own reaction is what is asked for.

Strongly
Disagree
Moderately
Disagree
Mildly
Disagree
Mildly
Agree
Moderately
Agree
Strongly
Agree
1 2 3 4 5 6

1. Moving up the career ladder is important to me.
2. I have difficulty telling others I care about them.
3. Verbally expressing my love to another man is difficult for me.
4. I feel torn between my hectic work schedule and caring for my health.
5. Making money is part of my idea of being a successful man.
6. Strong emotions are difficult for me to understand.
7. Affection with other men make me tense.
8. I sometimes define my personal value by my career success.
9. Expressing feelings makes me feel open to attack by other people.
10. Expressing my emotions to other men is risky.
11. My career, job, or school affects the quality of my leisure or family life.
12. I evaluate other people’s value by their level of achievement and success.
13. Talking (about my feelings) during sexual relations is difficult for me.
14. I worry about failing and how it affects my doing well as a man.
15. I have difficulty expressing my emotional needs to my partner.
16. Men who touch other men make me uncomfortable.
17. Finding time to relax is difficult for me.
18. Doing well all the time is important tome.
19. I have difficulty expressing my tender feelings.
20. Hugging other men is difficult for me.
21. I often feel that I need to be in charge of those around me.
22. Telling others of my strong feelings is not part of my sexual behavior.
23. Competing with others is the best way to succeed.
24. Winning is a measure of my value and personal worth.
25. I often have trouble finding words that describe how I am feeling.
26. I am sometimes hesitant to show my affection to men because of how others
might perceive me.
27. My needs to work or study keep me from family or leisure more than I would like.
28. I strive to be more successful than others.
29. I do not like to show my emotions to other people.
30. Telling my partner my feelings about him/her during sex is difficult for me.
31. My work or school often disrupts other parts of my life (home, family, health,
112

leisure).
32. I am often concerned about how others evaluate my performance at work or
school.
33. Being very personal with other men makes me feel uncomfortable.
34. Being smarter or physically stronger than other men is important to me.
35. Men who are overly friendly to me, make me wonder about their sexual
preference (men or women).
36. Overwork and stress, caused by a need to achieve on the job or in school,
affects/hurts my life.
37. I like to feel superior to other people.

113

Appendix B
Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS)
Instructions: Use the scale below to answer the following questions. Please indicate
the number that best represents your view on each item. Please note that reference to
“Asian” hereafter refers to Asians in American and not Asia.

Not Very Well Somewhat Very Well
1 2 3 4 5 6

1. How well do you speak the language of:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. English?

2. How well do you understand the language of:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. English?

3. How well do you read and write in the language of:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. English?

4. How often do you listen to music or look at movies and magazines from:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

5. How much do you like the food of:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

6. How often do you eat the food of:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

7. How knowledgeable are you about the history of:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

114

8. How knowledgeable are you about the culture and traditions of:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

9. How much do you practice the traditions and keep the holidays of:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream culture?

10. How much do you identify with:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

11. How much do you feel you have in common with people from:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

12. How much do you interact with and associate with people from:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

13. How much would you like to interact and associate with people from:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

14. How proud are you to be part of:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?

15. How negative do you feel about people from:
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. other Asian groups in America?
c. the White mainstream groups?
115

Appendix C
Asian Values Scale (AVS)
Instructions: Using the scale, please choose the number that best represents your
opinion.
Strongly
Disagree
Moderately
Disagree
Mildly
Disagree
Neither
Agree Nor
Disagree
Mildly
Agree
Moderately
Agree
Strongly
Agree
1 2 3 4 5 6 6

1. One should not deviate from familial and social norms.
2. Following familial and social expectations is important.
3. One need not follow one’s family’s and the society’s norms.
4. One need not conform to one’s family’s and the society’s expectations.
5. The worst thing one can do is bring disgrace to one’s family reputation.
6. When one receives a gift, one should reciprocate with a gift of equal or greater
value.
7. One need not follow the role expectations (gender, family hierarchy) of one’s
family.
8. Family’s reputation is not the primary social concern.
9. Occupational failure does not bring shame to the family.
10. Educational failure does not bring shame to the family.
11. One need not achieve academically to make one’s parents proud.
12. The ability to control one’s emotions is a sign of strength.
13. Parental love should be implicitly understood and not openly expressed.
14. One should have sufficient inner resources to resolve emotional problems.
15. One should think about one’s group before oneself.
16. One should consider the needs of others before considering one’s own needs.
17. One’s achievements should be viewed as family’s achievements.
18. Modesty is an important quality for a person.
19. One should not be boastful.
20. One should be humble and modest.
21. One’s family need not be the main source of trust and dependence.
22. Children need not take care of their parents when the parents become unable to
take care of themselves.
23. Children should not place their parents in retirement homes.
24. Elders may not have more wisdom than younger persons.
25. Educational and career achievements need not be one’s top priority.
26. One need not be able to resolve psychological problems one one’s own.
27. One need not control one’s expression of emotions.
28. One need not focus all energies on one’s studies.
29. One need not minimize or depreciate one’s own achievements.
30. One need not remain reserved and tranquil.
116

31. One should avoid bringing displeasure to one’s ancestors.
32. One should be able to question a person in an authority position.
33. One should be discouraged from talking about one’s accomplishments.
34. One should not make waves.
35. One should not inconvenience others.
36. Younger persons should be able to confront their elders.

117

Appendix D
Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale-Short Form
(ATSPPH-SF)
Instructions: Please choose the number of the choice that best represents your level of
agreement with each statement.

Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree
0 1 2 3

1. If I believed I was having a mental breakdown, my first inclination would be to
get professional attention.
2. The idea of talking about problems with a psychologist strikes me as a poor way
to get rid of emotional conflicts.
3. If I were experiencing a serious emotional crisis at this point in my life, I would
be confident that I could find relief in psychotherapy.
4. There is something admirable in the attitude of a person who is willing to cope
with his or her conflicts and fears without resorting to professional help.
5. I would want to get psychological help if I were worried or upset for a long period
of time.
6. I might want to have psychological counseling in the future.
7. A person with an emotional problem is not likely to solve it alone; he or she is
likely to solve it with professional help.
8. Considering the time and expense involved in psychotherapy, it would have
doubtful value for a person like me.
9. A person should work out his or her own problems; getting psychological
counseling would be a last resort.
10. Personal and emotional troubles, like many things, tend to work out by
themselves.

118

Appendix E
Participant Demographic Questionnaire
1. How old are you?
a) 18 years old
b) 19 years old
c) 20 years old
d) 21 years old
e) 22 years old
f) 23 years old
g) 24 years old
h) 25 years old
i) 26 years old
j) 27 years old
k) 28 years old
l) 29 years old
m) 30 years old
n) 31 years old or older

2. Are you:
a) Male
b) Female

3. Which best describes your year in school?
a) Freshman
b) Sophomore
c) Junior
d) Senior
e) Graduate student (Master’s level)
f) Graduate student (Doctoral level)

4. What is your college major or academic program?
___________________________

5. What is your current GPA?
a) 4.0 – 3.5
b) 3.4 – 3.0
c) 2.9 – 2.5
d) 2.4-2.0
e) Less than 2.0

6. Are you in a fraternity?
a) Yes
b) No

119

7. Which best describes your sexual orientation?
a) Heterosexual
b) Gay
c) Bisexual
d) Questioning
e) Other (Please specify)

8. How many significant dating relationships have you had?

9. How many times have you been married?

10. How many times have you been divorced?

11. With whom do you currently live?
a) Live alone
b) Live with roommate(s)
c) Live with a significant other (in an intimate relationship)
d) Live with parent(s) or other family members

12. Are you currently employed?
a) Yes, part-time
b) Yes, full-time
c) No, I am not employed at this time

13. What is your total annual household income?
a) Under $10,000
b) $10,000 to $20,000
c) $20,001 to $30,000
d) $30,001 to $40,000
e) $40,001 to $50,000
f) $50,001 to $60,000
g) $60,001 to $70,000
h) $70,001 to $80,000
i) $80,001 to $90,000
j) $90,001 to $100,000
k) Over $100,000

14. What generation are you?
a) 1
st
generation (i.e., you were not born in the U.S.)
b) 2
nd
generation (i.e., at least one parent was born in the U.S.)
c) 3
rd
generation (i.e., at least one grandparent was born in the U.S.)
d) 4
th
generation (i.e., at least one great-grandparent was born in the U.S.)
e) above 4
th
generation

120

15. Have you ever been to counseling or any other type of psychological and mental
health services?
a) Yes
b) No

16. Are you currently receiving psychological counseling?
a) Yes
b) No

17. Are you familiar with the psychological counseling services available on campus?
a) Yes
b) No

18. Have you ever utilized the psychological counseling services on campus?
a) Yes
b) No

19. How did you hear about this survey?
a) Class announcement
b) Fliers/Advertisements on campus
c) Word of mouth through friends or acquaintances
d) Other (Please specify)

20. Which best describe(s) your racial background?
a) Caucasian/White
b) Asian American/Pacific Islander
c) Hispanic/Latino
d) Alaskan Native
e) African American/Black
f) Native American/American Indian
g) Other (Please specify)

21. Please indicate your specific ethnic background. Check all that apply.
a) Chinese
b) Korean
c) Japanese
d) Asian Indian
e) Cambodian
f) Filipino
g) Hmong
h) Vietnamese
i) Pakistani
j) Laotian
k) Thai
l) Other (Please specify)

121

Appendix F

Information and Instruction Sheet For
Faculty Classroom and Email Listserv Announcements
Dear USC Students,

You are being invited to participate in an online research survey about attitudes
toward seeking professional psychological help. If you are a male between the ages
of 18 and 30 and are currently enrolled as an undergraduate or graduate student at the
University of Southern California, you are eligible to participate in this study.

You will have the opportunity to enter a confidential raffle drawing in which you may
win one of ten $20 gift certificates for Amazon.com. To enter the drawing, you will
need to provide your name and e-mail address so that you can be contacted in the
event that you win. However, this identifying information will not be linked in any
way to your responses in the survey and will be stored in a separate electronic file.
Your name and e-mail address will not at any time be used for any purpose other than
to notify you if you have won a gift certificate in the drawing. The odds of winning a
gift card are approximately one-in-twenty. You do not need to complete the online
survey or participate in the research study in order to be eligible for the drawing.

If you have any questions, please contact Joanne Kim, M.S.Ed. at jyk@usc.edu or
Ruth Chung, Ph.D. at rchung@usc.edu before deciding whether or not to participate.
Your participation is entirely voluntary, and you can refuse to participate without
penalty or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. Your refusal will not
influence your current or future relationships with USC.

Please be assured that your participation in this study is entirely voluntary, and you
may withdraw your consent at any time. Your actual survey responses will not be
linked to your name, and will never be associated with you or any personally
identifiable information. Your survey will be assigned a random number, which
serve as the only identifier for purposes of record keeping. This random number will
not be linked to your name or any personally identifiable information about you. As a
result, your responses cannot be linked to your identity at any point in time.

You can access the study online at:

http://www.surveymonkey.com/s.asp?u=865742130453

The login page provides full information about the study and a consent form. You
will also find information about how to enter the raffle drawing. If you have
questions about the survey or have difficulty accessing the survey on the Web, please
contact Joanne Kim at jyk@usc.edu. Thank you!
122

Appendix G
Consent Form
Research Study: Men and Help-Seeking

Invitation to Participate: You are being asked to participate in a dissertation
research study on men’s attitudes regarding professional help-seeking. This
document provides you with information about the study. Please carefully read the
information below. The following information is provided to help you make an
informed decision about whether or not you wish to participate in this study. If you
have any questions, please contact Joanne Kim, M.S.Ed. at jyk@usc.edu or Ruth
Chung, Ph.D. at rchung@usc.edu before deciding whether or not to participate. Your
participation is entirely voluntary, and you can refuse to participate without penalty or
loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. Your refusal will not influence
your current or future relationships with USC.

Eligibility: You are eligible to participate in this study if you identify as a male of
Asian or Caucasian descent, are between 18 years to 30 years old, and are currently
enrolled as an undergraduate or graduate student at the University of Southern
California.

Explanation of Procedures: You will be asked to answer a series of questions about
yourself in this online survey. Depending on your responses, the survey may take
between 5 to 20 minutes to complete. The survey is anonymous, and if there are any
questions that you prefer not to answer, you may choose to skip them.

Assurance of Confidentiality and Anonymity: Your actual survey responses will
not be linked to your name, and will never be associated with you or any personally
identifiable information. If you consent to participate by clicking on the appropriate
button on the bottom of this page, your survey will be assigned a random number,
which serve as the only identifier for purposes of record keeping. This random
number will not be linked to your name or any personally identifiable information
about you. As a result, your responses cannot be linked to your identity at any point
in time. Identifying and contact information will be used only for those who wish to
participate in the optional raffle drawing to win a gift certificate. Responses to the
survey will not be connected to any identifying contact information you may provide.
All data will be stored on a secure server, a password-protected computer, and/or in a
locked file cabinet to further ensure confidentiality. For reporting purposes, your
responses to the survey will be grouped with the responses of other participants.

Potential Risks and Discomforts: The survey may ask you to think about yourself
in a way that may feel uncomfortable. If this happens, you may wish to take a break
and return to the survey at another time, or you may exit the survey permanently.
You can also call the USC Counseling Center at (213) 740-7711 to talk about any
distressing thoughts or feelings. There are no physical risks or other known risks
123

associated with participating in this study. While it is not possible to identify the
possible risks, all reasonable efforts have been taken to minimize any such potential
risks (e.g., through protecting your identity). If, however, you are injured during the
course of this study, no provisions have been made to provide treatment, medical
care, or payment for such injury.

Voluntary Participation and Withdrawal: If you wish to stop your participation in
this study, for any reason, you should click on the “Withdraw from Study” link
provided at the bottom of each survey page. You can withdraw your consent without
penalty.

Potential Benefits to Participant: The benefit you may experience from
participating in this study includes the opportunity to increase your self-awareness.
You also have the opportunity to enter a confidential raffle drawing in which you may
win one of ten $20 gift certificates for Amazon.com. To enter the drawing, you will
need to provide your name and e-mail address so that you can be contacted in the
event that you win. However, this identifying information will not be linked in any
way to your responses in the survey and will be stored in a separate electronic file.
Your name and e-mail address will not at any time be used for any purpose other than
to notify you if you have won a gift certificate in the drawing. The odds of winning a
gift card are approximately one-in-twenty. You do not need to complete the survey
or participate in the research study in order to be eligible for the drawing. Upon
completion of this study, ten individuals’ names will be randomly drawn to win a $20
Amazon.com gift certificate.

Rights of Research Participants: If you have any complaints, concerns, or
questions about this study, or your rights as a research participant, please contact the
USC University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for Research at (213) 740-6709
or upirb@usc.edu. You have been informed about your rights as a research
participant and this study’s purpose, procedures, and possible benefits and risks. You
are encouraged to print a copy of this page for your own records.

You may wish to print out this page for your own records before you proceed to the
next page.

You have been given the opportunity to ask questions before you consent, and you
have been informed that you can ask other questions at any point in time. If you have
read and understood the statements on the previous page, please click on the “I
Consent to Participate” button below to indicate your consent to participate in the
study. By clicking on the “I Consent to Participate” button below, you are not
waiving any of your legal rights.

(I Consent to Participate) (I Decline to Participate)

If you entered the raffle drawing and you are randomly chosen as a winner of a $20
gift certificate to Amazon.com, you will be contacted by e-mail.
124

If you have any further questions or comments, you may contact Joanne Kim,
M.S.Ed. at jyk@usc.edu or Ruth Chung, Ph.D. at rchung@usc.edu.
125

Appendix H
Entry for the Raffle
Participation in this study is not required to enter the raffle drawing. If you would
like to enter the confidential raffle drawing to win 1 of 10 available $20 Amazon.com
gift certificates, please enter your name and e-mail address where you would like to
be contacted in the event that you win a gift certificate. This information will not be
linked with your responses to the survey, should you choose to participate.

Name ____________________________
E-mail address _____________________

126

Abstract (if available)

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Sex-role orientation, gender role attitudes, and acculturation as predictors of psychological well-being

PDF

The role of acculturation in Asian Americans' attitudes towards domestic violence and of male privilege as a mediator in placing blame

PDF

The relationship of ethnicity, gender, acculturation, intergenerational relations, and sense of belonging in the institution to academic success among Asian American undergraduates

PDF

The relationship of model minority stereotype, Asian cultural values, and acculturation to goal orientation, academic self-efficacy, and academic achievement in Asian American college students

PDF

The relationship between student perceptions of parental expectations, utility value, aptitude and English achievement among Asian American high school students

PDF

Help, I need somebody: an examination of the role of model minority myth and goal orientations in Asian American college students' academic help-seeking practices

PDF

The graduate school experience: exploring help-seeking behaviors of female South Asian international graduate alumni after experiencing sexual harassment or sexual assault

PDF

Social norms intervention to promote help-seeking with depressed Asian and European Americans: A pilot study

PDF

Exploring the relationship between academic achievement and classroom behavior of Asian American elementary school students

PDF

The relationship between parenting styles, career decision self-efficacy, and career maturity of Asian American college students

Asset Metadata

Creator Kim, Joanne Young (author)

Core Title Relationship of gender role conflict and acculturation to willingness to seek psychological help among Asian American and European American men

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education (Counseling Psychology)

Publication Date 11/17/2008

Defense Date 10/13/2008

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag acculturation,Asian American,enculturation,gender role conflict,help-seeking attitudes,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Chung, Ruth, H. (committee chair), Goodyear, Rodney K. (committee member), Iwamura, Jane Naomi (committee member)

Creator Email joanneykim@gmail.com,jyk@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m1788

Unique identifier UC174200

Identifier etd-Kim-2480 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-133690 (legacy record id),usctheses-m1788 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Kim-2480.pdf

Dmrecord 133690

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Kim, Joanne Young

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu