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A Qualitative Phenomenological Study Examining the Influence of Political Climate on
African American Teachers’ Perceptions of Professional Experiences Within
Predominately White K–12 North Texas Suburban School Districts

Karen P. McNeil

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2023

© Copyright by Karen P. McNeil 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Karen P. McNeil certifies the approval of this Dissertation

David Cash
Alison Muraszewski
Christina Kishimoto, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv

Abstract
The issue of race is deeply ingrained in the societal structures of the United States. The landmark
Supreme Court case, Brown v. Board of Education (1954) was hailed as the end of legalized
racial segregation in American schools. However, in practice, the ruling resulted in thousands of
African American teachers losing their jobs. The purpose of this qualitative, phenomenological
study is to examine the perceptions and experiences of African American educators in
predominately White suburban school districts in North Texas. Using a phenomenological
approach, the present research project seeks a deeper understanding of how political climate
influences perceptions of career opportunities, professional relationships, and professional self-
efficacy among suburban African American educators. Twenty-four African American educators
across three North Texas suburban school districts completed a Likert-scale survey, reporting the
degree to which they agreed with statements involving the current political climate. Seven survey
participants also agreed to an extended 45–60 minute interview. Of the seven interview
participants, 100% believed that other African American educators chose not to participate in the
study out of fear of retribution by White employers and White colleagues. Study results revealed
that the current political climate has influenced African American educators’ perceptions of
career opportunities, professional relationships, and self-efficacy in North Texas.

v

Dedication
To all the brave African American educators who took a leap of faith and entrusted me with their
stories. I am humbled by your courage.

vi

Acknowledgements
I want to first thank my husband Aaron who has supported me throughout this journey.
To my dear friend Siobhan, thank you for being willing to proofread my drafts repeatedly. Thank
you, Elaine, for always answering my late night calls and for being my collegial sounding board.
You are invaluable.
Dr. Kishimoto, I could not have done this without you. Thank you for believing in me
when I doubted myself. Dr. Cash, as my first graduate school professor, you set the stage for my
success. Thank you for your positivity and willingness to be a part of my committee. Dr.
Muraszewski, you are one of the kindest, most sincere, individuals I have ever met. I learned so
much from your class. Thank you for always being in my corner and for being on my committee.
Becca, Kelly, Mike, and Matt: there are no words to express what you four mean to me.
You are and forever will be my Wolfpack. To my sons, let this be a lesson that no matter how
rough the road or how long the journey, hard work eventually pays off. I love you!

vii

Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 3
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 5
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 5
Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 6
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 7
Limitation and Delimitations .............................................................................................. 7
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 8
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 11
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ........................................................................................ 13
A Historical Review of the Influence of White Supremacy and Governmental
Laws on African American Experiences .......................................................................... 13
Demographic Trends Impacting Public Schools............................................................... 17
Diverse Political Representation and Race Relations ....................................................... 21
Congressional Polarization ............................................................................................... 29
Importance of Political Representation for African Americans ....................................... 31
Political Impact on Threats to African American Professional Experiences .................... 32
Lessons Learned in Higher Education .............................................................................. 35
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 36

viii

Summary of the Literature ................................................................................................ 39
Chapter Three: Statement of Problem........................................................................................... 41
Purpose of Study ............................................................................................................... 41
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 41
Selection of the Population ............................................................................................... 42
Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 43
Instrumentation and Protocols .......................................................................................... 44
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 45
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 46
Validity and Reliability ..................................................................................................... 47
Statement of Positionality ................................................................................................. 47
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 48
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 49
Participant Demographics ................................................................................................. 49
Thematic Data Coding ...................................................................................................... 53
Presentation of Findings ................................................................................................... 55
Findings............................................................................................................................. 55
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 79
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 81
Findings............................................................................................................................. 82
Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 91
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................... 92
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 93
Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 93
References ..................................................................................................................................... 95

ix

Appendix A: Survey Information/Consent Sheet ....................................................................... 120
Research Topic................................................................................................................ 120
Participant Letter Text .................................................................................................... 120
Appendix B: Research Study Survey .......................................................................................... 122
Survey Questionnaire ...................................................................................................... 122
Part I. Demographics ...................................................................................................... 122
Part II. Personal Politics and Political Climate ............................................................... 122
Part III. Career Advancement ......................................................................................... 122
Part IV. Professional Relationships ................................................................................ 124
Part V. Professional Beliefs ............................................................................................ 125
Appendix C: Online Interview Protocol and Volunteer Consent ............................................... 128
Researcher Introduction .................................................................................................. 128
Description of the Research ............................................................................................ 128
Risks and Benefits........................................................................................................... 129
How Results Will Be Used ............................................................................................. 130
Participant Rights ............................................................................................................ 130
Participant Verbal Consent ............................................................................................. 131
Participant Interview Transcription ................................................................................ 131
Appendix D: Interview Questions .............................................................................................. 132
Participant Background Information............................................................................... 132

x

List of Tables
Table 1: Study Participant Survey and Interview Selection Criteria ............................................ 42
Table 2: Study Participant Political Preferences ........................................................................... 50
Table 3: North Texas School District Survey Participants ........................................................... 51
Table 4: Interview Participant Demographics .............................................................................. 52
Table 5: Interview Participant Political Preferences ..................................................................... 52
Table 6: Interview Participant Employment Data ........................................................................ 53
Table 7: Opportunities for Career Advancement .......................................................................... 56
Table 8: Professional Changes Due to the Political Climate ........................................................ 65
Table 9: Threats to African American Professional Efficacy ....................................................... 74

xi

List of Figures
Figure 1: Bandura’s Four Sources of Self-Efficacy ...................................................................... 38
Figure 2: Qualitative Data Triangulation ...................................................................................... 46
Figure 3: Interview Theme and Subtheme Flowchart................................................................... 54

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
The purpose of this study is to examine North Texas K–12 African American educators’
perceptions of how their professional experiences are influenced by the current political climate
in predominately White suburban school districts (PWSSD). According to the Journal of Blacks
in Higher Education (2020), nationwide, African Americans account for 11% of teachers in large
urban school districts and only 5.5% of teachers in suburban school districts. However, there is a
growing trend of African Americans and other families of color moving to the suburbs. Tefera et
al. (2011) reported that the number of people of color in the United States. would continue to
rise, with the number of African Americans projected to grow nearly 2% by 2050. The number
of students of color in the United States will increase from 44% to 62%; meanwhile, the White
student population is projected to decline. The trend is likewise visible in Texas public schools.
In 2020, the number of Texas Hispanics, non-Hispanic Blacks, non-Hispanic Asians, and other
non-Hispanic groups increased statewide, while numbers of non-Hispanic Whites declined
across the state (Potter, 2020).
In May of 2021, the Texas Education Agency (TEA) issued a report indicating that 27%
of Texas public school students are White, while 57% of Texas public school teachers are White.
The disparity between White and African American educators within North Texas suburban
school districts is equally significant. According to the Texas Education Agency (2020), the
three largest predominantly White North Texas suburban school districts’ student bodies
averaged together is 40.7%, and the average African American student population was 12.7%.
However, 78.2% of educators within these same suburban districts are White, and 6.2% are
African American. These percentages are consistent with recent national data, reflecting that
80% of all K–12 teachers in U.S. schools are White (Taie & Goldring, 2020). When comparing

2

data on classroom teacher demographics to changing student demographics, it is clear the
teaching force does not reflect student diversity (Campoli, 2017). In a study conducted by the
Institute of Labor Economics (2018), Gershenson et al. highlighted the importance of African
American students having an African American teacher. According to their study, students who
had at least one Black teacher in Grades 3–5 were less likely to drop out of high school and more
likely to express interest in college. Black male students from low-income families exposed to at
least one Black teacher were most likely to express interest in college (Gershenson et al., 2018).
Indeed, just as important,
I want to suggest that there is something that may be even more important than Black
students having Black teachers, which is White students having Black teachers! White
students need to encounter Black people who are knowledgeable. What opportunities do
White students have to see and experience Black competence? (Ladson-Billings, 1995, as
cited in Moss, 2016, para. 29)
According to Moss (2016), Ladson-Billings raised a critical point. In the battle toward
true racial equality, White youth must be exposed to competent African American teachers to
shift the seats of knowledge and power from being seen as held by Whites only to being shared
by many. Campoli (2017) stated a teachers’ working conditions were a key component when
making career decisions. The American teaching force has become increasingly unstable, and the
United States is suffering teacher shortages. The problem lies not only in recruitment of teachers
but also in retention (Hales et al., 2018). Indeed, the current divisive political climate in
Congress, changes in the Department of Education, and negative comments by politicians, the
media, and social media have made teaching more difficult (Hales et al., 2018). These impacts
ripple across the educational system, with Stephenson and Huchting (2020) positing that “recent

3

changes to American policies and the divisive rhetoric from conservative and liberal politicians
have resulted in a challenging political climate linked to increased feelings of stress among
adults and youth” (p. 156). Teachers report that the stress created by the current political climate
manifests in fear, insecurity, increased bullying, harassment, and hate speech among students.
Such student behaviors make teaching more difficult (Stephenson & Huchting, 2020). Teachers
also report challenges around instruction on distinguishing fact-based news from fake news
without creating controversy in their classrooms (Stephenson & Huchting, 2020). Despite the
link to political rhetoric, teachers generally report feeling unsupported or are told not to engage
in political conversations with students. As a result, they do not feel comfortable addressing
issues based on politics in the classroom (Stephenson & Huchting, 2020). Research by
Stephenson and Huchting demonstrates the influence of a divisive political climate on K–12
students and teachers. However, there is currently no research investigating explicitly how the
political climate influences African American teachers’ experience while working in the current
school environment in PWSSD.
Background of the Problem
The history of race is deeply ingrained in the thoughts and actions of people living in the
United States. Race consistently emerges through a racialized reality that determines the
allocation of resources, access to opportunities, policies, and society’s beliefs. It continues to
shape U.S. societal climate, inseparable from an individual’s occupation (Lavalley & Johnson,
2020). American jurisprudence and law have played a part in fostering racial inequalities in
America (Winston et al., 2020, para.1). In the landmark Supreme Court case, Brown v. The
Board of Education (1954), segregation was declared unconstitutional; as a result, schools that
served Black students were closed, and their teachers (who were also Black) lost their jobs

4

(Terada, 2021). After the Brown decision, thousands of Black teachers and principals lost their
jobs. As White superintendents integrated schools, they refused to put Black educators in
positions of authority over White teachers or students (Will, 2021). The effects of losing
thousands of African American teachers have continued to reverberate throughout the decades
that followed the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision (Lutz, 2017). Today, African
American educators are acutely underrepresented in the K–12 workforce (Terada, 2021). As a
result, African American students often lack adult representation in their classroom
environments. Adequate representation is essential, as teachers of color can improve African
American students’ school experiences and contribute to improved academic outcomes for
African American students (Figlio, 2017). Unfortunately, many African American teachers do
not continue working in educational fields due to working conditions that leave them feeling
undervalued. In a case study by Dixon et al. (2019), African American teachers reported leaving
the profession due to an antagonistic work culture that made them feel unwelcome and/or
invisible. One individual in Dixson’s (2019) study stated,
In my experience, there is some implicit bias when it comes to contributing to ideas. I
share ideas, and they get shut down, but my White peers share the same idea, and it is
celebrated and implemented. It discourages me. Students also see this bias in the
classroom and tend to respond to White authority. (p. 9)
Prior research has explored how such experiences may negate African American teachers’
feelings of self-efficacy and their sense of belonging. Therefore, the present study will examine
North Texas K–12 African American educators’ perceptions of how their professional
experiences are influenced by the current political climate in PWSSDs.

5

Statement of the Problem
North Texas K–12 African American educators’ perceptions of how the current political
climate influences their opportunities for career advancement and professional relationships ⎯as
well as their perceptions of their professional self-efficacy within PWSSDs ⎯have yet to be
examined. According to Mabokela and Madsen (2003), African American educators in suburban
schools often deal with highly complex social dynamics. However, suburban districts often do
not understand that these social dynamics are often driven by national and state policies that may
bleed into the educational environment (Mabokela & Madsen, 2003). In a study conducted by
White et al. (2019), research participants were asked to consider the role of educational policies
in the underrepresentation of African American teachers in schools. Although study participants
agreed that African American teachers increase student academic achievement, they disagreed
about whether educational policies undermine African American teachers in public schools.
While there is plenty of scholarly literature focused on the role of educational policies in
the underrepresentation of African American educators in schools (e.g., White et al., 2019), no
studies examine the impacts of the current political climate on North Texas K–12 African
American educators’ in PWSSDs.
Purpose of the Study
The present study examined North Texas K–12 African American educators’ perceptions
of how their professional experiences are influenced by the current political climate in PWSSDs.
African American educators who participated were surveyed on the degree to which they agree
or disagree with the various professional experience questions. Survey results were
disaggregated and triangulated using a random sample of individual interviews selected from
survey participants.

6

Research Questions
The following research questions guided the present study:
1. How do African American educators perceive the political climate impacting their
opportunities for career advancement in PWSSD?
2. How have African American educators’ perceptions of their professional
relationships and attitudes changed because of a racialized political environment?
3. How does the political climate influence African American educators’ perceptions of
professional self-efficacy within PWSSD?
This study examined North Texas K −12 African American educators’ perceptions of how
their professional experiences are influenced by the current political climate in PWSSDs using
the theoretical frameworks of self-efficacy theory ⎯a component of social cognitive theory ⎯and
racial identity ⎯a component of critical race theory. Social cognitive theory states that through
the observations of others, individuals acquire knowledge, rules, beliefs, and attitudes.
Individuals learn from others what behaviors are considered appropriate and/or useful. They
understand the consequences associated with certain behaviors, and they act according to their
beliefs about their capabilities and the expected outcomes of their actions (Schunk, 2020). Self-
efficacy is a component of social cognitive theory that focuses on one’s belief in their capability
to do something (Schunk, 2020). According to Schunk (2020), self-efficacy is a critical
component in whether individuals feel as though they can bring about essential changes in their
lives. When individuals feel that others control their decisions, behaviors, and careers, they feel
less efficacious. This can also lead to a negative self-concept. Self-efficacy and self-concept play
a role in an individual’s concept of racial identity.

7

Critical race theory (CRT) asserts that race is a social construct, and that racism is not
merely the product of individual bias or prejudice; rather, it is embedded in legal systems and
policies (Sawchuk, 2021). Racial identity theory posits that people view the world according to
how they perceive themselves and others as racial beings (Thompson & Carter, 2013, p. xvi).
The term racial identity has been defined as an “attempt to balance racial group membership
needs and personal desires for positive relations with the larger society”(Arroyo & Zigler, 1995,
as cited by Neblett et al., 2016).
Significance of the Study
The present study contributes to educational research by investigating a phenomenon not
been previously explored. It provides insight into how the current political climate influences
African American educators’ experiences working in PWSSDs. It also elevates the voices of
African American teachers on a topic they may not otherwise feel comfortable discussing with
colleagues, campus administrators, or district-level administrators.
Limitation and Delimitations
This study has been limited to North Texas African American educators employed by
predominantly White suburban school districts. Other limiting factors may include the following:
● the amount of information districts share regarding identification of employees
● number of African American educators who choose to participate in the study
● number of male versus female participants
● number of participants who choose to complete the self-efficacy survey
● number of participants who choose to participate in interviews
Lastly, as an African American educator who is also an employee of a predominantly White
suburban school district, my experiences, positionality, and epistemological assumptions may be

8

a limitation, as they may unintentionally expose unconscious biases or cause me to become
sympathetic to information being shared during data collection.
Conversely, a delimitation is that the present research focuses solely on African
American educators, excluding other minority educator groups. Other delimitations within this
study include the following:
● chosen methodological framework (i.e., qualitative)
● population demographic being studied
● interview location
● articipant exclusion criteria
● focus of the research problem and questions
● chosen theoretical framework and perspective
Delimitations provide boundaries that aid the study design.
Definition of Terms
• Axial coding is a qualitative research technique that involves relating data together in
order to reveal codes, categories, and subcategories grounded within participants’
voices within one’s collected data (Simmons, 2017).
• Brown v. The Board of Education is the U.S. Supreme Court case in which the Court
ruled unanimously that racial segregation in public schools violated the teenth
Amendment to the Constitution. The Court stated that separate educational facilities
for White and African American students were inherently unequal (Duignan, 2021).
• Critical race theory asserts that race a social construct, and racism is not merely the
product of individual bias or prejudice, but is embedded in legal systems and policies
(Sawchuk, 2021).

9

• Descriptive representation is representation characterized by a shared characteristic
with constituents (Stout et al., 2021).
• Double consciousness refers to the way that African Americans must look at
themselves through the eyes of others, while simultaneously attempting to self-define
(Acuff, 2018, p. 174).
• Epistemological assumptions reflect an individual’s beliefs about the nature of
knowledge that influence the way they interact with and relate to their environment
(Darwin Holmes, 2020).
• Inclusivity is the practice or policy of providing equal access to opportunities and
resources for people who might otherwise be excluded or marginalized (Oxford
Dictionary, n.d.).
• Inter-rater reliability is the extent to which two or more raters, observers, coders, or
examiners agree (Lange, 2011).
• Member checking is the method of returning an interview or analyzed data to a
participant and is used to validate, verify, or assess the trustworthiness of qualitative
results (Birt et al., 2016).
• Microaggressions are comments or actions that subtly, unconsciously, and/or
unintentionally express a prejudiced attitude toward a member of a marginalized
group, such as a racial minority (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).
• Open coding is a qualitative data-analysis practice that includes labeling concepts,
and defining and developing categories based on their properties and dimensions
(Khandkar, n.d.).

10

• Phenomenological studies focus on participant experiences of a phenomenon
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
• Positionality describes an individual’s worldview and the position they adopt about a
research task and its social and political context (Foote & Bartell, 2011, as cited by
Darwin Holmes, 2020).
• Professional self-efficacy reflects an individual’s ability to control forces that affect
job satisfaction (Bargsted et al., 2019).
• Racial identity attempts to balance racial group membership needs and personal
desires for positive relations with the larger society (Arroyo & Zigler, 1995, as cited
by Neblett et al., 2016).
• Racial identity theory posits that people view the world according to how they
perceive themselves and others as racial beings (Thompson & Carter, 2013, p. xvi).
• Racial microaggressions are brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or
environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate
hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color (Sue
et al., 2007, p. 271).
• Racialization categorizes or divides according to race (Oxford Lexico, n.d.).
• Self-concept reflects the self-perception formed through experiences with and
interpretations of the environment which heavily depends on the reinforcements and
evaluations provided by significant others’ (Schunk, 2020, p. 151).
• Self-efficacy focuses on one’s belief in their capability to do something (Schunk,
2020).

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• Self-efficacy theory suggests that the initiation of and persistence of behaviors and
courses of action are determined primarily by judgments and expectations concerning
behavioral skills and capabilities, and the likelihood of being able to successfully
cope with environmental demands and challenges (Maddux, 2013, p. 4).
• Sense of belonging is the extent to which an individual feels socially connected,
respected, accepted, supported, and included by other people in various social
contexts (Baumeister & Leary, 1995, as cited by Pesonen et al., 2020)
• Social cognitive theory states that through the observations of others, individuals
acquire their knowledge, rules, beliefs, and attitudes. Individuals learn from others
what behaviors are considered appropriate and/or useful. They understand the
consequences of certain behaviors, and they will act according to their beliefs about
their capabilities and the expected outcomes of their actions (Schunk, 2020).
• Substantive representation means acting in the interest of constituents in a manner
responsive to them (Pitkin, 1967).
• Tokenism is defined as the practice of satisfying the moral requirement for the
inclusion of members of structurally disadvantaged people in groups that are better
placed in society (Grant, 2017).
Organization of the Study
This study is a qualitative phenomenological study designed to examine the influence of
politics on African American educators’ perceptions of their professional experiences within
North Texas suburban school districts. It consists of five distinct chapters. Chapter 1 provides an
overview of the disparity between White versus African American educators employed in
predominantly White suburban school districts. It also includes a statement of the problem, the

12

study’s overall purpose, research questions, the significance of the study, limitations, and
delimitations, definitions of terms, and a synopsis of the dissertation. Because there is currently
no literature to review that is specifically related to the influence of politics on African American
educators’ perceptions of their professional experiences within PWSSDs, Chapter 2 provides an
in-depth examination of the impact of political climate on African Americans self-efficacy and
their overall perceptions of professional experiences within their chosen profession. Chapter 3
focuses on methodology, population, data collection, and the data analysis procedures conducted
within the study. Chapter 4 provides data gathered during the research and describes the data
collection process and a descriptive analysis of the data. Finally, Chapter 5 summarizes study
findings and implications thereof.

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Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
The purpose of this literature review is to examine the body of knowledge and research
available to better understand how political context affects the perception and experiences of
African American educators. Although there is a breadth of research focused on historical
relationship between early American colonialism, slavery, and the impact of Supreme Court
decisions on African American educators’ experiences, few studies explore the current political
climate’s impact on North Texas African American educators’ professional experiences while
employed within PWSSDs. Therefore, the present review draws upon research in five key areas:
the African American experience, demographic trends impacting public schools in the United
States and in Texas, diverse political representation and race relations, political representation for
African Americans, and political impact or threats to African American professional experiences.
Using the interplay between the complementary theoretical lenses of social cognitive theory,
self-efficacy theory, racial identity theory, and critical race theory (CRT), the present review
examines historical events, various demographic and political changes, and known threats to
African American teaching experiences to unearth how the current political climate influences
African American educators’ perceptions of their opportunities for career advancement, collegial
relationships, and professional self-efficacy within PWSSDs.
A Historical Review of the Influence of White Supremacy and Governmental Laws on
African American Experiences
When debating U.S. citizenry rights, people often quote the following phrase in the
Declaration of Independence, “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal” (U.S., 1776, p. 1, as cited in National Archives, n.d.). However, in the “Preamble” of the
United States Constitution, what Jefferson meant when he penned those words was that
American colonists had “the same rights of self-government as other people” (De Witte, 2020,

14

para. 1). The historical meaning behind these words may play a vital role in the treatment of
today’s African American educators within PWSSDs. To understand how the treatment of
African Americans and their access to education evolved, I provide a historical review of three
topics: the birth of White supremacy, landmark Supreme Court cases, and racialized
contributions to the historical political climate within the United States.
In 1455, Pope Nicholas V’s papal bull, Romanus Pontifex, instructed followers “to
invade, search out, capture, vanquish, and subdue all Saracens and pagans whatsoever, and other
enemies of Christ wheresoever placed, and … to reduce their persons to perpetual slavery”
(Robertson, 2015, as cited in McKay et al., 2020, p. 2). This was the first known authoritarian
decree which condoned the use of force to colonize and enslave nations who refused to convert
to Christianity. In the 17th century, European philosophers began categorizing people and the
world around them. By the 18th century, philosophers believed natural laws governed the world
and human beings. Their beliefs ultimately led to the mindset that “White people were smarter
and more human than non-White people” (Roediger, 2020, para. 3). Over time, the belief that it
was their duty and their God-given right to conquer and enslave others, in conjunction with the
belief that Whites were more intelligent and more human than other races, provided early settlers
with the justification needed to seize and colonize other lands, and to enslave non-White people
(Roediger, 2020).
As a new nation, the events leading up to the constitution’s development concluded that
there existed a tension between property rights and human rights (Ladson-Billings & Tate,
2006). Furthermore, Ladson-Billings and Tate (2006) contend that the primary goal of the
government was to protect the property of White society. The protection of White property
ultimately resulted in classifying enslaved African Americans as property. Tuck et al. (2014)
make clear that settlers needed to keep Black people landless, and that the remaking of land into

15

property was necessary for the process of remaking of Blacks into property/chattel (Wilderson,
2010; Spillers, 2003, as cited in Tuck & Yang, 2012). By not allowing Blacks to purchase land,
they could not gain civil rights. If Blacks cannot claim civil rights, they cannot be educated. If
Blacks are not educated, they cannot engage in self-determination. And if Blacks cannot engage
in self-determination, they have no choice but to remain enslaved.
After the Civil War, laws requiring that Blacks and Whites benefit from public education
were passed. As a result, the demand for African American schools rose, which created a need
for African American teachers and administrators. According to the U.S. census and surveys
from 1890 through 1940, there were an estimated 13,853 African American teachers in 1890. By
1940, that estimated number had risen to approximately 58,831 (Fultz, 2000). Although the
number of African American teachers continued to grow, they often faced discriminatory
practices (Fultz, 2000). In the South, educated Blacks were feared and seen as a threat to the
status quo, and anyone who educated Blacks was to be suppressed (Fultz, 1995). Over time,
prominent African American leaders, such as Thurgood Marshall, began challenging previous
Supreme Court cases, such as Plessy v. Ferguson, circa 1896, which made it legal for Whites to
create separate facilities for Blacks. According to Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), Whites and Blacks
could remain publicly separated if their facilities were equal. Unfortunately, those with whom
power has traditionally rested did not uphold the spirit of the law. As a result, Black children and
educators were subjected to subpar conditions. In 1952, Thurgood Marshall and John Davis
brought the landmark case Brown v. the Board of Education (1954), before the Court. Marshall
and Davis asserted that Black citizens’ 14th amendment rights ⎯ guaranteeing equal protection
under the law ⎯were being violated. The 14th amendment prohibits states from segregating
public-school students based on race. On May 14, 1954, the Supreme Court of the United States,

16

in an opinion delivered by Chief Justice Warren, ruled that the separate but equal doctrine
adopted in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) has no place in the field of public education and that
separate educational facilities are unequal (Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 1954).
Although Brown v. the Board of Education (1954) marked the end of legally segregated
education, it also marked the beginning of the decline in the number of African American
teachers.
By the 1950s, one-half of the African American professionals in the United States were
teachers. Between 1971 and 1986, the percentage of African American educators declined from
8.1% to 6.9% (Foster, 1996, as cited in Lash & Ratcliffe, 2014). When schools integrated, Black
teachers were not hired by White schools because they were seen as having inadequate teacher
training. Southern states began to develop and use teacher certification tests, which were often
biased, to control the number of African American teachers entering the teaching profession; this
made it difficult for Black teachers to pass (Lash & Ratcliffe, 2014). However, their underlying
justification for limiting the number of Black teachers was that desegregated schools would
instill Blacks with the misleading feeling that they could be White (Lash & Ratcliffe, 2014). In
other words, desegregation gave Blacks a false sense of identity and the phenomenon of Blacks
trying to be White (Lash & Ratcliffe, 2014). Position demotion was another tactic used to limit
the number of Black teachers in newly integrated schools. School boards demoted Black teachers
due to incompetence. For example, Black teachers would be assigned to teach in subject areas
they were not accustomed to teaching. Then, the school board would claim that the teachers who
filled those positions could not meet curriculum requirements, thus limiting the number of
African American teachers working in integrated classrooms (Lutz, 2017).

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Demographic Trends Impacting Public Schools
Changes in National Demographics
America’s demographic makeup has changed radically in its racial and cultural diversity
over the last 5 decades ⎯a trend projected to continue for the foreseeable future (Craig &
Richeson, 2018). By 2045, demographers predict that the United States will be a minority-
majority nation, meaning it will be a country where people who are currently categorized as
racial minorities will make up the most significant percentage of the population (Noguera, 2017).
This shift in the racial, ethnic, and cultural complexity of the U.S. population is most visible in
the school-age cohort, with more than 50% of K −2 students being students of color (Wells,
2020). As a result, many school districts nationwide are at the forefront of America’s rapid racial
transformation (Mordechay, 2019).
In 2021, White students accounted for 47% of K −12 students (this has declined from
65% in 1995), while 27% were Hispanic and 15% were Black. As a result, the probability of
White public school students attending schools where most of their peers are White has shrunk
(Schaeffer, 2022). This trend may be the result of an aging White population. According to
Vespa et al. (2018), as the White population ages and grows more slowly in the coming decades,
the United States is projected to become more racially and ethnically diverse. Falling birth rates
and the rising number of baby boomer deaths will drive the non-Hispanic White population to
decline. Children who are two or more races are projected to more than double in the coming
decades, from 5.3% in 2016 to 11.3% in 2060; and the racial and ethnic composition of younger
people is expected to change more quickly than the older population (Vespa et al., 2018). Data
compiled by the National Center for Education Statistics (2022) found that changes in the racial
and ethnic distribution of public-school enrollment between fall 2000 and fall 2017 differed by

18

state. However, in all 50 states, the percentage of enrolled students who identified as White was
lower in the fall of 2017 than fall of 2000 (National Center for Education Statistics, 2022). With
rapid changes in U.S. student demographics, it is becoming more evident that the teaching
profession needs to be more racially diverse (Partelow et al., 2017).
Changes in Texas Demographics
Changes in state population demographics are echoing the changes seen nationally. In
2020, the United States Census Bureau (2021) reported that the overall racial and ethnic diversity
of the country has increased since 2010, and Texas is no exception. In 2010, Texas did not
consist of a race or ethnic group considered the majority (Potter, 2020a). However, according to
the 2020 U.S. census, the overall population in Texas was 29,527,941, which is a 16% increase
from the 25.1 million in 2010; and non-White Texans accounted for 95% of the state’s
population growth (Ura et al., 2021). Consequently, Texas has become more ethnically diverse,
with Hispanics, non-Hispanic Blacks, non-Hispanic Asians, and non-Hispanic other groups
making up a more significant portion of the Texas population than non-Hispanic Whites (Potter,
2020b). The number of K–12 students enrolled in Texas public schools is consistent with the
overall population demographics in Texas (Texas Education Agency, 2020). According to Texas
Education Agency (2020), the collective percentage of students of color enrolled in Texas public
schools during the 2020–21 school year was higher than non-Hispanic White students. Texas is
one of four states with a majority-minority student population. Although the overall population
in Texas is majority-minority, White teachers still make up 60.8% of K–12 educators in the state
(Campbell, 2017). Similarly, Gumber and Beckhusen (2022) found that certain Texas counties
that served a majority-minority student population had a higher share of White educators
compared to others and that the difference in diversity of students and teachers was even more
pronounced in high schools. Although the number of teachers in the Texas teacher workforce has

19

recently increased by 12.5% from the 2010–2011 school year to the 2019–2020 school year, the
racial and ethnic demographics of the teacher population changed more slowly during the same
time. As a result, wide gaps remain between the race and ethnicity of teachers and the students
they serve (Horn et al., 2021). Like its student population, Texas’ overall population has grown
40% this century, and 91% of the new Texans are people of color. Yet, the state’s congressional
representation has not kept pace with demographic changes in the number of people of color in
political office (Ramsey, 2021).
Effects of Changing Demographics on Political Affiliations in Texas
Most demographic populations have a political leaning, and the increase or decrease in a
particular demographic group can impact a political party and politics in general (Griffin et al.,
2022). Texas has long been considered a Republican state; however, the demographic changes in
Texas may potentially create more competitive elections (Huerta & Cuartas, 2021). Census data
show that the most pronounced non-White population growth in Texas has occurred within
suburban areas. In 2018, the suburbs were 56% White ⎯down from 62% in 2014 (Jackson,
2019). Non-Whites tend to lean heavily Democratic, and over time, this trend may shift the
Texas political electoral terrain towards becoming more of a Democratic rather than a
Republican state (Griffin et al., 2022). In addition to an increase in the suburban non-White
population, younger cohorts of White Texans are less likely to identify as Republican (Huerta &
Cuartas, 2021). Despite the demographic shift, Texas Republicans maintain a conservative
political majority (Mayes et al., 2021b). The Republican stronghold continues to exist despite the
shift in demographics because, for the past 20 years, Texas Republicans have been able to
maintain power by redrawing voter district lines in ways that limit the influence of voters of
color (Ura et al., 2021). During the last state redistricting, federal courts found that Texas

20

lawmakers discriminated against Hispanic and Black voters. Consequently, “Federal judges
reprimanded the legislature’s Republican majority for intentionally diluting the power of
Hispanic and Black votes” (Ura et al., 2021, para. 8).
Impact of Diverse Teacher Demographics on Student Performance
During the 1970s, African Americans slowly began moving back to the South and into
suburban neighborhoods. The movement of Black Americans away from Northern cities and into
Southern suburbs resembles the patterns of a “reverse Great Migration” (Mayes et al., 2021a, p.
1). However, as in Northern cities, the number of African American teachers was considerably
smaller (Foster, 2018). The shortage of Black teachers began decades earlier with the U.S.
Supreme Court’s 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) that ruled racial
segregation in U.S. public schools unconstitutional (Foster, 2018). Today, with an even more
significant gap between the percentage of students of color and the percentage of teachers of
color (Partelow, 2017), the unbalanced ratio between the number of minority teachers versus the
number of minority students in schools is worth noting because former research suggests that
minority students benefit from having teachers of their own race/ethnicity (Egalite et al., 2015).
These benefits may manifest themselves in perceptions of student behavior and academic
achievement.
Teachers should reflect the students they serve; failure to do so can drive inequality in
student outcomes (Lindsay, 2021). When a student and teacher share cultural values based on
their racial/ethnic group, the teacher often has a fairer assessment of the student’s academic
abilities than teachers who do not share the student’s cultural understanding (Weinstein et al.,
2004, as cited in Redding, 2019). In a study by Dee (2005), the researcher evaluated whether
assignment to a demographically similar teacher influences the teacher’s subjective evaluations
of student behavior and performance. Dee (2005) concluded that the racial, ethnic, and gender

21

dynamics between students and teachers consistently affected teacher perceptions of student
behavior and performance. Similarly, in 2020, Rasheed et al. reported that when minority
students had teachers of the same race/ethnicity, those students exhibited better social skills,
were more motivated, were more engaged in learning, and had fewer absences. However,
teachers of color are often underrepresented in K −12 schools; it is suggested that policymakers
and administrators should examine why minority teachers leave the profession to help bolster the
number of minority teachers in the teacher pipeline (Lindsay, 2021).
Diverse Political Representation and Race Relations
By the year 2040, the United States will be a minority-majority country. In 2018, 93% of
those running the federal government were White and 80% were men. However, according to
Cillufo and Cohn (2020), the face of Congress is beginning to change due to the nation’s
changing demographics, though not rapidly. In their 2020 report, Cillufo and Cohn (2020) also
reported that the number of non-Whites in Congress is approximately 22%, and women make up
24% of voting lawmakers. The number of immigrants and young representatives in Congress
also increased (Cilluffo & Cohn, 2019). Today’s 117th Congress is the most racially and
ethnically diverse in history, and out of the 532 January 2021 voting members of Congress, 124
lawmakers self-identified as a person of color. This is a 97% increase over the 2001–2003
Congress, with only 63 voting members identifying as a person of color (Schaeffer, 2021a).
There are 61 African Americans in the 117th Congress, four more than at the beginning of the
116th Congress. Fifty-eight serve in the House, and three serve in the Senate (Congressional
Research Service, 2022).
The increase in Congressional diversity is essential to impact the lives of all Americans,
especially those of color (Javvadi, 2020). Over the years, the government’s commitment to

22

diversity and inclusion at every level has been viewed by those who are members of historically
disadvantaged groups as a ladder to opportunity (Riccucci et al., 2016). In addition to being
viewed as a ladder to opportunity, Heiken (2019) stated that governmental diversity is important
because it allows every citizen to be represented in the government, “[p]lus, when
underrepresented kids see themselves in positions of power, they can recognize their own power”
(para. 5).
Presidential Cabinet Representation
Presidents have the ability to influence the composition of various bureaucratic
institutions. Over the years, Democratic presidents have made race and gender diversity a
priority when appointing government officials (Curry & Miller, 2021). Their ability to make
such appointments is important because a president’s personnel decisions often reflect the
political ideologies of their party, and the differences between the two party’s ideologies are
often illuminated in their elected president’s appointment of women, young people, working
class people, and different racial and ethnic groups (Anestaki et al., 2016). Similarly, according
to King and Riddlesperger (2014), the people a president appoints to senior-level positions
within the administration are indicative of his commitment to equality.
President Barack Obama
According to Ford et al. (2010), “Although he acknowledged the racial disparities,
President Obama was careful to distance himself from racial politics” (as cited in Anestaki et al.,
2016, p. 204). Instead of explicitly focusing on overcoming racial inequality and injustice as
previous African American leaders had, President Obama emphasized the importance of hard
work and determination (Welburn & Pittman, 2012). During his 8-year presidency, President
Obama emphasized his commitment to diversity by nominating 19 appellate court prospects.
This included five African Americans, two Asian Americans, two Latinos, and six women, and

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the 44 district nominees encompass eleven African Americans, six Asian Americans, three
Latinos, and 21 women (Tobias, 2010). Of those nominated, the Senate confirmed nine appellate,
eleven district judiciary, and Supreme Court Judge Sonia Sotomayor, who replaced Justice David
Souter during his tenure (Tobias, 2010). However, in terms of President Obama’s 22-member
cabinet positions, he appointed fewer African Americans than the number of female cabinet
appointments (Borrelli, 2010). His election of women and people of color may have helped
curtail the racial, gender, and other bias often present within the judicial system (Tobias, 2010).
Similarly, the election of Barack Obama may have continued or accelerated changes in
racial attitudes among Americans (Welch & Sigelman, 2011). Indeed, his election platform made
African Americans more optimistic about their opportunities and less likely to believe that racial
discrimination is a significant barrier to achievement (Welburn & Pittman, 2012). A 2008 Gallup
survey revealed that over half of Americans viewed President Obama’s election as “either the
most important advance for Blacks in the past 100 years or among the two or three most
important such advances” (Newport, 2008, para. 1). According to Welch and Sigelman (2011),
although there has been movement toward more tolerance and support for racial equality prior to
President Obama’s election, Whites clung to explanations of persisting Black-White
socioeconomic inequalities that emphasized Blacks’ shortcomings. Thus, African Americans
such as Barack Obama are the exceptional Black person and a credit to their race. As Welch and
Sigelman (2011) noted, “By classifying him as an exception, prejudiced individuals can
rationalize and recognize his obvious intelligence, leadership skills, and work ethic while
clinging to broader negative stereotypes of African Americans” (p. 211). Furthermore, Pasek et
al. (2014) suggested that, at times, individuals can cling to stereotypes regarding a group of
people by creating subtypes within the stereotyped group. In the case of President Obama,
subtyping allows individuals to rationalize the contradiction within their Black stereotypes

24

without threatening the validity of those stereotypes. Individuals, such as President Obama, can
therefore be viewed as not representative of the group and not informative about other members
within the group. In other words, although President Obama is Black and highly educated, he is
not like most Blacks; therefore, there is no need for a shift in beliefs regarding this group (Pasek
et al., 2014).
By contrast, the election of the first Black president in U.S. history left many White and
Black citizens with a feeling of optimism regarding the end of racism (D’Souza, 2008, as cited in
McWhorter, 2008). There is evidence that the exposure to the Obama campaign temporarily
reduced White prejudice against Blacks (Goldman (2012). According to Yadon and Piston
(2019), these findings are consistent with evidence that suggests Black leadership has a positive
effect on White racial attitudes and that Black leadership leads to “positive change in the White
vote and the racial sentiments expressed by members of the White electorate” (Hajnal, 2001, p.
160, as cited in Yadon & Piston, 2019). Similarly, when a Black political candidate successfully
obtains a political office, the new information Whites gain about those elected Black leaders can
replace stereotypes (Hajnal, 2007). In short, “Whites learn that Black control does not mean their
downfall” (Hajnal, 2007, p. 604); this leads to a more positive view of Black leaders and
everyday Black citizens (Yadon & Piston, 2019).
While the election of President Obama and his multi-racial as well as gender-inclusive
judicial and cabinet appointments may have led to a more positive view of African Americans,
the election of President Trump and his subsequent judicial and cabinet member appointments
may have stagnated the strides made in the replacement of negative racial stereotypes with his
choice of judicial and presidential cabinet members appointments.

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President Donald Trump
During his 4 years as president, Donald Trump had an unprecedented ability to gain
Senate confirmation for his judicial nominations (King et al., 2022). His ability to approve his
judicial candidates by the Senate resulted from new Senate rules, such as the nuclear option,
being implemented (King et al., 2022). The nuclear option is a political strategy in which the
Senate votes to reduce the number required to advance an obstructed lower court nomination to
confirmation from the necessary 60 Senate votes to that of a simple majority vote of 51 (King et
al., 2022). The allowance of a simple majority vote resulted in President Trump inheriting a large
number of judicial vacancies (including a Supreme Court seat) due to the Republican Senate
majority backlogging of court vacancies and consistent blockade of President Obama’s judicial
nominations (Slotnick et al., 2017). His ability to quickly gain Senate confirmation for his
judicial nominations allowed him to fulfill his campaign promise of creating more conservative
courts (King et al., 2022). Even after Republicans lost the House of Representatives during the
midterm elections, President Trump kept his judicial nominations advantage throughout his term
(Edwards, 2021). As a result, President Trump was able to get nearly 250 federal judicial
nominees confirmed, including three, to the Supreme Court of the United States (Sinha, 2021).
His 24-member cabinet consisted of four women and four minorities and contained more White
men than the last six presidents (Harrington, 2017). During their confirmation hearings, many of
President Trump’s judicial and Supreme Court appointments reported subscribing to some form
of originalist constitutional interpretation or construction (Sinha, 2021). As an originalist, judges
believe that the words within the constitutional text should be given the original public meaning
they would have had at the time it became law (Calabresi, n.d.). This is important because how
originalists interpret the constitution favors a more Republican-conservative policy (Sinha,
2021). It also overwhelmingly favors individuals who are White, especially the elevation of

26

White males, since those who crafted the Constitution were White males (Sinha, 2021).
According to Sinha, “originalism threatens to reify the significant racial, gender, class, and
intellectual prejudices of the framers and ratifiers of the Constitution” (p. 742).
President Trump’s views on various racial and ethnic groups during his presidential
campaign and presidency challenged his political predecessors’ moderate conventions,
particularly at the presidential level (Hopkins & Washington, 2020). While campaigning, he
would refer to undocumented Mexican immigrants as rapists, and during his presidency, he
wanted to ban Muslims who tried to immigrate to the United States. At one point in his
presidency, he refused to denounce a former Klu Klux Klan leader.
Racist rhetoric from the U.S. president has the potential to influence American attitudes
and behaviors (Hopkins & Washington, 2020). In a Quinnipiac University Polling Institute
(2018) survey, 54% of respondents felt President Trump’s rhetoric emboldened those with racist
beliefs. In 2017, increased hate crimes were linked to some of President Trump’s rhetoric
(Hopkins & Washington, 2020). However, criminal acts, such as hate crimes, most likely reflect
a small subset of prejudiced Americans’ behavioral changes. The impact of such behavior on the
broader population of White Americans is unknown (Schaffner, 2018). In 2015, Tesler alluded to
the possible effects of racist rhetoric when he stated that after President Obama’s presidency,
White Americans’ choices in presidential and congressional elections became more polarized
and were defined more by their racial attitudes. Sides et al. (2018) found that White identity
affected voter behavior in the 2016 election, which appears linked to President Trump’s
candidacy. They also found, in 2016, that half of the surveyed Whites thought that life is worse
for people like them in America than it was 50 years ago (Pew Research Center, 2016; Sides et
al., 2018).

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Between 2012 and 2016, Whites believed that they were being discriminated against and
that it was as big a problem as discrimination against Blacks and other minorities (Sides et al.,
2018). Sides et al. (2018) continued by stating that “Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign
rhetoric directly appealed to White cultural threats” (p. 5). In 2015, when Trump announced he
would run for president, it became evident he intended to monopolize the idea of White cultural
threats when he continuously used race as a part of his campaign (Clayton et al., 2019). After
becoming president, Donald Trump’s administration began creating new civil rights guidelines
within federal agencies. One of the areas under consideration was the revamping of the
interpretation of Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which “bars discrimination based on race,
color or national origin” (Meckler & Barrett, 2021, para. 2). Under the original act, actions are
considered discriminatory if they have a discriminatory effect/disparate impact, on a protected
group. Under the Trump administration’s new version of the Title VI Act, only actions resulting
in intentional discrimination would be considered prohibited (Meckler & Barrett, 2021). Title VI
of the 1964 Civil Rights Act has been viewed as “one of the most important civil rights
legislations passed by Congress since Reconstruction because it protects minorities from
discrimination” (Clayton et al., 2019, p. 720). The changes in the act under the Trump
administration would make it more difficult to prove discrimination because a victim would have
to show that the offender intended to treat people differently (Clayton et al., 2019).
According to Clayton et al. (2019), African Americans have depended on the government
to protect them from discriminatory practices and the doctrine of disparate impact, as initially
written. The original Act “is essential in order to ensure equality for racial minorities, women,
and others who are historically subjected to discrimination” (American Civil Liberties Union,
2019, para. 2). In conjunction with the changes within Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act
under the Trump administration, the Department of Justice (DOJ) abandoned some of its voting

28

rights cases that made claims of intentional discrimination (Clarke & Rosenberg, 2018). Actions
such as these sent a clear message that “the DOJ would accept a certain level of discrimination”
(Clarke & Rosenberg, 2018, para. 10). Since then, minorities have been subjected to subtle
discriminatory practices, such as “Black voters, nationally, having to wait twice as long as White
voters to vote” (para. 7), when attempting to exercise their voting rights (Clarke & Rosenberg,
2018). Unfortunately, as President Trump worked to undo policies created by the Obama
administration (Clayton et al., 2019), the DOJ followed suit by ignoring its responsibility to
protect historically marginalized groups from discriminatory voter identification laws; as a result,
many African American voters were disenfranchised (Clayton et al., 2019).
There is anecdotal evidence that suggests that President Trump’s racial rhetoric while
campaigning for office emboldened the American public to be more willing to express and act on
their prejudices openly (Newman et al., 2020). In a study conducted by Newman et al. (2020),
researchers found that while social norms are generally engrained, the continuation of that norm
requires consistent reinforcement, especially by persons in authority such as political elites; and
in the absence of prejudiced elite speech, individuals inclined to use prejudiced speech will
refrain from doing so. However, in the presence of prejudiced elite speech, individuals become
emboldened to express and act upon their prejudices. Like Newman et al. (2020), Hopkins and
Washington (2019) found 54% of survey respondents agreed that “President Trump had
emboldened people who hold racist beliefs” (p. 120) and that most Americans believed the racist
rhetoric of the president has the potential to influence Americans’ attitudes and behaviors.
However, they also found that from 2008 to 2019, the trend toward anti-Black prejudice
decreased. The most significant drop occurred between November and December 2016 (after
Trump had been elected president) and again between October and November 2018 (Hopkins &
Washington, 2019). According to Hopkins and Washington (2019), the 2018 decline was driven

29

principally by White Americans’ reactions to Trump’s presidency ⎯not simply his campaign.
After his November 2020 loss to President Biden, right-wing Republican members of Congress
became key foot soldiers in ensuring the continuance of President Trump’s policies (Benner et
al., 2021).
President Biden
During President Biden’s campaign, he committed to appointing a diverse Cabinet; thus
far, he is well ahead of his seven predecessors (Tenpas, 2021). When his appointee data is
disaggregated by race and gender, President Biden’s cabinet is almost 55% non-White and 45%
female (Wise, 2021). This starkly contrasts both former President Trump’s and President
Obama’s cabinets (Wise, 2021). Although it may be too early in his presidency to determine the
overall effects of the diverse cabinet, Moon and Christensen’s (2019) findings suggest that
supportive climates that embrace diversity reduce relational conflicts amongst racial and ethnic
groups.
Congressional Polarization
Throughout its history, Congress has been plagued by conflict and periods of gridlock
(Chergosky & Roberts, 2018). However, Congressional parties are polarized today to a degree
that has not been seen since the late 19th century (Egar, 2016). Over the past decade, American
political parties have seen increased polarization among their political elites (Banda & Cluverius,
2018). Democrats and Republicans are more ideologically apart than at any other point in the
past 50 years (DeSilver, 2022). The trend toward polarization, however, is not a new
phenomenon. Since the 92nd Congress of 1971–72 through the current Congress, the House and
the Senate parties have moved further away from the center. However, Republicans have moved
further out (DeSilver, 2022), and the decision-making process in Congress has changed from a

30

largely decentralized committee-driven process to a centralized party-centered decision process
(Chergosky & Roberts, 2018). Congressional polarization can have consequences beyond the
Congressional walls (Banda & Cluverius, 2018). Indeed, it fosters a rise in social polarization
(Banda & Cluverius, 2018).
According to Banda and Cluverius (2018), social polarization is the “degree to which
members of social groups dislike people associated with opposing groups in comparison with
their own” (p. 90). This is important because as both parties have moved further away from the
center. The result has been a change in Congressional attitudes and representative demographics.
Almost half of House Republicans now come from Southern states, most of whom are White,
while nearly half of House Democrats are Black, Hispanic, or Asian/Pacific Islander (DeSilver,
2022). Suppose Banda and Cluverius’s (2018) research holds true. In that case, the changes
occurring within the political parties may foster social polarization, which “might drive people to
view members of different parties as untrustworthy or less deserving of opportunities and public
services”(Banda & Cluverius, 2018, p. 97). Polarization may also motivate people to conflict
with those who are or are perceived to be members of the opposite party in social settings. As a
result of congressional polarization, there has been a rise in social polarization (Banda &
Cluverius, 2018).
In 2019, when Eva Paterson testified in front of the House Subcommittee on Crime,
Terrorism, and Homeland Security, she discussed the increase in race crimes and incidents
nationally. She also noted the Republican Congressional member’s silence “when President
Trump says things that embolden White supremacists and White nationalists and how it hurts
people of color and Muslims” (Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security,
2019, Testimony of Eva Paterson). Ms. Paterson ended her testimony by asking the committee to
pressure President Trump to denounce White supremist groups and their actions publicly. In

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response, Republican Representative Gohmert, from Texas, responded that, in the interest of
eliminating hate, he would appreciate it if Ms. Paterson would not mischaracterize President
Trump’s words or lack thereof (Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security,
2019). Today’s political leaders often bemoan the idea that the government does not work as it
did in the previous two generations, and a few Congressional members from both political
parties have warned that polarization is making it difficult for Congress to meet the needs of the
people (McCarty et al., 2016). As a result, Congressional polarization ultimately implies poor
representation for citizens who care about seeing their ideological preferences represented in
Congress.
Importance of Political Representation for African Americans
Representation is the foundation of democracy; elected officials act on behalf of those
who rely on them to make decisions that benefit them in Congress (Hayes & Hibbing, 2016).
However, throughout American history, African Americans were often precluded from any
meaningfully substantive or descriptive representation at any level of American politics (Stout et
al., 2021). However, as the U.S. population continues to change demographically, socially, and
culturally, these changes are driving opposing Americans’ political identities to compete in terms
of their beliefs about what their country is and should be (Ahler & Broockman, 2017).
Competing ideological lines are being drawn between those who welcome a multicultural society
embracing diversity and those who embrace a White Christian cultural life (Ahler & Broockman,
2017). Consequently, ethnic and racial minorities typically have different political policy
orientations than Whites on topics related to economics and social issues (Zingher, 2018), and as
their numbers increase, Black “representation in the electorate is continuing to grow” (p. 860).
Increased representation is essential because political representatives attempt to use their
constituents’ preferences to inform their behavior. As a result, the Representative views

32

themselves as their constituents’ delegate rather than simply their trustee; in doing so, they
determine the level of trust citizens have in their government (Hayes & Hibbing, 2016). When
African Americans have more descriptive political representation, it not only increases their
levels of trust, but they are also more likely to contact their Representative (Sorensen, 2021).
Interestingly, when minority descriptive representation increases, both Black and White
perception of fairness tends to increase despite the actual results (Hayes & Hibbing, 2016).
Current research suggests that political representation may also benefit ethnic minorities
in ways other than policymaking. Kogan et al. (2021) suggested there may be a slight positive
correlation between the increase in minority political representation and an increase in
achievement gains among minority students. Choi and Hong (2021) found evidence that an
increase in ethnic minority representation and a decrease in racial disparities against ethnic
minority groups, such as policing, are interconnected if ethnic minority groups are well
represented. Similarly, research suggests that race-related political events influence the health of
non-dominant racial groups (Malat et al., 2011). In a study by Malat et al. (2011), the researchers
discovered that immediately following the Democratic nomination of President Obama, Black
and Hispanic citizens rated their health as being better than average than in previous years. While
recent studies have shown that an increased racial and ethnic descriptive representation can
foster trust in the political system, the results of a recent Gallup Poll in May 2022 indicated an
increase in concern across all racial and ethnic groups regarding race relations (Saad, 2022).
Political Impact on Threats to African American Professional Experiences
During President Trump’s presidency, he and his administration consistently minimized
people of color’s positionality in the United States (Walters, 2018). Many African Americans
have seen the President’s actions as detrimental (Clayton et al., 2019). His actions have created a
trickle-down effect because those who agree with his polarizing, racialized views feel that they,

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too, can openly express their views without fear of retribution (Walters, 2018). Research
conducted by Menasce et al. (2021) concurs. The researchers concluded that close to two-thirds
of the research participants assert that since Donald Trump was elected, people are more likely to
voice their racist or racially insensitive views, even if their comments are not necessarily
accepted. This cultural shift differs notably from his immediate predecessor’s message of
inclusivity, hope, and unity. It has led some African American professionals to believe that the
political climate under former President Trump has exacerbated the use of microaggressions in
the workplace (Walters, 2018).
Microaggressions in Corporate America
Throughout U.S. history, governmental policies and legal precedents have created social
structures around citizenship and its associated rights (Lavalley & Johnson, 2020). Ergo, many of
the instruments used to enforce these policies and social structures are fueled by occupation
(Lavalley & Johnson, 2020). Occupation is important because it is associated with an
individual’s beliefs about themselves and society’s perceptions of the individual, and when
combined, “they create occupational social norms and expectations” (Lavalley & Johnson, 2020,
p. 4).
Since the passage of various civil rights laws, African American professionals have made
gains in the workplace (Hewlett et al., 2012). However, despite the increased diversity in the
workplace, minorities continue to be underrepresented in executive and upper-level management
positions in corporate America (Holder et al., 2015). According to Holder et al., racism is
generally cited as the primary reason for the discrepancies in Black underrepresentation. When
asked, African American professionals who worked in a variety of fields reported racial
microaggressions as being part of their everyday lived experiences within the workplace (Pitcan
et al., 2018). Pitcan et al. (2018) also reported the existence of different rules and the assumption

34

of inferiority as two common racial microaggression themes experienced by African American
males who worked in predominantly White organizations (PWO).
Similarly, African American female managers, who were employed in a PWO, reported
experiencing racial microaggressions in the form of Black women stereotypes, invisibility, and
exclusion (Holder et al., 2015). Both Black male and female workers believe that they must work
twice as hard as their White counterparts, and doing so will not guarantee that they will not be
rendered invisible (Morris, 2013). These forms of microaggression contribute to the glass ceiling
effect for African American workers by sending messages of exclusion and expectations of
failure resulting in African American workers’ mental and spiritual energies being reduced in the
workplace (Miller & Travers, 2005, as cited by Sue et al. 2007). To minimize and cope with the
feelings of exclusion and other microaggressions, African Americans employed in a PWO
attempt to either conform to White norms, ignore subtle invalidations, or respond with humor
and equanimity (Pitcan et al., 2017).
Microaggressions in Education
K–12 and higher education educators also experience workplace microaggressions
(DeCuir-Gunby & Gunby, 2016). In order to perform, educators of color must sometimes
disconnect from their authentic selves and perform in a deracialize way by silencing their stories,
being encouraged to follow the rules, and not making waves (Gutierrez & Muhs et al., 2012, as
cited in Motha & Varghese, 2018). Having to suppress one’s true self has traumatic effects and
can impact an educator’s classroom (Emdin, 2016). This is not a new phenomenon. In 1903,
W.E.B. Dubois spoke on the concept of double consciousness when describing Black educators.
Over time, Black educators work to the point of emotional and psychological exhaustion in order
to work within an imposed narrative (Acuff, 2018). Along with having to work within a White
narrative, African American teachers who work in predominantly White schools are called upon

35

to be the expert in matters relating to Black students, work without recognition or compensation;
and are expected to “agree with the White majority and be a team player, even when they
disagree with proposed policies, practices, and directions of a school” (Milner, 2020, p. 406).
Milner also points out that African American teachers face subtle microaggressions, such as
White educators questioning why all the Black teachers sit together at lunch, during an assembly,
or during school extra-curricular events, and occasionally they contend with overt racist
comments, such as White parents insisting that their students not be taught by a teacher of color.
Obtaining promotions can be challenging due to the inability to network; African
Americans have difficulty cultivating social relationships within predominantly White
environments (Pitcan et al., 2018). This is detrimental to their career advancement because those
in a position to advance their career typically hire individuals who look like them. Unless
someone is advocating for you, you have little chance of promotion (Pitcan et al., 2018). When
promoted, African American women feel like outsiders during meetings they are asked to hold
due to the microaggression of having their knowledge or authority over departmental policies
and procedures challenged (Walters, 2016). Finally, the presence of microaggressions in
education is not exclusive to K–12 education; when African American women are recruited to
work in higher education, “they are often isolated or made to feel disenfranchised” (Walters,
2016, p.66).
Lessons Learned in Higher Education
In the 2 decades between 1999 and 2020, higher education institutions lagged in
recruiting people of color (U.S. Department of Education, 2022). However, some universities
have recently made progress by implementing specific initiatives that have been shown to
positively impact the hiring of people of color (Davey et al., 2021). Large universities began
implementing programs in which selected faculty members from different departments would

36

attend various trainings; these trainings focus on increasing their faculties’ understanding of
unconscious bias and its impact on recruiting. It also focuses on developing their employees
skills in facilitating difficult crucial conversations surrounding race (Davey et al., 2021). In a
study by Sekaquaptewa et al. (2019), the researchers found that faculty attitudes toward equitable
hiring practices often improved after attending workshops designed to improve diversity
recruitment. Attending diversity-focused workshops not only improved faculty attitudes when
minorities are hired, but the diversity within group settings improved the group’s decision-
making and creativity (Scarborough et al., 2019). This finding suggests that faculty diversity can
ameliorate institutional excellence in teaching, which, in turn, benefits the entire student body
(Sekaquaptewa et al., 2019). Also, policies designed to increase workplace diversity help to
improve overall employee performance (Scarborough et al., 2019) as well reduce the social
isolation many African American workers experience (Sgoutas-Emch et al., 2016).
Theoretical Framework
Social Cognitive Theory
Social cognitive theory (SCT) takes a non-genetic approach to human development
(Bandura, 2002). It emphasizes how an individual’s social environment influences motivation,
learning, and self-regulation (Schunk & Usher, 2019). In addition to influencing an individual’s
motivation, learning, and self-regulation, SCT recognizes the social environment’s influence on a
person's attitude and actions (Stajkovic & Luthans, 1998). According to SCT, an individual’s
self-efficacy can be developed in many ways (Schunk & Usher, 2019). There are four sources of
self-efficacy as shown in Figure 1: mastery experiences (performance outcomes), vicarious
experiences (social role models), physiological/emotional, and social persuasion (Lopez-Garrido,
2020). However, for this study, only three of the four sources: mastery experiences, vicarious
experiences, and social persuasion, will be discussed. Mastery experience is the most influential

37

source of self-efficacy (Milner & Hoy, 2003). When someone succeeds at a task, that success
builds their belief that they can achieve the tasks they set out for themselves (Lopez-Garrido,
2020).
In contrast, when the individual is unsuccessful, it causes the individual to question their
ability to succeed (Lopez-Garrido, 2020). Seeing others similar to oneself succeed or one’s
vicarious experience is the second most influential determinant of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977).
By watching others, the observer’s belief that they, too, can master the observed activity
increases, and therefore, their motivation to persist in an activity increase (Bandura, 1977).
Social persuasion involves individuals’ feedback regarding task performance (Bandura, 1977).
Encouraging words can help build self-efficacy as long as it is received from a source viewed as
credible (Lopez-Garrido, 2020). When individuals feel efficacious, they exhibit more job
satisfaction (see Figure 1) (Ozyilmaz et al., 2017). Unfortunately, African American educators
who work in suburban schools often experience challenges within these three sources that
threaten areas associated with their professional sense of self-efficacy (Milner & Hoy, 2003). As
a result, this study seeks to unearth how the current political climate influences African
American educators’ perceptions of professional self-efficacy within PWSSDs, a question that
has yet to be examined.

38

Figure 1
Bandura’s Four Sources of Self-Efficacy

Note. This figure depicts the four elements that contribute to the development of an individual’s
sense of self-efficacy (Bandura, 2002).

Critical Race Theory
The construct of race continues to be a significant issue in America (Ladson-Billings &
Tate, 1995). As minority families move away from urban areas, their migration into suburban
areas is shifting the racial composition of its population (Chapman & Bhopal, 2018). The influx
of racial minorities into what was once considered White suburbia is no longer a reality, and
these changes are often viewed by White suburbanites as a disruption to the racial and cultural
uniformity of these areas, especially in what was once considered a predominantly White school
(Chapman & Bhopal, 2018). Specifically, Chapman and Bhopal found that African American
students tend to experience academic and social challenges in predominantly White suburban
schools. The basis of White suburbia’s disruption beliefs may be linked to United States’ social
institutions that have been historically linked to racist policies and procedures, which can lead to
“differential outcomes by race” (Ray & Gibbons, 2022, para. 2). It is important to note that
although both past and present U.S. policies may be based in racism, the concept of racism can
Self-efficacy
Social
persuasion
Mastery
experiences

Physiological
experiences
Vicarious
experiences

39

exist without the individual being racist (Ray & Gibbons, 2022). However, it does assist in the
“stereotyping of people, their social statuses, their social behaviors, and their social ranking”
(Hill, 2017, p. 215). Individuals and groups influence and encourage the construct of race and
their affinity toward identifying with a particular group (Thompson & Carter, 2013). Helms’
(1990) concept of racial identity is akin to that of Thompson and Carter.
Helms stated that racial identity goes beyond simply describing oneself as either Black or
White. It involves a person’s sense of who they are and how they define themselves due to being
a member of a particular racial group. How deeply the individual internalizes their racial identity
with a particular group is determined by psychological, sociopolitical, cultural, and other factors
related to being a group member (APA dictionary of psychology, n.d.). In the United States.,
many African Americans struggle with forming their racial identity (Cross, 1991) because they
tend to accept the beliefs and values of the prevailing White culture (Cross, 1991). In doing so,
they acquiesce to racist stereotypes and distortions, as well as the idea of White superiority, and
begin to accept Whites and their culture as the only form of acceptable role models, lifestyle, and
beauty as opposed to their own culture (Cross, 1991). While current research has concluded that
the influence of race is so pervasive throughout suburban learning environments that it can affect
student learning outcomes and experiences, this study will attempt to determine the influence of
the current racialized political environment on African American educators’ perceptions of their
opportunities for career advancement, professional relationships, and collegial attitudes which
has yet to be explored.
Summary of the Literature
Structural racism has existed in the U.S. since its inception and is integral to the country’s
governmental institutions and socio-political culture (Bailey et al., 2020). When the decision in
Brown v. the Board of Education (1954) was rendered, thousands of African American teachers

40

lost their job and those who continued to teach were often subjected to unfair hiring practices by
the White administrators in charge of the newly formed desegregated schools. Over the past
several decades, the United States has seen an increase in the number of African Americans
moving from urban areas into suburban areas. Consequently, Black migration has increased the
number of African American children attending suburban schools, thereby creating a need for
more teachers of color in suburban schools. Similar to the United States, Texas is also
experiencing an increase in the number of African American families moving from large urban
areas into the suburbs.
Along with the changes in suburban demographics, the political landscape in Texas has
shifted as well. Texas has been a state where the Republican party has had a stronghold for
decades (Huerta & Cuartas, 2021). Nevertheless, in recent elections, Democrats have gained
ground. This trend is important because, in Texas, the majority of African American voters
identify as Democrats (Pew Research, 2022) yet they continue to be underrepresented in
government (Anestaki et al., 2016). A lack of representation in conjunction with the racist
rhetoric of former President Donald Trump has led to an increase in Congressional polarization
which has resulted in the social polarization of American citizens causing a rift between
opposing groups (Banda & Cluverius, 2018). Another consequence of negative presidential
rhetoric is it has led to an increase in microaggressions towards people of color by providing
White Americans, who hold racist beliefs, with implied permission to openly state their opinions
without fear of negative consequences (Walters, 2018). Through the use of existing literature and
the theoretical lenses of social cognitive and critical race theory, this study seeks to understand
how the current political climate influences North Texas K–12 African American educators’
perceptions of their professional experiences in PWSSD, a phenomenon that has not been
previously investigated.

41

Chapter Three: Statement of Problem
The gap between the percentage of students of color and the percentage of teachers of
color in most states is growing (Partelow, 2017). Texas is one of many states where the
percentage of minority teachers does not match the growing numbers of minority students. This
study is designed to examine North Texas K −12 African American teachers’ perceptions of how
their professional experiences are influenced by the current political climate in PWSSDs. It will
explore K–12 North Texas African American educators’ perceptions of how the current political
climate has influenced their experiences as an educator employed in a PWSSD.
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study is to examine K −12 North Texas African American teachers’
perceptions of how the current political climate has influenced their experiences as an educator
employed in a PWSSD. By understanding how North Texas African American teachers perceive
the current political climate’s influence on their professional experiences, researchers and district
leaders may gain insight into how the political climate may contribute to the decline in K −12
African American educators.
Research Questions
1. How do African American educators perceive the political climate impacting their
opportunities for career advancement in PWSSD?
2. How have African American educators’ perceptions of their professional
relationships and attitudes changed because of a racialized political environment?
3. How does the political climate influence African American educators’ perceptions of
professional self-efficacy within PWSSD?

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Selection of the Population
Recruitment
Once approved by the University of Southern California Institutional Review Board
(IRB), I reached out and requested public domain employee information, as well as permission to
contact study participants, from three predominately White North Texas suburban school
districts. Each of the three selected districts has an overall teacher population ranging from
approximately 1500 to 4500 educators. Of the 1500 to 4500 educators, approximately 300 to 450
are African American. Study participants were chosen based on specific criteria (see Table 1). To
ensure that participants have fully experienced a typical school year, they were required to have
completed at minimum 1 full year of teaching. Therefore, I used non-probability/purposeful
population sampling. Purposeful sampling allows the researcher to discover, understand, and
gain insight into phenomena (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Using a non-random purposeful
population sampling allowed me to understand how K −12 North Texas African American
educators perceive the current political climate as influencing their experiences in a PWSSD.

Table 1
Study Participant Survey and Interview Selection Criteria
Participant criteria Survey Interview
Race African American African American
School PWSSD PWSSD
Position Educator Educator
District student population 30,000 to 50,000 30,000 to 50,000
Years of experience 1 or more 1 or more

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Design Summary
This phenomenological qualitative research study was designed to aid the researcher in
understanding “how people interpret their experiences” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p. 15). An
interpretative/constructivist epistemological lens was employed throughout the research. An
interpretative/constructivist lens allowed me to understand how individuals develop subjective
meanings to their experiences through their interactions with others, also known as social
constructivism (Creswell, 2013, as cited by Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). By providing rich
descriptions of the participant’s experiences, this study uncovered ways the current political
climate has influenced African American educators’ perceptions of their experiences as
educators employed in a PWSSD. To date, this topic has not yet been investigated.
Methodology
Three hundred and thirty-two potential study participants were asked via email to
complete an electronic survey using Qualtrics software. Out of 332 emails sent, 27 individuals
began the survey and 24 completed it. The 15-minute survey asked a series of questions related
to specific topics surrounding the study’s research questions (Robinson & Leonard, 2019). The
survey focused on the following research question elements:
• professional opportunities
• collegial relationships
• attitudes
• professional self-efficacy
Survey participants were asked if they are willing to participate in an individual interview to gain
more insight into their experiences. Seven individuals agreed to be interviewed and were
assigned a number that corresponded with their identity. Individuals were assigned a number

44

based on the order in which they agreed to be interviewed. Interview participant responses were
reviewed and peer coded to determine if common themes emerge. According to Nowell et al.
(2017), thematic analyses can produce trustworthy and insightful research findings and can
provide a rich and detailed account of data. Finally, although the number of survey and interview
participants was small compared to the number of individuals solicited to participate, the data
discussed throughout Chapter 4 and Chapter 5 will provide readers with probable causes for the
low number of survey and interview responses.
Instrumentation and Protocols
Qualitative data was gathered through surveys and individual interviews. Survey
participants were asked to rate their survey experiences using a Likert scale, with response
descriptors ranging from “strongly agree to strongly disagree” and response descriptors that are
also assigned a numerical value from 1 to 7. The survey consisted of 45 questions and took
approximately 15 minutes to complete. With the exception of Part I, demographic information,
and Part V, individual interview participation solicitation, each portion of the survey focused on
a particular element within the research questions.
A semi-structured interview protocol was generated from participant survey responses.
The use of a semi-structured interview protocol allows for flexibility in the interview protocol
(DeJonckheere & Vaughn, 2019). Interview questions were generated from survey questions that
elicited the most significant percentage of the same responses from the survey participants. The
creation of interview questions drafted from survey responses allows for more insight into
“specific events and actions rather than solicit generalizations or abstract opinions” (Maxwell,
2013, p. 103).

45

Data Collection
Maxwell’s (2015) data collection method was used due to the initial method of data
collection occurred through the use of an online platform. I emailed each prospective participant
to solicit their participation. The email included a personal introduction and a description of the
research. Interested participants were asked to email me with any questions, or they could go
directly to the survey by clicking the Qualtrics link. An embedded informed consent form was
included at the beginning of the survey. Survey participants were asked to read the informed
consent and check a box stating they had read the consent form and were willing to participate.
Once participants consented to participation, they were asked to click the link at the bottom of
the informed consent page to begin the survey. Participants could pause and return to the survey
once they had started, and they were allowed to end the survey at any time. At the end of the 15-
minute survey, participants were asked if they would like to participate in a 45–60-minute
individual face-to-face interview via videoconference (Zoom) to fully understand their responses
and give them the opportunity to provide examples or in-depth detail regarding survey responses.
Seven of 24 survey participants agreed to the face-to-face Zoom interview.
Interview participants were sent a second informed consent letter describing the nature of
the interview. Before each interview session, the informed consent was shared via Zoom and
read aloud. Interview participants were asked whether they were providing verbal consent to the
interview. Interview participants were also notified, via the informed consent form, that their
sessions would be videorecorded to ensure response accuracy. Finally, interview participants
were assured that their identity will be kept anonymous and that any reference to them would be
made using their assigned number.

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Figure 2
Qualitative Data Triangulation

Note. This figure demonstrates the elements used to triangulate the study’s data to determine the
study’s findings.

Data Analysis
A qualitative approach was used to disaggregate participant data. Survey and interview
data were disaggregated, transcribed, and peer coded for themes. Findings from each of the three
districts’ data sources, surveys, and interviews, were triangulated (see Figure 2) to determine if
the methods used support a singular conclusion (Maxwell, 2013). Triangulation also aided in the
reduction of biases that can exist when using a singular data collection method. Once the data
was disaggregated, a complete description of the findings was included in Chapter 4.
Comparison
of Three
North Texas
PWSSDs
Survey
Study
Findings
Interviews

47

Validity and Reliability
When designing survey and interview questions, it is essential to create questions that
generate the data the researcher wants to learn about (Salkind, 2016). Questions should be
written so that the respondents understand and can answer in a way that the researcher expected
(Robinson & Leonard, 2019). Doing so will help increase the validity of the survey of interview
questions. To increase reliability and validity, survey questions were field-tested by having three
non-participating African American educators take the survey and provide suggestions as to how
to change survey questions to improve the clarity of the question’s wording and to ensure that the
survey questions being asked focused on obtaining answers to the research questions. Member
checking, peer coding, and providing thick descriptions also aided in creating a more reliable and
valid study.
Statement of Positionality
According to Darwin Holmes (2020), positionality reflects where the researcher is
coming from, their individual beliefs about the nature of knowledge, and their individual
assumptions about the way in which we interact and relate to our environment. I am an African
American woman who attended Grades 2 −12 in a predominately White suburban area. Before
becoming a high school assistant principal in a PWSSD, I spent most of my 23 years as a teacher
in a PWSSD. I am aware of my personal experiences with the topic being studied. In addition to
my personal experiences, I am aware that my position as a high school assistant principal may
influence whether an educator, who is under my direct supervision, feels compelled to participate
in the study. Therefore, educators, in my high school, were excluded from the study. Lastly, I
included member checking and peer coding to mitigate any researcher bias.

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Summary
This study is a qualitative phenomenological study designed to examine K −12 North
Texas African American teachers’ perceptions of how the current political climate has influenced
their experiences as an educator employed in a PWSSD. Data from participant helps researchers
and others in the field of education better understand how African American educators at
PWSSD in North Texas perceive the political climate as impacting their opportunities for career
advancement, professional relationships, and self-efficacy. Individual interview questions were
derived from survey questions that generated the highest percentage of the same responses from
participants. Interviews participant data was used to create a more detailed description of the
phenomena. The findings are presented in Chapter 4, followed by a discussion of the results in
Chapter 5.

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Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this phenomenological study is to examine North Texas K −12 African
American educators’ perceptions of how their professional experiences are influenced by the
current political climate in predominantly White suburban school districts (PWSSD). This
chapter is designed to present the results of the interview participants’ responses to a semi-
structured interview and whose interview questions were generated from survey questions (see
Appendix B). The findings within this chapter were obtained through in-depth one-on-one
interviews with seven North Texas suburban K–12 African American educators currently
employed within one of three large, predominately White suburban school districts. Participant
interviews were designed to gain a deeper understanding through survey participants’ specific
responses regarding the influence of the current political climate on African American educators’
perceptions of their opportunities for career advancement, professional relationships, and
attitudes, as well as their sense of professional self-efficacy while working in a PWSSD.
Participant Demographics
Survey Participants
Prospective participants in this study were African American educators who are
employed in a PWSSD and have worked in their suburban district for at least 1 year. 332 surveys
were emailed to educators who met the study criteria. Twenty-seven African American
educators, out of the 332 surveys sent, began the survey. However, only 24 educators’ from
across the three prominent North Texas PWSSDs completed the survey. Educators from pre-K–
12th Grade were represented in the survey responses, and 90% of the survey respondents had 6
or more years of work experience within their PWSSD. The other 10% have 1–5 years of work

50

experience within their PWSSD. Seventy-one percent of survey respondents identified as
cisgender females, and 29% identified as cisgender males.
According to survey responses, 58% of the respondents were 22–50 years of age, while
42% were above 50, and their political party affiliation was diverse. Ten percent of respondents
identified as Republican, 67% identified as Democrat, 5% identified as Independent, and 18%
identified as having no political affiliation. Participant political preferences are listed in Table 2.

Table 2
Survey Participant Political Preferences
Political affiliation % of survey respondents
Political party
Republican 10
Democrat 67
Independent 5
No party affiliation 18
Political leaning
Very conservative 0
Conservative 19
Moderate 48
Liberal 33
Very liberal 0

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Table 3
North Texas School District Survey Participants
PWSSD # of survey respondents
A 2
B 19
C 3

These percentages closely align with the State of Texas’ overall African American party
affiliation percentages. According to the Pew Research Center, in 2022, 9% of Texas African
American citizens identified themselves as Republican, 76% identified themselves as Democrat,
and 15% had no political affiliation. However, 19% of the survey respondents viewed
themselves as politically conservative, 48% considered themselves politically moderate, 33%
thought of themselves as liberal, and none of the respondents felt they were very conservative or
very liberal. The three North Texas district survey participant breakdown includes two survey
participants from District A, 19 survey participants from District B, and three survey participants
from District C (see Table 3). The position of each educator participant that completed the
survey included 18 teachers, three counselors, and three administrators.
Interview Participants
Encapsulating the voices and experiences of societies disadvantaged can be difficult
(Jentoft & Olsen, 2017). Semi-structured interview questions (see Appendix D) were created to
capture the study data. In a semi-structured interview, the researcher and participant engage in a
flexible interview dialogue that may include follow-up questions and comments (DeJonckheere
& Vaughn, 2019).

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Table 4
Interview Participant Demographics
Gender Number of participants
Male 2
Female 5

Interviews are often used to collect data and can be used to discover an individual’s
views and perspectives on the themes that are being investigated (Thagaard, 2013, as cited in
Jentoft & Olsen, 2017). Seven of the 24 survey participants agreed to be interviewed. Interview
participants represented three of the largest PWSSDs in North Texas and included five cisgender
African American females and two cisgender African American males. Interview participants’
political party affiliations varied; there was at least one interviewee representing each political
party. Participant gender categories are depicted in Table 4 and participant political preferences
are indicated in Table 5.

Table 5
Interview Participant Political Preferences
Political party Number of participants
Republican 1
Democrat 4
Independent 1
No party affiliation 1

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Table 6
Interview Participant Employment Data
Participant number Job title Employment level District
1 Teacher Secondary A
2 Teacher Secondary B
3 Counselor Secondary B
4 Teacher Primary B
5 Teacher Secondary B
6 Principal Secondary C
7 Principal Secondary B

Their roles within their schools included two administrators, one counselor, and four
teachers (see Table 6). Eighty-six percent of interview participants are employed at the
secondary level; 14% work in a primary setting. After consenting to the interview, each
participant chose to interview using Zoom, an online video conferencing platform.
Thematic Data Coding
The data presented in the subsequent findings were generated through the exploration of
the interview participants’ responses to questions crafted to bring forth themes associated with
each of the three study research questions. Multiple perspectives and sources of data were
considered in the evaluation of the data. In addition to each participant’s video-recorded
interview, I recorded my thoughts immediately after each interview, transcribed each interview,
and provided each interviewee with an opportunity to make corrections to or rescind portions of
their transcribed interview. Once cleared by the interviewee, I annotated each interview
transcript. The process of open coding, thematic coding between myself and a peer coder (as a
measure of inter-rater reliability), as well as axial coding, was utilized during the final stages of

54

thematic code development. Figure 3 visualizes the participant perceptions, as they flowed into
the three reseach questions.

Figure 3
Interview Theme and Subtheme Flowchart

Note. This figure depicts emerging themes and subthemes from the interview data coding.

55

Presentation of Findings
The results of this study are organized by each research question. Although there is
currently no specific research surrounding this study’s topic, an extrapolation of existing
research literature was used to create the foundation for developing the three research questions.
Each research question consisted of two to three emergent themes. In addition, two of the
primary themes also contained two sub-themes each. The research questions steering the
organization of this study are:
1. How do African American educators perceive the political climate impacting their
opportunities for career advancement in PWSSD?
2. How have African American educators’ perceptions of their professional
relationships and attitudes changed because of a racialized political environment?
3. How does the political climate influence African American educators’perceptions of
their professional self-efficacy within PWSSD?
Findings
Research Question 1
Research Question 1 sought to investigate the following: How do African American
educators perceive the political climate impacting their opportunities for career advancement in
PWSSD? Currently, no research delves into how the political climate influences African
American educators’ perceptions of their career opportunities within PWSSDs. However, the
existing research literature does suggest that the overall student demographic within the state of
Texas has shifted from a majority-White student population and has become a minority-majority
student population state (Gumber & Beckhusen, 2022). Although the state student demographic
has changed, there continue to be wide gaps between the race and ethnicity of teachers and the

56

students they serve (Horn et al., 2021), and while no specific statistics are indicating the number
of Texas suburban educators who are White versus those who are African American, White
teachers still make up 60.8% of K–12 educators in the state of Texas (Campbell, 2017). During
this study, themes such as tokenism, glass ceiling, and cronyism emerged as topics that were in
part influenced by the current political climate and have impacted African American educators’
perceptions of career advancement opportunities while employed within PWSSDs. Table 7
captures three themes that influenced participant career advancement.

Table 7
Opportunities for Career Advancement
Theme Participant alignment
Tokenism 5/7
Glass ceiling 7/7
Cronyism 7/7

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Tokenism
After the Supreme Court Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954, White
administrators in all-White schools began hiring Black educators as tokens of their half-hearted
efforts to comply with federal desegregation laws (Kelly, 2007). “The school system is a
microcosm of society, and they [White administrators] are looking to see what areas they need to
improve on to help prevent the divisiveness of society ⎯that is fueled by politics ⎯from entering
into their suburban schools” (Participant 3). As a result, today’s African American educators,
like those in 1954, often find themselves being the only Black educator in a room full of White
faces (Whitaker, 2021) and are left to wonder if they, too, were a token hire:
If you’ve been around long enough, you've seen issues … you’ve heard questions as far
as hiring practices. This person is qualified; yes, they are a minority, and they’re more
qualified than applicant B, who’s not a minority. How does this continue to happen where
applicant A, the minority, doesn’t get these opportunities? And so, you start hearing those
questions, and over time it becomes, in my opinion, a situation where they feel pressured
to hire [African Americans]. (Participant 1)
Participant 4 questioned suburban districts’ commitment to diversity. Participant 4 pointed out
that although there is talk of efforts to become more inclusive and increase minority hiring,
school districts, as well as corporate America, should recognize that “diversity is not having a
sea of over 50% Caucasians and just adding in three Black people; then just saying, okay, this is
our diversity.” Furthermore, Participant 3 pointed out that when someone is hired, and there are
few that look like them, it tends to feel as though you were hired for diversity reasons, and you
begin to ask yourself, regardless of your qualifications, “was I hired based on my experiences or
was I hired because of the color?” (Participant 3). It was also noted by this same participant that

58

sometimes when a person of color feels as though they were hired because of the color of their
skin, it creates a sense of uncomfortableness.
Several participants referred to the impact that the George Floyd incident had on the
hiring practices of PWSSDs. In particular, Participant 6 felt that after the death of George Floyd,
White suburban districts were forced to no longer turn a blind eye to the racism that still exists in
America and began looking for ways to hire more African Americans to show they were
“different.” Throughout the interviewing process, multiple participants reiterated the idea of
tokenism. However, Participant 2 and Participant 5 offered alternatives for the increased hiring
of African Americans within PWSSDs. Participant 2 attributed the changes in state and suburban
district student demographics to PWSSD’s increased interest in hiring African American
educators. “We have had a lot of people move here to Texas, including African Americans,”
stated Participant 2. “When you have an increase in a certain group entering your school, district
leaders may want to hire people from different backgrounds because they need more African
American assistant principals to deal with that culture” (Participant 2). Participant 5 believes the
increase in diversity began during the Obama administration and was not necessarily an effect of
the Trump administration. Participant 5 expressed a belief that although it was not any of his
[Obama] policies that created a push to increase minority hiring, it still felt as though during
Obama’s time in office, there were more minorities getting opportunities to work in PWSSDs.
According to Participant 3,
Depending on a person’s political affiliation, some would say that politics has no effect
on the district’s reasons for hiring one person over another and that everyone is looked at
equally. On the other hand, some say, hey, there are apparent differences in hiring. So, I
think it really would be based on their political view.

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Regardless of the reasons for hiring African Americans, “the turmoil in the United States is
creating difficulties politically, whether it is affecting education or just socially” (Participant 7).
Glass Ceiling
The increase in government diversity is an important factor that impacts the lives of
people of color (Javvadi, 2020). Historically disadvantaged groups often view the government’s
commitment to diversity and inclusion as a steppingstone to opportunity (Riccucci et al., 2016).
However, according to the interview participants, the data suggests that while there is a
perceived increase in the number of job opportunities for African Americans, those job
opportunities are limited to certain positions in suburban districts. There are certain acceptable
position levels and a certain acceptable amount of status allowed; each individual has a limitation
based on the category of the individual; White males are at the top of the chain (Participant 1).
Participant 6 concurred with the statement expressed by Participant 1 but elaborated, saying,
When I look at my current school district, and I look at the top positions, our school
district mirrors the government cabinets that I see in our nation and also within the State
of Texas government, as far as top positions being held by majority White men.
According to participant data, PWSSD African American educators are typically limited to
assistant principal positions in high school but may be promoted to principal positions at the
middle and elementary levels. As noted by Participant 2:
I’ve gone to just about every school to see if there were African American leaders in my
district. I’ve seen very few, and I don’t even think I found one African American in any
high school principal position. Most African American females in principal positions
were predominantly in elementary and middle school.

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According to the study data, the higher the position, the less likely an African American
will be employed in that position. Like Participant 2, Participant 4 discussed that in addition to
the glass ceiling effect on African American promotions, there are also limitations placed on
“access to REAL power and influence for African Americans in predominantly White school
districts.” Participant 5 agreed by adding, “[in White suburban districts] there is usually some
type of ‘regulation’ on who/what/which African American–and how many African Americans–
are allowed into certain roles and promotions.” In terms of the effects of the political climate on
African American educators’ ability to rise within the ranks of PWSSDs, Participant 7 voiced,
It is kind of like there is only so far you can go. It is only so high. I think within my
district; if you are looking at the top leadership, it is White Anglo-Saxon males because
everything within the political climate is kind of geared toward them achieving success.
When asked directly why they felt African American educators were subject to the glass ceiling
effect, Participant 1 responded:
When you look at the flowchart of the organization or of the school district, and when
you get to a certain point, everybody … from that point up, looks the same, you see, and
you hear it being challenged and questioned based on ethnicity, based on gender. You see
that ceiling being put in place.
Although Participant 3 agreed that there are more White males in upper-level central office
positions, Participant 3 also suggested that if African American educators are not at the level
they aspire to be, they should consider changing districts–just like those in other professions;
because, as Participant 2 asserted, “they [Black educators] can go only so high, especially in the
suburbs.”

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Cronyism
Environmental factors, such as the practice of cronyism by leaders, have an effect on the
functioning of their employees (Saleem et al., 2022). Overall, the data shows all interview
participants agree that cronyism, regardless of its degree of influence, is a contributing factor that
places limits on African American educators’ career opportunities within PWSSDs. “It’s all
about who you know versus what you know; that’s a running theme in my district, and your
credentials don’t carry as much weight as who you know” (Participant 1). Furthermore, there is a
consensus that in PWSSDs, those in positions to hire tend to look out for their own, no matter the
qualifications. Therefore, when two people interview, while one may have had years of
experience working in a particular position, another may not; and many times, people get hired
“because they know somebody that knows somebody, and they are given an advantage over
somebody that has the educational background” (Participant 2). In addition, if you are not
connected to the right person, or you are not in the right clique, then you may not move up
because cronyism is a thing; and when you couple cronyism with race, it makes getting hired
more complex (Participant 4). Participant 6 disclosed that, unfortunately, when they applied for
other positions within the district, although the position was posted on the district website as
being available, the person filling the position had been predetermined, and that person was
either someone within the hiring director’s social circle–such as a golfing buddy–or grew up with
the hiring director. Similarly, Participant 3 acknowledged there being a networking component to
hiring, especially in school systems. Participant 3 also expressed that even when an individual
knows the right people, those people have to be willing to speak on your behalf regarding your
education, years of experience, and work ethic for those who make the hiring decisions to be
more likely to consider you for hire. However, if a system’s networking is culturally based and

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you are only networking with a particular ethnicity [African Americans], then your chances of
being hired are smaller because there aren’t that many African Americans in higher-level
positions. Participant 3 continued to suggest that PWSSDs should do a better job of identifying
candidates so that networking does not control their hiring practices. Moreover, interview
participants reported that even when a person of color is given an opportunity to interview for an
upper-level position within a PWSSD, there is a perception of different hiring standards for
Black versus White applicants. One participant reported:
If you are given an opportunity to interview for a position, and you are a minority, you
have to have every box checked in order to reach that next level. However, your White
colleague does not have every box checked … [under those circumstances] it may be
based on their potential. Sometimes I feel like it is not the potential that they are looking
at for a minority; they are looking at perfection. (Participant 7)
Discussion: Research Question 1
Overall, the data indicates that the current political climate has a minimal impact on
African American educators’ perceptions of their career opportunities while working in
PWSSDs. Research literature dating back to Brown v. Board of Education’s (1954) decision
confirms White school administrators used various methods to limit the number of African
American teachers working in integrated classrooms (Lutz, 2017). Data obtained in this study
indicate that, currently, African American educators believe that as a result of politically fueled
reactions to recent events, White suburban districts have hired token Black educators as a means
to prove they are attempting to seek diversity and be inclusive. Regardless of intention, the

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actions of PWSSDs still indicate a clear preference to hire White candidates over Black
candidates. As Participant 1 plainly stated:
I don’t know what goes on in the interview rooms. I don’t know what goes on behind
those closed doors. All I know is what I see. So, regardless of what goes on behind those
closed doors and how those decisions are made, when you see decision after decision,
and they [new hires] look the same way [White], then naturally, that’s the perception.
While the data did not reveal a strong link between the current political climate and African
American educators’ perceptions of their career opportunities, being subjected to the glass
ceiling effect was repeatedly brought forth as something that was perceived to hinder Black
educators’ ability to advance their careers in PWSSDs. Each interviewee reported that there was
a perceived limit to the level of success an African American educator could achieve in a
PWSSD. Finally, a similar pattern emerged from responses associated with cronyism:
When you are a Black person seeking a higher position, your credentials have to be in
place, and just when you think your experience will work in your favor, it doesn’t
because we don’t live in a post-racial society, and regardless of how talented you are,
chances are we won’t get the job especially if you are competing with a White person
who knows someone and that’s the truth of the matter. (Participant 5)
Data from the interviews revealed seven out of seven interview respondents expressed similar
sentiments to the above statement shared by Participant 5.
Research Question 2
Research Question 2 explored ways African American educators’ perceptions of their
professional relationships and attitudes changed because of a racialized political environment. In

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2015, Tesler alluded to the possible effects of political racist rhetoric when he stated that after
President Obama’s presidency, White Americans’ choices in presidential and congressional
elections became more polarized and were defined more by their racial attitudes.
Research conducted by Schaffer (2018) concluded that race-related criminal acts, such as hate
crimes, most likely reflect a small subset of prejudiced Americans’ behavioral changes.
However, in 2020, Hopkins and Washington confirmed that racist rhetoric from the U.S.
president [Donald Trump] had an effect on Americans’ attitudes and behaviors. Participant 6
echoed this impact:
We had a president [Donald Trump] that looked at a person like me and, to him, I am a
thug, I am a criminal. I am ‘those people.’ There are people in my school that idolize that
guy, idolize Donald Trump. They believe everything he says. Tell me, how am I
supposed to lead these people when they are sitting in front of me, and I know they
support the stuff that comes out of his [Donald Trump] mouth? Any authority, whether
actual or symbolic, I might have had as a leader is now null and void because of his
statements. To my face, they may say they agree with me, but their behaviors are the
direct opposite. Donald Trump has given White people permission to disregard anything
they do not want to hear from a person of color, whether they are Black or brown. So yes,
I think the current political climate definitely plays a role in polarizing the work
environment. (Participant 6)
Currently, there is no research that examines how the current political climate influences the
change in African American educators’ perceptions of their professional relationships and
attitudes because of a racialized political environment. In this study, themes such as African
American fear of communication, the lack of communication, changes in African American

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attitudes towards Whites, and African American perceptions of White attitudes emerged as
topics that influence African American educators’ perceptions of their professional relationships
and attitudes as a result of a racialized political environment. Table 8 lists participant
professional changes that were linked to political climate.

Table 8
Professional Changes Due to the Current Political Climate
Theme Participant alignments
Relationships
African American fear of communication 5/7
Lack of communication 5/7
Attitudes
African American attitudes towards Whites 5/7
African American perceptions of White attitudes 6/7

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Relationships
According to Pitcan et al. (2018), African Americans have difficulty cultivating social
relationships within predominantly White environments, and they are made to feel like outsiders
during meetings they are asked to hold due to the microaggression of having their knowledge or
authority challenged by their White co-workers (Walters, 2016). I think, in predominantly White
suburban districts, they feel because they are White and White employees are the majority, their
ideas or decisions should be implemented in the work environment (Participant 2). In
conjunction with feelings of being disregarded, interview respondents expressed that the current
political climate has negatively impacted their working relationships:
During an election year, when somebody finds out I’m sitting on one side of the table,
and they are sitting on the other side of the table, it severs friendships or what you
thought was a friendship or a positive working relationship. (Participant 1)
African American Fear of Communication
Interview participants stated that the current political climate had created a sense of fear
or apprehension when engaging in conversation with their White colleagues that could venture
into dialogues surrounding politics or political ideologies. As Participant 1 noted:
I think there’s that saying about having to walk on eggshells with certain conversations. It
just kind of brings about that feeling of, okay, maybe I can say this, but I cannot say that,
or maybe I can go this far, but I can’t go that far.
In a similar vein, Participant 6 reiterated the need for caution when speaking to White colleagues
about politics or the state of Black people in the nation:
The political climate has made it difficult to really speak about how you truly feel about
the nation’s politics because if you talk about how it affects Black people, you risk being

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labeled a militant or a person trying to start trouble by your White colleagues, which can
be held against you. When in reality you just want to be heard.
Similarly, Participant 2 added:
I think the political climate has affected me because I now shy away from talking about
certain issues–especially in the State of Texas. Texas is more of a red state. Because I am
a Democrat, I feel if I spoke on certain issues, there would be more of a conflict in my
work environment because I think the majority of White educators in PWSSDs are
Republican, and they support the Republican political and social agenda.
Black educators who work in predominantly White suburban districts are afraid to reveal their
thoughts with respect to the political climate because they are either labeled, or their White peers
disregard their feelings, as believed by Participant 4. Participant 3 described the difference in the
school atmosphere during President Obama’s first election. According to Participant 3,
The day after President Obama’s election, the White educators were silent. There was no
conversation. There was no laughter. It was strictly business. When a switch like that
happens, when the environment can’t be the same, it feels almost like you had to secretly
identify the people that connected with you because of tension in that environment. You
could hear a pin drop, said Participant 3.
In contrast, Participant 7 reported being able to have conversations with a former principal, who
was White.
Lack of Communication
While Participant 7’s former principal may have been open to conversations surrounding
the current political climate and race, the new principal, who is also a White male, is not

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interested in having those conversations. Therefore, Participant 7 only communicates with him
about school business because, in the words of Participant 7, “he does not care.” The data within
this study revealed that, while uncomfortable and sometimes frightening, African American
educators are willing to talk about the influence the current political climate has on them with
their White peers. However, African American educators also report that their White
counterparts tend to avoid having such conversations. “I love conversation, but it does depend on
a person’s level of openness,” noted Participant 3, “I have to watch who I go there with. It is not
often I have those opportunities ⎯not every White or Black ⎯person is willing to go there.”
Participant 5 echoed this reluctance:
I think White people are willing to have conversations when they have to have them. I do
not think that they will willingly go into a topic regarding race. They are not willing to
talk about uncomfortable things, and when they do, it is on their terms.
According to Participant 2, sometimes, a person’s silence speaks volumes. After the attack on the
capital, Participant 2 reported after having made a comment about the wrongfulness of the attack,
the White co-teacher looked at Participant 2 and immediately left the room without uttering a
word. Participant 6 likewise highlighted a need for shared trust in conversations about race:
The bottom line is … you really have to get to know the people that you are working
with. Frankly, if I wanted to just go and speak to any one of my White colleagues about
race, I do not think it would go very well because we don’t know each other, so I do not
say anything, nor do my White peers. (Participant 6)

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Attitudes
In 2019, Hopkins and Washington found that “President Trump had emboldened people
who hold racist beliefs” (p. 120). The data indicate that interview participants believe that former
President Donald Trump’s racialized rhetoric implicitly empowered White citizens to verbalize
their racist beliefs. “I think the former president [Donald Trump] opened up permission, in my
opinion, for White people to say what they want to say and how they can say it” (Participant 3).
Participant 6 noted an attitude of safety for White colleagues:
As far as our White colleagues, I think they feel as though they can do the same,
especially if they are talking to other White colleagues who are in leadership positions;
they say what they want to say. They do not have to worry about not advancing or
keeping their current job position or even worrying about being seen in any other light.
They just express themselves.
In a similar fashion, Participant 4 stated, “what Trump did for a lot of White individuals is he
speaks out and says what they feel they cannot say out loud. Many of them ⎯especially our
White colleagues ⎯are living vicariously through him. He is their vehicle of hatred and racism.”
African American Educator Attitudes Towards Whites Educators
Interview data suggests that African American educators feel as though their White
professional peers understand the turmoil the current political climate has brought forth, are
content with the status quo, or become offended when African American educators speak on
issues involving race due to the current political climate. Participant 4 noted:
With the political climate being what it is, my attitude right now is I don’t really look to
the opinions of my White counterparts. Because at this point, they either get it and
understand or they don’t. If they don’t, it’s either because they just don’t care, they are

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willfully ignorant, or they’d rather just play the denial game. It baffles me when any of
my White educator counterparts feel offended by the truth of a Black person, not
realizing that the reality of us [African Americans] being on the receiving end of a lot of
this truth is uncomfortable for us too.
The data also suggest that Black educators postulate that White educators have double standards
or praise themselves for including courses, such as African American studies, while still
controlling the narrative:
They can’t or refuse to see the mess the political climate is causing, but there are many
other ways that they don’t consider us during this time or our culture in general. Our
students don’t learn about our rich history. Sure, they added an African American studies
class, but what is taught is vetted by White educators, and it is still designed to remove
any discomfort it might cause White students. Meanwhile, they never consider how they
[White educators] make Black kids feel every day. They have different standards for
themselves versus everyone else based on their comfort levels. (Participant 5)
In terms of working relationships, Participant 6 expressed,
As a rule, if they [White educators] do not feel comfortable, if you make them feel
uncomfortable, they don’t want to work with you, but I do think some [White educators]
want to make things better. Some are truly taking ownership and changing themselves.
Similarly, Participant 3 added, “people don’t get into education for political reasons. They really
get into it for the love of curriculum, the love of teaching, and the love of learning. So, I do think
teachers want all students to be successful.” Furthermore, “I think we, as African American
educators, need to say ‘Hey, let’s kind of work on this together’ because I think one thing all

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teachers have learned is that regardless of your race, the politicians lump us all together. So, we
need to work together” (Participant 3). Participant 1 had a similar statement in regard to politics
and politicians and the division being created between Black and White people. Participant 1
stated:
The current political climate has gotten to the point where I don’t think the people,
regardless of race, are no longer number one. I think there are a lot of selfish motives. I
think there are motives related to power; people [White politicians] who are in these
positions do and say things to gain power and control versus the betterment or good
decisions for the general public, for the people.
African American Perceptions of White Educator Attitudes
According to Cramer (2020), “racial resentment and the racially charged rhetoric of the
Trump campaign and administration appears to have played a larger role in public opinion”
(p.155). The data suggest that Black educators assume there is an inferred belief by their White
peers that White educators and students are superior to Black educators and students and that the
current political climate has made this belief worse. There is also the perception that White
district leadership in PWSSDs are not sincere in their attempts to train their White staff members
on issues related to diversity and that many White educators would disagree that Black educators
have fewer career opportunities in PWSSDs.
When you go into meetings, there’s kind of like an unspoken mentality of–know your
role–so to speak. You don’t speak unless I speak to you or tell you when it’s your turn to
speak type of attitude among White educators and leaders. (Participant 1)
Participant 2 agreed with the aforementioned but included, “I think that they feel that they’re
superior and that their decision that they make should be implemented and that hey, we should

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go along with it, and that’s what they want.” Participant 5 noted that when there are
conversations surrounding student data, White educators quickly point out how their Black
students always have the lowest scores but never lead with a Black student who has done well or
make plans to try and raise scores. “It can be a downer,” Participant 5 reflected.
When asked whether they thought their White colleagues believed there are fewer
opportunities for African Americans in PWSSDs, the majority of the participants responded in
the same manner as Participant 6:
I think some would think we have all the opportunities in the world just because there are
some Black leaders. They’d say, we had President Barack Obama. He was president. But
if they were willing to look at the actual numbers of representation, if they’d look at the
percentages across the United States, or even in our own local county, then they’d see
that the representation is not there. It’s not as close as they think it is. I think they would
have to actually see raw data to be able to persuade them to think about another
viewpoint.
When asked this same question, Participant 7 stated:
I think my White colleagues would believe that what I’m saying is not true. I think that
there are just a lot of assumptions. They assume the lives that minorities live are so much
different than theirs, and the minute that you say something that’s contrary to maybe one
of your White peers’ beliefs, or you state something about your perception as a minority
or your lived experience, they can’t believe you, because they just can’t imagine that that
would happen.
Participant 3, however, felt how their White colleagues identified politically would determine
whether their colleague would say the political climate had no effect at all and that everyone is

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looked at equally, and then some would say there are apparent differences. “I think it really
would be based on their political view” (Participant 3).
Discussion: Research Question 2
The data from Research Question 2 indicates that the current political climate impacts
African American educators’ perceptions of their professional relationships and attitudes
changed because of a racialized political environment. According to the data, African American
educators’ relationships with White educator peers are affected in two areas. The first
relationship area affected by the current political climate is African American educators’ fear of
communicating their political points of view with their White colleagues. Second, African
American educators view the current political climate as creating a barrier between themselves
and their White peers in terms of their ability to engage in conversations surrounding the current
political climate. According to the interview participants, African American educators are
willing to engage in conversations surrounding the current political climate, but they must
carefully select which White colleagues they engage in conversation.
Along with changes in their relationships with their White peers, the data obtained from
the interview participants indicates that the current political climate may have increased African
American educators’ attitudes and perceptions of White educators’ sense of superiority.
According to Cross (1991), many African Americans acquiesce to racist stereotypes and
distortions, as well as the idea of White superiority. As a result, the data suggests that Black
educators perceive White colleagues as being privileged in the sense that Whites are in denial,
not caring, have double standards, or are unwilling to engage in topics surrounding the current
political climate unless it is on their terms.

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Research Question 3
Research Question 3 sought to investigate the following: How does the political climate
influence African American educators’ perceptions of professional self-efficacy within
PWSSDs? Self-efficacy theory emphasizes how an individual’s social environment influences
motivation, learning, and self-regulation (Schunk & Usher, 2019). In addition to influencing an
individual’s motivation, learning, and self-regulation, SCT recognizes the social environment’s
influence on a person’s attitude and actions (Stajkovic & Luthans, 1998). When someone
succeeds at a task, that success builds their belief that they can achieve the tasks they set out for
themselves (Lopez-Garrido, 2020). In contrast, when the individual is unsuccessful, it causes the
individual to question their ability to succeed (Lopez-Garrido, 2020). Currently, there is no
research that examines how the current political climate influences African American educators’
perceptions of their professional self-efficacy within a PWSSD. In this study, African American
feelings of the lack of decision-making power within their PWSSD and their inability to self-
advocate emerged as themes that threaten African American educators’ perceptions of their
professional self-efficacy (see Table 9).

Table 9
Threats to African American Professional Self-Efficacy
Theme Participant alignment
Lack of decision-making power 5/7
Inability to self-advocate 6/7

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Lack of Decision-Making Power
The data shared by the interview participants suggests that the current political climate
has made it more difficult for African American educators to share in the decision-making
process within their PWSSD. “Who gets to make the decisions at my predominately White
suburban school? Well, the decision-makers don’t look like me, and when they [White
educators] make decisions, they’re making decisions based on what’s best for those that look like
them” (Participant 1). Participant Two corroborated Participant one’s sentiments agreeing that
the current political climate makes them feel as though they are left out of the political process,
but the political climate allows White educators to make assumptions about what is best for
everyone. As a result, “Black educators are left out when the decision is made. They just say,
‘Hey, are you okay with it?’ You don’t get the final say. They don’t even ask for your input”
(Participant 2). Based on the data, most of the interview participants agreed with or shared an
opinion related to Participant 5’s statement:
we find out stuff after the fact, and our opinion wasn’t even asked. We aren’t asked about
what solutions we might have or be able to bring to the issue or the matter at hand. It’s
understood that we’re going to listen to their opinion first.
Participant 6 alluded that even with decades of service to a PWSSD, African American
educators’ opinions are rarely taken into account: “Black people that have been in this business
for 30 plus years aren’t asked for their thoughts on situations. They make decisions for us”
(Participant 6).
Alternatively, interview respondents conceded the possibility that power, not race, is the
issue, and when invited to meetings, their presence is often extended as a courtesy. Participant 1
explained:

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It may not necessarily be a racial thing. I think that’s just a matter of those that have the
power, the control. White people have the power in PWSSDs, and so they make the final
decisions. I’ve been in a situation where I was brought in to help assess a situation and
give my opinion on a program that my district was considering. I was asked to visit
another school in another city in Texas, and to make a long story short, what I found out
was my opinion, my perspective, et cetera, didn’t matter; the decisions had already
previously been made.
Participant 4 believes that in predominantly White districts, there is a lack of self-awareness. The
lack of self-awareness leads to White educators not only not understanding how their actions
inhibit Black professional growth but also leads to an overall lack of understanding of Black
people, which leads to a lot of misperceptions about their Black co-workers and students.
Inability to Self-Advocate
Based on responses provided by the interview participants, the data indicates Black
educators’ general fear of communicating with their White colleagues due to the current political
climate affects their ability to self-advocate:
I can’t express my feelings; I think it’s a matter of fear of the consequences of when I
express myself. It’s kind of like I’ve already assessed the situation in my head before I
actually do it. I don’t know what’s going to happen, but I’ve talked myself into a fear that
if I say something, then I could possibly be demoted or lose my job. I don’t know that for
sure, but I think a lot of times, we talk ourselves into those situations. (Participant 1)
Participants expressed that the inability to self-advocate can extend beyond the individual’s
personal feelings; it also inhibits their ability to feel supported and less scrutinized within their

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classroom environment. Participant 5 described the difficulty in gaining administrative support
when African American teachers ask to have a consistently disruptive student removed from
their classroom:
It takes a lot to get a student out of my classroom. Whereas other teachers who are not
African American, I’ve noticed that they don’t have to have as many write-ups or as
many incidents before they’ll remove students from their classroom.
Participant 2 described feeling as though Black educators are always being watched by White
peers as well as those who are in positions of authority:
I personally feel that we are always under the microscope, and they probably don’t think
we have the same credentials or are able to bring forth a lesson the way they think it
should be done. If a White teacher and I were new to the classroom, I think I would get
more visits in my classroom by them [administration]. If the White teacher and I start at
the same time; if our classes are right next door to each other, and if we teach the same
subject, I think I would have more administrators coming into my classroom than she
would in her classroom, even if it wasn’t for an evaluation.
Furthermore, Participant 2 added:
We’ve seen the way Black people have been treated in the past when they spoke out
about the way they feel about how they’re being treated. Nothing has really changed in
all these years; why should I say something now? It’s not going to make a big difference.
Agreeing with Participant 2’s statements, Participant 4 added, “we just really need not lie to
ourselves and have that understanding that we just can’t do our best sometimes. We have to do
our best all the time.” The data also suggests that Black educators have modified their behavior

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by discontinuing to speak on behalf of their needs due to a lack of being heard by their White
peers or upper-level administration.
I just feel like with everything that has happened in the political climate, as a minority, I
just haven’t had a voice. So, I think when the district leadership is making decisions, I
think that they believe everybody feels the exact same way they should, but they don’t
hear how anybody else feels. I don’t feel like I have a voice to even try to let someone
know how I feel about what’s going on and how that impacts me because I don’t think
that their ears would be open to listening. (Participant 7)
Overall, there is a general belief among the interview participants that White educators within
PWSSDs are “more willing to listen to their White colleague and are closed-minded to any ideas
presented by Black educators because of their biases which have been reinforced by the current
political climate in the country” (Participant 6).
Discussion: Research Question 3
African American educators who work in suburban schools often experience challenges
that threaten areas associated with their professional sense of self-efficacy (Milner & Hoy,
2003). Research Question 3 explored how the political climate influenced African American
educators’ perceptions of professional self-efficacy within PWSSDs. Based on the interview data
gathered, there is evidence to support that the current political climate may influence African
American educators’ perceptions of their professional self-efficacy within PWSSDs. Interview
participants cited two specific areas that limited African American educators from feeling
efficacious in their professional careers, the inability to participate in the school decision-making
process and the inability to self-advocate.

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Interview respondents discussed the ways in which the current political climate has
allowed White educators to assume that they know what is best for employees within the
PWSSD. Therefore, White educators make decisions without asking about or considering the
needs of the African American educators employed in their schools. As a result, Black educators
are left to feel as though they do not have a voice or a means to determine their professional
destiny (Participant 7). In addition to being unable to participate in the decisions being made,
Black educators, who are employed in PWSSDs, communicated that they often feel as though
they cannot advocate for themselves because their concerns often fall on deaf ears.
Summary
The perceptions of African American educators, who are employed in PWSSDs, were
solicited to answer how the current political climate influences the following three research
questions:
1. How do African American educators perceive the political climate impacting their
opportunities for career advancement in PWSSD?
2. How have African American educators’ perceptions of their professional
relationships and attitudes changed because of a racialized political environment?
3. How does the political climate influence African American educators’ perceptions of
their professional self-efficacy within PWSSD?
Research participants’ responses indicated that African American educators are often
made to feel as though PWSSDs hired them in response to various societal pressures, and when
hired, they are not given the opportunity to rise beyond certain levels within the districts because
higher level positions are reserved for primarily White males who are friends with those who
make hiring decisions. The research also suggests that the current political climate has made it

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more difficult for African American and White educators to have an open dialogue regarding
their political views. While Black educators are willing to engage in such discussions, they feel
they must be careful with whom they engage in conversation. According to the participants, the
fear of losing their job or an opportunity that could further their careers implores them to remain
silent. When Black educators attempt to speak out, the interview participants state that their input
is ignored, and when included in discussions, their White colleagues have generally made a
decision well before their opinion was asked. Therefore, Black educator participation in the
decision-making process is believed to be a merely symbolic gesture. The data also revealed that
African American educators report having few opportunities within their work environment to
advocate for themselves and effectuate change in their classrooms. The inability to self-advocate
often leaves them feeling less efficacious than their White peers.
Finally, critical race theory in education suggests that the racial inequalities that exist within the
today’s educational system can be traced back to historical events. These racial inequalities
currently manifest themselves as the limitations upon placed, as well as the underrepresentation
of, African American educators in today’s educational system.
Chapter 4 brought forth the themes that emerged from the exploration of the three
research questions. Chapter 5 will provide an in-depth discussion of the research findings, their
implications, suggestions for future research regarding the influence of the political climate on
African American educators employed within PWSSDs, as well as the limitations associated
with this research study.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
Chapter 5 summarizes the findings of this phenomenological study which examines the
areas in which North Texas African American educators employed in a PWSSD perceive the
current political climate as having influenced their professional experiences. The key findings
that materialized from seven one-on-one interviews are expounded upon. While the research
literature on this specific topic is absent, connections to related areas in the research literature are
made where appropriate. The intent of this first of its kind study is to expose the hidden
consequences of a racialized political climate on African American educators, as well as provide
recommendations for future studies based on the conclusions drawn from the study participants
responses.
This study specifically focused on factors that have affected North Texas African
American educators’ career opportunities, attitudes, beliefs, and experiences as a result of a
racialized political climate while working in a PWSSD. African Americans often attempt to
either conform to White norms, ignore subtle invalidations, or respond with humor to the
microaggressions they experience while employed in a predominately White organization (Pitcan
et al., 2017). Understanding how the current political climate affects African American educators
is important because when educators are forced to suppress their feelings, it has traumatic effects
and can impact an educator’s classroom (Emdin, 2016). Currently, no specific research is
available surrounding this study’s topic. However, the use of existing research literature was
used to create the following three research questions.
1. How do African American educators perceive the political climate as impacting their
opportunities for career advancement in PWSSD?

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2. How have African American educators’ perceptions of their professional
relationships and attitudes changed because of a racialized political environment?
3. How does the political climate influence African American educators’ perceptions of
professional self-efficacy within PWSSD?
This phenomenological study utilized survey responses from 24 survey participants to
generate interview questions. Seven out of the 24 survey participants agreed to an individual
semi-structured interview. Semi-structured interview protocols help ensure the comparability of
data across individuals, times, and settings, as well as help provide a deeper understanding of a
particular phenomenon (Maxwell, 2013). Once interview responses were collected, the data was
peer as well as axial coded, and themes were developed based on patterns within the data.
Findings
Study findings suggest that African American educators view the current political climate
as having exacerbated previous White American beliefs that they have an inherent right to pursue
and obtain career advancement opportunities and that a person of color’s right to advance their
careers is secondary to their own. This study’s data also revealed that African American
educators have concluded that the current political environment has made it more difficult for
them to engage in collegial conversations involving racial issues. Black educators are refusing to
initiate such conversations even though they feel as though it would foster a deeper
understanding of both African American and White culture and strengthen their professional
relationships. African American educators cite fear as their primary reason for avoiding such
conversations. Furthermore, there is also a belief among interview participants that today’s
political climate has further strained their ability to express or meet their personal needs as well

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as share their political points of view with their White colleagues. These findings are best
understood through the seven primary and four sub-themes that emerged from the study’s three
research questions.
Research Question 1
Research Question 1 sought to answer the question: How do African American educators
perceive the political climate impacting their opportunities for career advancement in PWSSDs?
According to the study data, the concepts of tokenism, glass ceiling, and cronyism emerged as
themes concerning African American educators’ career opportunities.
The concept of tokenism arose as the first theme embedded within Research Question 1.
According to Grant (2017), tokenism is a political tactic used to give the appearance that upward
mobility is available to all when it is not. It is designed to placate a demand for a particular
course of action, such as increasing diversity. Interview responses from participants suggest that
despite having higher qualifications and more experience than some of their White peers, White
applicants continue to be hired over Black applicants for upper-level district positions in
PWSSDs. Seventy-one percent of interview participants stated that when there are a plethora of
Whites being promoted and only a few–if any– African American educators being offered high-
level positions, it feels as though the Black educators being placed in those positions are being
used as the district’s evidence of their commitment to diversity when, in fact, they are merely
tokens to ease political pressure. The death of George Floyd and the political and social firestorm
that followed was also cited by two of the interview participants as affecting the number of
African Americans hired in PWSSDs:

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When George Floyd happened, there was unrest happening around parts of the country …
In various professional areas, whether it’s education or the corporate world, I can see
where just for the sake, even as symbolic as it may be, putting certain Black people in
positions just say that we’re trying to be inclusive and have diversity. (Participant 6)
According to the study participants, the death of George Floyd forced many North Texas
PWSSDs to publicly declare their commitment to racial justice. To provide proof of their
commitment, some districts began hiring more people of color. However, newly hired, as well as
those already employed in the district, were not hired or promoted to upper-level district
positions.
Along with tokenism, the idea of there being a career glass ceiling was a consistent theme
among interviewees. There is a ceiling effect that inhibits African American career advancement
and has done so for years (Airen, 2017). According to the interview data, participants believe
that positions of power within their district leadership mirror the current political landscape of
the local, state, and federal government, which consists of primarily White males. For example,
when allowed to lead, it is believed that African Americans are often relegated to lower
authoritative positions such as assistant principal but rarely principal and never area directors or
superintendents. As described Participant 2:
I see people that have more power, have higher positions, all of one particular race. You
see very few minorities in leadership positions. The people I’ve seen in leadership
positions, I haven’t seen a lot, but from what I’ve seen, there are very few minorities in
leadership positions in our school district.

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The glass ceiling effect not only limits the positions Black educators can obtain, but it also limits
their access to real power, and although the election of President Obama initially left Black
citizens with a feeling of optimism (D’Souza, 2008, as cited in McWhorter, 2008), many of the
interview participants felt disillusioned by his Presidency citing the blocking of President
Obama’s initiatives and judicial appointments by a majority White Congress as a way to keep
President Obama in his place. In other words, Obama may have been the President, but his
power was going to be limited to that which the White Congressional members allowed him:
Black people have never had any real power or control over anything, not even Obama.
Some nefarious things were said about him. Things were done to him that would never be
done to a White president. It was literally like Obama had to have a squeaky, squeaky
clean plate on every level because even the smallest thing could have changed the
trajectory of his presidency. (Participant 4)
Similarly, a few African American educators may obtain upper-level positions within a PWSSD,
but their authority and power will be limited by the White majority. According to the perspective
of research participants, if African American educators want to further their careers, they should
consider leaving PWSSDs because, in PWSSDs, higher-level positions of power are primarily
reserved for White male educators and their friends:
I can get an assistant position; I can be there for years. My track record … everything can
be in place, and I won’t get it. You can never get that [head] position. I’ve known Black
people who left the district because they [White people] were not going to promote them
regardless of their track record. (Participant 1)

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Cronyism was the last theme that emerged as a factor limiting African American
educators’ career opportunities within PWSSDs. As Weller (2019) indicated:
African Americans face more hurdles to get a job, never mind a good one, than their
white counterparts. They continue to face systematically fewer job opportunities and
occupational segregation. These persistent differences reflect systematic barriers to jobs,
such as discrimination against African American workers (para. 1).
Interview participants, when observing the number of White versus Black educators who obtain
employment in PWSSDs, pointed out that the majority of new hires are often friends of those
who are doing the hiring, or they were a friend with someone who knows the person doing the
hiring. Oftentimes, positions are filled by friends of the hiring managers before the jobs are
posted. According to the participants, “They [White employers] usually know who they are
going to hire before you [a Black educator] get a chance to interview” (Participant 6).
Research Question 2
Research Question 2 inquired the following: How have African American educators’
perceptions of their professional relationships and attitudes changed because of a racialized
political environment? Participant responses to Research Question 2 yielded two primary themes,
with each primary theme having two sub-themes. Interview participants relayed that the negative
sentiments expressed by the nation’s leaders towards people of color have made it difficult for
African American and White educators to build and maintain their relationships. The existing
literature supports this belief. According to Banda and Cluverius (2018), negative presidential
rhetoric, in conjunction with today’s Congressional polarization, creates a rise in social
polarization which can effectively cause a rift between opposing groups. It was asserted that

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President Donald Trump’s racist rhetoric has provided White people with implied permission to
openly express their racist views. Menasce et al. (2021) concur, stating that since Donald Trump
was elected, people are more likely to voice their racist or racially insensitive views, even if their
comments are not necessarily accepted. The result of such racist statements has strained the
relationships between Black and White educators. Unlike White educators, African American
educators do not presume to have the same rights to expressive thought as their White
colleagues. In fact, Black educators refuse to speak about issues concerning race for fear of
retribution.
You don’t talk because you’ve seen what has happened to the others who spoke up. You
know, if you do speak up, you will get called to the office. So, you don’t say anything.
You don’t talk about the things going on or what’s happening to you. (Participant 2)
The fear of communicating manifested itself as a sub-theme among most of the interview
participants. Evidence of their fears materialized during the course of this study. In October
2022, the research survey associated with this study was sent to 332 African American educators
who are currently employed in three North Texas PWSSDs. Of the 332 potential survey
respondents, 27 individuals opened the survey, and 24 chose to complete it. It took 2 months and
multiple interview solicitation attempts to get seven out of the 24 survey participants to agree to
the interview. When the study’s interview participants were asked why they thought most
African American educators refused to participate in the survey or interview process, 100% of
the interviewees stated there is a real fear among Black educators that if they communicate their
concerns, they will be labeled by fellow White colleagues and upper-level district management
as a troublemaker, lose opportunities for promotions, or worse lose their jobs. Researchers agree

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that in order to perform their jobs, educators of color must sometimes disconnect and perform in
a deracialize way by silencing their stories, following the rules, and not making waves (Gutierrez
& Muhs et al., 2012, as cited in Motha & Varghese, 2018).
While African American educators refuse to broach topics involving race with their
White peers, White educators rarely seek the opinions or input from their Black colleagues
regardless of the topic. Therefore, the second sub-theme associated with relationships is the lack
of communication. African American educators assert that not only are district and campus-level
decisions made without their input, but grade-level team decisions are generally made without
consulting them. Black educators are expected to “agree with the White majority and be a team
player, even when they disagree with proposed policies, practices, and directions of a school”
(Milner, 2020, p. 406), regardless of their opinion.
Along with the theme of relationships, interview responses from African American
educators also revealed attitudes as a major theme. The theme of attitudes included the sub-
themes: (a) a change in both African American attitudes towards their White colleagues and (b) a
change in White educator attitudes toward Black educators. African American educators believe
their White colleagues are comfortable with the status quo, and when challenged, they feel they
have been wronged, become offended, and there will be repercussions:
It seems like when you advocate for something, especially for people of color, you are
considered a troublemaker, or they [White employers] just want you to be quiet and
accept what’s going on. A lot of times, when you advocate and you are looked at as the
person, that’s going to be a problem. You learn to not say anything because you know
you’re probably going to jeopardize your job if you keep being an advocate for Blacks,

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especially when they [White employers] know that African Americans are not being
treated fair in certain situations. (Participant 2)
Although there is no specific research that addresses the effects of the current political climate on
the communication between Whites and African Americans, research conducted by Sides et al.
(2018) confirms that, due to the racist rhetoric of President Trump, many White Americans
believe they are suffering from the same level of discrimination as Black Americans. Challenges
to White authority, in any form, are deemed to be a threat to White culture. For that reason,
Black educators find themselves accepting the status quo and avoid engaging their White
counterparts in discussions that upset them so that Black educators can continue working
alongside their White colleagues peacefully. African American educators perceive their White
peers as adhering to double standards, which leaves them and their students feeling invisible.
Black educators point out that the current political climate has made it more difficult to
incorporate elements of Black history into the curriculum: “There is a constant lack of
authenticity and not living in the truth of what we [African Americans] experience under this
White racial societal construct due to a fear of backlash, especially if you say something they
don’t like” (Participant 4), and in the classroom, “when I ask for help, I feel like I don’t always
get help or I have to go above and beyond to prove I’ve tried everything, but my White colleague
gets help immediately” (Participant 5). However, every day, White culture is being exalted for
their contributions to society, leaving African Americans to believe that their culture added little
value to the United States.

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Research Question 3
Research Question 3 asked: How does the political climate influence African American
educators’ perceptions of their professional self-efficacy within PWSSDs? The data relating to
Research Question 3 produced one centralized theme, the lack of self-efficacy.
The lack of self-efficacy and its two sub-themes ⎯the lack of inclusion in the decision-
making process and the inability to self-advocate ⎯were cited as having an impact on African
American educators’ experiences with PWSSDs. Literature addressing how the current political
climate influences suburban African American educators’ sense of self-efficacy does not exist;
however, the available literature investigating the formation of self-efficacy was used to draw
parallels linking suburban African American educators’ experiences with their inability to
develop their own sense of professional self-efficacy. According to Lopez-Garrido (2020), when
an individual is unsuccessful at a task, it causes the individual to question their ability to succeed.
Using this same principle, one could argue that when African American educators’ needs are
ignored, or they are excluded from discussions that affect them. They begin to feel as though
they have little control over the direction of their careers and that only the needs and concerns of
their White colleague’s matter:
You just want the option of being able to go another direction for yourself. You want a
fair chance at work to be able to work in harmony and work in peace and be able to
advance just like anyone else. It’s hard living in a very conservative state. I think the
political climate still fosters the idea that only White opinions, White voices matter. I’m
still left out of important decisions. I’ve been left out of important decisions my whole

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career to the point that I’ve gotten used to it. I’ve just gotten used to it. I’ve been doing it
for so long; you just get used to it. (Participant 6)
African American educators are also aware of how other Black educators’ careers have been
negatively impacted when they attempt to self-advocate. Learning vicariously from others’
experiences is an influential determinant of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977).
Although not investigated as part of this research study, the historical relationship
between the United States and African Americans was mentioned by all interview participants:
“The default of the United States has always been seen through the lens of White European
culture” (Participant 4). Interview participants voiced that the questions asked in the survey and
interview are not the result of a new phenomenon but have simply been brought back to the
forefront by the current political climate. Newman et al. (2020) found that while social norms are
generally engrained, the continuation of that norm requires consistent reinforcement, especially
by persons in authority. Therefore, President Trump’s insistence on using racist rhetoric as part
of his campaign and presidential platform once again emboldened those who were once silenced
and inclined to prejudiced speech.
Limitations
Limitations within this study related to its sample size. The small number of survey
responses and interview participants limited generalizability of the study’s findings. Despite
numerous survey and interviewee solicitations and assurances to maintain anonymity, less than
10% of potential survey respondents completed the survey; and less than 2% of potential
interview candidates responded.

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Implications for Practice
The data presented throughout this study was collected through the delineation of
interview participants’ responses to questions designed to bring forth themes associated with
each of the three study research questions. Although there is currently no specific research
surrounding this study’s topic, a review of existing research literature was used to develop the
three research questions. The purpose of this study was to investigate the influence of the current
political climate on African American educators’ experiences within PWSSDs. The themes that
arose as a result of the three research questions serve to inform district and campus leaders of the
impact political rhetoric has on African American educators. Triangulation data from surveys,
interviews, and the comparison of educator responses from across three different North Texas
suburban districts suggests White employers typically hire and promote individuals who look
like them before considering hiring or promoting an African American educator of equal or
greater qualifications. Therefore, the study findings suggest a need for the implementation of a
hiring and promotion system that provides each applicant with an equal chance for hire.
Second, because Texas House Bill 3979 discourages teachers and administrators from
discussing “controversial issues of public policy or social affairs” (2021), the findings suggest
districts should invest in campus-wide professional developments that focus on how to
respectfully engage in crucial conversations. Doing so will help provide all educators, regardless
of their race, with the tools necessary to engage in respectful race-related conversations while
maintaining a healthy work environment. Finally, district and campus leaders should create site-
based initiative teams (SBIT) whose members represent each racial demographic within the
district or campus and who provide input into district or campus decisions. Leaders should also
avoid making decisions before they consider the diverse perspectives of their stakeholders.

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Future Research
The influence of the current political climate on African American educators’
experiences and self-efficacy needs to be further explored because this study is the first to
examine this topic. In addition, with the political war on the Southern border being waged
against immigrants seeking asylum or entering the United States, in hopes of a better life from
traditionally Hispanic nations, research investigating how the current political climate influences
the experiences of Hispanic educators and students should be conducted as well. Understanding
how racially charged political rhetoric from our nation’s leaders affects more than voter turnout
may help bridge the gap between White citizens and citizens of color. In the meantime, it is
recommended that district and campus leaders examine their own hidden biases and create
structures that help eliminate the influence of such biases in the hiring, promotion, and decision-
making processes.
Conclusions
Although there was a fear of being exposed for having participated in this study’s survey
and interview protocols, the data gathered from the brave survey and interview participants
yielded results that suggest the current political climate has influenced African American
educators’ experiences who are employed in PWSSDs. According to Deal (2013), schools are no
different than the society they serve; in fact, they are microcosms that mirror their society.
The study data revealed that African American educators in PWSSDs find that their
opportunities for career advancement, the development of relationships with their peers, and their
professional self-efficacy have been limited by the racialized political rhetoric of governmental
officials. As a result, African American educators believe that despite their experience or
qualifications, upward mobility is stymied. According to interview participants, the existence of

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double standards between Black and Whites, regardless of the profession, is deeply ingrained in
American history, despite federal and state laws that prohibit discrimination based on race. As
Participant 2 noted, “The things we [African American educators] are experiencing now are no
different than what we have always endured. The current political climate has awakened old
prejudices, condoned hate speech, reignited microaggressions, and reestablished the myth of
White supremacy.” In summary, although the data indicate that the current political climate has
made it more difficult for African American educators to advance their careers, build
relationships with their White colleagues, and advocate for themselves, one of the most
compelling results of this study involves the concept of fear. One hundred percent of the
participants surveyed, as well as those interviewed, indicated that the current political climate
has, on some level, once again, brought forth the very real historical fear of speaking out about
the difficulties African Americans experience as educators working in predominantly White
suburban districts. Currently, there is an absence of research literature investigating this
phenomenon. Therefore, more research is needed to pinpoint the exact elements within the
current political climate that have revived historical fears.

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Appendix A: Survey Information/Consent Sheet
The following information was provided to participants as part of the informed consent
process.
Research Topic
A qualitative phenomenological study examining the influence of political climate on
African American teachers’ perceptions of professional experiences within a predominately
White K–12 North Texas suburban school district.
Participant Letter Text
My name is Karen McNeil, and I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern
California. I am currently researching the effects of the current political climate on African
American teachers’ perceptions of their professional experiences within North Texas
predominantly white suburban school districts. The survey you are being asked to take is
designed to gain a better understanding of your perceptions of the current political climate and its
effects (if any) on your professional experiences within predominantly white suburban school
districts. The average time it takes to complete this survey is 15 minutes. There are four parts to
the survey. There are no right or wrong answers. At the end of the survey, you will be asked if
you would like to participate in a 45–60 minute local one-on-one interview.
The purpose of the interview is to gain insight and provide participants with the
opportunity to discuss their survey responses. Information containing your personal
identification and individual responses will be kept confidential for both the survey and
interview. Therefore, please answer each question honestly.

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A key term to remember throughout this survey is political climate, which refers to the
general political mood or opinions of a population about current political issues that affect the
population in some way.
The survey link below is not associated with your employment email nor will your
employer have access to your identity or responses. The survey may be accessed via any
computer or cell phone. Lastly, by clicking the survey link below, you agree to participate
voluntarily in the survey. Your responses are strictly voluntary. You may pause and resume the
survey at any time, and you may also exit the survey and discontinue your participation at any
time.
Again, thank you for taking the time to complete this survey and contributing to the field
of educational research.
(Qualtrics Survey link here)

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Appendix B: Research Study Survey
The following materials represent the survey instrument used in the present study.
Survey Questionnaire
A qualitative phenomenological study examining the influence of political climate on
African American teachers’ perceptions of professional experiences within predominately white
K −12 North Texas suburban school districts.
Part I. Demographics
Questions 1–3 asked African American participants a series of demographic questions.
Participants were asked to check the box(es) that best described them.
1. How do you currently describe yourself?
• male
• female
• non-binary/third gender
• prefer to self-describe_______________
• prefer not to say
2. How many years have you worked in your current district?
3. What grade level of students do you currently work with?
Part II. Personal Politics and Political Climate
Questions 4 and 5 asked African American participants to check the box that best
describes their political leanings as well as their political affiliation.
4. Generally speaking, do you think of yourself as
• very conservative
• conservative

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• moderate
• liberal
• very liberal
5. What is your party affiliation?
Part III. Career Advancement
Questions 6–16 asked African American educators questions about their perceptions
of the current political climate in the United States and its influence on their opportunities for
career advancement within their school districts. Participants indicated on a scale of 1 (strongly
disagree) to 7 (strongly agree) the degree to which they agreed or disagreed with each statement.
6. The current political climate has become more divided based on racial differences in
the nation.
7. The current political climate has become more divided based on racial differences in
my state.
8. The current political climate in my district has become more divided based on racial
differences.
9. The current political climate has provided me the same career advancement
opportunities as teachers who are not African American.
10. The current political climate has made it difficult for me to advance my career.
11. The current political climate has positively influenced hiring practices within my
district.
12. The current political climate has negatively influenced hiring practices within my
district.

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13. The current political climate has increased the number of African Americans who are
promoted to upper level leadership positions within my district.
14. The current political climate has increased racial biases in hiring practices within my
district.
15. The current political climate has decreased promotion opportunities for African
American teacher.
16. The curret political climate has increased promotion opportunities for African
American teachers.
Questions 17–18 asked African American educators questions regarding their perceptions
of their work ethic and a liberal political climate in the United States’ influence on their
opportunities for career advancement within their school districts. Participants indicated on a
scale the degree to which they strongly disagreed to strongly agreed with each statement.
17. As an African American, my education, years of experience, and work ethic will help
advance my career in my district.
18. The current liberal politics have influenced my ability to advance my career.
Part IV . Professional Relationships
Questions 19–31 asked African American educators questions regarding their perceptions
of how the current political climate affected their professional relationships. Participants
indicated on a scale the degree to which they strongly disagreed to strongly agreed with each
statement.
19. The current political climate has made it difficult to speak to my white colleagues
about issues that affect me as an African American.

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20. The current political climate has made it easier to speak to my white colleagues about
issues that affect me as an African American.
21. Due to the current political climate, I have seen an increase in my white colleagues’
willingness to engage in conversations about race.
22. Due to the current political climate, I have seen a decrease in my white colleagues’
willingness to engage in conversations about race.
23. My colleagues have made more racially offensive comments due to the current
political climate.
24. My colleagues have made fewer racially offensive comments due to the current
political climate.
25. My attitude toward my white colleagues has changed due to the current political
climate.
26. My white colleagues’ attitude toward me has changed due to the current political
climate.
27. The current political climate motivates me to collaborate more frequently with my
white colleagues.
28. The current political climate motivates me to put forth more effort as a teacher.
29. The current political climate causes me to put forth less effort as a teacher.
30. I am expected to understand White culture.
31. My white colleagues are expected to understand Black culture.
Part V . Professional Beliefs
Questions 32 −45 asked African American educators about their perceptions of
how the current political climate has affected their beliefs as a professional. Participants

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indicated on a scale the degree to which they strongly disagreed to strongly agreed with each
statement.
32. Due to the current political climate, I am held to a higher level of performance than
my white colleagues.
33. Due to the current political climate, I am often left out of important decision-making
discussions.
34. Due to the current political climate, I am often included in important decision-making
discussions.
35. Due to the current political climate, I am allowed to make changes to the curriculum
without repercussions.
36. Due to the current political climate, my white colleagues are allowed to make changes
to the curriculum without repercussions.
37. Due to the current political climate, my white colleagues’ ideas are often
implemented.
38. Due to the current political climate, my ideas are often implemented.
39. Due to the current political climate, I can express my concerns without fear of
jeopardizing my professional future.
40. Due to the current political climate, my white colleagues can express their concerns
without jeopardizing their professional future.
41. Due to the current political climate, I can advocate for African American students
without being viewed as biased.
42. Due to the current political climate, my white colleagues can advocate for white
students without being viewed as biased.

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43. Due to the current political climate, I am motivated to work harder.
44. Due to the current political climate, my intelligence is viewed as equal to my white
colleagues.
45. Due to the current political climate, my intelligence is viewed as less than my white
colleagues.

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Appendix C: Online Interview Protocol and Volunteer Consent
The following document reflects the interview protocol and volunteer consent.
Researcher Introduction
My name is Karen McNeil, and I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern
California’s Rossier School of Education. I’d like to thank you for volunteering to participate in
an interview. At this time, I am going to share my screen with you so that as I read the consent to
participate in this interview, you may follow along.
The purpose of the interview is to gain a deeper understanding of survey responses. Prior
to today’s event, you were notified that this interview will take approximately 45 minutes. To
ensure the accuracy of your interview responses, your interview will be videotaped.
In lieu of using your personal identification information during the interview, you have
been assigned a participant number. Please note that any personally identifying information will
be kept strictly confidential. Only I will have access to your interview video and its transcription.
After your interview video has been transcribed, participants will be provided a copy of the
videotape transcription to ensure the accuracy of their responses to the interview questions. After
the video transcription has been verified by the participant as accurate and coded, the video
containing your interview will be destroyed.
Description of the Research
This research study aims to determine how North Texas K–12 African American
educators’ perceptions of their professional experiences are influenced by the current political
climate in predominately white suburban school districts (PWSSD). I am specifically seeking to
gain insight into how you perceive politics as having influenced your opportunities for
advancement within your district, your professional relationships with white colleagues, your

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professional self-efficacy, and whether these factors influence your perception of your
experience within your workplace.
Risks and Benefits
There are minor risks to participating in this study, such as some of the questions could
cause you to feel uneasy or embarrassed. Your participation is strictly voluntary, and at any time,
the participant may decline to answer a question or discontinue the interview. Participation or
non-participation will not affect the participant’s relationship with their employer. The benefits
of participating in this study include providing research data on a topic that has not been
previously studied.
Payments
No compensation will be provided to interview participants for their participation in this
study.
Data Storage to Protect Confidentiality
All videotaped interview participant identities and their individual interview question
responses will be kept confidential. Participants’ identities will be protected. Data will be used
for research and will be stored in a password-protected computer. Each participant’s video
interview will be destroyed after it has been transcribed and the participant has verified the
accuracy of the transcription.
Time Involvement
This interview will take approximately 45 minutes to complete.

130

How Results Will Be Used
Data from all participants will be looked at holistically and analyzed for patterns. Overall
themes and patterns will be included as part of the research and shared with the research
community.
In order to get an accurate picture of the phenomenon being studied, please try to answer
the questions with as much detail as you are comfortable sharing so that emerging patterns can
be clearly identified and defined.
Participant Rights
Please listen to the following statements. Please ask questions at any time during the
reading of these statements. After the statements have been read, you will be asked whether you
wish to give your verbal consent to participate, as well as whether or not you wish to receive a
transcribed copy of your interview for verification purposes.
• You have had the Research Description read and the opportunity to discuss it with the
researcher.
• You have had the opportunity to ask questions about the purposes and procedures of
this study.
• You understand you may withdraw your consent to participate in the research at any
time.
• You understand your interview will be recorded and your responses will be
transcribed.
• You understand your identity will be kept confidential and known only to
the principal investigator.

131

• You understand that, upon request, you will be given the opportunity to review, your
transcribed interview responses for accuracy and you have the right to change or
withdraw my responses at any time from the study.
• You understand that if at any time you have questions regarding the research or your
participation, you can contact the investigator, who will answer my questions.
Participant Verbal Consent
 Yes, I would like to participate in a one-on-one interview. (If chosen to participate in
a one-on-one interview a copy of this consent form will be sent to you via email). It is
important that you remember that you have the right to withdraw your participation
study at any time before, during, or after the interview.
 No, Thank you for your time. At this time, I will end the Zoom.
Participant Interview Transcription
A copy of your transcribed one-on-one interview will be sent to you via email. Please
review its consents for accuracy. You have the right to edit, delete, or withdraw you interview
data from this research study at any time by contacting the principal investigator at: [inserted
information.]
Before we begin, do you have any questions or areas of concerns that need to be
clarified?

132

Appendix D: Interview Questions
The following document reflects the interview questions for paticipants.
Participant Background Information
Before we get started with the formal interview, please introduce yourself and tell me
what led you to become an educator. Thank you for sharing.
Participation Reminder
As a reminder, during the interview, please speak clearly and loudly so that an accurate
transcription can be made. The following research questions will be used to guide this study:
General Questions
1. How would you describe the current today’s political climate as opposed to the
political climate of the past?
2. How does the current national or state political climate influence predominantly white
suburban school district hiring practices? Prompts: (Depending on answer)
▪ How does that make you feel?
▪ Tell me more about a time when national/state policies benefited your career?
▪ Tell me more about a time when national/state policies hindered your career?
3. How does your description of the current political climate affect African American
teachers in your district?
Transition 1
Thank you for sharing your story. Let’s turn our focus to ways in which the current
political climate may or may not your career opportunities.
4. Explain why you believe the current political climate (has/ has not) made advancing
your career more difficult?

133

5. Describe a time when you believe the political climate played a role in the hiring
practices in predominantly white suburban districts? Prompt: Depending on answer
▪ Give me an example of _____________?
▪ Why do you believe _____________?
6. In your opinion, has the current political made advancing your career more difficult?
▪ Why? (Give examples) or
▪ Why not (Give examples)
7. In what ways do you have the same career opportunities as your White colleagues?
▪ If answer is no, what opportunities are you given to advance your career? In
your opinion, is there a glass ceiling for African Americans who work in
PWSSD?
▪ If yes, how does the political climate of the nation or the State of Texas play a
part in creating the glass ceiling?
▪ Explain what you mean by there being a glass ceiling in your district.
8. In your opinion, if your White colleagues were asked these same questions about
African American educators’ career opportunities, how would your they respond?
Transition 2
Now that we’ve discussed the ways in which you believe politics affect your career
opportunities, let’s turn our focus to how the political climate affects your professional
relationships with white colleagues.
9. It can be argued that in the last presidential election, there was a lot of racially
charged rhetoric. How has that rhetoric affected your relationships with your
colleagues?

134

10. Describe a time (if any) when you witnessed racially motivated political rhetoric that
influenced the way in which you and your white colleagues interact. Prompt: How did
you respond to your colleague when_________?
11. Tell me about occasions when your ideas or suggestions were implemented? Prompt:
(Depending on the response) Give Example: ________________?
▪ How has the way in which you interact with your colleagues changed
because of their responses?
▪ Have your White colleagues changed in response to your ideas or
suggestions? If so, how have they changed?
12. In your opinion, if your White colleagues were asked these same questions about African
American educators’ career opportunities, how would your they respond?
Transition 3
Before we move forward with our last topic are there any previous questions you’d like
to elaborate on? (Take a moment to let them think). Okay, let’s discuss your beliefs regarding
your ability to contribute to your school community.
13. Tell me about occasion when your ideas or suggestions were implemented? Prompt:
(Depending on the response) Give Example: ________________?
▪ How has the way in which you interact with your colleagues changed because
of their response?
▪ Have your White colleagues changed in response to your ideas or
suggestions? If so, how have they changed?
14. Describe the attitudes/reactions of colleagues and administration when you suggest
ways to improve teaching or school processes?

135

15. In what ways are you afforded the opportunities to control the trajectory of your
careers? Prompt:
▪ Do you feel you are in control of your career?
▪ If you work hard, do you think you have the same opportunities to advance
your career?
▪ Depending on the answer: Why or why not?
16. Describe a time when you were able to make teaching, or the curriculum decision
based on your students’ best interests. Prompt: How often can you change your
teaching materials or order of curriculum without approval from your colleagues or
administration?
17. Describe a time when your white colleagues were able to make teaching, or the
curriculum decision based on their students’ best interests.
Final Question
Why do you think that most educators who were asked to participate in this interview
stated they were afraid to interview despite being assured that their identity would not be
revealed?
Invitation to Provide More Information
Before we conclude today’s interview, is there any other information or experiences you
would like to share regarding the current political climate and its influence on African American
teachers’ opportunities for career advancement, professional relationships, and their ability to do
something within a predominantly white school district?

136

Closing
Thank you for participating in today’s interview. Your perspectives have been helpful,
and I appreciate you taking time out of your busy schedule to speak with me.

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator McNeil, Karen Paulette (author)

Core Title A qualitative phenomenological study examining the influence of political climate on African American teachers’ perceptions of professional experiences within predominately White K–12…

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Educational Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-05

Publication Date 05/17/2023

Defense Date 04/04/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African,American,Climate,districts,OAI-PMH Harvest,political,School,suburban,Teachers

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Kishimoto, Christina (committee chair), Cash, David (committee member), Muraszewski, Alison (committee member)

Creator Email keiryne821@yahoo.com,kmcneil@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113131578

Unique identifier UC113131578

Identifier etd-McNeilKare-11864.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-McNeilKare-11864

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights McNeil, Karen Paulette

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230518-usctheses-batch-1046 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

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