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The role of empathy in curtailing the disproportionate disciplinary actions towards Black students leading to the school-to-prison pipeline in Georgia

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The role of empathy in curtailing the disproportionate disciplinary actions towards Black students leading to the school-to-prison pipeline in Georgia

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The Role of Empathy in Curtailing the Disproportionate Disciplinary Actions Towards
Black Students Leading to the School-to-Prison Pipeline in Georgia

Jackson Drumgoole II

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2023

© Copyright by Jackson Drumgoole II 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Jackson Drumgoole certifies the approval of this Dissertation

John Pascarella
Akilah Lyons-Moore
Corrine Hyde, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
This study examined the relationship between White female teachers and their Black students
concerning disproportionately greater punishments for their actions in the classroom than White
students, increasing the risk of early contact with the juvenile justice system and leading to the
school-to-prison pipeline. Empathy was explored as a possible solution to address this
dysfunctional connection between teacher and student. This problem was vital to address as
maltreatment of Black students deprives them of the ability to flourish both in and out of school.
The methodology used was a qualitative design consisting of semi-structured interviews of three
K–8 teachers from a school district in a specific county in a southern state to understand this
phenomenon. This study attempted to determine whether educator empathy was viable for
diverting students from the school-to-prison pipeline. The findings showed that intentional
connection and well-cultivated student-teacher relationships between White female teachers and
Black students and their parents were vital in building bridges across racial and cultural
differences. This study has generated three recommendations for practice based on the findings
and conceptual framework, as well as insights that will better inform future classroom strategies
and practices that will lead to better outcomes for teachers, parents, and, ultimately, the students
they serve.
Keywords: school-to-prison pipeline, empathy, parents, adverse childhood experiences
(ACEs), implicit bias, zero-tolerance, critical race theory (CRT), positive behavioral
interventions and supports (PBIS)

v
Acknowledgements
To my Heavenly Father, thank you for this opportunity to grow. Let this accomplishment
open doors and open conversations so that you can open hearts because policy can’t change
hearts, but you can.
To my family, I thank you!
I thank my wife, Shdonna and children (Jackson III, Lyric, King, Journey, and Jansen)
for their trust, faith, and encouragement over the years.
To my mother and father, sisters and brothers thank you for sharing your rich history and
lived experiences with me while allowing me to develop in my purpose.
To my many flaws, failures, and shortcomings, I salute you. I salute you because though
you have weighed me down like an anchor, you have made me a stronger swimmer in the sea of
life. I must acknowledge you and give nod to my struggles. If it were not for you, I would have
never developed to become as resilient as I am today by carrying the weight of my mistakes
early in life.
Finally, struggles, I thank you for helping me to become wise enough over the decades to
know that you were a part of my assignment from day one and this accomplishment is as much
yours as it is mine. Thank you for staying in character and playing your part throughout my
journey. I salute you but you are now released of your duties!

#Fighton

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Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgements ..........................................................................................................................v
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ..................................................................................................................................x
Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice.....................................................................1
Introduction to Educator Empathy as a Solution .................................................................3
Positive Impact of Empathy on Classroom Management ....................................................4
Background of the Problem .................................................................................................5
Field Context and Mission: Contradiction of Mission Versus History................................5
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions .....................................................................7
Importance of the Study .......................................................................................................7
Overview of Theoretical Framework, Conceptual Framework, and Methodology .............8
Definitions............................................................................................................................9
Organization of the Dissertation ........................................................................................10
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...................................................................................................12
History of Maltreatment of Blacks in the Black Belt Region: Georgia .............................13
Perceptions: Addressing Punishments ...............................................................................15
Challenges to Advocacy and an Introduction to Empathy.................................................17
Punishing the Most Vulnerable: Impact of the School-to-Prison Pipeline ........................19
Rebirth of Jim Crowism: Critical Race Theory in Education ............................................21
Critical Race Theory as a Theoretical Framework ............................................................23
Empathy and Culturally Relevant Pedagogy in Action .....................................................27
Positive Interactions With Students ...................................................................................28
Supportive Classroom Environments ................................................................................28

vii
Student-Centered Classroom .............................................................................................29
Conceptual Framework: Educating With Empathy Knowledge, Motivation, and the
Organizational Context ..................................................................................................................29
Summary ............................................................................................................................32
Chapter Three: Methodology .........................................................................................................34
Research Questions ............................................................................................................34
Overview of Methodology .................................................................................................35
The Researcher...................................................................................................................36
Data Sources ......................................................................................................................38
Interviews ...........................................................................................................................38
Setting/Context ..................................................................................................................38
Participants .........................................................................................................................39
Instrumentation ..................................................................................................................39
Data Collection Procedures................................................................................................40
Data Analysis .....................................................................................................................41
Validity and Reliability ......................................................................................................42
Credibility and Trustworthiness .........................................................................................43
Member Checks .................................................................................................................43
Clarifying Researcher Biases and Assumptions ................................................................44
Ethical Considerations .......................................................................................................44
Limitations and Delimitations............................................................................................45
Chapter Four: Findings ..................................................................................................................46
Participating Stakeholders .................................................................................................47
Findings for Research Question 1: Empathy in the Context of the Teaching Practice......54
Research Question 2: Relevance of Race to Empathy in the Teaching Practice ...............58
Research Question 3: Perception of Empathy Being Valuable to the Teaching Practice ..60

viii
Summary of Findings .........................................................................................................66
Chapter Five: Recommendations and Discussion..........................................................................68
Discussion of Findings and Results ...................................................................................69
Recommendations for Practice to Address Knowledge, Motivation, and Organizational
Influences ...........................................................................................................................70
Recommendations for Future Research .............................................................................80
Conclusion .........................................................................................................................81
References ......................................................................................................................................82
Appendix A: Email Sent to Employees to Recruit Study Participants ..........................................99
Appendix B: Survey to Gauge Interest ........................................................................................100
Appendix C: Informed Consent for Research ..............................................................................102
Appendix D: IRB Approval .........................................................................................................105
Appendix E: Interview Protocol ..................................................................................................107

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Background Demographics of Participants 48
Table 2: Findings Research Question 3 61
Appendix E: Interview Protocol 107

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: CRT Restriction Map 26
Figure 2: Conceptual Framework 32
Figure 3: Creswell’s Model for Qualitative Data Analysis 42
Figure 4: Word Cloud of Most Frequently Used Words 50
Appendix D: IRB Approval 105

1

Chapter One: Introduction to the Problem of Practice
Chief Justice Earl Warren, during the 1954 Board v. Brown case, stated, “It is doubtful
that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an
education” (Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 1954, para. 16). Many Black students have
been denied the opportunity of education through obstacles such as lack of income, poor
preparation for school, being misclassified for learning services (ADHD, learning disabilities,
vision issues, etc.), and a lack of understanding of the unique circumstances that derive from
being poor and Black. The problem of practice that this current study addressed is the role of
educator empathy in curtailing the disproportionate disciplinary actions toward Black students,
which lead to the school-to-prison pipeline. Although Bradley-Levine’s (2018) study maintained
that teacher empathy as a practice is in its early stages, it cited Pantić (2017) describing teacher
empathy as teachers having an interest in ensuring their students’ “wellbeing” and that students
have “access to equal opportunities for learning” (p. 229).
Smith and Harper (2015), however, discovered that K–12 public schools in the United
States suspended 1.2 million Black students in a single academic year. Further studies revealed
that although Black students accounted for only 15.5% of all public-school students in the United
States, they represented approximately 39% of students suspended from school—an
overrepresentation of roughly 23% (GAO, 2018). That study further disclosed that more than
half of those suspensions occurred in the Black Belt region of the United States, which includes
Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South
Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia. This Government Accountability
Office (GAO, 2018) study revealed that increased dropout rates due to suspensions are one of the
leading causes of an early introduction to the juvenile justice system. Additionally, Ramey
2

(2015) found that in over 60,000 schools in around 6,000 districts, schools and districts with
comparatively larger Black populations were more likely to implement criminalized disciplinary
policies that include suspensions, expulsion, police referrals, or arrests. Moreover, schools were
less likely to medicalize students through behavioral plans established through laws, such as
Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act and the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. For
example, Black male students are typically expelled or suspended for fighting or slight disruptive
behaviors, while psychological counseling is offered to White male students for similar offenses
(GAO, 2018). According to Ocen (2015), White adults perceive Black boys as less innocent and
more adult-like than their White counterparts. Therefore, Black students are more likely to be
given increasingly greater consequences for their actions, which increase the risk of early contact
with the juvenile justice system, leading to the school-to-prison pipeline (Ocen, 2015). Fenning
and Rose (2007) examined teachers’ perceptions of loss of control in the classroom coupled with
fear as a leading factor to who is removed for disciplinary actions; typically, Black students are
on the receiving end of punishment. Implications for structural reform and teacher training point
to this social construct as the lead impetus to the punishment disparity of Black students versus
White students (Skiba et al., 2002).
This difference in punishment, however, highlights the double standard in the juvenile
justice system and schools. Additionally, findings revealed that suspensions or expulsions from
school increased the likelihood of arrest in the same month, and the impact was stronger among
youth without a history of behavioral problems (Healy, 2014; Monahan et al., 2014; Mowen &
Brent, 2016). Further, Heitzeg (2016) explored the connection between education and
incarceration when the definition of school-to-prison pipeline was the impact that schools have
on adolescents’ route out of schools and into prisons via racialized double standards. The school-
3

to-prison pipeline is neither haphazard nor color-blind but rather directly targets Black,
marginalized, and disabled students (Heitzeg, 2016). Punishment toward Black male students
perpetuate the school-to-prison pipeline and emphasizes the need for this current study and the
need to examine racial biases in society, schools, and the judicial systems in the United States.
Though this targeting of Black students can be found all through the United States, it is
especially prevalent in the Black Belt where this current study was conducted.
Introduction to Educator Empathy as a Solution
Researchers have explored empathy as a possible solution to address this dysfunctional
connection between teacher and student. As Warren (2018) suggested, empathy receives far too
little attention in teacher education for its benefit of improving teacher-student relationships
across racial and cultural differences. However, as early as 1984, Noddings explored empathy
within caring, a stirring or inclination toward another. Davis (1994) suggested that empathy is
realized in its most proper form by the “reactions of an observer to the experiences of a target”
(p. 221). This empathic process begins with the person (observer) observing another person’s
(target) condition (Davis, 1994). The observer must then decide how to respond to the target’s
needs. However, the empathetic application ends when the target confirms that the observers’
actions lessened their suffering. In other words, operationalized empathy is when one individual
enters the space of another without judgment to minimize adverse outcomes (Warren, 2013).
Studies of effective teachers of Black male students consider empathy’s usefulness for helping
teachers demonstrate caring, raise academic outcomes, and improve teacher-student relationships
(Warren, 2005, 2012). Empathy is, therefore, the lens that allows teachers to gaze into the
realities of students’ experiences outside of school, cultural norms, and ethics (Howard, 2006;
Ladson-Billings, 2006).
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Further, after examining the social and cultural landscape of Black students, teachers may
realize that some students’ behaviors result from trauma or ACEs and not some inherent
depravity in their students because of their race or culture (Baglivio, 2014). Using solid
interpersonal relationships created and cultivated through empathy, educators can check their
biases and reconcile trigger responses in advance of displays of negative behavior (Martin,
2015).
Positive Impact of Empathy on Classroom Management
McAllister and Irvine (2002) revealed that empathy is an inherent component of being a
supportive, responsive, and caring educator when teaching culturally diverse students. In a study
regarding teachers’ beliefs and the role of empathy in practice with culturally diverse students,
educators reported that having empathy in the classroom, whether in culturally diverse settings or
not, led to more positive engagements with their students, improved classroom climates, and
positive student-centered pedagogy. Warren (2018) posited that applying empathy improves
educators’ capacity to respond in ways that produce evidence of culturally responsive pedagogy
(CRP). Moreover, Martin (2015) postulated that schoolwide accountability to empathy through
restorative practices might transform school culture, improve teacher-student relationships,
reduce out-of-school suspensions (OSS), and diminish punishments.
Therefore, this current study sought to explore the role of educator empathy in curtailing
the punishment of Black students that leads to the school-to-prison pipeline. This chapter
explores the background of this problem, the importance of the study, the research questions
guiding the study, an overview of the methodology framework, and definitions of terminology.
5

Background of the Problem
A recent study of 40 educators and 112 ethnic minority students examined the level of
variance in self-efficacy in the teaching of majority and minority students (Geerlings et al.,
2018). The study revealed a counter-narrative where educators felt less efficacious with ethnic
minority students than with majority students. The study assumed that the lack of self-efficacy
may be an attributing factor to the disproportionate punishment of Black students due to
increased miscommunications and misunderstandings in different affiliations (Geerlings et al.,
2018).
Zero-tolerance policies further exacerbate this punishment by encouraging police
presence at schools. According to Kafka (2011), in an exploration of the intersection of race,
politics, and the bureaucratic organization of schooling, the term “zero-tolerance” mandates
schools to grant no leniency for specific student misconduct and usually mandates suspension or
the calling of law enforcement for behaviors ranging from fighting to tardiness (p. 196). What is
problematic here is that if there is a disparity between the punishment of Black students and
White students for the same infractions or that Black students are assumed to be more disruptive
than White students and are targeted more often for punishment, then the enforcement of zero-
tolerance is unjust. Zero-tolerance policies embolden police presence at schools and encourage
the early introduction of students to the juvenile justice system. To that end, the purpose of this
study was to determine whether educator empathy in the disciplinary process could reduce the
routing of Black students to the school-to-prison pipeline.
Field Context and Mission: Contradiction of Mission Versus History
The field of focus concentrated on K–8 schools in a southern state. This study
specifically focused on one school system in the Black Belt region. I selected the specific region
6

due to the history of slavery, Jim Crowism, and the exclusionary educational practices toward
Blacks. Understanding and analyzing the unique experiences of Black residents in this state was
vital in eliminating and curtailing historical and systemic oppression in this region.
The mission of the Department of Education in Georgia is to offer a holistic education to
every child in the state and to provide leadership, guidance, and resources to help schools meet
the educational needs of all students and prepare them for success in the global economy
(Owens, 2020). Nevertheless, while this study did not attempt to speak for the totality of the
Black experience in the state or the state’s public schools, understanding the history of exclusion
in the state for Blacks adds perspective to some facets of inequality and maltreatment of Black
students. Further, this gap in understanding may inform the disproportionate treatment shown to
Black students in this region of the United States. To illustrate, Owens (2020) reported that as
recently as 2007, 35 of one state’s 181 school districts reached “unitary status,” which implied
they eliminated the impacts of segregation to the extent they could. At the time of this study, 74
districts in that state still needed to obtain unitary status (Owens, 2020).
Public schools in the United States have represented an opportunity for economic growth
since their inception (Streitwieser et al., 2018). Regrettably, public schooling in this study’s state
has long symbolized spaces where Blacks were not allowed or accepted (Seguin et al., 2017).
The outcomes of this attitude remain. The cumulative effect of slavery, Jim Crow legislation,
school, and housing segregation, as well as implicit and explicit bias, stemmed from a generation
denied access to resources that were supposed to be extended to all students, as stated in the
mission statement of the department of education in this study’s state because of their previous
slave status.
7

Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to conduct qualitative research on the role of educator
empathy in curtailing Black students’ maltreatment, leading to the school-to-prison pipeline. The
intent was to learn the perspectives of the participants and utilize the findings to offer
recommendations in the field of education to end the school-to-prison pipeline. The study
centered on responses attained through interviews with K–8 teachers in one city in the site state.
Three research questions guided this study:
1. How do K–8 teachers of low socioeconomic status Black youth define and apply
empathy in the context of their teaching practice?
2. How do K–8 teachers of low socioeconomic status Black youth perceive the
importance of race to empathy in their teaching practice?
3. How, if at all, do K–8 teachers perceive empathy for the cultural and environmental
conditions of low socioeconomic status Black youth as being valuable to their
teaching practice?
Importance of the Study
Suppose Black students continue to be systematically shepherded from schools to prisons
for behavioral infractions, specifically age-appropriate infractions common to all children across
all groups. The prison system will exploit more educationally deprived Black children in that
case. Porter (2015) stressed that the prison system would use these children for cheap labor. In
particular, much has been ignored regarding the costs and combined effects of increased
incarceration of Black males. More importantly, this problem was vital to address because
disproportionate punishment injures students and deprives them of the ability to succeed both in
and out of school, hence the importance of this study.
8

Overview of Theoretical Framework, Conceptual Framework, and Methodology
This study utilized critical race theory (CRT) as its theoretical framework. The theory
maintains that race is a socially constructed concept that functions to benefit the interest of the
majority White population (Delgado, 2017). Ledesma and Calderón (2015) analyzed historical
CRT legal literature and its application to critiquing today’s educational system. They found that
CRT was an appropriate tool for exposing institutional racism in a system based on White
superiority as a standard that continues in classrooms where students of color are affected
negatively. Similar to critical pedagogy, critical race studies in education are ultimately
concerned with utilizing various methods and varied traditions in sociology, law, ethnic studies,
and other fields to frame a holistic analysis of race and racism as a social, political, and
economic system of advantages and disadvantages afforded social groups based on their skin
color and status in a clearly defined racial hierarchy (Lynn & Parker, 2006).
Ledesma and Calderón (2015) proposed only a few remedies for change among CRT
scholars. Empathy coupled with multicultural training grounded in CRT may be the components
that can neutralize implicit racism, improve pedagogy, and provide accountability (Martin, 2015;
McAllister & Irvine, 2002; Warren, 2018). Therefore, this current research is grounded in CRT.
The methodological approach that aligned with the purpose of this study was qualitative.
As defined by Merriam and Tisdell (2016), qualitative researchers focus on understanding how
others interpret their experiences, construct their worlds, and what meanings they attribute to
these experiences. In this instance, this research attempted to discover the role of teacher
empathy in curtailing disproportionate disciplinary actions toward Black students. I used semi-
structured interviews with three K–8 teachers from a school district in a specific county in a
southern state to understand this phenomenon. This study attempted to determine whether
9

educator empathy was viable for diverting students from the school-to-prison pipeline. This
strategy was appropriate as this study attempted to discover the educators’ understanding of their
role in the school-to-prison pipeline based on their unique and professional experiences.
Definitions
Many terms are relevant to and referenced in this study. The following terms are defined
to help the reader understand the context of each term in this study:
Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs): ACEs are experiences in childhood that include
exposure to traumatizing abuse or household dysfunction before age 18. Subsequent research has
expanded the types of ACEs to include other childhood experiences, such as neglect, economic
hardship, and racial discrimination (Crouch et al., 2019). Extensive evidence has associated
ACEs with poorer long-term physical and mental health, a higher risk of chronic disease, and
costs of care across the lifespan.
Advocacy: Studies have examined teacher advocacy as a practice of activism external to
the school and as a practice of educational leadership. When teachers advocate for marginalized
students through classroom practices and then collaborate with colleagues to provide support so
that they, too, may meet these students’ needs more effectively, they exhibit advocacy. In other
words, teacher advocacy is a practice of critical pedagogy, teacher leadership, and ethical
leadership (Bradley-Levine, 2018).
Empathy: Derived from the German word Einfuhlung, empathy is “the power of mentally
identifying oneself with a person or object of contemplation” (Cooper, 2011, p. 8). Noddings
(1984) defined empathy as “feeling with,” wherein an individual does not feel sorry for or act in
the best interests of an individual; however, one is with the individual in an unprejudiced
manner.
10

Implicit bias: Implicit bias is a term that refers to stereotypes or attitudes that operate
without an individual’s conscious awareness (Kang, 2010). Implicit bias is a term applied to a
broad range of outgroups based on race, ethnicity, nationality, gender, social status, and other
distinctions (Jost et al., 2009).
Jim Crow laws: These were state or local laws enforcing racial segregation in the
southern United States until deemed unconstitutional and overruled by the Civil Rights Act of
1964 (Wormser, 2014).
School-to-prison pipeline: School-to-prison pipeline is a term that signifies the role
schools play in putting marginalized students on pathways into the criminal justice system
because of the disproportionate representation of Blacks among students affected by disciplinary
policies and practices (Heitzeg, 2016).
Zero tolerance: According to Kafka (2011), the term “zero-tolerance” demands that
schools grant no leniency for student misconduct and usually mandate suspension or involving
law enforcement for behaviors ranging from fighting to tardiness. The phrase stems from a U.S.
Customs Service antidrug program from the 1980s, later adopted by states and school districts to
refer to disciplinary actions. Zero-tolerance policies encourage police presence at schools and the
early introduction to the juvenile system (Kafka, 2011).
Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter One provided an overview of the study, including the background of the
problem, the purpose of the study, and its significance. Chapter Two provides a literature review
paramount to understanding how society views Black students in and out of the educational
system. Chapter Three focuses on the methodology by providing research questions, my
positionality, data sources, methods, and participants, along with limitations and delimitations.
11

Chapter Four provides the findings and results of the research questions, and Chapter Five
discusses the findings, recommendations, implications for practice, and needed future research.
12

Chapter Two: Literature Review
The purpose of this study was to add to the literature regarding educator empathy as a
means to support and protect Black students from unfair punishment. This chapter reviews the
literature focusing on how history and perceptions lead to punishment for Black students,
resulting in the school-to-prison pipeline. The chapter also presents findings regarding the role of
empathy in disciplinary actions against Black students and to determine whether empathy might
curb the disproportionate number of punitive actions toward Black students. Critical race theory
(CRT) is the theoretical framework guiding this research and provides a lens through which to
reconcile, analyze, and contest racial inequality in the education system. Specifically, CRT
describes the political, economic, and cultural systems in which Whites control power and
material resources, as well as the conscious and unconscious ideas of White superiority,
exhibited across a broad range of institutions and social settings (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001;
Gillborn & Ladson-Billings, 2010). Considering these factors, Clark and Estes’s (2008)
knowledge, motivation, and organizational (KMO) gap analysis model provides a conceptual
framework to analyze the problem of practice further.
This literature review focuses on five topics. The first section reviews research on the
history of maltreatment of Blacks in the southern region of the United States. The second section
reviews perceptions and underlying reasons for the punishment of Black students in Georgia.
The third section reviews research concerning challenges to advocacy and an introduction to
empathy. The fourth section reviews the impact of the school-to-prison pipeline on Black youth.
The fifth section reviews research on Jim Crowism and CRT in education, followed by the
conceptual framework used to address the problem. These five topics provide a framework that
13

illustrates the historical underpinnings of the treatment of Blacks in the South and how this has
come to influence their treatment in schools.
History of Maltreatment of Blacks in the Black Belt Region: Georgia
Similar to the times of Moses, Pharaoh, and the Israelite slaves, disproportionate
disciplinary punishment toward Blacks in the South is no new phenomenon:
Now a new king arose over Egypt, who did not know Joseph. He said to his people,
“Look, the Israelite people are more numerous and more powerful than we. Come, let us
deal shrewdly with them, or they will increase and, in the event of war, join our enemies
and fight against us and escape from the land.” (New International Version, 2017, Exodus
1:8-10)
Enslaved Blacks identified with the Israelites as fellow sufferers, allowing these people
from various African nations to unify under one identity (Philipson, 2001; Raboteau, 1973). It
gave them a reason for their maltreatment in slavery and much later in their history in America.
The institution of slavery, a system of free labor based on White proprietorship and supremacy
over African Americans in the South from the late 18th through mid-19th centuries, earned the
label “Black Belt” to suggest the region’s population (Webster, 2008, pp. 3–18). Subsequently,
Georgia became the hub of the South’s pre-Civil War plantation slave complex, and as a result,
the state’s enslaved population increased during the early decades of the 19th century. Moreover,
a judicial system that denied African Americans their legal rights supported the institution of
slavery. Regardless of the father’s status, children born of enslaved mothers were considered
chattel or personal property. The state established laws and statutes specific to this study to
outlaw literacy and education among enslaved people. On December 22, 1829, Governor George
Gilmer signed an act prohibiting teaching reading and writing to enslaved people or free Blacks.
14

Consequently, anyone caught teaching an enslaved person to read would be harshly punished.
Therefore, enslaved people underwent severe punishment for the offense of literacy, spanning
from unrestrained beatings to finger amputation (Roth, 2004). Slaveholders utilized a catalog of
psychological and physical punishments in response to the educating of enslaved people,
including the use of wooden rods, whips, fists, boots, and animals, especially dogs (Scott, 2011).
Nevertheless, the greatest threat and weapon used against enslaved people was the threat of
selling and separating them from loved ones and family members, which mirrors today’s prison
industrial complex in the United States (Lopez, 2006; Young, 2003).
In Georgia, the disproportionate punishment Blacks currently receive in the classroom
could be an effect of the lasting impacts on racial attitudes, culture, and institutional channels,
causing friction and hostilities between Southern Whites and Blacks (Du Bois, 1935; Foner,
2011; Nunn & Wantchekon, 2011; Voigtländer & Voth, 2012). The preserved culture of the
Southern Black Belt is one where Black subjugation and dehumanization is a practice that
involves intergenerational socialization (Bisin & Verdier, 2000). Regions with higher numbers of
emancipated people reacted more abruptly to the release of enslaved people by restricting
Blacks’ rights and oppressing recently freed people. Such subjugation of freed Blacks came in
the form of Southern policies and institutions such as Jim Crow laws, which existed from the
post-Civil War era and were later found unconstitutional and overruled by the Civil Rights Act
of 1964 (Woodward, 2002).
One impact of the post-slavery era is Georgia’s history of exclusionary education
practices. For example, in 1955, the Georgia General Assembly, based on the recommendation
of the Georgia Commission on Education, made it a felony for any school official to spend tax
dollars on an integrated school. That same year, the state demanded that Black teachers renounce
15

their membership in the NAACP or risk losing their teaching licenses (Owens, 2019). Between
1961 and 2007, the Office of Civil Rights sued 109 Georgia school districts in federal court to
eliminate racial segregation. Between 1969 and 1971, after increased pressure from the U.S.
Supreme Court, the percentage of Black students attending integrated schools increased by
147%. This history of abuse of Blacks in the South, emboldened by laws and policies prohibiting
an equal education for Blacks, may further inform educators’ challenges in empathizing with
Black students in Georgia.
Perceptions: Addressing Punishments
A study on teachers’ fear and perceptions of loss of control in the classroom as leading
factors in who is labeled and removed for disciplinary actions found that, typically, Black
children are on the receiving end of the punishment (Fenning & Rose, 2007; Geerlings, 2018). A
2008 study on the juvenile justice system underlined the principles that the U.S. Supreme Court
of the United States relied on for years, holding that children are less culpable than adults (Cox,
2008). When considering the Eighth Amendment during the Roper v. Simmons case (2005), the
Supreme Court highlighted three essential characteristics of youth that distinguish children from
adults: their absence of maturity, which contributes to making impulsive decisions; their greater
predisposition to opposing influences from peers or other external factors; and their still-
developing character and personality. The concept of childhood is subjective and has become a
social paradigm often informed by race, ethnicity, gender, religion, and physical, and class
dynamics, among other factors (Ocen, 2015). However, Ocen (2015) noted that Whites perceive
Black boys as less innocent and more adult-like than their White counterparts. Consequently,
they are more likely to be ascribed increasingly greater culpability for their actions, which
increases the risk of early contact with the juvenile justice system.
16

In 2014, Goff and colleagues published a study indicating that as early as age 10, Whites
perceive Black boys as seemingly older and more likely to be guilty than their White peers. The
study also found that police violence against them is more acceptable in the eyes of society. The
study’s sample consisted of veteran police officers who consistently overestimated the age of
Black adolescent suspects by approximately 4.5 years. Furthermore, these officers assigned
tremendous guilt and accountability to Black male felony suspects than to White felony suspects,
whom they assessed as younger than their actual age.
Essentially, Goff et al. (2014) found that the public viewed Black boys as innocent to a
far lesser degree than their White counterparts. Thus, there appears to be a phenomenon that
removes the consideration of childhood as an arbitrating factor in Black boys’ behavior, which
Goff identifies as adultification. Goff et al. defined adultification as a distinct occurrence in
which children who are assigned adult accountabilities behave in more adult-like ways than their
peers. Nevertheless, in this context, adultification refers to the perceptions that adults have of
Black youth, absent of their behaviors.
Furthermore, research shows the problematic nature of school systems’ zero-tolerance
policies as a form of racial profiling to free schools of targeted racial minority groups (Findlay,
2008). Findlay (2008) asserted that zero-tolerance policies disproportionately impact
marginalized students and ethnic groups. However, given factors of adultification wherein the
adult perceives Black children as culpable, absent of a child’s behavior, “morally impoverished
juvenile super-predators,” coupled with the school systems’ zero-tolerance policies, it is
imperative to begin exploring strategies to reshape the negative perceptions (Dilulio, 1995, p.
23). Could empathy provide a possible resolution?
17

Challenges to Advocacy and an Introduction to Empathy
Bradley-Levine (2018) defined advocacy as public support for a particular cause. This
section explores advocacy in the classroom and introduces empathy in educating and disciplining
Black students. Although researchers have not examined educator advocacy as a disruptor of the
school-to-prison pipeline, a 2014 study found that educators of English as a second language
(ESL) who taught students with prior intercultural experience advocated for the language-
minority student in the Midwest (Haneda & Alexander, 2015). In that study, the term advocacy
involved two distinct aspects. The first factor was within the classroom, which focused on
pedagogical and curricular adoptions. The second form of advocacy focused on beyond the
classroom, which included mentoring new teachers, serving as a liaison and resource for
colleagues and administrators, and confronting inequitable institutional practices (de Oliveira &
Athanases, 2007). Haneda and Alexander’s (2015) qualitative interview-based study was
conducted with 34 ESL teachers in 22 elementary schools in the Midwest in communities of low
socioeconomic status and classified, according to the state’s records, as economically
disadvantaged. At the time of the study, English learners made up approximately 10% of
enrollment in the district, which included a large number of Spanish or Somali speakers and a
lesser number of students who speak Arabic, Japanese, East African, and Eastern European
languages. Of the 34 teachers, 18 were monolingual, and 16 were multilingual. Regardless of
language barriers, beyond-the-classroom advocacy influenced the ESL advocacy program’s
success, such as communicating with parents, assisting parents as they visit the schools, bilingual
aides, writing report cards in the home language, and community immersion outreach programs
to explain and interpret varied perspectives.
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However, the findings revealed that, in determining whether and how to act as advocates
in support of students, ESL teachers made confident choices based on their histories,
intercultural experiences, and their evolving lives, which informed the settings in which they
worked (Stritikus & Varghese, 2005, p. 75). Doskocil (2016) maintained that teachers face three
main challenges in advocating for students in today’s classrooms: balancing each student’s
diverse learning needs, respecting school administrators’ expectations, and helping parents and
students meet long-term goals. Each of Doskocil’s (2016) considerations lends itself to the
introduction of empathy.
Cooper (2011) noted that the word empathy originates from the German word Einfuhlung
and means “the power of mentally identifying oneself with a person or object of contemplation”
(p. 8). Empathy in education means championing the culture of another and responding to others
from that individual’s perspective (Goleman, 1998). Noddings (1984) defined empathy as
“feeling with,” wherein an individual does not feel sorry for or act in the best interests of another
but is with the individual in an unprejudiced manner.
According to a U.S. Department of Education survey, the nation’s teaching force consists
of mostly White females with an average age of 42 and 14 years of experience in the field
(Loewus, 2017). As Doskocil (2016) suggested, these demographics meant some unique
challenges. Challenges yet to be explored are ACEs and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in
young Black students. ACEs not only incorporate abuse, areas of neglect, and household
dysfunction but, since 2011, expanded to incorporate familial death, neighborhood violence,
economic hardship, and unfair treatment based on race and ethnicity (National Survey of
Children’s Health, 2013). Based on the national percentages of children experiencing at least one
ACE, Black children lead the pack at 61% (National Survey of Children’s Health, 2018).
19

Additionally, research has suggested that Black students may develop PTSD at higher
rates than White students, making it difficult for White teachers to relate to Black students
(Sibrava et al., 2019). Several studies have provided evidence to explain the racial group
differences in PTSD prevalence and severity, including socioeconomic factors, increased
exposure to violence, displacement, overrepresentation in poorer, disadvantaged, and higher
crime communities, pervasive marginalization, homelessness, and higher rates of victim-blaming
and increased incarceration (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2016; Dukes et al., 2017; Roberts et al.,
2011; Seng et al., 2011).
While structural or systemic factors affecting Blacks likely influence these variables, very
little research has attempted to directly evaluate the potential impact of perceived experiences
with racism and discrimination in the development of PTSD in Blacks. Nevertheless, these
factors may present challenges to empathy as teachers lack the understanding of the unique
cultural experiences within the Black community and the children they teach. There are gaps in
the literature concerning the benefits of educator empathy as a disruptor of the school-to-prison
pipeline. However, considering the circumstances of Black students may lessen culture shock for
educators to provide a pathway for better understanding and support in serving Black students
versus punishing the most vulnerable of our society (Rushton, 2000; Tavernise, 2015).
Punishing the Most Vulnerable: Impact of the School-to-Prison Pipeline
The effects of the school-to-prison pipeline are significant, involving millions of children.
In 2011, of the 33 million U.S. students enrolled in K–12 schools during the academic year, 3.5
million experienced in-school suspensions, 3.45 million experienced out-of-school suspensions
(OSS), and 130,000 expulsions from school (U.S. Department of Education, 2016). In Georgia
alone, of the 1.2 million K–12 children enrolled during the prior year, nearly 100,000 students
20

received at least one OSS disciplinary action (GA DOE, 2015). In 2016, the last year, credible
national data were available; reports revealed that Georgia ranks 10th in the United States in
OSS (Losen, 2018). Georgia averages 37 lost days per 100 in-school days, while the national
average is 23.
When the numbers are further disaggregated by race, Black children lose 77 days of
instructional time, compared with 15 days for White children. Smith and Harper also noted that
Georgia’s K–12 public schools suspended 101,813 Black students in 1 academic year. Blacks
were 37% of students in school districts across the state but accounted for 67% of suspensions
and 64% of expulsions (Smith & Harper, 2015). This overrepresentation revealed patterns in the
use of exclusionary disciplinary practices in Georgia’s K–12 public-school systems,
disproportionately impacting Black students. In Georgia, poor Black male students were found to
be three times more likely to receive OSS than other groups (Georgia Appleseed Center for Law
& Justice, 2011). This inequality is a state-wide occurrence, with more than 90% of all schools
reporting OSS data suggesting potential disproportional use of this disciplinary method.
Disciplinary data from the Georgia Department of Education (2011) also revealed that
OSS rates and graduation rates are negatively correlated (p. 28). Specifically, schools with high
OSS numbers produce lower-than-average graduation rates. Balfanz et al. (2015) discovered that
the number of OSS in ninth grade significantly and adversely correlated with high school
graduation, postsecondary enrollment, and college completion. Furthermore, the Georgia
Department of Education also suggested that students eligible to participate in the free or
reduced-price meal programs (a status often used as a proxy for poverty) and English language
learner students were subject to OSS at numbers more than twice as high as students who were
not in these subcategories. These statistics reveal that the disproportionate disciplinary actions of
21

OSS, expulsions, and an early introduction to the criminal justice system most negatively impact
poor Black marginalized males with the least resources.
Researchers have established that exclusion from the classroom disrupts a child’s
education and may escalate mischief by removing the child from a structured environment,
thereby perpetuating the likelihood of retention, dropping out of school, committing a crime, and
incarceration in adulthood (Kim et al., 2010). Moreover, researchers have long concluded that
high school dropouts with a criminal record are more likely to remain unemployed, earn less, and
are more likely to be rearrested within 3 years of release (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2002;
Pager et al., 2009; Travis, 2005).
Institutionally, racially influenced zero-tolerance policies run counter to the Every
Student Succeeds Act (ESSA), which the board of education designed to help ensure educational
opportunity for all students. The law specifies that when students fall behind, states must redirect
resources into what works to help students and their schools improve, with a particular focus on
the very lowest-performing schools, high schools with high dropout rates, and schools with
achievement gaps (ESSA, 2015). It appears then that zero-tolerance policies are similar in spirit
to Jim Crow laws meant to marginalize poor Blacks and punish those who violate them with
harsh punishment and prison sentences (Wormser, 2014).
Rebirth of Jim Crowism: Critical Race Theory in Education
Alexander’s (2012) work, The New Jim Crow, was deemed a “call to action” and a
reminder that we have not ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it
(Alexander, 2012, p. 2). Jim Crow laws were state and local laws enforcing racial segregation in
the southern United States until deemed unconstitutional and annulled by the Civil Rights Act of
1964. Alexander claimed the founding fathers perpetuated these laws to deny African Americans
22

and minorities an egalitarian democracy. Furthermore, studies suggest the resurgence of the new
Jim Crow begins in K–12 public schools as Black students, boys, and students with disabilities
continuously face harsher discipline through suspension or referral to law enforcement than
White students (Nance, 2017; Sawyer, 2013).
A tool that helps learners identify and confront the White hegemony that has historically
shaped educational opportunities for marginalized people is CRT (Ledesma & Calderón, 2015).
Racial inequality in education may not be a deliberate goal of education policy, but it is not
unintended. Racial advantage and discrimination are structured in the command and control of
the policy. Accordingly, their continuation represents a form of implicit intentionality by White
benefactors and policymakers (Gillborn, 2005). Indeed, the fall of slavery in the South usurped
Southern Whites’ economic and political hold against Blacks. This sudden loss of power
threatened the White sovereign establishment, as freed Blacks demanded higher wages, boosted
labor costs, and initiated the ruin of the cotton industrial plantation complex (Foner, 2011).
Nevertheless, many of the systems in place were still supported and heavily influenced by
the dominant White class. Two central systems with substantial White influence in the South
were the judicial and educational systems. Today, these systems negatively impact Blacks in the
South and throughout the United States, where Blacks lead in OSS and imprisonment rates
(McDaniel et al., 2011). Notwithstanding, CRT is introduced into the conversation on education
as it offers a perspective on the state of White supremacy, particularly as Whites traditionally
sought to maintain a distinct and imbalanced public educational system (Donner, 2011). The
essence of White supremacy and the prohibition of the education of Blacks may inform the
current challenge to educator empathy toward Black students in today’s classrooms.
23

Critical Race Theory as a Theoretical Framework
According to Delgado (2017), to understand the dynamics of race and racism in the
context of American society, one must consider CRT, which provides a framework to explore
how race and racism both explicitly and implicitly influence societal practices, social systems,
and community conversations. The theory provides the scaffolding for how the system of White-
over-Black ascendancy justifies the limited ideological and perceptual understanding of the lives
of Blacks in today’s society (Taylor et al., 2009). This study, therefore, examines the
disproportionate punishment and subjugation of Black students in the classroom through the lens
of CRT.
Critical race theory consists of central tenets that guide the research and inquiry on the
role of empathy in curtailing the disproportionate punishment of Black students. One of the
critical components of CRT is the tenet of interest convergence introduced by Bell (1980), which
focuses on how White interests are served and benefited through incremental steps. In other
words, Whites will support racial justice to the extent that it benefits them. Another is the tenet
of colorblindness, which asks how neutral structures, such as one size fits all disciplinary actions,
reinforce Whiteness and White interests. The tenet of storytelling asks whose voices are heard
and acknowledged (Sleeter, 2011). For example, storytelling and counter-storytelling are
centered on the belief that classrooms are neutral environments wherein everyone is treated
fairly; however, evaluating OSS and expulsion rates refute this notion (Smith & Harper, 2015).
Some educators and teacher candidates enter the educational system with preconceived notions
regarding Black students (Baldwin, 2007). These notions are a result of implicit bias. Implicit
bias is the mind’s way of quickly making uncontrolled and automatic associations between two
concepts (Hall, 2015). Social scientists use the term to refer to stereotypes or attitudes that
24

operate without an individual’s conscious awareness (Kang, 2010). People experience these
implicit biases toward a broad range of outgroups based on race, ethnicity, nationality, gender,
social status, and other distinctions (Jost et al., 2009). Various testing instruments establish the
presence of implicit bias, including measuring cardiovascular responses (Blascovich et al.,
2001), brain scans using functional magnetic resonance imaging, and most widely known, the
Implicit Association Test (Nosek et al., 2007). According to these measures, implicit bias is
widely held and significant in magnitude, particularly toward African Americans (Kang, 2010).
The existing research shows that implicit biases against minorities are held by people
throughout the country and in virtually every profession. For example, in a study of federal
district judges from three different judicial districts, researchers found that consistent with the
general population, 87.1% of White judges showed strong implicit attitudes favoring Whites over
Blacks (Rachlinski et al., 2009). In the classroom, a service-learning program for teacher
candidates who shared predominantly White middle-class backgrounds revealed that educators
believed Black children had a deficit in intellectual abilities, was prone to discipline problems,
lacked motivation, and were challenging to work with. Moreover, the educators believed the
parents of Black children lacked involvement in the learning process (Baldwin, 2007). The tenets
of CRT expose how general and omnipresent racism is, as it bolsters narratives that
disproportionately impact Black students through the notion that racism is ordinary. Further,
colorblindness allows White educators to feel consciously unresponsible for the hardships of
people of color while maintaining a position of White superiority (Hartlep, 2009). In other
words, racism is so embedded in society and schools that the system highlights and rejects any
lack of conformity or assimilation to Whiteness. Interestingly, at the time of this writing, the
state of Georgia, where this study is taking place, among other states like Florida, Mississippi,
25

and others, are attempting to pass legislation banning the subject of CRT from being taught in
schools.
Opponents of the theory assert that CRT spreads hate and “state-sanctioned racism,” as
Governor DeSantis of Florida expressed when signing the bill into law (Krebs, 2022). Though
President Biden repealed the law, banning a subject that many do not fully understand is best
described as a fear of an alternate view of American society, history, and the current power
structure. The phrase “critical race theory” has been warped from its origins and politicized to
refer to anything that makes race salient in conversations about history, current events, or
literature. Criticisms, however, from former President Trump and Florida Governor DeSantis
reveal the flawed idea that as the systems of the marginalization of Blacks in the United States
are acknowledged and recognized, White people will be the ones who ultimately suffer
(Schwartz, 2021). In January 2022, Georgia Republican lawmakers introduced a bill that
prevents public schools from providing teaching on concepts relating to race and sex, including
White privilege, structural racism, and the elusiveness of meritocracy. Among the national
conversation on classroom content, the bill also requires schools to post instructional materials
online for public review.
The bill shadows comparable actions in the state of Georgia. On May 20, 2021,
Republican Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp forwarded a letter to the state board of education
“opposing [CRT] in our schools,” calling it “anti-American.” In response to Kemp’s letter,
Georgia’s board of education passed a resolution opposing lessons about systemic racism and
unconscious bias together with instruction related to the 1619 Project discussing racism’s role in
the founding of the United States. This assertion is a prime example of White superiority at the
highest levels of our government. Of note, the states (see Figure 1) where more than half the
26

prison population is Black are the ones who are attempting to ban the conversation of race and
diversity training in their educational systems (Nellis, 2021).

Figure 1
36 States Restricting Education on Racism, Bias, the Contributions of Blacks to U.S. History

Note. From CRT Map: Efforts to Restrict Teaching Racism and Bias Have Multiplied Across the
U.S. by C. Stout & T. Wilburn, 2021. Chalkbeat. Copyright 2021 by Chalkbeat.

27

Additionally, policies like zero-tolerance embolden racism by punishing Black youth
behavior, translated as adultification, and interpreted as sassiness or thug-like, leading to out-of-
school suspensions or expulsions and subsequently an early introduction into the juvenile justice
system (Reform, 2013). Notwithstanding, school and community efforts are emerging to
intervene in the school-to-prison-pipeline through preventive service provisions (Shippen, 2012),
schoolwide PBIS (McCurdy, 2019), and an emergence of empathic considerations to improve
teachers’ capacity to respond to Black students in ways that produce evidence of CRP (Warren,
2018).
Empathy and Culturally Relevant Pedagogy in Action
Collay (2010) contended that teachers who emerge as having empathy share similar
characteristics and backgrounds with their students. For example, teachers may share similar life
experiences with the students for whom they advocate. They also work collaboratively with
school administrators to design and carry out programming that addresses the specific needs of
students. Ultimately, teachers who emerge as having empathy or as advocates all engage in
teacher leadership work as defined by Wenner and Campbell (2017) as (a) taking place “beyond
the classroom walls,” (b) supporting “professional learning in their schools,” (c) engaging in
“policy and/or decision making at some level,” (d) focusing on “improving student learning and
success,” and (e) “working toward improvement and change for the whole school organization”
(p. 146). Ladson-Billings (1994) and Gordon (1999) specifically explored educators who were
influential with Black students in urban settings and identified empathy as an integral component
of these teachers’ success. McAllister (2002) examined 34 practicing teachers’ beliefs regarding
the role of empathy as a character in their effectiveness with racial minority students and
determined that an empathic disposition is necessary for educators in culturally diverse settings.
28

Moreover, according to McAllister, educators articulated several aspects that expressed
empathetic classroom behavior discovered as highly beneficial when working with racial
minority students, such as patience, respect, acceptance, and flexibility (p. 439). Further, these
beneficial aspects translate into three functional areas that were common themes throughout the
literature: positive interactions with students, supportive classroom environments, and student-
centered classrooms (McAllister, 2002, p. 440).
Positive Interactions With Students
McAllister (2002) found that almost 60% of the educator participants linked their
application of empathic behaviors to positive changes in their classroom interactions with their
racial minority students. The teachers reported that as they gained more respect for the students’
cultural differences, they re-examined and set aside negative assumptions and stereotypes they
once held regarding their minority students (McAllister, 2002, p. 440).
Supportive Classroom Environments
As Warren (2013) suggested, empathy as an applied disposition of educators when
teaching Black students includes two distinct domains: empathic concern (EC) and perspective
taking (PT). Davis (1994) referred to EC as sympathy based on the emotional sphere and defined
PT as “adopting the psychological view of others in everyday life” (p. 57). Within this definition
of PT lies the center of empathy’s application in a culturally diverse classroom (Warren, 2013).
In the classroom setting, PT is imagining how another person is experiencing their condition
(imagine other) and how one would personally experience another person’s condition (imagine
self). Engaging in the “imagine other modes” dictates that the observer can surrender or change
their points of view to embrace those of the target. Educators who adjusted their classrooms from
their students’ perspectives to address the students and their parents’ specific needs and concerns
29

provided a safe, supportive, comfortable, and affirming learning environment (McAlister, 2002;
Warren, 2013).
Student-Centered Classroom
In addition to creating supportive, comfortable, positive, and affirming learning
environments, 62% of the educators involved in McAllister’s (2002) study saw an increase in
academic success and engagement when connecting their classroom content and curriculum to
the student’s interests and culture (p. 441). For example, the educators encouraged students to
share their life experiences and culture in the classroom and, by doing so, fostered more student-
centered pedagogy, and thereby connected content to students’ interests, backgrounds, and
developmental needs, which, as Ladson-Billings (1995) suggested, “provides a way for students
to maintain their cultural integrity while succeeding academically” (p. 476).
As Warren emphasized (2018), empathy enhances classroom teachers’ capacity to
respond to culturally diverse youth in ways that produce CRP and further connect the
personhood of teachers with the humanity and lived realities of racial minority students and their
families. However, as Warren (2013) also asserted, the field of education has limited models
suitable for preparing educators to cultivate empathy as a professional disposition.
Conceptual Framework: Educating With Empathy Knowledge, Motivation, and the
Organizational Context
Critical race theory as a theoretical framework does not define racism in the conventional
sense as exclusively the consequence of discrete depraved acts committed by humans against
humans. However, as George suggests, racism is usually the inadvertent (but often predictable)
consequence of choices (2020). The theory exposes the ways that racism is often concealed in
terminology regarding “traditional” values or “neutral” policies, principles, or practices (George,
30

2021, pp. 2–5). Therefore, the premise of this study is that with increased knowledge, education,
and training regarding the conditions of Black students, educators could become more
empathetic toward Black students and directly curtail maltreatment leading to the school-to-
prison pipeline (Geerlings, 2018). Critical race theory recognizes that racism is codified in law,
embedded in structures, and woven into public policy. The theory as a theoretical framework is
important as a lens because it rejects claims of “colorblindness,” which, according to Asare
(2017), serves as a means to disengage from conversations of race and racism within the context
of enduring structural and systemic racism. The theory recognizes the systemic nature of racism
that bears primary responsibility for reproducing racial inequality.
For improvement in the educational system or classrooms to occur, it must begin with
clearly understood objectives and the sources of gaps between current and preferred performance
(Bandura, 1997; Gilbert, 1996; Locke & Latham, 1990; Rummler & Branch, 1995). As research
suggests, the primary objective of organizational or performance improvement is to enhance and
support the organization’s overarching goal. In the space of disproportionate disciplinary action
toward Black students and K–8 education, the ESSA is the overarching organizational objective
driving both individual and organizational performance improvement. Notwithstanding, it is
appropriate to diagnose human factors while identifying performance gaps. Hence, Clark and
Estes (2008) provided resolutions to determine whether the gaps are due to KMO barriers. The
authors outlined practical points for selecting performance solutions for knowledge performance
gaps based on two conditions (Clark & Estes, 2008). One requires knowledge enhancement
when individuals need to learn how to accomplish their performance goals. If CRT is applied to
this condition, then it follows that a greater understanding of Black students’ everyday lived
experiences, including those preserved through storytelling, would produce improved
31

performance by educators in engaging with Black students. Clark and Estes (2008) further stated
that the root motivation of human behavior was expectancy and control that should be grounded
in cultural awareness and individual differences. As abovementioned, teachers’ perception of
loss of control in the classroom was the leading factor concerning who was branded and removed
for disciplinary actions (Fenning et al., 2007). Thus, the CRT principle of “interest convergence”
may examine barriers, as Bell (1980) described, stating that equality could only be achieved
when Blacks and Whites had the same interests and motivations.
The final cause of a performance gap is the need for more effective organizational work
processes and adequate resources (Clark & Estes, 2008, p. 103). The authors stressed the
importance of aligning performance solutions with organizational policies, change processes, and
organizational culture (Clark & Estes, 2008, p. 108). Thus, the KMO model helps to evaluate the
knowledge/skill, motivation, or organizational barriers regarding the role of empathy in
curtailing the disproportionate punishment of Black males leading to the school-to-prison
pipeline. Figure 2 presents the conceptual framework for this study.

32

Figure 2
Conceptual Framework

Summary
As teachers consider Black students’ systemic struggles, educators may consider past
oppressions and begin to empathize with Black students by suggesting alternative solutions to
impulsive punishment leading to an early introduction to the school-to-prison pipeline. This
literature review synthesized findings regarding the disproportionate disciplinary actions toward
Black students. The review revealed that educators punished Black students at a much higher
rate than White students and penalized them more harshly for their actions, increasing the risk of
early contact with the juvenile justice system (Ocen, 2015).
The leading factors regarding who is branded and removed for disciplinary actions,
according to Fenning et al. (2007), are the teachers’ view of the loss of control in the classroom
33

combined with fear and misunderstanding. Typically, however, Black students are expelled or
suspended due to this perception and misinterpretation. Monahan (2013) found that suspensions
and expulsions from school increased the likelihood of arrest in the same month. The impact was
more substantial among youth without a history of behavior problems. More importantly, the
study revealed that suspensions lead to increased dropout rates and risk of contact with the
juvenile justice system. Christle et al. (2005) identified academic failure, exclusionary
disciplinary practices, and dropout rates as key factors contributing to the school-to-prison
pipeline and recommend school-level supportive leadership, dedicated and friendly staff, and
culturally sensitive pedagogy to help lessen the risk of youth delinquency.
34

Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of this study was to conduct qualitative research to better understand teacher
empathy as a disruptor to the punishments administered toward Black students, leading to the
school-to-prison pipeline. I thought a qualitative approach was the most appropriate
methodology to explore their perspectives and context sensitivity while examining the dynamic
systems at play to discover how educators define empathy in the classroom and perceive Black
students. Descriptive phenomenological qualitative methods allowed for a deeper understanding
of the teachers’ experiences and perceptions in this study (Groenewald, 2004; Mills & Gay,
2019; Moustakas, 1994). The teachers’ rich insights became the descriptive narrative for this
study and allowed a deeper understanding of a poorly understood phenomenon and its
circumstances only achieved through qualitative methods (Creswell, 2007, 2014; Marshall et al.,
2022). The study centered on responses from interviews with K–8 teachers in Augusta, Georgia.
Research Questions
To gain perceptions on the role that educator empathy has on curtailing the maltreatment
of Black students leading to the school-to-prison pipeline, this study seeks to obtain responses to
the following research questions:
1. How do K–8 teachers of low socioeconomic status Black youth describe empathy in
the context of their teaching practice?
2. How do K–8 teachers of low socioeconomic status Black youth perceive the
relevance of race to empathy in their teaching practice?
3. How if at all, do K–8 teachers perceive empathy for the cultural and environmental
conditions of low socioeconomic status Black youth as being valuable to their
teaching practice?
35

Overview of Methodology
The research questions guided and framed the descriptive phenomenological qualitative
design of the study. Qualitative data collection (Merriam, 2009) depends on a myriad of sources
of information, including interviews which will be the sole source of data collection for this
study. Utilizing a qualitative descriptive approach was appropriate for this study as interviews
will aid in discovering an operational definition of empathy and provide deep perspectives of
educators teaching Black students. Moreover, a qualitative descriptive approach permitted an
understanding of how people, here teachers, construct their worlds, understand their experiences,
and what meaning or purpose they attribute to those experiences, which further makes qualitative
methods appropriate for this study Merriam (2009).
Critical race theory’s framework for this study exposes how an educational system based
on White superiority as a standard helps analyze the experiences of historically marginalized
populations (Calderón et al., 2015; Delgado, 2017). The study sought to investigate society and
the educational system from a macro level regarding Black students in the South.
Grant and Osanloo (2014) described a conceptual framework as the “researcher’s
understanding of how the research problem is best explored, the specific direction the research
must take, the relationship between the different variables within the study” (p. 16). The
literature review focused on key terms, concepts, and theories that inform the study’s framework.
The framework provided a logical structure for the study, research question development, and
selection of appropriate methodology for data collection to yield insight into the interpretation of
findings. The themes, concepts, and practices that emerged from the literature review informed
the conceptual framework. Concepts such as empathy and understanding toward the unique
challenges facing Black students (generational poverty, homelessness, marginalization, and low
36

expectations) and the extent to which educators viewed themselves as advocates offered a
foundation to frame questions for the participants.
The Researcher
In 1972, U.S. District Judge Alexander A. Lawrence issued a desegregation order
specifying a strategy for clustering schools and busing White and Black children to learn
together (Cashin, 1985). However, this decision met with tense resistance in my hometown of
Augusta, Georgia. L.D. Reddick (McCain, 1968) captured the sentiments best when describing
the South’s reaction years earlier to the 1954 Brown v. Board decision, “To use the castor oil
metaphor, the medicine went down easily in the North, without due difficulty in the border
states, but the deep South gagged on it” (p.371). As a matter of fact, in the Spring of 1972,
following the desegregation order, the classrooms were empty primarily in the Richmond County
(Augusta, Georgia) school districts as parents and organizations like the Concerned Citizens for
Neighborhood Schools organized boycotts and protested the federally ordered school
desegregation initiatives (McManus, 2011).
I was born, raised, and educated in this post-civil rights ecosystem. I recall entering
Terrace Manor Elementary schools a few years following this decision. Even as a child, one
could sense that the earlier sentiments had not subsided. I remember the buses of White children
shuttled from the military base of Fort Gordon in the morning and not seeing these same White
children until the end of the day as they loaded the bus and walked home. I figured that the
White children had separate cultural classes from the rest of the locals. However, the fact was
that the White children were still segregated from the Black students, and from first grade to
seventh grade, teachers ushered me to an oversized janitor closet where I sat and watched a
series of game shows while classmates continued with their education.
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Young White teachers convinced me that I had learning disabilities and that my behavior
would disrupt others’ learning. I never shared this information with my parents because, at the
time, it was fun to sit with friends, and other Black boys, during the school day to catch up on the
Price is Right, Family Feud, and General Hospital. It was also never mentioned to my parents
because even as a child, I recognized that my parents lacked the confidence to challenge this
recently desegregated White Southern school system. Most parents in this community were hard
workers. However, they lacked formal education and credentials and were far too trusting of an
educational system geared to permanently marginalize Black boys by excluding them from the
learning process. One saving grace for me was that Judge Lawrence also mandated a racially
balanced staff assignment that reflected the county’s racial composition, 60% White and 40%
Black, which also generated great protest. However, this community-based staff assignment was
a saving grace for many Black students as certain teachers would cautiously advocate for the
students (Cashin, 1985).
My unique experiences with the Richmond County school system during this tumultuous
time in history informed my notions that all White teachers and educational systems in the South
are in hostile opposition to Black students. Moreover, I acknowledge another belief that all Black
people supported integration, while the research revealed the contrary. In fact, the local NAACP
fought to maintain segregated schools, believing that White educators would taint the minds of
young Black children. Nonetheless, the local organization recognized that without the funding
that typically followed White students, the Black students would still fall behind academically,
so they relented (Wells, 2016). To mitigate these assumptions and biases, the study’s
methodology required interviews of a variety of educators in discovering whether educator
38

empathy toward Black students could disrupt the punishment shown toward Black students
leading to the school-to-prison pipeline.
Data Sources
The primary data source was interviews to ascertain educators’ perspectives on Black
students and further unearth their definition of empathy within the classroom from the educator’s
perspective. However, due to the current pandemic surrounding COVID-19, the interviews were
conducted virtually via Zoom and recorded with permission from the participants.
Interviews
I interviewed three K–8 teachers from a Georgia public-school system via Zoom. The
interviews involved eight questions to elicit views, dialogue, and opinions from the teachers. As
Creswell and Creswell (2018) suggested, interviews became critical since I could not directly
observe the participants in the classroom setting. The interview method was most valued as the
participants provided historical information not otherwise available to me. Additionally, the
interview method allowed me control over the line of questioning and the flow of the
conversations.
Setting/Context
I selected this region in Georgia because of the high population of Black students
attending a Title I school. Title I programs provide federal funding through the Georgia
Department of Education to public schools with high number of youth in poverty to help ensure
all children meet academic standards. Though the teachers selected were from different schools
in this region, I selected schools with predominately White teachers, high population of Black
students, and high out-of-school (OSS) suspensions relative to the region.
39

Participants
Three elementary school teachers from the school district were selected. Specifically, the
criteria for selection were K–8 teachers (White females) who taught in the public-school system
for at least 6 years and were familiar with teaching at-risk youth in marginalized school districts.
White female educators were the specific targets because research showed that the average
teacher in the workplace was primarily a 40-year-old White female (U.S. Department of
Education, 2016). Moreover, studies suggest that the teachers’ perception of loss of control in the
classroom, coupled with fear, dictated the removal of the Black male students (Howard, 2008;
Wood et al., 2017). I selected participants through both purposeful and convenience sampling
(Emerson, 2015) because of the quest for a specific type of participant with the most experience
who could offer insights relevant to the research questions on the role of empathy as a possible
disruptor to the school-to-prison pipeline.
Instrumentation
Due to the in-depth descriptive nature of this study, direct interactions with K–8 teachers
were best done through interviews (Merriam, 2016). Eight questions were asked during the
interview to obtain as much information as possible from the teachers with the hope of
provoking detailed descriptive data such as stories concerning the problem of practice (Merriam,
2016). The interview protocol maintained a strict and deliberate structure while invoking
conversation (Appendix A). The design of the research questions and interview protocol
intentionally elicited perspective regarding empathy from the teachers toward Black students in
this region. The interview approach followed a semi-structured format which allowed both strict
and flexible dialogue while being guided by specific questions
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The first question was designed to understand the student population from the teachers’
perspective. Question 2 was asked to learn whether or not the participant chose to serve this
population. Questions 3 and 4 gauged the participants’ familiarity with the term “empathy.”
Questions 5 and 6 sought to understand the environmental and personal influences regarding the
participants’ level of empathy and to understand the teachers’ views of colorblindness and their
relationship with the students they served. Questions seven sought a practical example of
empathy operationalized, and question eight attempted to discover additional information not
covered in the interview.
Data Collection Procedures
I met institutional review board (IRB) requirements at the University of Southern
California before collecting any data. I used a combination of purposeful and convenience
sampling (Emerson, 2015). I employed purposeful sampling based on the specific criteria to
identify participants directly related to the problem of practice, such as White, female educators
who have taught for certain number of years in a specific region in Georgia. I used convenience
sampling by asking Black educators in the area to recommend White teachers that they were
familiar with who may be interested in the study because time was limited, as teachers were
harder to contact after the school year ended. Therefore, participants were selected via
convenience to provide pertinent information relevant to the research questions.
In this study, I conducted three one-on-one interviews with K–8 teachers. The interviews,
which lasted approximately 30–45 minutes, took place in July of 2022, either in person or via
Zoom based on COVID-19 protocol at the time. The interviews aimed to understand how
educators defined empathy and whether or not empathy as a practice could curtail the
punishments toward Black students leading to the school-to-prison pipeline. I obtained signed
41

permission forms from the participants and utilized video recording via Zoom. I transcribed the
recordings for analysis and stored the data on password-protected laptops locked in a secured file
cabinet in my possession. After the data were synthesized and analyzed, I destroyed all
transcripts and recordings.
Data Analysis
I coded the interview transcripts using Microsoft Word per the research questions’ focus
areas. After each interview, I generated reflective analytical memos immediately following each
interview to reflect on the interview used to code for additional research. I employed a
combination approach by the use of deductive and inductive coding based on the information
starting the interviews and information received during the interviews. While analyzing the
transcripts, I highlighted codes/comments throughout the document that were germane to
research questions. I created categories such as marginalized, family, parent, trust, relationship,
nationality, and culture. From the categories I discovered the main themes that emerged from the
study. I generated and consolidated these codes to compile the analysis. The coded data
uncovered or addressed significant theoretical perspectives in the research, as Creswell and
Creswell (2018) suggested. The role of teacher empathy in disrupting the school-to-prison
pipeline is an intricate topic analyzed using six data analysis steps, as presented in Figure 3.

42

Figure 3
Model for Qualitative Data Analysis

Note. Adapted from Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods
Approaches by J. W. Creswell and J. D. Creswell, 2018. SAGE. Copyright 2018 by SAGE
Publications, Inc.

Validity and Reliability
As Merriam (2016) suggested, ensuring validity and reliability in qualitative research
involves conducting the investigation ethically to establish the study’s trustworthiness. Validity
in qualitative research refers to the appropriateness of the tools, processes, and data. It entails
ensuring that the research questions are valid for the desired outcome, the methodology is
appropriate for answering the research questions, the design is valid for the methodology, the
sampling and data analysis is appropriate, and ultimately the results and conclusions are valid for
the sample and context (Leung, 2015). In contrast, the core of reliability for qualitative research
lies in consistency. Regarding validity and reliability in qualitative research, Lichtman (2013)
43

offered “personal criteria” for “a good piece of qualitative research” (p. 294). These criteria
involve being clear about my role and relationship to those studied, making a case that the topic
of the study is essential, being clear about how to conduct the study, and presenting the findings
of the study in a convincing manner.
To maximize validity and reliability in this study, strategies to build rigor into the process
were employed. I resolved to remain open, flexible, and willing to relinquish any ideas that were
poorly supported regardless of zeal; I maintained methodological coherence by ensuring
congruence between research questions and the components of the method used; and the use of
sampling adequacy by selecting participants who best represented the research topic to ensure
adequate saturation and replication (Spiers et al., 2018). When used correctly and incrementally,
these strategies guided me to correct both the progression of the analysis and the study’s
development as needed, thus ensuring the study’s reliability and validity.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Patton (2015) argued that data’s credibility and trustworthiness were directly related to
the researcher’s trustworthiness and that the researcher’s intellectual rigor, training, and
experience determine the study’s credibility. Therefore, the following strategies were employed
to ensure credibility and trustworthiness: checking interpretations with individuals interviewed or
member checks and clarifying researcher biases and assumptions.
Member Checks
To avoid misinterpreting or misconstruing the meaning of what a participant shares or
their perspective, the initial transcriptions and my analyses were presented to the participants to
confirm whether they were accurate (Merriam, 2016). This method was also an effective way of
44

identifying my biases and misunderstanding of the interviewer’s statements, hence the following
method to ensure credibility and trustworthiness.
Clarifying Researcher Biases and Assumptions
Probst and Berenson (2014) stated that the researcher’s position or reflexivity was how
the research impacted the research process. Therefore, I did due diligence to clarify and articulate
biases, assumptions, worldviews, and perspectives as they emerged to ensure that all
interpretations of the data were as accurate and honest as possible (Merriam, 2016, p. 249).
Ethical Considerations
I conducted interviews and data collection outside of scheduled workdays and work hours
to not interfere with the participants’ work schedules. I ensured the participants that the
interviews would not conflict with their workplace responsibilities. I conducted well-defined
criteria regarding participant selection. I emailed confidentiality agreements, letters of
introduction, and letters of intent to all participants and those involved in the study. The
participants signed confidentiality agreements and consent forms and returned them to me.
Participants acknowledged consent to participate in the study, which consisted of audio- and
video-recorded sessions. There were minimal risks associated with this study, and all participants
clearly understood their role within and the nature of the study. I made every effort to ensure all
participants were aware that the information disclosed during this study was confidential and
would be protected. Regarding confidentiality, in the condition that face-to-face interviews were
not an option, those interviews were conducted via Zoom in a private setting absent of staff,
student, or parent contact.
45

Limitations and Delimitations
Creswell and Creswell (2018) pointed out several inherent limitations to the interview
method that was employed in this study. First, participants were selected through convenience
sampling, which has the inherent limitation of not always producing representative results. There
was a possibility of selection bias, as there could very well be other White female teachers who
fit the studies criteria but who chose not to respond or volunteer due to their inherent beliefs
about race. Further, convenience sampling also has the possibility of under- or over-representing
a population and prevents the generalization of the results to the teaching population. In addition,
the size of the sample was small, which also limited transferability.
Moreover, information received from participants was filtered through their views and
their perceptions. The ability to articulate varies. Hence, I assumed that the participants were
responding truthfully. Another limitation was that the interviews took place outside of the natural
field setting due to the COVID-19 pandemic and learning from the home environment during the
time of the study. Additionally, my being a Black male from the region may bias some
participants’ responses. Likewise, not collecting data from multiple sources for triangulation,
along with time constraints, makes establishing a high degree of credibility difficult. A
delimitation of this study is that the interviews may place via Zoom and will not occur in the
natural classroom setting. It is also important to note that each teacher will respond to the
questions based on their individual community and student base, which will not reflect the whole
of the state of Georgia.

46

Chapter Four: Findings
The purpose of this study was to conduct descriptive qualitative research on the role of
educator empathy in curtailing Black students’ maltreatment, leading to the school-to-prison
pipeline. Black students are more likely to be given increasingly greater consequences for their
actions in the classroom, which increases the risk of early contact with the juvenile justice
system, leading to the school-to-prison pipeline (Ocen, 2015). Fenning and Rose (2007)
examined teachers’ perception of loss of control in the classroom, coupled with fear, as a leading
factor in who was removed for disciplinary actions; typically, Black students were on the
receiving end of the punishment.
Research conducted by Warren (2013) indicated that cultivating empathy as a
professional disposition with the expressed purpose of enhancing the quality of student-teacher
interactions had tremendous potential for improving student outcomes. Notwithstanding, creating
a more empathetic workforce did very little to improve student outcomes when teachers failed to
understand the importance of empathy or, in other words, PT (Warren, 2013). Teachers’ KMO
influences impacting empathy in the classroom were examined (Clark & Estes, 2008) to assist in
identifying current strengths and ongoing needs. This study did not use a pseudonym for the
school because the stakeholders’ represented schools from across the region. Moreover, no
reference was made regarding the region in the state of Georgia in order to generalize the study
for further use. Chapter Four presents qualitative findings to address three of the guiding
research questions:
1. How do K–8 teachers of low socioeconomic status Black youth describe empathy in
the context of their teaching practice?
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2. How do K–8 teachers of low socioeconomic status Black youth perceive the
relevance of race to empathy in their teaching practice?
3. How, if at all, do K–8 teachers perceive empathy for the cultural and environmental
conditions of low socioeconomic status Black youth as being valuable to their
teaching practice?
To answer these research questions, individual interviews were conducted with White
female teachers who have taught in the public-school system for at least 3 years but no more than
20 years and were familiar with teaching at-risk youth in marginalized school districts. In this
chapter, the findings are based on information collected from three individual interviews that
addressed the influence of empathy on the teaching practice regarding low socioeconomic Black
youth. Findings will be represented for each research question, beginning with a summary table
presenting the main findings in themes, followed by a more detailed discussion of each theme
with evidence substantiating my conclusions. Quotes are used from the individual interviews
only to clarify the results. The design of the following sections begins with the broad findings for
each research question, and they are described within the initial paragraph, while the evidence
has been synthesized and presented in the remainder of the section. At the end of each section, a
summary has been provided pertaining to that specific research question. The chapter closes with
an overarching summary describing the overall findings of this study. Solutions will be provided
in Chapter Five, addressing the final research question.
Participating Stakeholders
The stakeholder group consisted of White female teachers who have taught in the public-
school system in the region for at least 3 years but no more than 20 years and were familiar with
teaching at-risk youth in marginalized school districts. Three participants were selected based on
48

my existing relationships with several African American educators in this district, and those
African American educators provided the email contacts of their White female counterparts who
might be interested in participating in the study. I chose to move forward with the research with
only three participants due to time and availability. The research was conducted during the
summer months, when teachers were on vacation and away from their school email, which was
the primary point of contact. Though I probed several teachers, only a few responded and even
fewer met the criteria. It was then that I determined that the experience and range of the three
selected would suffice for this study. Table 1 presents background information regarding the
three stakeholders, whose ages range from 28 to 52 and whose years of experience teaching low
socioeconomic status Black youth spanned 6 to 20 years. The purpose of providing the
participants’ description in this study is germane to the research questions because it is important
that the reader visually captures the cultural differences and distinctions between the teachers
and the low socioeconomic Black youth the educators serve. Pseudonyms were used to replace
the names of the three participants.

Table 1
Background Demographics of Participants
Stakeholder Gender Race Age Years of
service
Length of
interview
Susan Female White 28 6 52 minutes
Rachal Female White 52 20 43 minutes
Laura Female White 44 12 37 minutes

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USC IRB approved the study on July 12, 2022. (See Appendix A.) Qualtrics software
was used to conduct a seven-question survey (Appendix B) sent to eight teachers and completed
by four, representing a 50% participation rate. The 50% participation rate could be the
consequence that the emails were sent to the teachers’ professional email addresses during the
summer months (July 15–19, 2022) or a lack of interest in the study. Notwithstanding, the
surveys, which took approximately 5 minutes to complete, were sent to screen the participants
and gauge the interest of the eight teachers. Of note, one of the teachers who completed the
survey was not qualified due to her lack of experience with the population of the study. The
teachers were given one week to complete the screening survey. The first question on the survey
determined if the participants met the criteria for participation in the study. The survey asked the
participants (a) if they were K–8 educators in the target county, (b) the number of years they
have taught in low socioeconomic areas, and (c) to reveal their gender and race. If individuals
answered “no,” to the first question or indicated that they were anything other than White female
or taught for a number of years outside of the scope of the study, they were removed from the
survey using skip logic.
The interviews were semi-structured and designed to probe and understand the teacher’s
classroom experiences with low socioeconomic status Black youth (Appendix C). Interviews
were recorded via Zoom and then transcribed by Rev.com. A qualitative data analysis software,
NVivo, helped organize and analyze data from interviews with coding to identify main themes.
Six themes emerged from the interview transcripts and are addressed in this chapter. The ten
most frequently used words in the interviews were determined with a word frequency query
through NVivo and are displayed in Figure 4. Frequently used words included connection,
50

relationship, trust, trauma, environment, parental involvement, parents, intentionality, and school
culture.

Figure 4
Word Cloud of Most Frequently Used Words

51

Introduction of the Stakeholders
The following section introduces the individual teachers who participated in this study.
The purpose is to share enough information to provide a glimpse through their distinctive lenses
and lived experiences while protecting their identities.
Susan
Susan was the youngest teacher interviewed with the least years of experience. Susan was
28 years old from a small town in the Midwest, who reported that prior to college she had not
had any interaction with Blacks or racism. During our interview she admitted that being educated
in the South was an eye-opening experience as she witnessed the ill treatment of the Southern
community toward the Black population. After she matriculated college in the South, Susan
admitted that she was not prepared at all to teach in a trauma-informed school, as this was her
first experience as a teacher. However, she shared,
Teaching in a trauma-informed school has shaped me as a teacher in so many fascinating
ways. … It helped me to focus on building good human and life skills such as
communication and emotional regulation due to the various factors that these students
brought to the table. I still believe that I learned more from my teaching experience than
my students did from me.
Susan revealed that she grew up in the Midwest in very White surroundings with little to
no diversity. She had never lived, worked, or studied with anyone outside of her race. However,
as she matriculated to a college in the South, Tennessee specifically, she was exposed to a
myriad of races. It was during her time in college that Susan began noticing the disparities and
differences in the treatment of Blacks in those southern regions, specifically Black males. She
believed that her observations of the maltreatment of Black males in those southern towns also
52

shaped her approach to teaching. Susan stated, “it shocked me how Whites spoke about and to
Blacks in the South, and the treatment really bothered me.”
Rachal
Rachal was the most experienced teacher interviewed with 20 years of experience
teaching in marginalized school districts where, as she states, “99% of the students come from
single-parent households or broken homes.” Rachal never said it directly, but by the tone of her
responses to many of my questions, it seems that she shared a common ground with the
community she served and if she had been given the time, she had a few personal stories to share
of her own. Rachal’s voice was gentle but yet authoritative, almost like the librarian who knew
where every book in the library was by hard; no card catalog required. Her tone was unruffled
and trustworthy. Her face was calm and steady, but what she disclosed to me during the
interview it is apparent that she has seen much over her 20 years of teaching.
As Rachal described it, a “broken home” is where the parents are divorced or separated or
where the child is not being raised by his or her natural mother and father. In other words, the
child could be being raised in a foster home or by a guardian of some sort, a family member such
as an older sibling, aunt, or uncle, or in most cases, a grandparent. Rachal has been teaching in
the same school for 18 years. Rachal is a math tutor to the target population, and unbeknownst to
me, prior to the interview, she lives in the Black community where she currently serves and has a
daughter who is a senior in the same school district. I asked whether she chose to work in this
district (county) versus the other district (county) in the region researched, and she stated,
“honestly, it is more difficult to get into the other county. It is considered more prestigious as
opposed to the county in Georgia that I serve due to the level of household incomes and dual
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parent households. Plus, the retention in this [marginalized] county is a bit more challenging
given the student population.”
Laura
Laura has been teaching for 12 years but only has 3–5 years of teaching experience with
Black youth from a low socioeconomic background. She identifies as having grown up on the
“privileged” side of town, where she still resides with her husband, who is a pastor of a large
mega-church, her two daughters, and two foster children. In the context of this “privileged”
county, she defines privileged as “an area with two-parent households, high level of parental
control, parental support, lower behavior disruption rate, and lower percentages of suspensions.”
She admitted that she has always wanted to be a teacher, specifically in middle school. She
stated, “My middle school years were difficult for me. … I feel like middle school is that
awkward stage between being an adult and being grown up. … So, I was really drawn to the
quirky and confused stage of middle schoolers.” With this statement, Laura demonstrated her
connection and identification with the middle school students whom she serves but very little
connection to Black males or Black students in particular. It is evident that she has an
overarching care for humanity but in a race-neutral way, with seemingly little to no exposure to
Blacks in particular.
Findings for Knowledge, Motivation, and Organizational Influences
Subsequent chapters explained the research questions, the conceptual framework, and the
methodology guiding this study. This qualitative study sought to understand how educators
defined empathy in their teaching practice of low socioeconomic Blacks and whether empathy as
a practice could curtail the maltreatment of Black students leading to the school-to-prison
pipeline. Teachers took the interviews very seriously, and, admittedly, I took care to ensure that
54

he came across as disarming versus accusatory as the interview questions progressed toward
conversations surrounding comparisons between the treatment of White students and Black
students. However, one participant, Rachal, put me at ease and shifted the interview into a
conversational tone when she shared that her entire population is Black and has always been
through her entire teaching career. When asked about her connection with Black students in her
class. She said, “Well, seeing as how they’re all. All are Black. I don’t really have much to
compare that to.” From that point on, the interview became a true learning experience for me, as
I have only taught adult learners and never instructed in an early childhood educational setting.
Findings for Research Question 1: Empathy in the Context of the Teaching Practice
Research Question 1 asked, “How do K–8 teachers of low socioeconomic status Black
youth describe empathy in the context of their teaching practice?” Consistent with the literature
review, teachers confirmed the importance of intentionally cultivating relationships with their
Black students. Building relationships proved vital in helping teachers demonstrate care, raise
academic outcomes, and deter classroom disruptions. One teacher (Rachal) spoke of a student
from a “broken home” who was on his second chance in second grade. This student was a fighter
and had extreme anger issues. He did not know how to handle conflict, and his first response was
to react with aggression toward other students and some cases, the teachers. Over time, however,
he began to trust her more and more each day. Rachal admitted,
I was drawn to him. … He would open up to me about what was going on at home, and
after a couple of months, he would come to me if he was mad about something, and he
eventually started doing his classwork. For some reason he could tell that I actually cared
about him and wanted him to succeed in life and not only in the classroom. Though I
55

didn’t have much of a relationship with the grandmother who was raising him. I
understood that she was also raising several other children in the same home.
Susan shared,
A large majority of my time, when teaching first grade, was spent focusing on various
skills to understand my students because of the myriad of factors that they brought to the table, a
lot of them through trauma, or they had parents who were deployed, and they were living either
in single-parent households for most of the year or they were living with family friends. So, there
was just a lot that went into these young kids’ lives and how that was reflected when they came
to school. Much of that was dealing with, you know, not every child had extreme behaviors, but
the ones that did. … It definitely impacted the entire classroom.
Laura’s perspectives were race-neutral wherein she believed in treating all children,
regardless of color or socioeconomic background, fairly. However, Laura did have an affinity to
those in foster care as she offered this example:
There was actually a boy that stands out to me was one of my first encounters with a
child who was in foster care. And he was a Black boy who was struggling to figure out
who he was and who he wanted to be. And, you know, some days he would come in and
he wanted to make good grades, and he did. And some days he would come in and he
wanted to be the class clown and he was. So, it was just that balance of figuring out he
needed to figure out who he wanted to be. And that that probably was one of my favorite
connections that I made because a couple of reasons. One, I related to him because I love
foster care, but two, also just found that he was searching and he really just needed
someone to say, this is the way, walk in it.
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According to Martin (2015), having the insight to predict the triggers is a challenge for
the most perceptive educator. However, by using strong interpersonal relationships created and
cultivated through empathy, educators can reconcile trigger responses in advance (Martin, 2015).
Further, as Warren (2013) posited, teachers who demonstrate evidence of empathy in their
teaching are more likely to negotiate interactions that produce favorable student academic and
behavioral outcomes, which may include increased student engagement.
Theme 1: Intentional Connection
An intentional connection was something that was not explored in the literature review.
However, intentional connection or purposeful association was a consistent theme with each
participant interviewed. When participants were asked to share an example of any Black students
with whom they shared a strong connection, each of the three participants smiled and quickly
named at least one child whose life they were drawn into. Susan referenced one student who had
reactive attachment disorder. Susan stated that the student was working with a social
worker/psychologist and had experienced difficulties that were attachment-based, and she
immediately connected to this student. She further stated, “because of that attachment disorder,
he was very, very attached to me, and we had to show him how to display attachment in a
healthy way. It was challenging because he would get jealous and anxious when I spent time
explaining a concept to another student and sometimes, he would lash out by throwing a book
across the room just to get my attention.” Rachal’s experience was similar:
There’s something that just didn’t click between [the child] and his other teachers.
However, it started out that I was just drawn to him, and he just began to trust me more.
He was going to be the nut I was going to crack.
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Typically, a statement like, “nut I was going to crack” would offend me as a form of interest
convergence, but the endearing look in Rachal’s eyes during the interview, coupled by the years
of her experience teaching in marginalized school districts reassured, me that her motive or
intentions were not from a “god-like” or White-savior perspective. She was, however, genuinely
concerned about this student’s well-being and wanted to be an agent of change in his life.
Laura’s intentional connection was rooted in her personal experiences with foster care,
and possibly her lived experiences in trying to navigate middle school, as the young man that she
was drawn to was also in foster care and struggling to find his way during this tumultuous time
in his life as a middle-schooler. She stated,
Because of the connection I had with him and because I knew he was struggling; I was
purposeful when I saw him in the hallway. I’m like, “Hey, buddy, how are you?” You
know? And I tried to make it a point where he was seen. I wanted him to know he was
seen, and I that knew his name, and he was important and had value.
She went on to state, “I do feel like there are those students that when you know that they’re
struggling, you know, they come from a tough place that we’ve got to try to make them feel like
they’re not going through it alone.”
Theme 2: Teacher-Student Relationship
Consistent with the literature review, when considering empathy’s utility, building caring
teacher-student relationships with Black male students aids in the navigation of better academic
(professional) and social (personal) outcomes (Warren, 2013). As stated earlier, upon examining
the social and cultural landscape of Black students, teachers may realize that what is interpreted
as disruptive student behavior may be a result of trauma or ACEs (Baglivio, 2014). This trauma
or ACEs can be classified by a combination of factors (Crouch et al., 2019). Possessing the
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foresight to recognize the triggers is puzzling for the most perceptive educator; however, using
strong interpersonal relationships created and cultivated through teacher-student relationships,
educators can reconcile trigger responses in advance (Martin, 2015). For example, Susan shared
how she had to constantly be one step ahead of her student and identify his triggers or the deeper
emotions behind what he was feeling. She stated one specific example.
It was picture day, one day, and he came in, and he was off, and I knew he was off from
the moment he walked in the door. And it was all about, I found out afterwards, after he
had trashed my classroom, that he didn’t get to wear the shirt that he thought he wanted
to wear for picture day. So, things that were in his mind made sense. So, one thing that
we did is we had an emotion chart for him. … I learned his facial cues. I learned his non-
verbal communication. I learned that when he looks this way, he’s either feeling this or
this. So, then, if I could pinpoint what he was feeling, then I could kind of get him to use
as many words as he was able to while he was in that heightened crisis to kind of figure
out what it was that was making him feel that way. So, it was really just like learning him
as a person, learning what was upsetting him.
Based on Susan’s relationship with her student, she was able to learn his facial cues and discover
methods to mitigate the severity of the classroom disruptions.
Research Question 2: Relevance of Race to Empathy in the Teaching Practice
Research Question 2 asked, “How do K–8 teachers of low socioeconomic status Black
youth perceive the relevance of race to empathy in their teaching practice?” Frankly, there was
an avoidance of responding to the relevance of race to empathy in the teaching practice and a
wide berth given throughout the interviews with each participant regarding this topic of race. I
was hesitant about this particular interview question given my positionality as a Black male,
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raised and educated in a recently integrated South during the early 70s. Those lived experiences
and perceptions indelibly shaped and informed the approach to this study as a proponent of
Leonardo and Boas (2013), who acknowledged that
White teachers, women in particular, are members of the White racial army in which they
play a significant role in upholding whiteness in and beyond K–12 schools… just as
every fighting force is composed of diverse tactical positions to secure or conquer a
territory, so does whiteness consist of its own foot soldiers, officers, and generals who
perform different functions but whose loyalty and fidelity to whiteness is non disputable.
With respect to White women, although they may not call the shots, they often pull the
trigger. (p. 315)
However, given the population of participants, Susan, Rachal, and Laura, who accepted
my invitation to interview for this topic, I was not able to explicitly infer a position on the topic
of race. Laura explained,
I would say not Black versus White, but I would say. … Maybe privileged versus not
privileged. And that doesn’t really necessarily go by race, in my opinion, or what I saw.
But you could tell the kid in my experience, was the kids who didn’t have a strong father
figure in the home oftentimes struggled with rules. Most of the time because they were
being raised by a single mom.
Albeit the educators who participated in the interviews emerged as compassionate,
caring, and in some cases combative toward the school systems’ method of punishment toward
the Black male students, I could not force a direct answer on the topic of race. As mentioned in
the limitations, I was dependent upon the intestinal fortitude of the participants and their
willingness to share with truthfulness and transparency. However, this picture of color blindness
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could have been a convenient cover-up as one of the tenets of CRT suggest that the ordinariness
of racism is challenging to address because it is not acknowledged. As asserted by Delgado and
Stefancic (2017), color blindness can be admirable, particularly when leadership refuses to
acquiesce and submit to local or regional prejudices displayed toward Black or marginalized
folk. However, color blindness can be perverse or twisted when it stands in the way of
acknowledging differences in order to advocate for people in need (p. 27). Explicitly, color
blindness in the classroom is an issue because the problem of maltreatment toward Black
students is simply not a race-neutral issue.
Research Question 3: Perception of Empathy Being Valuable to the Teaching Practice
Research Question 3 addressed the cultural and environmental conditions of low
socioeconomic status Black youth as being valuable to the teaching practice. Consistent with the
literature review, educators who emerged as empathic, valued, and responded to the cultural and
environmental conditions of low socioeconomic status of the Black youth they serve. As research
suggested, adverse childhood experiences or ACEs not only incorporate abuse, areas of neglect,
and household dysfunction but also have expanded to incorporate familial death, neighborhood
violence, economic hardship, and imbalanced treatment based on race and ethnicity (Sacks &
Murphey, 2018). Based on the national percentages of children experiencing at least one ACE,
Black children top the list at 61% (Sacks & Murphey, 2018). Moreover, as articulated in the
literature review, studies have provided evidence to explain the racial group differences between
Black and White students in posttraumatic stress disorder prevalence and severity, including
socioeconomic factors, increased exposure to violence, displacement, overrepresentation in
poorer, disadvantaged, and higher crime communities, pervasive marginalization, homelessness,
and higher rates of victim-blaming and increased incarceration in Black youth (Dukes et al.,
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2017; Roberts et al., 2011; Seng et al., 2011). Therefore, the following themes which emerged
during analysis and the findings are located in Table 3. These include (a) trauma, (b) parental
involvement, and (c) school culture of punishment.

Table 2
Findings Research Question 3
Overarching themes Findings
Trauma Black youth lead the national percentages of children experiencing
adverse childhood experience (Sacks & Murphey, 2018).
ACE includes, but is not limited to neighborhood violence,
displacement, economic hardship, and imbalanced treatment
based on race and ethnicity.
Susan: “Everyday was an experience because we were a trauma-
informed school. Our youth were living in very unstable
environments, in single family households or with family
friends.”
Rachal: “It’s very rare to find mom, dad, and siblings living under
the same roof.”
Parental involvement Parent involvement is vital in addressing students’ perspectives in
the learning environment. Research suggests that parents from
marginalized backgrounds possessing negative self-efficacy are
far less likely to involve themselves in school-based activities due
to this sense of intimidation and past negative academic
experiences.
Susan: “Dad didn’t know how to manage his [son’s] extreme
behaviors, which then kind of just resulted in fear-based
punishment versus action.”
Rachal: “Talking to parents in some cases results in the kids getting
beat for negative classroom behavior.”
School culture of
punishment
Studies suggest that educators punish Black students at a much
higher rate than White students for identical age-appropriate
actions.
Susan: “I felt like they [White students] did not get suspended at the
same rate that he [the Black child] did.”
Laura: “I would say not Black versus White, but I would say maybe
privileged versus not privileged.”

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Theme 1: Trauma
Each participant acknowledged that their students experienced trauma on a daily basis
and emerged from circumstances with food or housing shortages, language or cultural barriers,
abuse, neglect, bullying, and unstable home settings. A recent report from the National Child
Traumatic Stress Network Schools Committee (2017) examining the impact of ACEs on
academic outcomes found that communities with higher ACE scores had increased rates of
suspension and unexcused absences and lower rates of graduation from high school and
progression to postsecondary school than communities with a relatively low prevalence of ACEs.
However, only one of three participants (Susan) worked in a trauma-informed school. A trauma-
informed school addresses the needs of all students, staff, administrators, and families who might
be at risk for experiencing the symptoms of traumatic stress. Specifically, A trauma-informed
school system offers trauma awareness, expertise, and skills as part of the fabric of the school
culture, practices, and policies and works in collaboration with individuals involved with the
child, including students’ families, community agencies, leaders, and law enforcement, using the
best practices to support the recovery and resiliency of the school community (Blodgett &
Dorado, 2016).
Susan stated,
Working in a trauma-informed school has shaped me in my teaching practice in dealing
with multiple behaviors. … Most of my time was spent focusing on social, emotional
regulation and communication, and functioning skills.” She went on to state, “because I
was dealing with elementary children, trauma comes across as behavior. … So, I was
dealing with all behavior issues every day.
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Susan went on to discuss how the importance of understanding her students’ lived
experiences helped inform her ability to shape the outcomes for the entire class.
So, there was just a lot that went into these young kids lives and how that was reflected
in how they came to school. A lot of that was dealing with extreme behaviors and it
kind of shape the school day. Yeah, we were always trying to figure out and be one step
ahead of what might trigger one student.
Theme 2: Parental Involvement
Per the literature review, educators face three main challenges in supporting students in
the classrooms: balancing the student’s diverse learning needs, respecting school administrators’
expectations, and working with parents and students to meet long-term goals (Doskocil, 2016).
The literature further suggested that the importance of parental involvement is vital in addressing
and adapting the students’ engagement in the learning environment by providing a safe,
supportive, comfortable, and affirming learning ecosystem (McAlister & Irvine, 2002; Warren,
2013). However, the findings of this study confirmed what Baldwin et al. (2007) suggested
regarding the preconceived notions of White middle-class teacher candidates that parents of
Black children, at least in these school districts, lack involvement in the learning process and
thereby hinder the teachers’ ability to provide an affirming learning environment.
However, the lack of parental involvement does not stem from a lack of interest in the
child’s education as that research may suggest, but according to the interviewees, the parents
lacked the emotional efficacy to manage their child’s emotions and, in some cases, worsened the
outcomes. As stated in the previous section, many of the youth who were taught by the
interviewees are from single-parent households, raised by elderly grandparents, or living with
family friends. The reasoning for limited parental involvement became more apparent during the
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conversations with the participants. For example, Laura stated, “Talking to parents, in some
cases, results in the kids getting beat for negative classroom behavior, and the teachers were even
hesitant to call home because they figure they can handle the situation in the classroom.” Susan
gave the example of one child with difficulties in his home life. She explained,
[The child’s] mom had essentially abandoned him and moved while he was still a baby,
left him with his dad. Come to find out, his dad was having an affair. You know, it was a
lot of adult things that were happening that caused a lot of turmoil for [the child]. His dad
didn’t really know how to manage his extreme behaviors, which then kind of just resulted
in fear-based punishment versus action. So, it was a really hard situation for [the child] at
home. He knew that if he were to get in trouble at school, that it would result in
something undesirable at home.
Based on conversations with each participant, it became evident that parents in these low
socioeconomic environments lacked the trauma-informed skills, training, and expertise to
provide the support and recovery required for their children, whom themselves were
experiencing trauma. Given the history of poverty and marginalization in this region of the
country, it is possible that chastisement is the only form of trauma management that some
parents are aware of. The cycle of trauma and mental mapping is an area for further study and
will be addressed in further detail in the discussion section. Notwithstanding, studies suggested
that parents from marginalized backgrounds possessing negative self-efficacy are far less likely
to involve themselves in school-based activities and less likely to meet with educators due to this
sense of intimidation and past negative academic experiences (Thurston & Navarrette, 2003).

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Theme 3: School Culture of Punishment
This section on a school culture of punishment toward Black students is the core of the
study, as the literature review suggested that educators punish Black students at a much higher
rate than White students (Ocen, 2015). Leaning on one of the themes of the theoretical
framework of CRT, the “social construction” theme, which holds that race and races are products
of social thought and relations. The social construction theme holds that there is no genetic
reality; rather, races are categories that society invents or retires as appropriate (Delgado &
Stefancic, 2017). The theme of social construction maintains and highlights the physical traits
(skin color, hair texture, etc.) shared by a people group while ignoring higher-order traits such as
personality, moral behavior, and intelligence. Critical race theory scholars, including Bell (1980)
and Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) argued that racism and racial exclusion are interwoven in
the very fabric of American policy and democracy. Accordingly, whether racism reflects explicit
bias or is contested to make for a more unbiased society, White interests will succeed because
race is a part of the societal culture and that includes the classrooms.
However, going back to the topic of color blindness, only one interviewee addressed the
topic of her school’s culture regarding the explicit maltreatment of Black students. She spoke
with both sadness and indignation as she recalled her observations of how some of her
counterparts punished and spoke to Black students and not the White students for identical age-
appropriate actions. Susan shared, “So, there were other students who had behaviors as well who
did not share a racial identity with [the child]. And I felt like they did not get suspended at the
same rate that he (the Black child) did.” She went on to say:
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So, the way that I heard other people talk to children. Yeah. Very disheartening.
Yeah. There’s no need to embarrass a student because they were faced the other
way in a line when we’re walking to the same place. We will get there.
Susan went on to say that she was a minority in her approach to discipline toward Black students,
and, frankly, she admitted she was very uncomfortable and scared for the children. Of note,
Susan was the youngest teacher, at 28 years old, with the least amount of experience in teaching
marginalized youth (6 years).
It was interesting that the other participants made no distinction regarding the
disproportionate punishment due to race but attributed the difference in treatment to economic
and family status. As Laura noted earlier:
I would say there is a (difference in treatment), I would say not Black versus White, but I
would say maybe privileged versus not privileged. And that doesn’t really necessarily go
by race, in my opinion, or what I witnessed. But you could tell the kid in my experience,
was the kids who didn’t have a strong father figure in the home oftentimes struggled.
Economic factors and parental involvement are areas of further study as well as the level
of the parents’ education and status in the community in relation to how the child is treated by
administration and the child’s teacher.
Summary of Findings
The introduction to the findings began with an acknowledgment of the three participants
that contributed their experiences and insight to support this study. Represented within the
findings were three White female educators with a range of experience teaching low
socioeconomic status Black youth. The three research questions focused on the educators’
display of empathy within the teaching practice, without the explicit use of the term empathy, as
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well as the educators’ perceived value of the cultural and environmental conditions of low
socioeconomic status Black youth to their teaching practice. Each of the questions was answered
based on the findings produced by this study. The overarching themes for the findings included
intentional connection and teacher-student relationship, trauma, and parental involvement.
Teacher-student relationship was the primary theme within the conceptual framework that
emerged during the analysis. As part of the evidence provided, intentional connection and strong
student-teacher relationships were found to be important factors and emerged during the
dialogue, which demonstrated compassion, support, and care for the Black youth in their schools.
Based on the evidence, some teachers emerged as empathic based on their lived experiences,
wherein compassion and care are a choice. In conclusion, educators who emerged as empathic
can curtail the disproportionate punishment of Black students leading to the school-to-prison
pipeline with intentional student-teacher relationships and a supportive community of
stakeholders, specifically parents, using best practices to support the recovery and resiliency of
the student.

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Chapter Five: Recommendations and Discussion
The purpose of this study was to conduct qualitative research on the role of educator
empathy in curtailing Black students’ maltreatment leading to the school-to-prison pipeline. The
intent was to learn the perspectives of the participants and utilize the findings to offer
recommendations in the field of education to end the school-to-prison pipeline. The study was
important because the literature indicated that it was the teachers’ perception of loss of control in
the classroom, coupled with fear, as leading factors to who was labeled and removed for
disciplinary actions; typically, Black male students were on the receiving end of the punishment
(Fenning & Rose, 2017). Additionally, the study was important because maltreatment at the
hands of the teachers in the classroom is a continuation of the trauma experienced outside of the
classroom and deprives Black students of the ability to succeed in either environment.
Further, CRT, used as the theoretical framework, provided a dialogue that facilitated
conversation between educators and me regarding racism’s operation in the classroom and the
reproductive nature of disciplining with regard to the educational outcomes of Black students. As
contested by Alexander (2020), “all major institutions in our society are plagued with problems
associated with conscious and unconscious bias” and the “many ways in which racial
stereotyping can permeate subjective decision-making processes at all levels of an organization”
(p. 4). Within this study, CRT provided a tool for countering the assumed objectivity of
knowledge in the classroom and specific knowledge in relation to behavior via the theme of
color blindness as shared by Laura. CRT also provided a framework that centered on the
importance of race, racial experiences, and subject knowledge in both the positioning of students
and teachers within the classroom as Susan shared via her experiences.
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The answers to the research questions were obtained via a qualitative descriptive
methodology that used interviews to collect data and offered the means to analyze that data and
form it into a viable story. This chapter first includes a discussion of the findings that link
existing literature and the conceptual framework to the findings. Following that are
recommendations for practice, the study’s limitations, and recommendations for future research.
Finally, this chapter will close with the study’s conclusions.
Discussion of Findings and Results
There were three primary findings in this study that included (a) intentional connections
between teacher and student, (b) trauma, and (c) parental involvement. Consistent with the
literature, intentional connection and well-cultivated student-teacher relationships between White
female teachers and Black students were found to be important factors in building bridges across
racial and cultural differences. As each participant established healthy relationships with their
Black students, the teachers began to garner a better understanding of their Black student’s lived
experiences and their trauma-informed perspectives. As maintained by the conceptual
framework, albeit intentionally, as the teachers began to take an interest and increase their
knowledge regarding the conditions of their Black students, their compassion and support
increased.
Also aligned with the literature, trauma was found to be prevalent in low socioeconomic
status Black youth as represented by economic hardship, parent or guardian divorce or
separation, housing or food shortages, cultural barriers, abuse, neglect, or a myriad of all these
factors (Crouch et al., 2019). According to Jaggi et al. (2016), there exists a high correlation
between trauma and contact with the criminal justice system experienced by low socioeconomic
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status Black youth in the United States, specifically in communities where mistrust of police is
common.
Parental involvement, however, was not initially considered in the equation of poor
teacher-student relationships and the connection to maltreatment leading the school-to-prison
pipeline. Each participant that was interviewed stressed the value and correlation of parental
roles in the student’s educational success and classroom behavior. Specifically, the participants
highlighted the parents’ inability to communicate with the teacher in an effective and healthy
manner that would not further the child’s trauma. The results from the findings suggested that
increased parental support equaled lower behavior disruption rates and lower percentages of
suspensions. However, the findings further indicated that parents from marginalized backgrounds
possessing negative self-efficacy were far less likely to involve themselves in school-based
activities due to feeling a sense of intimidation and past negative educational experiences.
Recommendations for Practice to Address Knowledge, Motivation, and Organizational
Influences
The following section focuses on the recommendations for practice based on the findings
of this study. These research-based recommendations originated from the literature review
(Chapter Two) related to the results and findings which were identified in Chapter Four. The
recommendations are in the KMO categories (Clark & Estes, 2008).
Recommendation 1a: Knowledge (Cultural Sensitivity and Implicit Bias Training for
Educators)
Research has suggested that the teaching force in public schools is primarily middle-aged
White females who may lack the perspective of the unique experiences of the Black students
they serve, hindering the connection between the teacher and the student. Specifically, studies
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show that Black males are feared by their White female teachers and are over-criminalized in
society, where they are singled out for punishment, over-regulated for minor-innocuous actions,
or misidentified when no wrong-doings occurred. (Howard, 2008; Wood et al., 2017).
The first recommendation is to enhance the knowledge among educators who are
teaching Black youth by providing cultural sensitivity and implicit bias training. Prevailing
research has suggested that diversity training that focuses on education through nullifying
stereotypes (Blair, 2002; Rudman et al., 2001) and increasing awareness of implicit bias could
result in more positive attitudes toward Black students (Carnes et al., 2021). However, one
caveat should be noted here. Rudman et al. (2001) recognized that training people to suppress
their stereotypical thinking could actually increase the activation of stereotypes and avoidance of
target group members; therefore, forced diversity training can result in backlash. Initiatives that
have proven effective include those that help individuals welcome differences rather than trying
to remove or disregard them. This type of diversity education that focuses on bias education and
fear reduction has also been successful (Rudman et al., 2001). Rather than trying to quell
thoughts about a target group, activities that make use of subgrouping and other methods to
embolden more thinking about the underlying reasons for stereotypes are more effective in
reducing stereotypes (Crisp & Hewstone, 2001).
These forms of deeper perceptive awareness and education are more likely to change
personal attitudes rather than shallow associations (Crisp & Hewstone, 2001). As this study’s
findings suggest, teachers who emerged as empathic and supportive formed authentic and
intentional connections with their Black students, which created better outcomes through
decreased classroom interruptions and increased classroom participation. Establishing caring
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teacher-student relationships aid in the navigation of improved academic and social outcomes (L.
Warren, 2005; C. A. Warren, 2012, 2018).
Recommendation 1b: Knowledge (Implement Trauma-Informed Care Training and
Practices)
Clark and Estes (2008) asserted that knowledge and skill enhancement is required for job
performance under only two conditions. First, they are necessitated when individuals lack the
skills to accomplish their performance goals, and second when it is likely that future challenges
will require innovative problem-solving. Trauma-informed care training and practices can
provide an interactive role-play simulation that nurtures educators’ awareness of the impact of
trauma and help to improve the skills needed for teachers to better support at-risk students.
Sibrava et al. (2019) have suggested that Black students may develop posttraumatic stress
disorder (PTSD) at higher rates than Whites students, hence making it difficult for White
teachers to relate to Black students. The majority of teachers may be unaware of the diverse
challenges that many minority students face outside of the classroom (Sibrava et al., 2019). A
number of studies have provided evidence to explain the racial group differences in PTSD
prevalence and severity, including socioeconomic factors that may limit resources to cope with
traumatic stressors such as counseling, increased exposure to violence, higher crime
communities, pervasive marginalization, higher rates of victim blaming following an assault, and
increased rates of incarceration and homelessness (Roberts et al., 2011; Seng et al., 2012; Dukes
& Gaither, 2017). Considering the circumstances of Black students may lessen the blow of the
culture shock for educators and provide a pathway for better understanding and support in
serving Black students versus punishing the most vulnerable of our society (Rushton, 2000;
Tavernise, 2015). Research has proven that teachers strongly support Black students and adapt
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teaching to their needs as they acknowledge that these students face various obstacles in the
academic environment (Peetsma et al., 2006).
Recommendation 1c: Knowledge (Intentionally Pursue the Parent/Guardian)
One of the important factors that emerged from this study was the ineffective relationship
between teachers and parents in support of their children. Thurston and Navarrette (2003) have
suggested that parents from marginalized backgrounds possessing negative self-efficacy are far
less likely to involve themselves in school-based activities and are less likely to meet with
educators due to a perceived sense of intimidation and the presence of past negative academic
experiences. The importance of effectively communicating with parents regarding the child’s
classroom performance and behaviors was a key feature that emerged from this study. This
concept also arose from the literature as Doskocil (2016) argued that one of the three main
challenges that teachers face in advocating for students in today’s classrooms is helping parents
and students meet long-term goals together. Bringing together parents and educators to formulate
school goals and make decisions regarding the child can help bridge the gap as well as create an
atmosphere of mutual respect among parents and teachers. However, the factors of intimidation
and negative perceptions of parents from low socioeconomic backgrounds impact the
relationships that could be formed with educators.
To mitigate this barrier, Lynn and Parker (2001) suggested that informal social
networking events versus traditional PTA meetings and parent workshops considerably increased
parental involvement with educators. Social networking events such as Mother’s Day breakfasts,
guardian appreciation day, job fairs, and community networking events averaged 120 parents per
event, while PTA meetings averaged 20 parents and parent workshops averaged 14 parents
(Lynn & Parker, 2001).
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The recommendation, then, is to design social networking events to bring averse parents,
grandparents, and/or guardians together with more school-involved caregivers for support. It is
further recommended that building a coalition of parent/guardian leaders for the purpose of
inviting non-involved parents into schools opens lines of communication between parents and
school staff in order to close the trust chasm between parents and educators. The proposed
strategy is one that takes a multi-generational approach but acts as a foundation for the
scaffolding necessary to create long-term authentic relationships for the benefit of the child.
Additionally, educators and school administrators can employ the use of social and community
organizations, local non-profits, and Black fraternities who support school aged youth to help
build the bridge between the schools and the communities. Moreover, organizations like Living
in Purpose and Watch Dogs ® are organizations providing male role models going into the
classrooms to help encourage schools to partner with families to increase parent involvement and
improve outcomes for students leading to better relationships with educators, students, and
parents (Block, 2022).
Recommendation 2: Motivation
Motivation has a substantial impact on teachers’ performance because their lack of
motivation will impact all stakeholders, specifically the youth they serve (Clark & Estes, 2008).
Self-efficacy is the basis of human motivation, performance accomplishments, and emotional
well-being (Bandura, 2006). Barriers to teachers’ motivation stem from long work hours,
minimal wages, lack of training, and insufficient resources to support their teaching (Glasenberg,
2021). Teachers often face burnout as a result of trying to meet multi-layered expectations from
both the administration and parents. According to a 2022 Gallup poll, more than four in 10 K–12
teachers in the United States (44%) say they “always” or “very often” feel burned out at work,
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outpacing all other industries nationally (Marken & Agrawal, 2022). Across the nation, teachers
are leaving the profession. Mental and emotional stress is likely to cause teachers to opt for more
lucrative and less demanding professions. It is recommended, therefore, to hire additional school
psychologists to offer support to teachers. Ongoing professional development on cultural
intelligence, diversity, equity, inclusion, and belonging will also help teachers build self-
confidence and enrich their ability to meet their students’ needs.
Recommendation 3: Organization (Implement Trauma-Informed School Culture)
Kafka (2011) stated that the intersection of race, politics and the bureaucratic
organization of schooling has resulted in zero-tolerance mandates policies where schools grant
no leniency for certain student misconduct and usually results in suspensions or calling of law
enforcement for behaviors ranging from fighting to tardiness. Considering organizational
barriers, zero-tolerance policies embolden police presence at schools and introduce youths early
in their lives to the juvenile justice system. Leaders and stakeholders are beginning to recognize
the layers required to establish an organizational culture (values, norms, and behaviors) in
education that fosters supportive behavior and outcomes. Clark and Estes (2008) stressed the
primary objective for organizational improvement was that it must enhance, support, and align
with the overarching goal of the organization.
Regarding the maltreatment of Black students, the ESSA attempted to provide that
overarching organizational objective driving both individual and organizational performance
improvement. Ultimately, teachers who emerged as empathic engaged in teacher leadership work
that was defined by Wenner and Campbell (2017) as (a) taking place beyond the classroom
walls, (b) supporting professional learning in their schools, (c) engaging in policy and/or
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decision making at some level, (d) focusing on improving student learning and success, and (e)
working toward improvement and change for the whole school organization (p. 146).
Arghode et al. (2021) indicated that leader-follower relationships within an
organization’s context are impacted by the leader’s empathic inclination in place of an
authoritarian leadership model. That research suggested that the leader’s empathic disposition
can positively influence functions for improved organizational performance as the empathic
leader shapes values and nurtures collaboration across the organization. The recommendation is
to close this organizational gap by continuing to explore empathic leadership as an agent of
change for the purpose of fostering a culture of inclusivity, innovation, and support while
challenging organizational processes and practices. Such innovation and support could be
derived through a trauma-informed school implementation plan and PBIS to enhance equity in
school discipline.
Trauma-Informed School Implementation and Positive Behavioral Interventions and
Supports
A trauma-informed school addresses the needs of all students, staff, administrators, and
families who might be at risk for experiencing the symptoms of traumatic stress. Specifically, a
trauma-informed school system offers trauma awareness, expertise, and skills as part of the
fabric of the school culture, practices, and policies and works in collaboration with individuals
involved with the child, including students’ families, community agencies, leaders, and law
enforcement, using the best practices and scientific approaches to support the recovery and
resiliency of the school community (Blodgett & Dorado, 2016).
Positive behavioral interventions and supports (PBIS), specifically, provide an evidence-
based three-tiered framework to improve and integrate all of the data, systems, and practices
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affecting student outcomes leading to a more empathic teaching force and a school where all
students have the opportunity to succeed. It is rooted in educational equity. Skelton and
Kigamwa (2012) defined equity in education as:
when educational practices, policies, curricula, resources, and school cultures are
representative of all students, such that each student has access to, can participate in and
makes progress in high-quality learning experiences, regardless of her or his race,
socioeconomic status, gender, ability, religion, national origin, linguistic diversity, or
other characteristics (16.35).
To be objective, PBIS has its fair share of criticism, specifically in the space of
disciplinary actions toward Black students. Underwritten by the United States Department of
Education, PBIS could be touted as a CRT tenet of interest convergence where Blacks achieve
civil rights victories only when White and Black interests converge. In this instance, if Blacks
behave in the school setting, then they will no longer be punished. Still, there are studies that
reveal PBIS, in and of itself, is ineffective in mitigating discipline inequities for racially
vulnerable students, specifically African American students (Baule, 2020; Bradshaw et al., 2010;
Vincent et al., 2016). For example, a study conducted by Calais and Green (2021) stated
explicitly,
PBIS, as an alternative to exclusionary discipline practices, does little to help historically
oppressed youth. Exploring this program aids in understanding the limitations of color-
evasive policies in education and society at large. Behaviorism, the theory behind PBIS,
asserts that behaviors can be altered through positively reinforcing desired behaviors.
Behavior becomes a form of meritocracy where desired behavior is rewarded. Teachers
and educational leaders are not culpable in any capacity for student behaviors and
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outcomes. Because PBIS is race-neutral, the role in which race informs discipline is left
uncritiqued, allowing inequities to persist, leading to detrimental outcomes.
The overarching belief is that PBIS only focuses on rewarding and punishing students,
and this belief, according to critics, is limiting in multiple ways. For example, not all behavior is
a result of adult interaction or the absence thereof, and children are dynamic individuals with
their own personalities and complexities. Another critique asks, “what if youth are not concerned
about the carrot or the stick, the reward or the punishment?” What happens, then? Also, if one
teacher in the school does not use the same system because it depends upon conformity, then the
whole system falls apart. Moreover, the antagonists of PBIS believe that the students who behave
well would have behaved well regardless of a reward-based system, and the worst-behaved
students often end up with the most rewards based on the rules of the system. Lastly, many
believe that the system is harmful and disrespectful because it assumes that humans only behave
based on the reinforcement that we receive. In other words, we cannot be trusted to make proper
decisions and must be rewarded or punished repeatedly to learn.
Nevertheless, in order to begin building a foundation of prevention of ill treatment of
Blacks in the classroom, PBIS implementation can be outlined and utilized by collection, use,
and reporting of disaggregated student discipline data; development of policies with
accountability for disciplinary equity; and teaching neutralizing routines for vulnerable decision
points (McIntosh et al., 2018).
Collection, Use, and Reporting Disaggregated Student Discipline Data
A foundational component of any successful practice is using data to (a) identify the
extent of the challenge, (b) understand why it is happening, (c) plan interventions and (d)
monitor progress toward goals. This component of PBIS is even more fundamental for gauging
79

and addressing equity. Any school committed to reducing discipline disproportionality should
implement data systems that can disaggregate student data by race, ethnicity, and disability and
provide instantaneous access to these data for both school and district teams (McIntosh et al.,
2018).
Development of Policies With Accountability for Disciplinary Equity
With no mention of race or ethnicity, even policies such as zero-tolerance can intensify
inequities because of their impact on the aforementioned student-teacher interactions. Instead,
administrators and policymakers should adopt policies with well-defined definitions and
discipline practices, substitute harmful practices with instructional responses to negative
classroom behavior, and implement accountability for improving outcomes (McIntosh et al.,
2018).
Studies continuously show the weight of implicit bias on classroom and school discipline
decisions (Girvan et al., 2017). There are strategies educators can use to identify and neutralize
their implicit biases before they reflect in their decision making. These strategies are identifying
vulnerable decision points or specific discipline circumstances more prone to implicit bias
(McIntosh et al., 2014; Santiago-Rosario & McIntosh, 2021), learning strategies to help
educators respond in line with their personal values, developing self-management routines to be
used in real time to neutralize implicit bias (Lai et al., 2013), and sharing these strategies with
other students and staff.
By engaging in this schoolwide approach, educators may learn to become increasingly
self-aware of moments when decisions are likely influenced by personal biases, otherwise known
as vulnerable decision points (VDPs; Santiago-Rosario & McIntosh, 2021). VDP identification
helps educators identify actions that may not align with their personal values, helping them
80

develop educator self-awareness. This puts the onus back on the adult. Once aware of VDP
characteristics, educators can map a self-management strategy that slows down decision-making
and reflex reactions during VDPs.
Recommendations for Future Research
Based on the findings and conceptual framework of this study, there are two
recommendations for future research considered within this section. The recommendations for
future research have been generated based on the limitations and delimitations of this study. The
primary interests include examining parental efficacy in lower socioeconomic regions (difference
between the haves and have-nots) and classroom observation.
The first recommendation is to replicate this study in a more affluent region where Black
students have both parents in the home, specifically where the parents’ income and educational
levels exceed those of the teachers and the administration. It would be interesting to learn if the
teachers treated their Black students differently based on the level of the parent’s status and how
active those parents were in advocacy and engagement of their child’s learning.
The second recommendation is to replicate this study and include classroom
observations. Classroom observations would afford an opportunity for an investigation into
possible biases in treatment and instruction among Black students and could further improve
student outcomes by improving the instructional proficiency of the educator.
These recommendations offer other means to examine this study’s findings from a
different lens and may further inform and support improving the relationship between White
teachers and Black students.
81

Conclusion
This study focused on a deeper understanding surrounding the implicit bias of White
teachers and the serrated relationship with their Black students leading to maltreatment and an
early introduction to the criminal justice system. The responses to the research questions may be
leveraged to inform practice as well as future research. Generally, the findings revealed continual
challenges some Black students must navigate to be successful in and out of the classroom.
Educators, however, have a unique opportunity to make a meaningful impact and shape the
trajectory of their Black student’s lives through intentional effort by expanding their cultural
knowledge base and accessing their empathy. Relational trust between students, teachers, and
parents may be difficult to achieve, but once established, it is vital to maintain a healthy and
supportive classroom experience for all involved and better inform equity-minded decisions
regarding disciplinary referrals. To preserve this trust, educators and the organizations they
represent should strive to maintain mindfulness of the importance of seeing the world through
the perspective of others.
82

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Appendix A: Email Sent to Employees to Recruit Study Participants
You are invited to participate in a study to examine how K–8 teachers interact with their
students in the classroom. This study is being conducted by Jackson Drumgoole II as part of their
doctoral dissertation. Your participation in this study is completely voluntary and participant
identities will not be known to the organization. The study includes an anonymous and voluntary
interview. If you are interested in participating in this study, have taught in the public-school
system for at least 3 years but no more than 20 years and are familiar with teaching at-risk youth
in marginalized school districts, please respond to the survey in the link:
https://qfreeaccountssjc1.az1.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_bj6YM6qWHqBIGt8

100

Appendix B: Survey to Gauge Interest
1. Q1 Are you a K–12 educator in Richmond or Columbia County?
• No (1)
• Yes (2)
Skip to end of survey if Q1 = No
2. Have you taught in low socioeconomic areas for at least 3 years but not more than 20
years?
• No (2)
• Yes (6)
Skip to end of survey if Q2 = No
3. What is your gender?
• Male (1)
• Female (2)
4. Are you of Latino, Spanish or Hispanic origin?
• No (1)
• Yes (2)
Skip to end of survey if Q4 = Yes

101

5. Do you identify as
• White- German, Irish, English, Italian (1)
• Black or African American- Jamaican, Haitian, Nigerian, Ethiopian, etc. (2)
• American Indian or Alaska Native (3)
• Chinese, Filipino, Vietnamese, Korean, Japanese, Samoan (4)
• Other race (5)
6. Would you like to participate in a study to examine how K–8 teachers interact with
their students in the classroom?
• No (1)
• Yes (2)
7. Q7 Please provide your email address.
________________________________________________________________

End of block: Default question block

102

Appendix C: Informed Consent for Research
Study Title: The Role of Empathy in Curtailing the Disproportionate Disciplinary Actions
Towards Black Students Leading to the School-to-Prison Pipeline

Principal Investigator: Jackson Drumgoole II, MA – drumgool@usc.edu

Faculty Advisor: Corinne E. Hyde, Ed. D – chyde@usc.edu

Department: Department: Rossier School of Education

INTRODUCTION

We invite you to take part in a research study. Please take as much time as you need to read the
consent form. You may want to discuss it with your family, friends, or your personal doctor. If
you find any of the language difficult to understand, please ask questions. If you decide to
participate, you will be asked to sign this form. A copy of the signed form will be provided to
you for your records.

KEY INFORMATION

The following is a short summary of this study to help you decide whether you should
participate. More detailed information is listed later in this form.

1. Being in this research study is voluntary–it is your choice.

2. You are being asked to take part in this study because you are a White female teacher
in Georgia with at least 3 years of teaching experience who works or has worked in a
marginalized school district. The purpose of this study is to understand how K–8
teachers interact with students in the classroom. Your participation in this study will
last approximately 30–45 minutes. Procedures will include you being asked to
participate in a 30- to 45-minute interview that will be held via Zoom. The interview
will be video/audio recorded, and participants must agree to recorded to continue their
participation in the study. Upon completion, you will receive a $25 Starbucks gift card
no later than 24 hours after the end of the interview.

3. There are risks from participating in this study. The most common risks are
physiological risk associated with revisited feeling and emotions. More detailed
information about the risks of this study can be found under the “Risk and
Discomfort” section.

4. You may not receive any direct benefit from taking part in this study. However, your
participation in this study may help us learn potential solutions toward bridging the
cultural gaps between teachers and students in the classroom.
103

DETAILED INFORMATION

PURPOSE

The purpose of this study is to examine teacher support and responsiveness toward students in
the classroom. You are invited as a possible participant because you are a White female teacher
in Georgia with at least 3 years of teaching experience who works or has worked in a
marginalized school district. About 3- 5 participants will take part in the study.

PROCEDURES

If you decide to take part, you will be asked to participate in a 30- to 45-minute interview via
Zoom. This interview will be video/audio recorded, and participants must agree to be recorded,
and must agree to be recorded to continue their participation in the study. In this interview, you
will be asked to reflect on experiences surrounding your support and responsiveness to students
in the classroom.

RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS

Possible risks you could experience during this study include discomfort due to feelings of
anxiety because of the interview questions and your reflection on your past classroom
experiences.

BENEFITS

There are no direct benefits to you from taking part in this study. However, your participation in
this study may help us learn potential solutions toward bridging cultural gaps between teachers
and students.
PRIVACY/CONFIDENTIALITY

We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. Efforts will be
made to limit the use and disclosure of your personal information, including research study and
medical records, to people who are required to review this information. We may publish the
information from this study in journals or present it at meetings. If we do, we will not use your
name.

To understand the privacy and confidentiality limitations associated with using Zoom, we
strongly advise you familiarizing yourself with their privacy policies.
PAYMENTS / COMPENSATION

You will receive a $25 Starbucks gift card for your time. You do not have to answer every
question to receive the card. The card will be emailed to the email address you designate within
24 hours after the end of the interview.

104

VOLUNTARY PARTICIPATION

It is your choice whether to participate. If you choose to participate, you may change your mind
and leave the study at any time. If you decide not to participate, or choose to end your
participation in this study, you will not be penalized or lose any benefits that you are otherwise
entitled to.

CONTACT INFORMATION

If you have questions, concerns, complaints, or think the research has hurt you, please contact
the lead investigator Jackson Drumgoole II at drumgool@usc.edu or Dr. Corinne Hyde,
faculty advisor at chyde@usc.edu.

This research has been reviewed by the USC Institutional Review Board (IRB). The IRB is a
research review board that reviews and monitors research studies to protect the rights and
welfare of research participants. Contact the IRB if you have questions about your rights as a
research participant or you have complaints about the research. You may contact the IRB at
(323) 442-0114 or by email at irb@usc.edu.

STATEMENT OF CONSENT

I have read (or someone has read to me) the information provided above. I have been given a
chance to ask questions. All my questions have been answered. By signing this form, I am
agreeing to take part in this study.

Name of Research Participant Signature Date Signed
(and Time*)

105

Appendix D: IRB Approval

106

107

Appendix E: Interview Protocol
Appendix E: Interview Protocol
Top level questions Follow-up probes RQs
Easing and introduction
Please tell me about how you first came to
work in this school.
What motivated you to apply to a
teaching position at this school in
particular?

Tell me about your connections with the
school community.
When did you first spend time in the
community or neighborhood
surrounding the school?

Do you currently live in the school
community?

How are you involved in the school
community otherwise?

Compassion/caring (emotional)
Tell me what you know or have learned
about students and families who live in
this school community.
Tell me about your connections with
Black students.
What personal assets, skills, or
experiences do Black students
bring to their school experiences?
R2/R3
Describe one student with whom you
share a strong connection.
What do you hold in common with
this student?
Why do you relate to this student?
How do you demonstrate care for
this student?
Do you share a racial or ethnic
identity with this student?

Tell me more about how you connect with
students who do not share the same
racial or ethnic identity as you. Said
another way: How do you personally
connect with Black students? Could you
describe one or two examples?

How do you think your classroom feels to
your students?
Would you describe it as tense,
competitive, safe?
How so?
R2/R3
Perspective taking (intellectual)
Tell me about how your students’ racial
and ethnic identities are represented in
the subject matter curriculum you teach.
Does this curriculum, for example,
regularly include Black people,
scholars, experts, historians,
writers, or characters?
R1/R2
Does the curriculum include stories,
experiences, or examples that are
situated in communities or other
contexts experienced by Black
students?

108

Top level questions Follow-up probes RQs
Will you tell me more about any
strategy, resources, or change to
the curriculum you have made to
be more inclusive of Black
students?

Actions leading to better outcomes (behavioral)
Tell me about your expectations for
“appropriate classroom behavior.”
Are your expectations for
appropriate behavior different
than your students?
Give me 1-2 examples in which
your students’ expectations for
appropriate behavior did not align
with yours.
R1/R2
How, if at all, are students’
expectations for classroom
behavior represented or included
in classroom norms, rules, or
agreements?

Would you say your Black students’
expectations for appropriate
behavior are different from
students of other racial groups?
Give me one example in which a
Black student’s expectations of
appropriate behavior stood out as
different.
Why, do you think, her/his/their
expectations were different?
How did you address this difference
with the student?

When a student is disciplined for
inappropriate behavior in your
classroom, what forms of recourse
do you offer that student? Do they
have a clear pathway for making
amends with others? With you?
Explain.

How do you establish those expectations
with students?

Is there anything else you think I should
know about the social/relational
interactions in your teaching practice?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study examined the relationship between White female teachers and their Black students concerning disproportionately greater punishments for their actions in the classroom than White students, increasing the risk of early contact with the juvenile justice system and leading to the school-to-prison pipeline. Empathy was explored as a possible solution to address this dysfunctional connection between teacher and student. This problem was vital to address as maltreatment of Black students deprives them of the ability to flourish both in and out of school. The methodology used was a qualitative design consisting of semi-structured interviews of three K–8 teachers from a school district in a specific county in a southern state to understand this phenomenon. This study attempted to determine whether educator empathy was viable for diverting students from the school-to-prison pipeline. The findings showed that intentional connection and well-cultivated student-teacher relationships between White female teachers and Black students and their parents were vital in building bridges across racial and cultural differences. This study has generated three recommendations for practice based on the findings and conceptual framework, as well as insights that will better inform future classroom strategies and practices that will lead to better outcomes for teachers, parents, and, ultimately, the students they serve.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Drumgoole, Jackson II (author)

Core Title The role of empathy in curtailing the disproportionate disciplinary actions towards Black students leading to the school-to-prison pipeline in Georgia

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-05

Publication Date 06/01/2023

Defense Date 06/01/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs),critical race theory (CRT),Empathy,implicit bias,OAI-PMH Harvest,Parents,positive behavioral interventions and supports (PBIS),school-to-prison pipeline,zero-tolerance

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hyde, Corrine (committee chair), Lyons-Moore, Akilah (committee member), Pascarella, John (committee member)

Creator Email drumgool@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113144560

Unique identifier UC113144560

Identifier etd-DrumgooleJ-11911.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-DrumgooleJ-11911

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Drumgoole, Jackson II

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230602-usctheses-batch-1051 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu